YOUR Letter was Read by none with Grea­ter Delight than my Self, to Consider the Pitch of your Reasoning, in a Cause so Im­portant as this.

And I Congratulate your Good Success in the Words of King Lemuel. Many have done Nobly, to this Theam, but thou Excellest them all.

The Jacobites Despis'd the Swarms of Pamphlets have hitherto come out against them; and made it their Sport to Toss them like Chaff in the Air.

But now, Sir, their Eyes are all Fix'd upon you, En­tring the Stage like Almanzor, they Buckle their Armor Close, and bend all their Force against you. They Know, and Feel, that this Letter of yours is deservedly Esteem'd, by all in this Government, as the most Celebrated, and Top-Piece of the Party, and thought Ʋnanswerable.

That it may Continue and Encrease its Reputation, it will be Necessary, that you, Sir, should know, and Refute all the Poor Objections which the Jacobites Start against it. Some of which I have gather'd together, for your Ser­vice; but more, that the Honor and Justice of the Present Government might, as far as possible, be Vindicated, and [Page 2] even these fame Jacobites Reclaim'd; of which we have Reason to Conceive Great hopes, if you be able to Satisfy their Scruples.

• First, Their Arguments from Principles, and Reason.
• Secondly, Matters of Fact, which they Charge upon this Government, and are to them an insuperable Prejudice against it.

Both these I have set down, Full and Broad, in their own Words, that you may miss nothing of the Force of their Objections: And I hope you, Sir, nor any in the Govern­ment, will take it. Amiss from me, seeing I only Repeat their Words, and that in Order to the Necessary Vindica­tion of the Government: Which if you Perform, to Satis­faction, (for you or none must do it) we will leave these Jacobites nothing to say, or nothing but what will Expose them.

And let us Deal Fairly, and upon the Square with them, and hear the uttmost of their Defence, the sooner we shall have done.

And we need not fear to give them this Liberty, for, we can sew the Jacobites in Bears Skins when we please, cry out upon them, Wou'd you have the French, wou'd you have Popery come in? We can easily make such a Noise, as that they shall not be heard.

Therefore let us Venture, for once, to give them a hear­ing: We do not suspect them for any Inclinations to Po­pery, notwithstanding of all this: On the Contrary, they were the Men who stood in the Gap against it, when it threatned us most, and are still ready, and I doubt not wou'd be as forward as any, to do so again.

Much less can they be suspected to have faln out with the Country of England, so as to desire the French might Conquer it. They have Estates, and wou'd be as loath to lose them as other Men; and no doubt, love their Liberty and Property as much: And pretend as Great Regard, as any People, to the Laws of England, which, they say, do Justify them, and Con­demn us, who Support this Government.

But they plead greater things than these: The Law of God, [Page 3] and His Express Command; which, if true, will supersede all our Arguments drawn from smaller Topicks. The People of Athens Rejected a Method which Themistocles pro­pos'd to them, Plutarch Life of Aristides much to their Advantage and Se­curity, and which could be easily effected, upon the only account, because it was not Just: And shall not Christians, say these Jacobites; Depend as much upon the Protection of God, in their Obedience to His Reveal'd Will, as Heathens, upon their general notions of Justice, which were much more Fallible?

They say that the Folly of God is Wiser than men: He can bring Good out of Evil; and turn all the Seeming good and prosperity of the wicked into evil and mischief upon their own heads. And therefore, that all your Politicks, and Con­jectures what may happen, is not so sure a Foundation for men to venture their Souls upon, as the Reveal'd Will of God.

In short, the Jacobites seem to bring the Matter to this Issue: That we must either Deny the Scriptures, or Answer their Ob­jections out of the Scripture: And they seem very apprehen­sive, that the first of these will be chosen: That it is cho­sen by too many already.

They say, there are Examples in all Ages, of men going a­gainst their visible Interest, to preserve a Good Conscience.

They tell you of the Protestants in Q. Mary's time, who fought for her against Q. Jane, a Woman of vast Endowments of mind, and a Protestant.

That these Protestants had as sad a prospect in what they did, as can be suppos'd in the Restoration of K. James.

You may say that they met with it accordingly: Q. Mary broke her word to them, and persecuted them with Fire and Faggot.

But this will be no Argument against the Jacobites; for they say, that the Protestants did their Duty, in adhering to Q. Mary, else they had been Rebels, and not Martyrs.

That her Persecution prov'd infinitely to the Good and Esta­blishment of the Protestant Religion, which has liv'd Great, and in Reputation with all the world ever since, upon the Fund of that Loyal and Christian Principle of Non-Resistence. [Page 4] And they say, that the Church of England has Suffer'd more, by forsaking that Principle now, than She cou'd have done by a Persecution, which wou'd still have added to her Glo­ry.

They call themselves the only stay that has kept the Church of England from sinking utterly in the opinion of all good Christians, by their present Suffering for that Old Doctrine of their Church, Non-Resistance.

They say, That a Church is more Destroyed by the loss of her Principles, than of her Livings: Pureness of Doctrine, not Outward Pomp, or Legal Establishments, denominate a True and a Holy Church.

They say, Rebellion brings greater Destruction than Persecu­tion: That not three hundred suffered, during Q. Mary's five years Reign: That a thousand times as many have perish'd within these three years in Ireland, besides those have been lost in Scotland, at Sea, and in Flanders.

They say the Protestants in Q. Mary's time, were in much more Deplorable Circumstances, than we were in K. Jame's time: He was well advanced in years, when he came to the Crown, and the three next Heirs Protestants. Q. Mary a young Woman, Married to the King of Spain; the Princess Elizabeth declared to be Illegitimate, by Act of Parliament, and sent to the Tower in order to a further security: And after her, the Royal Line run out of sight into Popish Families.

The Reformation was but young and tender then in Eng­land: The Parliament were papists, and popery set up as the Establisht Religion; and all places Ecclesiastical, Civil and Mi­litary were put into the papists hands.

In K. James's time, the Protestants were two hundred to one papist; and he could never have got a Popish Parliament. The K. of Spain was then as Formidable to England, as the French King is now; and had much greater pretence: He was Mar­ried to our Queen, and all our Acts of Parliament were in his name; he was stil'd King of England.

There were great Objections against Q. Mary's Title to the Crown. The validity of K. Henry the VIII's Marriage with her Mother was disputed all over Christendom; and the whole Nation was Sworn, by Act of Parliament, to adhere [Page 5] to the Issue of Queen Ann, who was Mother to the Princess Elizabeth. 26 Hen, VIII. C. 2.

Yet all this notwithstanding, neither did that Protestant Princess pretend to the Crown; neither did the Protestants contend for her, during her Elder Sisters Life; tho' it was given out, That there was a Design of imposing a False Son upon the Nation, to Cut off the Princess Elizabeth's Succes­sion, who was next Heir to the Crown: Publick Thanks­givings having been thro' the Nation, for Queen Mary's being with child; and some foolish Friars, even in their Ser­mons, giving out before hand, That it must be a Prince of Wales, which their Pryaers had obtain'd, to prevent a Pro­testant Successor, &c.

But none of these things had any Witch-craft then, in that sober age of Protestancy, to prevall with the Protestants, to lift up a hand against the Right of Queen Mary, tho' a Bill of Exclusion had past against her, in her Fathers time; and the Nation had sworn to adhere to the Princess Elizabeth, the next Protestant Heir; (But they did not think their Oaths ought to bind them against the Right) and notwithstanding that Queen Mary did plainly, and without any Disguise, en­deavour to Defeat her Sister Elizabeth's Succession to the Crown; having first got an Act of Parliament to Establish her own Le­gitimacy, and consequently, to throw off her Sister as Illegiti­mate.

But secondly, She had sent her Sister Elizabeth to the Tower, in order, as was generally believ'd, to Cut off her Head: Speed tells, That a Warrant was once Sign'd for her Execu­tion. Yet not to Rescue her, nor to Assert her Right of Suc­cession, nor for any other cause whatsoever, wou'd our Loyal Protestant Fore-Fathers take Arms against the Popish Queen, either in behalf of this Princess Elizabeth, or of Queen Jane, another Protestant, against whom they Fought to set up Queen Mary. And thought they consulted best in so doing, for the preservation of the Protestant Religion, by asserting its Prin­ciples, tho' to the Loss of its Legal Establishment, and all o­ther (visible) worldly Advantages.

These things the Jacobites urge: And they Glory in the won­derful protection which GOD, at that time, shew'd towards [Page 6] these Protestants, in their Faith and Dependance upon Him; turning all the whole Scheme to the Protestants advantage; ta­king away Q. Mary without their Guilt, and giving her Con­demn'd Sister Forty Four years Possession of her Throne, to Establish, Adorn, and make Glorious, that poor, despis'd, and persecuted Principle of Non-Resistance.

They tell us likewise of the Case of Theudas, and Judas of Galilee, ( Act. 5.36,37.) who took Arms against the Romans, in Defence, both of their Religion, and their Pro­perty. It was against the grievous Taxing which was then im­pos'd by the Romans, that Judas rose in Arms, and Drew away much people after him.

They say, That all the Declamations in this Letter to a Friend, against the Jacobites, will hold as strongly against the Protestants in Q. Mary's time: But much more strongly against Gamaliel, and other Jews, who Condemn'd Theudas and Judas, in behalf of their Lawful Governours, the Romans, who were profest Heathens, Idolaters, Despisers, and Persecutors of the Law of Moses; yet Fighting against them, tho' in Defence of the True Faith, was inferr'd to be Fighting against God, ( Act. 5.39.) And Christ would not be Defended by Resist­ing a Heathen Magistrate.

The same do the Jabobites think of fighting for a Religion, in a Case, which that Religion does not allow to be a Good Cause of fighting for it: They think this to be fighting against that Religion.

On the other hand, If we should fight to the visible pre­judice of the outward profession, and Legal Establishment of our Religion, in pursuance of a Principle of that Religion. This the Jacobites would call a fighting for our Religion: That is, To Maintain, Assert, and Honour the Principles of our Reli­gion, (which only are the spiritual part of Religion) tho' to the Loss of Temporal advantages, and outward ornament: (which are but the Out-side, and Trappings of Religion.) Therefore they go not upon the Outward advantages, but upon the Ju­stice of their Cause; for the love of which they have forsa­ken all their Outward Advantages.

Upon the whole, they say, That unless you can prove their Principles to be Ʋnjust, all you Argue against them is against [Page 7] the Law of God, against Justice, against Reason, and all Chri­stian Religion: And that Humane politicks are too weak to over-ballance all these.

Nay, they pretend, that even Humane policy, and the Good of the Nation is on their side.

That K. James's Tyranny (suppose it as bad as you will) would not have Cost the Nation so many Lives, so much Money, nor been so hard to be Redrest, after his Death, as the present Revolution.

Now they complain, That all this is not sufficiently An­swered in this Letter to a Friend, where it sayes, page 28. (which is all the Answer given to it in that Letter) that, If they, (the Jacobites) say they would fight for him, (K. J.) I give them over, (sayes the Letter) as profess'd Enemies to the True Religion, and the Liberties of Man-kind. And, This I hope, (sayes the Letter) may satissy the Non-swearers, that they are not bound in Conscience to Fight for the late King, &c.

Now these perverse Jacobites do say, That they can see no Reason why the Author of this Letter's Giving them over, should be a Satisfaction to their Consciences:

They call this Scolding, instead of Answering: Whereas they pretend that their Principle is pursuant to the True Re­ligion, and most for the Good and Liberties of Man kind, to Save men from the Great Destruction of Civil-War and Re­bellion, which, they say, is infinitely of more mischief to man kind, than any Tyranny ever was in the world.

And that Religion loses more Ground, and lessens more in the Opinion of man-kind, by a change of principles, which have been long profess'd, than by suffering persecution, in De­fence of those Principles.

These things they think a full and sufficient Answer to all this whole Letter to a Friend: And therefore do insult and rejoyce, that no Answer is possible to be given to them; since this Best Answer, which is yet come out, has not one word against the Truth or Honesty of their Principles; only argues from Inconveniencies that may attend them, which is incident to the best actions in the world, especially, if Christianity have any Truth in it.

And therefore I do earnestly Advise, in behalf of the Pre­sent [Page 8] Government, that the Ingenious Author of this Letter to a Friend, would study somthing to be said as to the Truth, Honesty, and Religion of the Revolution, lest the Jaco­bites Triumph!

But I must not forget one thing, which the Letter to a Friend (pag. 5/6) does mainly Insist upon, as the Chief Argu­ment why, if K. James should Return, we were to expect no Mercy from him, which is, his Barbarous treatment of the Protestants in Ireland, after he went over thither, in the year 88/89.

The Jacobites are Glad that they have got this hold against Us; for they insist upon it, That K. James shew'd, not only Great Lenity and Compassion, but Care and Concern for the Protestants in Ireland, while he was there, insomuch, that they can hardly instance any Request ever they made to him, which was deny'd. He was so far from Disobliging them, that he really Courted them, to the no small Disturbance of the Irish, who thought themselves not so much Regarded, as their Merit (in their own conceit) above that of the Pro­testants did require.

The Jacobites Appeal, in this, to the Magistrates, and Re­presentatives of the Chief Towns in the North of Ireland (which was the only part of the Kingdom, where they stood out in Arms against K. James, viz. Derry, and Enesk [...]llen) and among them Belfast was the Richest, and most populous of any of the Cityes in the North: And consequently, which had most occasion to make application to the Government, upon several Emergencies.

And the Jacobites do put it upon that Issue, that the then Sovereign of Belfast (who was, and is still an unsuspected Protestant) will not say, that one of the many Addresses to K. J. was rejected, or not fully and readily Answered, which he made in behalf of that Town, or of the Protestants in those parts of the Country: And that the Orders, which K. J. gave upon these addresses of the Protestants, were not duely and punctually observ'd; and where any Breaches were made up­on them by the Irish (who were very ill pleas'd with them) which was but seldom, they were not severely Punish'd for it; as far as K. J 's. power did extend. But as it was, he made [Page 9] these his Protections very effectual to the Protestants: And this will be justified, not only at Belfast, but by the Rest of the Magistrates, and other Men of Note in all the North, and in the whole Kingdom of Ireland, during K. J's being among them.

And this the Jacobites are positive in, notwithstanding all that is endeavour'd in a late Book, call'd, The State of the Protestants of Ireland, under the late K. James's Government, &c. which they pretend to Disprove in Matter of Fact; and say, They would expose it to the world, if any, who think the con­trary, wou'd, for a Tryal, obtain for them the Liberty of the Press.

That Generosity wou'd become the Author; that he might Fight his Adversary upon Equal Terms.

But, in the mean time, till that can be done, they do pro­claim it (and I am sorry to find that they have the suffrage of the Irish Protestants here, and even of the English Army which went over thither) That the Protestants of Ireland Suffered more; and the Country was more Ruin'd by K. W.'s Army, than by K. J.'s.

They tell us, from the Mouths of Gentlemen, coming over every day from thence, That last Winter there was a great Famine in that Country, the poor Irish being suffer'd to Starve in the High-ways, eating dead Horses, and Carri­on.

This I had from several Gentlemen, who have seen it.

The Jacobites infer from this: That the Consequences of that War are not over, as yet, in that Kingdom; no, nor in this: For who can tell the Issue of the present War with France? when our Taxes will be at an end? and whether it be not possible that England may be Drain'd as poor as Ireland? They say, we are ingag'd in a Contest, like that of York and Lancaster, which lasted above a hundred years, and Rooted out many of the Noble Families of England, with vast Consumption of Blood and Treasure.

They say; That when all this is put into the Scales, it will infinitely out weigh all the Frightful Apprehensions of K. J.'s Reign.

And consequently, that his Return would be the Greatest Blessing to this Nation: That nothing he can be fancy'd to do in the short Remainder of his Reign, carryes any pro­portion to the Continuance of this War to our Posteri­ties.

And they say, That his Mild and Gentle Carriage towards the Protestants of Ireland, when as many of them as could; to a very small number, were in actual Rebellion against him, and they were the most bitter and implacable Enemies he had, and are so still: They say, that his Tenderness, and Preservation of these, under all these provoking Circumstan­ces, is a great specimen of his Nature, and what we might expect from him, if he should Return again into Eng­land.

But chiefly for this Reason, That if he came into Eng­land, his Interest would be to preserve England: and with all his objected Faults, I think none ever doubted, but that he alwayes endeavoured what he thought was for the Good of England.

But on the other hand, it was certainly his Interest to have Destroy'd, at least to have Disabled the Protestants in Ire­land: because he was morally assured they would Joyn with K. W. when he came over; which they did as soon as they were able, and were the men, who had the chief hand in the Victories abtain'd against K. J. at the Boyn, Athlone, Agram, &c. and of whom the Irish were most afraid, as Doctor Gorge, Secretary to Schomberg, in Ireland, Witnesses under his hand.

And if K. J. had Destroy'd these Enemies of his (the I­rish Protestants) when it was in his Power, for a whole Sum­mer together, he had not, in probability, been Driven out of Ireland to this day; at least you will Grant me, that it had not been so easily done.

Now Consider, say these Jacobites, If K. J.'s Good Nature, tho' Baited by all the violence of the Friars, and Irish, who would fain have Destroyed these Protestants, to Secure them­selves: If All this, and his own visible Security (for who would not Destroy his Enemies!) could not prevail upon his natural Goodness and Clemency; to Suffer, or Connive [Page 11] at the Irish, (for it needed not have appeared to be His Act) to De­stroy these Protestants: What Malice can Suggest, that it was his Design to Destroy them?

The Jacobites speak not in this of all the Irish, they say, we can­not Deny that many of them have Approv'd themselves Loyal and Gallant Men; not only in Foraign Countrys, but now at Home, where, tho' Ʋn-Disciplin'd, Ʋnarm'd, bred many Ages in Servitude, and Ʋnacquainted with War, yet, without Aid of any Foraign Troops (except at the Boyne) made such Defence, as Oblig'd K. William, in Person, to Raise the Siege of Limerick, and Employ'd the whole Pow­er of England, Assisted with the best Troops of the Dutch, Danes, Brandenburgers, and French Refugees, for Three Years together. But there is among the Irish, as, among our Selves, a Violent and Bigot­ted Party: And the Jacobites tell us, that when some of these, Propos'd to K. James, that they would Rid him of the Fear of those Irish Protestants, who were in Rebellion against him, if he would on­ly Connive at it, and not interpose on their behalf, his Majesty heard it with Horror, and Indignation, and said, What! Gentlemen, are you for another Forty One? And that he Watch'd over the Protestants, to Preserve them, and did Preserve them; even at that time, when they, who had been thus Protected by him, and had Sworn Fidelity Anew to him, Rose up, as one Man, against him, when Schomberg Landed with an English Army. August. 89.

And when, upon Schomberg's Approach, K. James's Army were Obliged to remove nearer Dublin, even Then, he gave strict Or­ders to Major General Maxwel to preserve Belfast, Lisburn, and other Protestant Towns which they left to the Enemy, from being either Burned, or Plundered by the Souldiers.

Which Towns, if Schomberg, had wanted for his Winter Quarters, instead of Ten Thousand Men whom he Buried at Dundalk, he might have left the greatest part of his Army there under Ground.

And the next Day after the Boyne, when K. James left Dublin, he gave positive Orders, and his great Care was, to Save that City from being Burned, or the Protestants Plundered.

Which, had it been done, in all probability, the Reduction of Ireland had been prevented, at least, for a much longer time, than that, which (by the Convenience, and Accommodation of these Towns, which K. J. spar'd) K. W. took to Effect it.

From all this, these Jacobites do Urge, That if K. J. took such pains to preserve his Enemies, under the greatest provocations, what Rea­sonable Man can think that he would seek to Destroy England, if [Page 12] it were his own, and he in quiet Possession of it? And therefore the Jacobites do insist, That it must needs be the Interest of Eng­land to call Home K. J. rather than run the hazard of his Forcing his Way, while he desires nothing so much, as to Return, without Blood, by the Invitation of his People, and not by the Excessive Power of France; with whom we are now at War, upon no o­ther Account than that of their asserting the Right of K. J. And the Issue of War, who can tell? Sure, we do not think it impossible, that France may Conquer us!

Dr. Sherlock, in his Thanksgiving Sermon, last 29. of May, Thinks our Deliverance from the French, this Summer, so Miraculous, that he could find nothing to Compare it to, but the Deliverance of the Children of Israel out of the Red Sea. And the Impartial En­quiry int othe Causes of the present Fears and Dangers of the Govern­ment; Page 2. says, ‘Had not the Good God prevented that Fleet's (the French Fleet) coming by contrary Winds for Five Weeks together, they had certainly compass'd their Design, before any of the English or Dutch Fleets could have been at Sea, or made the least Opposition.’

And it is as certain, that if the French Fleet had made their Full Advantage, of the Victory they obtain'd over the English and Dutch Fleets, in the Year 90. If they had but Burnt the Transport Ships, which were then attending K. W. in Ireland, and carrying the Pro­visions for his Army, in which they could have met with no Op­position; there is none now but sees, that if they had done this, they had Destroy'd us at that time; it was persectly in their Power; and they were Advertis'd of it.

Now some Jacobites would have us believe, That the French King would not have lost that Advantage, and suffer'd his Fleet to Ride Victorious, a whole Month together, upon the English Coast, without attempting to Burn their Ships, or do them the least Injury; if it had not been for K. James's interposing, on behalf of the English; and to Save their Fleet; From the same Principle which made him Dis­charge the Irish, when he was in Ireland, to set out any Privateers, (which they offered on their own Expence,) to Disturb the Trade of the English; and he would not permit any of the English Ships, which came to Ireland, while he was there, to be Seiz'd, but suf­fered them to Load and Unload, and pursue their Voyages, of which there were several Instances.

And he shew'd so much Concern, for the Loss and Disgrace of that part of the English Fleet at BANTRY, where they [Page 13] were worsted by the French, that the Irish took great Of­fence at it; like that of Joab against David, for Mourning at his Victory over Absalom: The Irish said, That the Eng­lish had his Heart, they had only his Presence among them.

He cannot be got off that Opinion, That the English are to be Won by Good Nature, tho' his FATHER Lost his Head, and himself Three Crowns, in trying the Experi­ment; and if he perswaded K. L. to Try it once more; we can impute it to nothing but his Goodness.

Thus say the Jacobites, and their Story has so much pretence, that it is hard for us to Assign any other Reason, why the French Fleet lay perfectly Idle, and made no use at all of their Victory in the Year 90. At least to Burn the Transport Ships in Ireland, which would have Ruined us absolutely, and kept K. W. a Prisoner there. Which, if true, may be put among the Miracles have been shewn for our Preservation: First, A Miracle of good Nature in K. J. to be an Advocate for his Enemies; and a no less Miracu­lous Complaisance in K. Lew. to Lose the Benefit of a Victory, which might have put him out of danger, of the Advantage our Fleet have had against him in 92.

But instead of that, the French Fleet lay as if they had been Cour­ting our Shore, landing at Hastings in a Friendly manner, and spending their Money amongst us, but hurting no body: They shew'd us their Humanity, after we had Try'd their Courage: If this was not Natural to the French, the Miracle is the greater; and whence should it proceed, but from K. J. say the Jacobites?

But suppose it to be as some of us do imagine, That the French King, being perfectly Master of his Business at home, does on purpose delay Restoring K. J. till K. W. has by this War drain'd us of all our Money, and it be then out of our Power to Force K. J. when Restor'd, to Joyn in Confe­deracy against France: Which is a Notion some have set up of late: Suppose, I say, that these should be the French King's Measures, then the Jacobites tell us, that the more Money we give to K. William, the more we are doing the French King's business for him: And that unless we can Conquer him at Land, of which we have but a very slender prospect, it is [Page 14] certain he must Drain us, if he can make us continue on the War. And therefore, that he desires we should give seven or eight Millions more next Sessions: If he did not, there are some who tell us, that it is in his power to hinder it, even by Bribing the Parliament Men. We all know what a Noise the French Pensioners made in King Charles the II's Parliaments; and we remember since the French Faction were the Major Number among the Burgers of Amsterdam.

Let no Man suppose it an impossible thing that men may be Brib'd to Destroy their own Country, there are Exam­ples of it in all Ages. Jugurtha Brib'd the Senate of Rome to have sold their Country, if he could have found a Merchant. Vidit urbem quam venalem & quandoque Perituram, si habuisset Emptorem — cecinerat. L. Flor. Lib. 3. Cap. 1. and we believe the French Monarch to be as Powerful, as Rich, and as Cun­ning as Jugurtha King of Numidia in Africk; and the Ro­mans as Great and Brave, as the English themselves; and their Senate as Zealous of Liberty and Property, as our Par­liaments.

Now, say the Jacobites, all this is prevented, and these Designs of the French King's (if these be his Designs) are totally frustrated, if we take Home our King: Then we shall preserve our selves a considerable People, and True Old Eng­land still; whom nothing but a Miracle can Ruine, while it continues upon its Old Foundations of Ʋnalienable Heredi­tary Monarchy: But in this Hurricane and Earth-Quake of State, which has set us upon Original Contract, and the Election of any Prevailing Faction, who call themselves, The People (who the Jure-Divino-men say never were, and it is impracti­cable ever should be truly Represented) they tell us, our selves do confess, that nothing but Miracle has Preserv'd us hither­to; and they say, by the same reason, that Miracle must Pre­serve us, if the War does continue.

The Dutch MOB (tho' all our Money is spent among them) are crying for Peace, and will get Peace before us: They think all those to be French Pensioners who are for continu­ing the War, and now and then mind them of the Fate of the De-Witts. Trade is the Circulation of their Blood; and if a Sufficient Stock be not Preserv'd, all other Receits are [Page 15] useless: We must not Bleed our selves to weak; if we stop not while we have Money in our hands, it will be too late after: And it will be a Miracle indeed if Jugurtha do not then find a Merchant for us.

And the Jacobites desire us to Reflect what a Condition we are in, when we must trust to Miracles every Year to Save us out of the hands of the French? Is this a Nation to be Despis'd? Is there no hazard to be apprehended from them?

But if we can Secure our selves, and have their Peace and Friendship upon no harder terms, than to Receive our Right­ful and Natural KING, which the Jacobites say, Is our Duty by the Laws of GOD and Man; Then they Appeal to every True and Sensible English-man, whether they do not seek the Good of England, more than those who would con­tinue such an expensive and dangerous War, wherein they cannot hope to prosper if they Fight in opposition to the Reveal'd Will of God; and whether they do or not, in the present opposition to K. J. the Jacobites desire no more, than that we should Dispute with them upon that Head.

Now whether our Lives, and Religious Conversation be such, as that we ought to expect that God should Work Mi­racles to Rescue us, rather than send a Rod, to Scourge us for our unexampled Loosness and Prophanity (not to name what they eall Rebellion, in the present Case) the Jacobites say, is a Consideration worth our most serious Thoughts.

Jamaica is now struck with an astonishing Perdition: And except we Repent — ( Luk. 13.3.) The Jacobites wish this may not be a Fore-runner of Judgments to England.

The Relations of that Earth-Quake from Jamaica, do speak of the mighty Loosness and Prophanity of that Country, especially of Port-Royal, where the Judgment fell most heavily; and that there were several small motions of the Earth (such as we had on the 8th. of this Sept. 92. in London, and other parts of England:) Some weeks before that dreadful Overthrow, wherein the Earth opened her mouth, and swallowed up Houses and Churches; and Men descended (like Korah, Dathan, and Abiram) with their Wives, Children, and all that appertained to them, alive into the Pit. And the Jacobites desire us to Observe, that this was for Rebellion in the State (of Dathan and Abi­ram, [Page 16] with Two Hundred and Fifty Princes of the Assembly, Famous in the Congregation, Men of Renown, against Moses) and for Schisme and Ʋsurpation in the Church (of Korah, and Two Hundred and Fifty Levites against Aaron, their law­ful Superiour and Metropolitan) and they got the Generality of the People on their side: For it is said, That Korah ga­thered All the Congregation against them ( Moses and Aaron) Numb. 16.19. And as this Destruction of Korah, &c. did not Convert the Israelites; for ( ver. 41.) On the morrow all the Congregation were gathered against Moses and Aaron: So we are told from Jamaica, That they were Robbing the Houses, which were sinking, and themselves with them: And that the Boldness and Impudence of the Prostitutes there, is nothing abated. How far London does Equal or Exceed Fort-Royal in these Sins, especially in a Hardness of Heart, and Insensibility of God's Judgments, and contempt of His Or­dinances, and that chiefly among the Gentry, and better sort, of more free and generous Education, of which, they think it a part to ridicule and despise all that is Sacred; Or, how far we ought to reckon the Punishment of Jamaica to be our own, since they are part of us, and learn'd their Sins from us, I leave to the Meditation of the Reader:

Whom I would have likewise observe, that tho' Earth-Quakes are less frequent in England; than in those Hotter Climates, yet God has often shewn us, we are not Exempt from that Judg­ment; of which we have frequent instances in our Histories, even of the like dreadful Effects, as that in Jamaica. In the 13 Year of Q. Elizabeth, the 17 of Feb. Sir Richard Baker tells of a prodigious Earth-Quake, which happned in the East part of Herefordshire, at a little Town, call'd Kinnaston, where a Hill, with a Rock under it, lifted it self up a great height, and travel'd from Saturday in the Evening, till Monday Noon, with Trees, Cattle, and all things upon it, leaving a Gaping distance Forty Foot broad, and Eighty Ells long, o­verturning Churches, Houses, removing Trees, Hedges, High­ways, made Tilled ground Pasture, and turned Pasture into Tillage. That on the 24. May, in the Sixth Year of Rich. the 11. there happened so great an Earth-Quake, that it made Ships in the Havens, to beat one against another. That [Page 17] on Christmass-Day, in the 24. year of Hen. the II. in the Ter­ritory of Derlington, in the Bishoprick of Durham, the Earth lifted up it self, in manner of an High Tower, and so re­mained unmovable, from Morning till Evening, and then fell with so horrible a Noise, that it frighted the Inhabitants thereabouts; and the Earth swallowing it up, made there a deep Pit, which is seen at this day: For a Testimony where­of, Leyland saith, he saw the Pits there, commonly call'd, Hell-Kettles. And next year, the 25. of his Reign, the year of Christ, 1180. a Great Earth-Quake threw down many Buildings, amongst which, the Cathedral Church of Lincoln was Rent in pieces the 25. of April: And that in the Reign of Hen. I. The Earth moved with so great violence, that many Buildings were shaken down.

And Malmesbury saith, that the House wherein he sate, was lifted up with a Double remove; and at the Third time Set­led again in the proper place: Also in divers places it yiel­ded forth a hideous Noise, and cast forth Flames at certain Rifts, many days together; which neither by water, nor by any other means could be suppressed.

There are other Earth-Quakes Recorded, and Prodigious Signs in England, Anno 1165. 12 H. II. An. 1276. III Edw. An. 1428. 5. H. VI. and An. 1580. 22 Eliz. an Earth-quake caused the Great Bell at Westminster to strike against the Ham­mer, and several other Clock-Bells both in London and the Country; a piece of the Temple Church fell down; and some Stexes fell off from St. Paul's Church in London, and St. Pe­ter's at Westminster; divers Chimneys lost their Tops; and Ships on the Thames, and on the Seas, were seen to Totter by this Earth-quake, as we are told in the Licensed Account of the Earth-quakes in England, since the Norman Con­quest.

And in the Fourth year of King William the II. on Saint Luke's day, above Six hundred Houses in London were thrown down with Tempest; and the Roof of Saint Mary le Bow Church, in Cheap-side, was so raised, that in the Fall, six of the Beams (being twenty seven foot long) were driven so deep into the Ground (the Streets not being pav'd with stone) that not above four foot remain'd in fight.

This brings into my mind the violent Storm that happened, on Sunday the 12. of Jan. 89/90. about two a Clock in the Morning, which blew down several Houses in London, and tore up by the roots, and split to the Ground, and broke off in the mid­dle, above forty of the Old Elmes in St. James's Park: And which was followed by that Hurricane K. W. carry'd into Ire­land, five Months after, in June 90. which spilt an Ocean of Blood, and Ruined that Flourishing Kingdom.

Add to this the Dreadful Thunder on the 12. Aug. following, which London yet remembers with Astonishment, having not in this Age (if ever) Heard the Like before; it Tore down the great Wooden Crown over the Gate of St. James's Pallace, which faces St. James's street: And many do take Notice, That this 12. of Aug. 92. and last 12. of Aug. 91. there was unusually Great Thunder and Lightning, tho' not Equal to that of 12. Aug. 90.

I will not go out of my way to Discourse of Brognostica­tions; as there is a Superstitious use of them, there is like­wise a Religious. The Lights of Heaven were Ordain'd for Signs, as well as for Seasons, ( Gen. 1.14.) and the Jews were blam'd for not discerning The signs of the Times, ( Mat. 16.3.) And Christ names several signs, which shall be fore-run­ners, and a warning to Men, of the Judgments He sends up­on the World: And among them, names Earth-Quakes ( Mat. 24.7.) and calls these, The beginnings of sorrows: And the Prophet sayes, that When God's judgments are in the Earth, the Inhabitants of the world should learn Righteousness (Isa. 26.9.) Great Earth-Quakes shall be in divers places — and Fearful sights, and Great signs shall there be from Heaven — ( Luk. 21.11.) There shall be signs in the Sun, and in the Moon, and in the Stars; and upon the Earth distress of Nations, with perplexi­ty, the Sea and the Waves roaring (ver. 25.) By the Sea and Waters, it is observable, That in all the Prophetick Repre­sentations of the Bible, is always meant People, Multitudes, suppos'd from their Resemblance of Ʋnconstancy and Waver­ing, whence David ( Psal. 65.7.) compares the Raging of the Sea, to the Madness of the People.

Who did not Apply the Waters failing from the Thames in K. J.'s time, so that Men went over on Foot to Southwark, to [Page 19] that general Defection of the People from him at Salisbury, and afterwards? and that Extraordinary Inundation, and Irrup­tion of the River Liffy at Dublin, December 87. which broke down their Bridges, opened their Merchants Cellars, and car­ried their Goods floating to the Sea, before their Faces, and undermined several Houses, Boats going in their Streets; who does not Apply this, and the like in many other Rivers in Ireland at the same time, to that violent Irruption of these People, and flying into Arms before that time next Year? which has made a Desart, and an Aceldama of that Noble Kingdom, more than one half of the Souls in it, having Perished in three years following, and much more than the half of those remaining are Ruined: And our Saviour's Pre­diction ( Luk. 21.26.) fulfilled both upon them, and upon us, viz. Mens hearts failing them for fear, and for looking after those things which are coming on the Earth.

To be Timorous at every thing that happens is Superstiti­ous:

But it is Stupidity, and Irreligion to become Insensible of what God is a shewing upon the Earth; and not to Regard the Operations of His Hands. It is and always has been, the forerunner of Destruction. Quos perdere vule Jupiter — Zach. (14.5.) Mentions an Earth-Quake, and Amos dates his Prophecy by it, which God sent in the Reign of Ʋzziah, a Forerunner of that exterminating Leprosy, with which God Smote him, for Invad [...]ng the Priest's Office; which the Jacobites apply to our Lay-Deprivation of their Bishops: whence arises the present Dispute of Schism, which is the First Example of it amongst the Episcopal Church of England, since the Refor­mation.

And if the Vindication of the Deprived Bishops, lately Pub­lished, be Truth, our Presumption will exceed that of Ʋz­ziah's: Therefore it will be extreamly necessary, That a speedy Answer be given to that Book, which weighs very much with some People of Good Judgment: For we cannot Deny it to be Writ by a Master of Reason and Learn­ing.

And the Jacobites thinks it is not sufficiently Answer'd by the late Preclamation, Dated the 13th. of this present September, 92. [Page 20] tempting Men with Rewards, to Discover the Author, Prin­ter, Publishers, &c.

This the Jacobites fore-told would be the Return the New Swearing Bishops and Clergy would make, tho' they preten­ded, That they desired nothing more, than to Dispute the Matter fairly in Print, to the satisfaction of all Par­ties.

The Consequence of this, is more visible than that of the Earth-quake; for every Body does already make the Appli­cation. That our State Bishops, crying out thus for help to the Brachium Seculare, shews that they are weary of the Dispute; and to many it seems to be nothing less than a yielding of the Cause. What Effect this may have upon England, I cannot tell, especially at a time when all the Na­tion were made to expect, from the Possessing Clergy, a Con­viction from Scripture, Reason, and Antiquity of all that could be said against them by the Depriv'd: And that Mr. Hody had (in Their Name) cast the Gantlet, as himself braggs in his Letter to a Friend, Printed at Oxford, this Year, 1692. pag. 19. and compares himself to Sampson, Rouzing up him­self against the Philistines (viz. The Deprived Bishops and Cler­gy) pag. 4. And that he had plainly given them a Fall, and made them hold up Dirty Hands, pag. 2. and abundance of such Tantivy in Almanzor strain, in Defence of his Oxford Treatise against Schism; which he Dedicates with great Pomp, (Summo, sapientissimo, sanctissimoque, vere Orthodoxo) to their New Arch-Bishop: And after all, when his Adversary enters the Lists, to Hide himself behind a Proclamation, and his Party send for Constables and Baylifs to their Aid.

If this should turn the Nation against them, and their Cause; that alone would have Consequences, as to England, worthy to be fore-told by an Earth-quake: But as to other Countrys where this Earth-quake has been, let them Apply for themselves. We have already heard of it from Paris, Holland, Cologne, and the Confederate Camp in Flanders, where our News tells us, it happened the very same Minute as in London; and was like to have shook the House down o­ver King William's Head, and Chafed him from his Din­ner, as our Gazzet gives the Account. At the same [Page 21] time our publick News, and private Letters tell us of a pro­digious Storm and Tempest in Scotland, which continued with­out intermission the 7th. 8th. and 9th. of September (the Day of our Earth-quake, and the Day before, and the Day after) with a Violence not known in this Age, the Drops of Rain being observ'd to be as big as Hazel Nuts; and swel'd the Rivers to that degree, that several Ships were carry'd to the Sea, and lost, and the men perished: Stacks of Corn were swept off the Land; Houses, and their Inhabitants Drown'd, the Bridge of Lieth damaged, and many other Mischiefs done.

The Jacobites say, they make no Comparisons nor Applica­tions, yet cannot but take Notice of Things strange and un­usual, when they happen.

But above all, of that Extraordinary Mark which GOD sent with our Earth-quake, in England; which was a strange sudden swimming in the Brain, and unaccountable Giddiness, that some thought themselves Seiz'd with a Fit of Apoplexy, others of the Palsy, some Stagger'd in the Streets, and were sick Head and Stomack, like Sea-sickness. I felt this Effect of it very sensibly, but did not own it till I heard it Generally Complain'd of all over London, and it stay'd with some Twenty-Four, with others Forty-Eight hours, after the Earth-Quake was over.

I am told, That the small Earth-Quake, which preceded the Great one at Jamaica, had the same Effect upon the In­habitants there.

The Jacobites will say, That it is a sign of Infatuation, that our Brains are turn'd to run head-long ( Impatient, or Inca­pable of Conviction) to our own Destruction: For they say, they can meet with few or none of us, who can give any Rational hopes of our Success against France, but confess that something Desperate must be attempted. And what can it be, say they, but Infatuation, to Oppose all the Laws of God and Man, and to Refuse an Honourable and Advanta­gious PEACE, to Play out a desperate Game? Unless we trust to the Religiousness of our Lives, to have Interest e­nough with Heaven, to work a Miracle for us, to Disable the French all on a sudden. For it must be suddenly, or it may come too late.

And the Jacobites plead for themselves, That they ought not to be esteem'd as Enemies to the Nation, because they are unwilling to Trust the Fate of England upon such a San­dy Foundation, as our own Godliness; or the Weakness of the French: Which Hopes we must expect to fail us, at some time or other, if we believe there is a God in Heaven, un­less we can Defend the Justice, the Truth, and Honesty of our Cause.

And therefore the Jacobites do provoke us upon this point.

And I must confess, that without saying something to this point, we do not Answer them.

Which is the reason has moved me to Write all this, That I may perswade the Learned Author of the Letter to a Friend, to afford us another Edition of that Ingenious Let­ter; and to give Satisfaction to these Demands of the Jacobites; some of whom, we are bound in Charity to be­lieve, are Honest, and Well-meaning Men, and therefore do deserve thus much at our hands.

If we will not vouchsafe them an Answer to this, we leave them Ground to say, That we shift the Question, and seek to put them off with Politicks, when they require Satisfacti­on in a Matter of Conscience.

Tho' even in Politicks, they think, That the weightiest Considerations, for the Good of the Nation, are those which they offer. But they do not lay the Stress upon this; That which they insist upon is the Law of God, the Laws of the Land, and Natural Justice; against which, they say, our poor Fallible Politiques ought not to Prevail.

This is what the Jacobites say in the General; and they pre­tend it is a sufficient Answer to all the Arguments in the said Letter.

But for greater Plainess, let us Apply what they have said to the Arguments in the Letter, in the same Words, in which they are set down in the Letter.

Page 24. of the Letter, The Question is Resolv'd as to Conscience; and his Reasons he puts by way of Questions, to the Protestant Non-Swearers.

The First Question is, ‘Whether they can think them­selves [Page 23] bound in Conscience to Fight for Popery against the Protestant Faith and Worship, that is, to Fight for Heresie and Idolatry against the True Faith and Worship of Christ, or to Fight for Anti-christ, and against Christ? Can any Consideration make this Lawful?’

To this the Jacobites Answer, That no Consideration can make it Lawful.

But then they say, That if the Christian Faith, and Pro­testant Principles do Condemn the Deposing Doctrine, they Fight against both, who Fight for the Deposing Doctrine.

And this the Letter to a Friend does Confess in plain Terms, in the same place, viz. That we must not Fight against our Prince for Christ, because Christ, in such Cases, requires His Dis­ciples to Suffer, and not to Fight for Him.

And the Jacobites are still ready to maintain, that the Doctrine of Resistance, and Deposing Kings, are Contrary to the Chri­stian and Protestant Principles.

And that to Practise Popery (viz. The Deposing Doctrine, Dispensing with Oaths, &c.) will be a means to Introduce, not to Extirpate Popery.

And therefore, without speaking to this Point, all the De­clamations this Author can make, are to no purpose.

They say the Protestants, who fought for Queen Mary a­gainst Queen Jane, fought For the Protestant Religion, and a­gainst Popery, tho' they fought to set up a Popish Queen, a­gainst a Protestant Queen, who was in Possession, and Reign­ing in London.

And they say that Theudas and Judas ( Act. 5.) fought a­gainst the Jewish Religion, tho' they fought to set it up, and to pull down the Idolatry of Rome.

And all this, because the Principles of a Religion are more to be Regarded, are more the Religion than its Legal Esta­blishment.

The next Question this Author asks these Jacobites, is, ( Page 25.) Do they think themselves bound in Censcience to Fight for their Prince, against the Laws and Liberties of their Country?

To this the Jacobites Answer, That the Laws of the Coun­try are expresly On their side, against Resistance of their King, [Page 24] or altering the Hereditary Monarchy, upon any pretence what­soever.

And they say, That we do as good as Confess all this, when we will not stick by the Rule of the Law in this Re­volution, but fly to Original Contract to over-Rule the Law.

He asks, Have the rest of mankind no Rights, but only Prin­ces? Is there no such thing as Justice due to our selves, nor to our fellow Subjects?

They Answer, The Greatest Right and Security of Subjects, is to Preserve the Laws, and chiefly the Prerogative, which is the Greatest Barrier 'twixt Property, and the Incroach­ments of their Fellow Subjects, which in Civil-War are infi­nitely more Destructive to Property, than any Tyranny in the Soveraign. And therefore, that the Greatest Justice we can do to our selves, or to our fellow subjects, is to beat down all these Popular pretences to Sedition and Rebellion.

He sayes, A Nation which Fights against its own Laws and Liberties, is Felo de se.

Witness Ireland, say the Jacobites, where, in three years, one half of the Nation have been Destroy'd upon this Po­pular Pretence: Many more than a hundred Neroes successive­ly would have put to Death.

What will be the Fate of England in this Revolution, none yet can tell, but the Jacobites fear the worst.

They say that England, in this Quarrel, Fights against its own Laws, and therefore is Felo de se.

Can any English-man (sayes this Author) whatever Opinion he has of the late K. James's Right, think himself bound in Con­science to maintain his Right?

The Jacobites think this a very strange Question.

But the Author Adds, By giving up his Country to France, to make him King, and all his Subjects French Slaves?

First, If the Thing be Right, and according to God's Laws, the Jacobites desire this Author to Answer it, whether he would not do it, whatever Nation in the World were concerned in it?

Secondly, They say, That Recalling K. James, is the only probable way to prevent our being French Slaves.

The Victories of France run in a full Tide against us, while, they say, our small Successes are brought to pass by great Chances, even by Miracles, and seem to no other pur­pose, than to keep us in heart, to give all the Money in the Nation to Forreigners, and continue Obstinate till it be past Remedy.

We Play (says the Jacobites) like a Gamster, who Stakes his whole Stock every cast of the Die; one Unluckey throw breaks him: and it is a Miracle if that throw do not come, if the Play continue long.

On the other hand, he that Plays against us Manages his Stock, he lays up before-hand, and has already in his Trea­sury the whole Expence for the Year 93. he Drains his Peo­ple by Degrees: We Squeze our Orange all at once: He Man­ages by Rules, and leaves nothing to Chance; we leave all to Hazard, see what will come on't: He lives upon his Interest, we spend off the Principal from Hand to Mouth, and our Money is spent before it comes in, great part of which goes to pay the Extraordinary Interest, upon which we Anticipate our Revenue: So that (if we trust not to the Dice) we have certainly the worst of the Lay; and nothing can save us but a sudden ending of the Game, which we must lose, if Management does Determin it, while the Enemy has the greater Stock.

Now suppose France should Conquer us in this Quarrel (for nothing is impossible) whether (say the Jacobites) would we be in the blame, who perswade to accept of the Peace which France presses upon us, upon no other Conditions than to Receive our King again? (which they say we are bound in Conscience to do) or will not all the Mischievous Con­sequences of such a Conquest ly at their Door who Reject this offered Peace, rather than Return to their Duty, or own that they have done amiss?

If we answer that we have not done amiss. The Jacobites desire no better than to bring it to that Test, to dispute the Justice of the Cause, without Consideration of Poli­tiques.

And even in Politiques, they ask us, whether they Judge wisely, who are for continuing a War, wherein we must [Page 26] trust to Miracles for our Success? and that too when we Fight against what most of us do acknowledge to be King James's Right? or else he could have no Right to seek for it again, which he has by Dr. Sherlock's own Confession.

But says our Author p. 25/26. Can any Prince have more Right to be King of England, than the Kingdom of England has to be England?

The Jacobites desire this may be further explained. It is a fine round saying, and no doubt must be true; But they see not how we can apply it to the present Case.

They say that England is most England when its Govern­ment is Monarchical and Hereditary, when its Monarch is Irresistable by Force, even in Case of Male administrati­on, or upon any pretence whatsoever; for then the Door is for ever shut against all popular pretences for Rebellion, which our wise Legislators have found by experience to be infinitly of more dangerous Consequence to England (as to all other Governments) than the Arbitrariness of the Gover­nours: and therefore have made Non-Resistance an Act of Parliament; It is our Law say they, the Law of England, it is our Constitution.

And therefore that England is least England when you break in upon her Constitution, over-turn her Laws, and, (being wiser than your Fore-Fathers) open the Door to Eternal pretences for Rebellion, and Restless Revolutions: They say that we are trying the experiment over again of York and Lancaster, of King Charles and Oliver, and that England was then least England: and so they say it is now; and that we may see it plainly by its Tottering, Un­certain, Aguish Disposition, in danger to be Swallowed by France, if we will desperately stand that Test) to be drain­ed by the Confederates (which they say is in a pretty good forwardness) or to be divided at home, and make England the seat of the War, and share the Fate of Ireland; which is most of all to be dreaded.

All this, say these Jacobites is owning to our Revolution, and cannot be Remedy'd but by Returning our Laws and Constitution to their old Channel.

But, is it not an unaccountable tenderness and scrupulosity of Conscience (says our Author p. 26.) to be so concerned for any one Prince's Right, as to Sacrifice the Rights and Libertyes of all the Princes of Europe to his?

To this Question the Jacobites answer, That they will Sacrifice no Mans Right to anothers: But if one Man will Invade anothers Right (as they pretend the P. of O. did to K J.) and if a Confederacy of the Neighbourhood should, for their own Ends, support the Man who did the Wrong, they say that all Honest Men are bound in Conscience to Act against that Confederacy: And if this should turn to the Loss of any of the Confederates, the Guilt lyes at their own Door.

The Jacobites wonder we should bring so plain a Case as this. And they say, that standing by the Oppressed in such a Case as this, is asserting the Rights and Liberties of Man­kind: And that taking part with the Invaders of other Mens Right, is Sacrificing the Rights and Liberties, not only of all the the Princes of Europe, but of every Man in the World.

But our Author Supports his Position, in these following words, It is to no more purpose to Dispute with men who do not feel the Force of this Argument at the first hearing, than to Reason with Blind-men about Colours.

And the Jacobites think this may be said as to their Ar­guments, which are founded upon the Natural, and Univer­sal Notions of Right and Wrong; against which, if any Man Dispute, he is suppos'd to have Denied, First Principles, and so to be heard no longer. They say, That all their Argu­ments are for Supporting Right; and that Ours are for De­fending Wrong.

Therefore I see no Remedy, but that we must come to the Right or Wrong of the Cause with them; and must suf­fer our selves to be Determined by the Scripture, and by the Laws of the Land, as Established in former Parliaments. If we Refuse this Test, we shall have the Cry of the Na­tion against us, for as yet they are not quite wrought off their Good Opinion of Scripture, Laws, and Parlia­ments.

What follows in our Author upon this Argument, is (say [Page 28] the Jacobites) an Effeminate breaking out into passion, when Reason sails, viz. ‘They have no Sense left, nothing but a Stupid and Slavish Loyalty — their senseless mistake of the true meaning of this word Loyalty; by which they will needs understand an absolute Obedience without Li­mitation or Reserve; when most certainly, it signifies no more than Obedience according to Law.’

Thus our Author, In return to which, the Jacobites say, they pitty his Passion, and pass by his Complements, of stupid, slavish, senseless — onely Admonish him for the future, that it is a certain sign of a Lost Cause, for while a Man thinks he has the better of the Dispute, he is pleased: But he grows angry, only at an Argument which is too hard for him, he bites that as a stone that is thrown at him, because it hurts him.

But say the Jacobites, we will not take that advantage of his passion, as to over-look any thing of his Argument. He sayes, That most certainly, Loyalty signifies no more, than Obedience according to Law.

Say the Jacobites, No more it needs, while the Law makes our Obedience Absolute, and without Limitation, by Decla­ring it not to be Lawful upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the King, or those Commissionated by him.

And therefore the Jacobites do humbly mind this Author, that the senseless mistake he speaks of, concerning the Mean­ing of the Word Loyalty, belongs to the Parliament (how­ever he meant it) as well as to the Jacobites: For several Acts of Parliament do Enact Non-Resistance upon any pre­tence; and if that be not an Absolute Obedience without Li­mitation, then this Author, say the Jacobites, does wrong us, for we never carried Absolute Obedience farther than Non-Resistance, where, with a safe Conscience, we cannot yield an Active Obedience: Allow us that, say they, and we will seek no more. But if you will not, then Rail at our Parliaments and our Laws, say they, call them senseless, slavish, and what you will, but excuse the poor Jacobites for following of these, till they be Repealed.

But Secondly, the Jacobites Answer, That Sir Edward Coke, the Great Oracle of our Law, tells us, in Calvins Case, That [Page 29] Allegiance is prior to all Municipal Laws: That the World was long without Municipal Laws: And yet Allegiance was then Due from Subjects to their Soveraign. And this he calls Natural Allegiance, because it arises not from the Obliga­tion of any Municipal Law, but from the Law of Nature, from that Natural Relation there is 'twixt the Governours and the Governed.

When this Allegiance comes to be Recogniz'd in the Mu­nicipal Laws of any Country, it is then called a Legal Alle­giance, not that it was Created by the Law (for it was prior to the Law, as has been said) or that it receives more strength by the Law; but it is Published, Ascertained, and Recogniz'd by the Law, which alters nothing of its Force and Obligation, which it had before the Law. And hence the Natural, and the Legal Allegiance, are not two Al­legiances, but the same Allegiance Considered under different Modifications. As the King is the same King before and after his being Crown'd, or Recogniz'd by Parliament.

Therefore Sir Edward Coke tells us, The Law did allow the Allegiance of the Subjects in Scotland and England, to be the same after King James the 1st. came into England, tho' the Municipal Laws of both Kingdoms did disser in many things.

So that our Author's Most certainty (say the Jacobites) that Loyalty or Allegiance signifies no more than Obedience accor­ding to Law, is most certainly otherwise, for tho' our Alle­giance be according to Law, because it is Acknowledged and Recognized by the Law, yet it is prior to the Law, and therefore takes not all its Force from the Law; and Con­sequently signifies somthing more than Obedience according to Law, viz. That Obedience which was before the Law, and which the Law it self owns to be so.

These are all the Arguments, every one in this Author, concerning the Resolution of our Conscience as to this Revolution.

The remaining part of this Letter from p. 26/27. is only Re­flecting upon the carriage of the present Jacobites while K. James was upon the Throne: which is not Material to our present business, for if they fail'd in any thing then, [Page 30] that is nothing as to the Guilding of our Conscience now, this is nothing but personal Reflection, and is below Men of Argument that search after Truth. This Author there takes a great deal of pains to Convince the Jacobites, that they ought to have Fought better than they did against the Prince of Orange, when he came over to Dispossess his Father.

This the Jacobites will readily Grant, and what will this Author gain by it?

But he makes an excuse for them. p. 28. They did not expect (says he) what followed; they desired to have their Laws and Liberties secured, but not that the (King James) should loose his Crown.

And to this the Author makes answer in these Words, But since he would leave his Crown, who could help it? For no body took it from him.

The Jacobites say they are astonished at this. That they could not have expected this from so Celebrated a Pen as that of this Author.

They ask whether this Author, or any Man in England thinks that K. James left his Crown Voluntarily?

And whether Frighting a King out of his Kingdom he not a taking it from him?

And then to cry as this Author here, who could help it? For no body took it from him!

The Jacobites say, they suspect this Author to be turning towards Trans-sub-stantiation, (he can never be too old to Learn) for if he can perswade us out of our Senses in one case, he may in another.

Now (say the Jacobites) to see K. James Invaded by the P. of Orange, and made a Prisoner by him, removing his English, and clapping Dutch Guards upon him, Command­ing him out of his Bed and Pallace at two a Clock in the Morning, and after, Possessing his Crown, and then to say, that no body took it from him, is the same as to say that no body now possesses it. It is to bid us believe nothing we see, hear, or Feel.

And is this the Foundation, say they, upon which you would settle our Conscience, and hazard our Damna­tion?

If any body took K. James's Crown from him, then (say the Jacobites) will you allow us to be in the Right, and your selves to be in the Wrong? You must do so, if you lay any stress upon this Argument.

But if no body took it from him, then perhaps he has it still, and we have him still at White-Hall, it is only a De­coptio Visus; and we have been but Dreaming of Battles in Ireland and Flanders; Ireland is not Destroyed, nor have any Men Perished there!

And now come Popery, we are ready for you, we will never Plead our senses against you any more.

Thus the Jacobites insult. And I confess it is the point I can least answer; for, as they say, either K. James did Volun­tarily Relinguish his Crown (which no body in the World believes) or he was Frightned from it, and chose rather to Lose it for some time, and take his, hazard of Recovering it again, rather than ly at his Enemies Mercy to take that away, and his Life together whe [...] ever he Pleased (which no doubt was the Case) and I have heard many blame the ill Conduct of suffering him to Escape; and Create us so many troubles: Would any think him Safe, if he were in our hands now? Therefore it is a Demonstration that it was his safest Course to Escape when he could.

Our Author has a witty Sarcasme upon this ( p. 2.) King William (says he) wont Abdicate nor Steal away.

The Jacobites Laugh at this, and ask our Author, whether he would not Advise K. W. to make his Escape, if he were in the Circumstances, in which K. J. was then? Suppose K. J. should Invade, and Conquer K. W. Suppose the Engish should Desert K. W. as they did K. J. and that K. J. had made K. W. a Prisoner, and put him under French Guards, would not our Author, or any Friend of his, perswade him to Abdicate and Steal Away, if he could?

This the Jacobites say, was poor and impotent in this An­thor, to strain himself for a Reslection upon K. J. to renen a Blow at him, and then to have no more to say against him. But to return to our Argument. The Jacobites do further insist in behalf of K. J. That suppose his Fears were too Great, yet it was to Save his Life that he fled. And [Page 32] will any say that this was no Force upon him? And shall our Author ask, Since he would go — as if it were Obstiuacy, not Fear that prest him? and, who could help it? as if it were against our will that he went, and that we were able and willing to protect him.

And when he is thus Frightned away, and Forced to leave his Crown behind him to Save his Life, and then we be­stow this Crown upon another, and to Declare him to have no more Right to it, to say this is not a Taking it from him, the Jacobites alleadge is Non-sense, even to the Degree of Madness. And the Case being thus stated, they must needs Gain all man-kind to their side; Men may pretend what they will, but it is not in a Mans power to Believe as he plea­ses.

And therefore, Sir, I do earnestly intreat you to think of some Topick or other, to Answer these Jacobites, otherwise the Consequence must be Fatal to the Government, to let them have all the plausibility on their side.

Whether you will pitch upon the way of Scotland, to Fore-Fault the King; and plainly own, as they do, his Forfeiting his Crown for Male-Administration, and therefore that they took it from him, by their Superior and Original Autho­rity, and Depos'd him Justly: Which I think a much easier way than ours. Or whether you will set up Conquest, or what other Method to satisfy Mens Consciences, I submit to your better Judgment: But something must be done other than to say, that No body took K. J.'s Crown from him, for such a Paradox can never pass upon any Man of Honesty or Common Sense.

And in your Managing this Cause, I shall desire likewise, for the Honour of the Government, That you would avoid giving the Jacobites such a handle to Retort upon us as you do p. 28/29. where you insist upon the Perjury, Mocking of God, and Deceiving the Government, in those who have taken the New Oath to K. W. and Q. M. and yet should Act against them.

Here you could not but Imagin, That the Jacobites would Retort upon us, the Breach of our Oaths to K. J. And for us to Preach up the Obligation of Oaths in one Case, and [Page 33] Cry them down in another, is exposing our selves to the utmost Contempt; unless you had shewn some Difference 'twixt these Oaths, which you have forgot.

As they did (the Jacobites say) who had the Penning of the Late Proclamation, 13. Sept. 92. against High-way-mer, and Robbers; and yet shew'd us not the Difference 'twixt Rob­bing or Stealing Pence, and a Crown, why the Lesser Stealth should be Criminal; and the Greater Glorious: as if Kings onely, of all Mankind, were Divested of having any Right or Property; If they have, then forceing their Right from them is Robbery: And the Laws do secure the Right of the King beyond that of the Subject: Making a Trespass, a Scandal, or an Assault against a Subject, Treason against the King. And yet this Proclamation begins, Whereas in Contempt of the Laws and well Establish'd Government of this Kingdom, many Robberys have been of late Committed — as if (say the Jacobites) Robbing the King of his Crown were not a greater Contempt of the Laws, than Robbing a Pri­vate Man of his Purse? Unless Princes be Exempt from the Eight Commandment, either in an Active or a Passive Sense, viz. That they can neither Rob, nor be Robbed. Be­cause all they get is their own, and what others get from them is all well gotten. These are Excellent Principles, and the onely Foundation of our Government, as the Jacobites do object. And therefore we should do well to keep off these tender Points, and not give these Jacobites occasion against us.

You upbraid the Papists. p. 4. for knowing how to expound Providence to flatter Superstition.

And you know how the Jacobites upbraid us with ex­pounding Providence to flatter Success, tho' it were in Re­bellion, Treachery, and all Wickedness, Which if it Suc­ceeds, it Immediately Commences not only Right but Di­vine, as if Commanded by an Angel or a Prophet, or the Mouth of God Himself, according to Dr. Sherlock, &c. What strange Sermons (say these Jacobites) have we from your Bishops and Top Divines, proving the Lawfulness of this Revolution from Providence, by which they mean Success. Which was as much made use of, and almost in the same [Page 34] Words, by the Rump Parliament, Oliver; and all the Canting Tribe.

God came from Nasby, and the Holy one from Marston Moore! Selah!

This will Justify the French King in all his Conquests, and gives Mahomet the better of Christ. And yet (say the Jaco­bites) we are Deafned with it from your Pulpits.

You might likewise have Forborn that little piece of Wit ( p. 10.) of reckoning the Loud and Zealous Ladys of the Jacobire side: For you know where that is to be Re­torted at home!

With the help of these Loud Ladys, you say, they (the Jacobites) are enough to make a Noise, but as they were not hands enough to hinder the late Revolution, neither can they (say you) make another. Here you make them very inconsidera­ble, when you are upon your vapouring pin, as the Ja­cobites do deride you: For they observe, that either your Memory or your Courage fails you, ( p. 19.) where you make the number of the Jacobites the Great incouragement to the French King, to Restore King James: For, say you, With­out a hopeful Conspiracy in England, the French King is too wary to make such an Attempt. And ( p. 21.) Were it not for them (our Factions at home) we need not fear its (France's) united Force.

Nor are you less affraid of the Zealous Ladys you have provok'd, some of them may be upon your Top, but you Court them again ( p. 21.) where reckoning the Miseries of a Civil War, you Reckon the Loss of Husbands, but not of Wives, this sure will touch them in the sensible part, and Charm their tender Hearts!

This was a great deal Tweeter, than what you have six Lines above, where, comforting us, as to the Taxes, and other Prices of this Revolution, you say, While we have left wherewithal to Maintain our selves, we have no such great reason to complain. This might have been spared, because you know we have lest a great many Jacobites in a Condi­tion not to Maintain themselves.

It had been also advisible, if you had thought fit, to have let alone that Gentile Rub you gave King [Page 35] James ( Page 20.) We know the Late King too well to take his word.

For this raises the Devil of an Objection, which the Ja­cobites have against us, of our present King, not keeping to his Declaration, besides many Breaches of Promises since, Dispencing with the Law, and all those Grievances, even Countenancing Popery, of which we Complain'd in K. J.'s time.

In all whose Reign, we had no such Example of Favour shewn to Popish Priests and Friars, as was seen the Sessions at Old-Baily, held 31. Aug. & 1. & 2. Sept. 92. Where two Friars, by name, Graham and Thursby, were Indicted for the Mur­der of a Coffee-Man in Holbourn, having first behauched his Wife in her Religion, and he was Jealous in her Chastity, as her self confess'd in Court, where she came, and was ad­mitted as an Evidence for Graham, who run her Husband thorow, but she declared, That her Husband run himself upon his Sword.

These Friars had the Interest (they say it was by means of the Prince Vaudemont) to have a Promise of their Pardon from K. W. then in Flanders. But it was thought the best way, to prevent the Noise that would make, to have them Acquit upon their Tryal; towards which all things being Dispos'd, and the Necessary Orders given, the Conduct was committed to Judge — who had shewn himself so zea­lous against the Deprived Bishops, that he corrected the Cryer of his Court, for stileing one of them by the Title of Bishop, when he call'd to have room made for him to come into the Court, whither he was Summon'd, as an Evidence in some Cause Depending: It is likely the Cryer had not o­therwise made the people know whom he meant: But the Judge had better Skill in the Force of an Act of Parliament-Deprivation (which Hody himself, nor his Prompters behind the curtain, do pretend to take away the Character) that when he chid the Cryer for giving the Depriv'd Father the Title of Bishop, What Bishop? (sayes Judge) come Doctor Lloyd, what have you to say —

This Learned Judge altered his Countenance, and was all sweetness to these Friars, which was observed by the [Page 36] whole Court; and when one Objected, that they were Po­pish Priests, whom the Laws Discharged out of the Kingdom, upon pain of Treason: His Lordship temper'd that Man's Heat, with the Gravity and Calmness of a Judge, telling him, That was not the Cause before them — In short. The Wife gave Evidence: The Judge Summ'd it up: The Jury Acquitted: And All the People took Notice.

But it is not to be omitted, say these Jacobites, That in the Printed Account of the Trials that Sessions, this of the Friars is left out: Which I have heard some say, was never done before, in any case, and durst not have been done now, but by Order.

But they say, what need we Instance Particulars? It is Notoriously known, That Popish Priests have of late not on­ly own'd themselves as such before the Privy-Council, but pleaded it as an Argument for their Indemnity, and Protecti­on Pursuant to the Secret Articles 'twixt King William, the Emperour, King of Spain, &c. And they have been allow­ed it.

It is true, we excuse all this upon the account of Neces­sity: But that does not stop the Jacobites Mouths. They say, that Necessity is as pleadable by one King as another. And besides, That we have Created this Necessity, of which we Complain. And that if Papists must be Countenanc'd, what matter is it whether it be to Gratify the Confederates, or the French, who are less Papists than either Spain, Savoy, or the Popish Germans; and not more Persecutors than any of these. All this the Jacobites do Retort upon us.

Again, ( p. 22.) abusing of the French King, you say, He has no Scruple of Conscience about the Rights of other Princes; all he can get is his own.

Dear Sir, did not you Reflect that this is the very Re­proach which the Jacobiees cast upon King William? with this aggravation, that he has no Scruple of Conscience, not onely about the Rights of other Princes, but of his Father and Ʋncle: And if he can catch his Crown too, it shall be his own.

And if he did this for Religion, why may not the French King do the same for his Religion, and see to get King [Page 33] William's Crown if he can? Is the one more Impious than the other?

King William gives it for one Reason of his War with France, to Restore the Hugonets, and other the French Sub­jects to their Rights by Law: To Re-settle their Parlia­ments in their Ancient Authority, free from the Encroach­ments which have been made upon them by their Kings, &c. And he has the same Grounds of War against Denmark and Sweden. Let them look to it!

Now (say the Jacobites) if it be Lawful for Princes thus to look into one anothers Kingdoms; and take upon them to redress what they find amiss in the Governments of other Nations; why do we blame the French King to in­deavour to Re-settle King James having the Laws of England to plead on his side? Dr. Sherlock himself in his Recanta­tion, allows King James to have still the Legal Right; and upon that Ground, a Right to Regain the Crown if he can. Why should the French King Rectifie the Incroachments of our Parliaments against our Kings; as well as we take upon us to Rectify his Incroachments against his Parlia­ments?

We shall make a fine World of it when every Prince must Govern his Neighbours Country; or, as a Modern Au­thor Words it, when one Prince must Interpose 'twixt a­nother Prince and his Subjects, when he uses them Cruelly.

If Loss of all we have, and frequent Imprisonments con­trary to Law, without Information upon Oath, if double Taxes, and Twenty other such Treatments be Cruel Usages: Then by this Argument, say the Jacobites, the French or any other King, may interpose 'twixt K. William and his Subjects. And they appeal to you or any Man in the World, whether making the Refusal of an Oath, which is against a Mans Conscience to be a Premanire, as it is in Ireland, be not some Degrees worse than any French Dra­gooning as it is Painted to the Worst? And then Imposing this upon all Women as well as Men above eighteen Years of Age, may be Aggravated, say the Jacobites, upon these Principles, to Provoke all Kings and States, to Interpose 'twixt these Subjects and their Prince.

Good Sir; I beseech you to Dis-ingage the Government from these Intanglements, which its Convert Advocats, and False Friends have brought upon it.

But by none more than your self, Sir, in this Letter to a Friend, p. 28/29. Where, speaking of the Oath to K. Willi­am and Q. Mary, you expound Faith and Allegiance to the lowest Sense that possibly can be supposed even by Jacobites, and you make it to exclude, under the Guilt of Down­right Perjury, any Attempt against their Persons or Crowns to whom we have Sworn, or to hold any Correspondence with, or to give any Assistance to their Enemys.

This you did to deter the Swearers to K. William and Q. Mary, from Countenancing the French Invasion, or to As­sist the Late King in Recovering the Throne. But did you foresee, Sir, That this Rule you set down will Involve all those in Down-right Perjury, according to the very lowest Sense of Allegiance that can possibly be made, even by Wil­liamites, who held Correspondence with the P. of Orange, or Assisted him in this Revolution. Sir, you are one who Turn'd late: And to save your own Credit, and new Hy­pothesis, would make Perjur'd Miscreants of all who came into this Revolution before your self. Now the Fish is Caught, you come in for a Snack, but give all those to the Devil, who provided Hooks or Nets.

Sir, I am not now Personating the Jacobite, I speak plain­ly in behalf of those who had a Hand, and Glory in it, in bringing about this Wonderful Revolution. They can­not think their Part to be wholly Diabolical, in the Con­trivance and Effecting of that which must be all over Di­vine to you in the Enjoyment of their Labours, and Dan­gers; You cry that K. James went no doubt as was de­termined of him: But to them by whom he was Be­tray'd! And yet you will take a Share in the Price for which he was Sold.

Besides, if it was such a Damn'd Design in them to bring in the P. of Orange; his Highnesses's Design could not be ve­ry Heavenly; But you are content to make a Rogue of him too, to save your own Bacon. Sir, this deserves some Animadversion from the Government; For all your skil [Page 35] will never perswade plain Honest English-Men, that it was Knavery and Down-right Perjury in all the Subjects of Eng­land, who Plac'd the P. of Orange upon the Throne: And yet when he is there by such Wicked Act of theirs, that this can give him Divine Authority, and their own Wick­ed Act, Absolve them from their former Lawful Oaths, and Oblige them in Conscience to Maintain and Defend their said Wicked Act, and to Swear never to Return from it. This all Men will call Swearing never to Repent. And to give such an Account of our Revolution, by one who sets up now for the Chief Advocate of it, is Betraying it, and Exposing it more than all Jacobites, or Profest Enemys can say. It shews us to stand upon such Ridiculous Foundati­ons as must Nauseat all who pretend to Common Sense. And it Confirms the Jacobites Irrecoverably in what they think to be Loyalty; while they see us Defend our selves like Fools and Mad-Men, by Arguments which evidently Destroy our Cause.

And, Sir, you needed not have done this, you might easily have avoided these sort of Stumbling Blocks: There­fore I advise you to avoid Excursions, March on straight your Road, Tread warily, say no more than you must.

And do not go out of your way for the pleasure of Lashing the French King himself, for it does not alwaies turn to Advantage. p. 23. You pursue him to the Boyne, to Athlone, to Agrim, to Limrick, and say we Beat him in all these Places, and in a Word (say you) we Beat him out of Ireland: And have now got a Habit of Beating the French.

This indeed, Sir, with all due Deference to your Judg­ment, is horribly Ridiculous: Or, you speak without Book, and know not what you say, for it is most certain, that at Athlone, at Agrim, at Limrick, there were not a­bove Forty or Fifty French in the whole Irish Army: And there were more than Twenty times as many in K. William's Army. Therefore to cry we have Beat him (the French King) that we have got a Habit of Beating the French!

If you had a mind to have Beaten K. Lewis, you should have sought him in Flanders, not in Ireland, (where he never was) how very Comical, do you think, would this Passage of your Letter look to him if he saw it? Would he not desire you to remember Namure, and Steenkirk, and ask you how you came to forget your Habit there?

Do not Mistake me, as if I did in the least derogate from the Courage of the English. No, They shew'd it at Steenkirk to admiration, and had they been Supported, might have done Maricles; surely no Men upon Earth would go farther under Good Conduct: They are too Good to be alwayes, and rashly Exposed and made the Subject of Dutch Railery, who have Painted the English Fighting in this Bat­tle with Lions Paws, and Calves Heads. i. e. under such Commanders.

But it is exceeding Childish, thus to Undervalue other Men, and Vapour of our Victories over the French in Ire­land. It hinders Men from laying weight upon any thing else that we say. And does no small Service to the Jacobite Cause, while it is made so easie for them to Expose us.

As they think it is likewise in a later Instance, viz. A True Account of the Horrid Conspiracy against the Life of his Sacred Majesty, William the Third, &c. Pub­lished by Authority, and Printed in the Savoy, 1692. Giv­ing an Account of the Tryal, Condemnation, and Executi­on of the Chevalier de Grandval, in the Camp. 13. Aug. 92. For being concerned in the said Conspiracy.

There p. 7. K. J. and his Queen are made Partys in this Con­spiracy, and to have Encourag'd those Officers who were to do him that Service, as it is there Worded.

And I have heard the Hawkers cry that Paper about the Streets, by the Name of The Horrible and Bloody Conspi­racy carryed on by the late K. James, and the late Q. Mary, to Murther his Sacred Majesty K. William.

Of this the Jacobites do highly Complain: and say, That the Sins of these Nations are yet increasing, That instead of their Repentance, for the now known Notorious Slanders, which, in order to the present Revolution, were industri­ously [Page 37] spread abroad against King James, as that of the French League, the Prince of Wales, the Earl of Essex, and that Mass of Calumnies laid upon him in Ireland since; They say that instead of Repenting for these, we are yet going on to load him with new Crimes, which the Jaco­bites are confident they can prove as false as any of the other.

They will never believe that King James would give his Consent to de Witt or Glenco any Body: They say it is not in his Nature. Which all that know him well will allow.

But the Jacobites say, that it is not all the Williamites can make this any Objection against King James: Be­cause many of them, even Officers of the Army, have de­clared, and do it openly, that they think it a good Act to Stab King James, as much, and more than any common Thief or Robber; because, as they say, he does greater Hurt than they, and is the Occasion of greater Blood-shed and Confusion.

I have heard several of them (when they were not drunk) say, That they would stab him with their own Hands, and go an Hundred Miles barefoot to have the Oppor­tunity.

But for King Lewis, They think it a meritorious Act to rid the World of such a Monster, to give Peace to Christendom, and to revenge the Cause of the poor Hu­gonots.

As for these Men (how numerous soever) the Jaco­bites say, they must be silent, and not blame King James if he had such a Design, because it is pursuant to their own Principles.

But the Jacobites lay no stress upon this, nor plead for Assassinations, which they detest; but they insist against the Truth of the Matter of Fact, and that King James never had any such Design, nor knew of this Conspiracy of Grandval, if there was any such Conspiracy.

And now, Sir, give me leave to tell you some of those Grounds upon which the Jacobites do not believe this Con­spiracy, at least that part of it which concerns K. James, [Page 38] and that even before they receive a full Account of it from St. Germains, which can be best done there; and when they receive it, they promise to communicate it for farther Satisfaction. In the mean time take what fol­lows, for the Reason of their present Infidelity in this Case.

First, It is said, p. 7. of the abovesaid Account of this Conspiracy, in the very Sentence of the Judges, That Collonel Parker (one of the Conspirators) was with Grand­val and Leefdale, (two other of the Conspirators,) to take leave of K. James at St. Germains, before they began their Journey, ( viz. to K. William's Camp, to perpetrate their intended Design, where Parker was to be a main Actour, and together with Grandval to rescue and bring off Du­mont, with Fifteen Hundred French Horse, after he had shot K. William.) Now instead of Parker's going as above designed to Flanders, and having taken leave of K. James with the other Conspirators, in order to their said Journey, it is notoriously known that Parker came streight to Eng­land; which the Jacobites think totally inconsistent with all that fine Story, and to give it flatly the Lye.

But they rest not upon this, they give a positive dis­proof to the Allegation, by shewing that Collonel Parker was not at St. Germains the Sixteenth day of April, 1692. on which day the Sentence of the Judges (p. 7.) says, that he (Parker) was there with King James, and in Consulta­tion with Grandval and Leefdale about the said Conspi­racy: Which 16th of April, if it should be New-style, will be the 6th Old-style, when Parker (the True Account says) was at St. Germains.

For disproof of this, they give you a Journal of Collo­nel Parker's coming from St. Germains to England in April, 1692. which they have from Undeniable Vouchers, viz. Collonel Parker having taken his leave of King James at St. Germains, he went to Paris Sunday the Third of April (Old Style) 1692. on Monday and Tuesday, the Fourth and Fifth, all Day and Night, he was actually at Paris, on the Sixth, by Five a Clock in the Morning, at Paris he took Coach to Saint Dennis, and that Night he lay [Page 39] at Boumont, the Seventh at Bovay, the Eighth at Poy, the Ninth at Abevile, the Tenth he took Post to Callis, where he Embark'd for England; he was Shipwrackt on the Kentish Shore, where soon after he was taken Prisoner, and carryed before the Mayor of Rumney, and on the Thirteenth he was sent Prisoner to London with a Guard.

His being at Paris the Fourth and Fifth, and taking Coach from thence on the Sixth by Five in the Morning, can be prov'd by at least Twenty Credible Witnesses; and all along from thence to the Thirteenth by Three Undeniable Witnesses.

But all this, the Jacobites say, proves the Matter of the True Account to be only False. They alledge other Circum­stances in that Tryal which make it wholly Ludicrous, and utterly Incredible to any Man of Sense.

Such is that of Du-mont (the Man who was to kill King William) having a Secret to charm People's Eyes. In­deed nothing less could secure a Man to kill a King at the Head of his Army, as this was to be done, viz. when the King should ride along the Lines. The other two Conspira­tors ( Grandval and Leefdale,) it is said were to keep with those that followed the King; and when every Body was pursuing after Du-mont (who was Invisible, having a Secret to charm People's Eyes,) they should have time to escape and save themselves.

This was the Scheme and Manner of executing the said Design which was contrived by the Marquiss of Barbesieux, Son to the Marquiss of Louvois, as also Secretary of State to the French King, Mounsieur Paparell, and some of the Mi­nisters in the highest Employments, and of the greatest Credit in the French Court, as the True Account says.

If they could contrive no better than this, the Jacobites think we should not find so much trouble in our War with Frarce.

They desire to be excused if it be not in their power to believe, that the Great Ministers of France could concert their Business no better than this.

Not to name several lesser Matters, as that Du-mont was to shoot at King William, at an hundred paces distance, (he might have come nearer being Invisible.) If King Wil­liam had been alone, there was hazard of missing, or not killing kim at that distance: But consider him surrounded with his Officers and Attendants, and that his Stature is not so Great as to be hit over other People's Heads, at a hun­dred paces distance, you must then shoot through two or three likely before the Bullet could come at him: But perhaps Du-Mont had an Invisible way of taking aim too, and could charm his Bullet to follow his Directi­ons.

It was likewise pretty difficult which was contrived by the Marquiss of Barbesieux, Paparel, &c. pag. 5, 6. viz. That after Du-Mont had shot King William at his Grand Guard, the Prisoner (Grandval) and Parker, (who was in England,) with fifteen hundred Horse from the Grand Guard of the Duke of Luxemburg's Army, were to rescue Du-Mont, and bring him off; the said Du-Mont giving timely notice to the Prisoner (Grandval) of the intended Execution. Thus the True Account.

The Jacobites think this almost as impracticable as the other Contrivance of the Charm. For Du Mont was to watch his Opportunity to shoot King William as he went to visit the Grand Guard, and had no choice left (by this Con­trivance) but to charm King William to stand still, and in the same Posture he lik'd, till he could give timely notice to the Prisoner of the intended Execution: Or if he had a Familiar to fly swiftly with the Errand; yet after he had shot King William, he would need another Secret to charm Peoples Hands from falling upon him, till his Friends should come from the Duke of Luxemburg's Grand Guard to rescue him.

But this True Account ends with a Material Objection, viz. ‘That it was like enough Monsieur Barbesieux would disown that he gave any such Orders, or that he was any ways concerned in a Business of this Nature. To which Grandval reply'd, let him deny what he pleases, yet if I were put upon it; I would make it appear very [Page 41] plain, for I have an Original Paper under Monsieur Barbesieux's own hand, which I have Lodg'd with a Friend of Mine, who will not part with it to any one but my self, and no Body else knows with whom I have Intrust­ed it.’ Thus ends The True Account.

To which the Jacobites reply, that either the Prisoner was then put upon it (since as the True Account tells us in the same place, that he sought to Justify himself upon the Or­ders he had received from the Marquis of Barbesieux) or when, or how was it he could be put upon it, if not to Defend his Life? And when he thought that proving the Marquis Barbesieux Orders to him would be a Justification of him, why would not he Produce the Orders? Was not he then put upon it? Would he give such a Ridiculous Answer as to say he had left them with a Friend whom no Body knew, and who was Engag'd not to part with them to any but himself, after he had, without Torture, so frankly Confest all the rest of the Conspiracy? No. [...]ay the Ja­cobites, this has not Common Sense in it, this would be ra­ther to Provoke and Defy his Judges, than to Plead for himself, To say he had Evidence, but would not Produce it. There must be some other meaning in it.

And the Jacobites say, they can think of nothing else, but that Grandval has been put upon to give this Evidence to Blacken K. James and the French Court, with promise of Life in ultimo [...]ticulo, and then has been taken Short (as we know others have been in the like Case) of which in likely-hood he being Apprehensive, kept this pretended Original Paper of Barbesieux as a Pawn for his Life, that if they carryed the Jest too far, and gave him short Turn, they should never get that Paper of Barbesieux, for he had left it with a Friend whom he [...] Engag'd not to part with it to any one but himself; and no Body else knows (says he) with whom I have En [...]d it.

And these Jacobites are the rather Induc'd to believe this, not only because they can put no other Meaning upon that Passage of Grandval: But because that Council of War which [...], was Compos'd of the Men in the World most Violent and Reg [...]ed against K. James, [...]. Some of his [Page 42] own Deserters, and Prayers, Men highly Obliged, Rait'd, and Trusted by him, and who had basely Deserted and Betray'd him, past hopes, they think, of his Mercy; and a few Dutch Men, whose Affections and Candor to K. James or the French are very well known.

Those were the Council. Ginckle (lately made Earl of Athlone) General Van Scravenmore, and Lieutenant General Talmash; the Marquis Da la Forest, the Heer Van Weede, Count Noijelles and the Heer Zabel Majors General, and the Brigadeers Churchill and Ramsey; Cornelius Van Wou, and Richard Ʋthwayt, Judgas Advocates Assisting, who have shewn as much Integrity as Ingenuity say the Jacobites.

Sir, These are some of the Objections which I have heard the Jacobites Urge, to Invalidate this pretended Evidence of Grandval against K. James. And he came not off so well as the Sham Spy who was to be Hang'd at Notingham, when Princess Ann was there: But Grandval is taken out of the way to give farther Evidence; Therefore it will concern the Government that something be said to this, least the Reflection which this Account of Grandval is thought to bring upon K. James, return double upon our selves. And tho' this has been Published since the Writing of your Let­ter to a Friend, yet I know of no better Hand to whom to Recommend so necessary a Vindications of our Proceedings in this Matter, and therefore I Intreat that you would Consider it together with the other Jacobite Objections which I have offered to you in this Paper, to receive your Answer, for the Good of the Nation.

And do not think that this is sufficiently done by those Papers that have been cry'd about the Streets, and Licens'd by the Government, telling us of several Apparitions to Private Souldiers in K. Williams's Army in Flanders, giving Account of this Design of Assassinating K. William, and God's Miracu­lous Providence in Detecting; Preventing, &c. This may pass perhaps among some of the Vulgar, for whom I sup­pose it was Design'd; But it Nauseats Men of Sense exceed­ingly. It looks like putting this story upon us, and they wonder at such poor Arts. It had been much easier believ'd if these Visions, and Du Monts Charm had been let alone.

But, Sir, you cannot readily conceive the Horror and Astonishment which the Jacobites do Express at our carry­ing on this Sport (as they call it) so far as to Bantre All­mighty God with it in the Proclamation for a Publick Thanksgiven, Dated. 22. Octob. 92. Where it is told that Forasmuch as it hath Pleased Almighty God of His Infinite Goodnoss in Answer to the Prayers Humbly and Devoutly offer'd up to Him — To Disappoint and Defeat the Barbarous and Horrid Conspiracy for Taking away His ( K. William's) Sacred Life by Assassination — And this Thanksgiving Day ordered to be Religiously kept with greater Strictness, and under greater Penaltys than is usual in Proclamations of that Nature, viz. Not only, as they Tender the Favour of Almighty God, but, upon Pain of Suffering such Punishments as Their Majesties can justly Inflict for the Contempt or Neglect thereof.

And which is yet more Dreadful (if that Conspiracy be a Sham) in the Publick Printed Forme of Prayer for the Thanksgiving-Day, in the End of the Litany, these Words are added — More especially we adore Thy Great Good­ness to Him (K. William) in the Discovery and Disappoint­ment of that Bloody and Ba barous Attempt, Design'd upon His Sacred Person by His Cruel and Implacable Enemys — and in the Communion-Service, O Most Merciful God, who of thy Infinite Goodness hast Preserved our Sovereign Lord King William from the Treacherous Practises of Wicked and Blood-Thirsty Men, &c. — Add to this the Noise was made with it in Pulpits upon that Ringing-Day, the Repetition of the Tirue Account abovesaid, being a great part of many of their Sermons.

J. Cant. himself had it up in his Thanksgiving-Sermon that Day at White-Hall. p. 25. Where he Blesses God For the Preservation of our Gracious Sovereign, from that Hor­rid and most Barbarous Attempt Design'd upon his Sacred Person.

Good God! What Name will this Pageantry deserve, if this Blot be not clear'd from all the bovesaid Objections?

Sir, This requires your utmost Pains, if you have any Kindness for the Government. This is indeed a Terrible [Page 44] Prejudice against us, it makes us worse than Hembent, or meer Atheists: For to Mock God is more Provoking (I had almost said more Atheistical) than not to Believe a God at all.

If this be let go, without something said to it, it will, as the Assyrians said of Judith, Deceive the whole World, Turn all Mankind against us, and make us the Abhorring of all Flesh, who can Play with things Sacred, and Laugh at God to his Face!

The Jacobites likewise take Great Notice, that we should choose one of the Fasts of the Church (the Vigil before Saint Simon and Saint Jude) for our Thanksgiving-Day. As if we Design'd to do Despight to the Constistution of the Church of England, like the Phanaticks in Scotland, who usually Appoint their Fasts upon the Lords Day, Christmas, Easter, or other Solemnitys of the Church. It was some of this Dutch Leven, say the Jacobites, that made us pitch upon Ash-Wednesday, viz. 13. of Feb. 88. For the Day of our Inauguration, and Accession to the Crown. Either that we thought the greatest Fast of the Church, ought, in Con­tempt of that Constitution, to be turn'd thereafter into a Jubilee; or otherwise that the Day of Ashes and Execrati­ons; was the fittest to Solemnize such an Inauguration as claim'd a Propriety (say they) in almost every Curse was pronounced that Day.

The 27. Octob. is Mark'd in our Calander and Rubrick as a Day of Fasting or Abstinence; and was, or ought to have been, Proclaim'd as such in all the Churches and Chap­ples of England the Sunday before, as is Appointed in the Rubrick, immediately after the Nicene Creed, in the Commu­nion Service.

Now comes Jo. Cant. (say the Jacobites) and Litensing the Form of Prayer for this Thanksgiving-Day, Commands us to break the Canons and Rubricks which are still unrepeal'd by any Lawful or so much as Pretented Authority. And they ask, in good Conscience, which we ought to Obey? They say, we may perceive by these, and many other things which they can Name, what Firm Friends our New Bishops are like to prove to the Church of England, [Page 45] as by Law Established, which us'd to be the Word. But we have seen strange things to Day!

Escotia Fresbyter profugus — (says the Jacobites) a Scotch Dusckify'd Facovian Superintendent, to shew the Rock from whence he was Hewn, and not to be behind his Arch Brother Jack, in his Zeal against set-Forms, and Fasting his Foe, kept his Visitation at Abington, on their own Dear Fast-Day; whereby he Preserv'd his Clergy, for that Turn, from Attending their Churches, and Officiating in the Lu­niversary Superstition, and shew'd them Good Example not to Starve the Flesh for Pampering of the Spirit. For­give this Excess. But now we are upon Scotland.

I have one thing more to beseech you most earnestly, which is, to Remove, if Possible, a Monstrous Scandal which the Jacobites have taken at our Government in the Matter of the Laird of Glencoe, in Scotland; who upon the 13. Feb. 91/92, at Five a Clock in the Morning, with Thirty Eight of his Servants and Tenants, were Barbarously Murdered in their Beds by Captain Campbel of Glen-Lyon, and his Souldiers of the Earl of Arguil's Regiment, who were Quartered upon them, and Liv'd in Terms of Friendship with them: And they pretend that all this was done by K. William's Express Command, and Produce Orders for what they have done; and stand upon their Justification, and are to this Day Un­punish'd for it.

This Story is not much known in England, but it makes a Great Noise in Scotland. insomuch that I am told, that Sir John Lawder there did Refuse to accept of the Employ­ment of Lord Advocate in Scotland (which answers to that of Atturney General in England, but of much greater Honour and Authority) unless he could have Liberty to Prosecute Glen-Lyon and the other Murthers of Glen-Coe. But that could not be Granted him; and another is put into the Place. This Story of Glen-Coe is told at Large in the Answer to Docter King's State of the Protectants in Ireland, under the Late K. James's Government. To which I referr you.

Now, Sir, give me leave I beseech you, do not you agree with me that there is an Absolute Necessity to Search in­to [Page 46] the bottom of this Mystery? There is none can be so Wicked as to Imagin that any part of the Blame can ly at K. William's Door; and therefore it is for his Honour to have it expos'd, and let those be Examplarily Punish'd, who have Dar'd to Vouch Royal Authority for the most Bar­barous Massacre under the shew of Trust and Friendship.

It may be Supposed that K. William does not yet know of this, or is not at Leisure from his Greater Business to Examine into it at this Juncture: But, Sir, it will well be­fit you, in the mean time, to think of something to be said to Qualify the Out-crys of the Jacobites upon this Occasion.

If any thing, they say, had appear'd under K. James's Hand, tho' Counterfit, as the Tryal of Grandval, towards the Assassination of K. William, they would have thought themselves Obliged to have Inquired, and Detected the For­gery; otherwise that they could not have sufficiently Vindi­cated his Honour. At least K. James himself would have Disown'd it, which if he Scrupl'd, or Neglected to do, after it came to his Ears, it would indeed be a Ground of Suspi­sion, that could not easily be Rubb'd off.

Therefore, Sir, for the Kings Honour, for the Satisfacti­on of the Nation, and the silencing these Jacobites, for the love of Truth take some Pains in these things: Your Circumstances do enable you to Enquire more Effectually than other Men, and to know the Truth, in which we be­seech you to let us all Participate; at least so far, as that yours and others Silence herein, Confirm not the Jacobites, and make others doubt, that all the Cry about Glen-Coe and other Matters, have not been without some Cause.

Sir, The Jacobites Report upon us, That the Ass [...]ssinations and Shamm-Plots which we charge upon others, discover their Father by their Phizz, and comparing them with others of the same Production, they plainly tell who it was that Begat them. This Method, they say, has been some Body's Prac­tice, ever since his appearing in the World: He began with the De-Witts, and brought about a Glorious Revolution there. He would make one almost in Love with Evil, to see how much Good it Produces!

His Enemys, and who pretend to know him well, say, that his Nature is so incapable of Mercy, that his Revenge can never be satisfy'd with less than Blood. They tell how he Boasted to K. J. himself, then Duke of York, Anno. 1679. That it had cost him above 1200 Lives, by Execution in cold Blood, to bring his Army to that Discipline it was in.

The particular Instances, and manner of Manageing these Crueltys, they say, exceed all former Examples of a Ferile and Implacable Disposition, and if they were put together, would fill a History. They say, you will see full Proof of this in The Netherland Historian, Printed at Amsterdam, Anno. 1675. And Translated out of the Dutch.

The Book first open'd to me at p. 117. Where is the Story of Collonel and Quarter Master General Pain and Vin, who, they say, was pitch'd upon as the Sacrifice to save the Reputation of the States, and the New-made State-holder, upon the Irruption the French made into their Country, in December 72. When they took and Destroyed Boode grave, S [...]mmardam, &c. The blame was laid upon Collonel Pain and Vin, his Cowardice and Correspondence with the Ene­my, else they had Routed the French (no Doubt!) Therefore his Highness had Collonel Pain and Vin brought before a Council of War, which, 10. Janu. 72/73. Condemn'd him to perpetual Banishment, &c. But found nothing wor­thy of Death against him. But this could by no means Satisfy his Highness, who by his Letter, there insented of the 19. Janu. 73. Ordered a Second Tryal, and to pro­ceed with all Strictness, &c. Which was done: And the Council of War 16. Janu. 73. Persisted in their former Sen­tence, only added (to appease the Wrath of his Highness) that the Prisoner should be brought to the Place of Publick Execution, and there by the Hang-Man to have a Sword Sway'd over his Head Thus Resolv'd at Alphen the 16. Janu. 73. But his Highness's Thirst was not thus to be Asswag'd, it must be Quench'd (as Soloman in the Siege of Rhodes, says to his General, By Rhodium Blood or Thine—) If not by French, yet by firth Blood as was in his Power to Spill. Therefore he Orders a Third Tryal, and himself Sate Judge, and his Highness in his own Person (for no other would do [Page 48] it) Condemn'd the Prisoner to Death, with particular Di­rections for speedy Execution: Which Sentence (says the History) on the 23. was Pronounced at Alphen, and the same Day Executed, his Head being Cut off at the Third Stroak, but he to the very last, kept to his former Protestation, against his having had any Communication with the Enemy, where­of some were suspicious, but Accused him of bare Cawardice. Thus that History.

And there was some body would have had Admiral Her­bert brought to a Second Tryal for his being beat at Sea by the French in the Year 90. But that Trick would not do here (say the Jacobites) at least so soon.

Sir, I will not take up your time with Hundreds of such Instances which the Jacobites do Urge, nor do expect that you should Answer them all particularly. It will be Trou­blesome, but if you can find something to say to them in the General, it will do well.

But I cannot Omit that never-Dying Story of the De-Wits, because the Jacobites do make so great Noise with it. They desire us to observe the several Steps and Degrees, by which his Highness Advanced himself to the State-Holder­ship over the bellys of these Brothers, whom the 'bovesaid Dutch History, p. 70. Calls the Greatest Wits and Positi­tians of the World. And they say, you will find many Strokes in all that Management of the same Refin'd Poli­ticks, as in this Revolution.

First, that his Highness's Partizans had taken care to have it Spread through the whole Country, that the De-Wits had Secret Designs to Betray them to the French.

The Nation being thus Substantially Poison'd with an ill Opinion of their Governours, next, the Mobb is set on Foot to Demand of their Magistrates, that his Highness should be amde State-Holder without Delay. This was prettily Coppy'd, say the Jacobites, by Lord L. who Headed the London Mobb into Westminster-Hall, with Papers in their Hatts, Demanding his Highness to be made King, when the two Houses of Convention seem'd to be Doubtful about the Matter. But after this they soon came to a Con­clusion.

The English Mobb upon this Revolution, did imitate their Masters in Holland, as if the same Spirit had possessed them, and they had both Acted upon the same Cause and Prin­ciples.

But in this there was a Remarkable Difference, that as the abovesaid History tells, p. 45. They turn'd out all the Ministers of the De-Wit and Louvestayn Faction: But here K. James's Arbitrary Ministers are still employed, tho' all the Complaints in his Highness's Declaration are only against these Ministers, and no otherwise against K. James than by an Innuondo, that he must of necessity Design to Reign Arbitrarily, whenever it should be in his Power, because he made use of such Ministers, it must be suppos'd, with that Prospect of Arriving at full Arbitrariness in time by the help of their Administration.

In the next place the Jacobites do Observe, That as our Present Revolution was brought about by Dissolving all our Former Oaths and Obligations, so it was in Holland. 25. of Feb. 72. says the bovesaid History, p. 7. His Highness was made Captain General over the Forces of the State, but with all possible Restrictions, an Oath having been taken of him, That he should never seek to be State-Holder of any of the Provinces, nor accept of it, if he should be desired to it. Yet he was made State-Holder within Four Months after this. viz. in June. 72.

The States had likewise made a Perpetual Edict against Electing a State-Holder, and Sworn to it.

But the History tells. p. 44. That 29. June. 72. The Lords thus Terrify'd ( viz. by the Threatnings of the Mobb) Dis­charge themselves, and also his Highness of their Oath concern­ing the Perpetual Edict, and so made him State-Holder — As also the Magistrates of most of the Citys of Holland and Zealand, were, about that time, either through Actual Insurrecti­on, or Threatned Peril, Forced so to Advance his Highness; Whereupon by the Deputys of the Citys, having a Voice, the As­sembly of the States of Holland, the Perpetual Edict was Mor­tify'd, July 1. and so by the Annulling that Oath, the Members made Capable to Elect a State-Holder. Thus the Historian.

In this Revolution, the two Brothers, the De-Wits were Non-Swearers. But in Vain, for Cornel. De Wit Ruart of Putten, and Old Burgo-Master of Dort, by the Perswasions of his Wife, and the Lords Present, but Princi­pally by the Threatnings of the Citizens, was Constrained thereto: says the History. p. 44. And if ever any thing fell out to be Wondred at (says he, p. 45.) it was this — That both the Brothers the De-Wits were by Indisposedness hindred, one at Dort, the 29. June, the other at the Hague, July, 1. and 3. to be Present at the Council: And the Case was so Precipi­tated, that there was no time to Advise with these Lords: For who knoweth, but by their great Subtilty they yet might have found some hindrance to this Work.

The De-Wits finding it Impossible to withstand the Torrent of this Prince, carryed upon the Shoulders of the Mobb, who had broke throw all the Dykes and Fences of their Laws, Sanctions of Oaths, and Perpetu­al Edicts, &c. Resolv'd to Appease him by Sacrifice, and giving up all their Power and Authority which might stand in his way, or be an Eye-Sore to his Ambi­tion.

Accordingly Johan. De-Wit, Great Councellor, and Pentio­nary of Holland and West-Frizeland, having upon the 1. of Aug. 72. Complemented his Highness upon his Illustrious Cha­racter and Advance (says the History, p. 63.) did on the 4th. in the Assembly of the States of Holland lay down his Office of Pontionarship. His Brother Cornel. De-Wit Ruart of the Land of Putten, had before viz. 24. of July been brought Prisoner from Dort to the Hague. And being thus Hum­bled at the Feet of his Highness, they thought they might have liv'd safe, at least as to their Lives, under his Pro­tection. For they fear'd no Tryal but that of the Mobb, being Confident, that as to all Matters of the State, they could sufficiently clear themselves in any Judicature, where they could be heard. And nothing of it was ever so much as. Objected against them in any Judicature: Only blown about amongst the Populace, by the Humble Servants of his Highness: Who, some say, did under-hand Promote those [Page 55] ill Measures, which they afterwards did Aggravate against the De-Wits, and that on purpose to Disgust the Nation at them; as Great Britain's Complaint, says Sunder. and others set on by his Highness, served King James, who made these Blotts, They knew so well how to hit.

But our Scene is now in Holland. His Highness could not forget the Opposition, which the Ruart Cornel. De-Wit gave him at Dort, about 29. of June. 72. Where his High­ness first set up for State-Holder-ship. But the Ruart would have Preserv'd the Constitution of the Government, to which, both his Highness and they were Sworn: And he would have minded his Highness of his Declaration, and that upon Oath, made but Four Months before, viz. 25. of Febru. 72. When he was made Captain General, that he had no. Aim at the State-Holder-ship, that he would neither seek it, not accept of it, if it should be offered to him. Tho' some, say the Jacobites, at that time were so hardned against any good Opinion of the Sincerity of that Prince, that they believ'd (as it prov'd) that an Oath would never keep him back from the State-Holdership, or even from a Crown, if he could make his way to it.

But the Fall of the Ruart De-Wit from all his Greatness and Authority, could by no means Satisfy his Highness's Fury. And since no Miscariage, as to the State, could be laid to the Ruart's Charge, one of his Highness's Domestiques (says Sir Will-Temple in his Memories. p. 21.) the 'bove quoted History, calls him a Barber. p. 67. Accused the Ruart for endeavour­ing by Mony to Engage him in a Design against the Prince's Life. But no other Witness appearing, he was Sentenc'd to be Banished; without any Crime in the World Speci­fy'd or Named in the Sentence, which is inserted in the 'bovesaid History, p. 67. and says only as the Ground of their Sentence, that having considered what was in the Case to be taken Notice of, or might any ways be serviceable in it, do Declare the Prisoner to be Banished, &c. any way Serviceable! Serviceable to what? Say the Jaco­bites, to Please the Prince's Spleen. Was there ever such [Page 56] a Naked Sentence? It speaks as plainly as the Judges Durst, that they did not think him Guilty, but being Ac­cused of a Design against his Highness's Life, and the Ac­cusation carry'd on by one of his Highness's own Dome­stick Servants, they must consider what they could find in the Case to be Serviceable to his Highness. Yet it was not Serviceable, he will not be Serv'd by Halves. Banish­ment will not do, where the Thirst is after Blood. And since the Judges will not go the length, nor the Law will bear it, the never-sailing Mobb must be Rouz'd up again. The Histo­ry p. 28. says, they were set on by the Instigation of the Bar­ber. This was a Diligent Officer.

We know (says a Later Dutch Account, Written in Am­sterdam 6. Nov. 76.) that the House-hold Servants of Zuy­lestain, the Bastard of Prince Henry, and other Ruffians were Employed in the Massacre of the De-Wits, and Stirred up all the Towns against their Rulers, and with Violence and Force Promoted the Prince and his Interest.

In short. Both the De-Wits were Tore in pieces by this Godly Mobb, thus set on, and Instigated. And no States-Men of the Age left a Greater Character, either of their Ability, or Integrity. Sir Will. Temple in his Memoires p. 22. speaking of John De-Wit, says, Thus ended one of the Great­est Lives of any Subject in our Age — after having serv­ed, or rather Administred that State as Pentioner of Holland, for about Eighteen Years, with Great Honour to his Country and himself.

The Jacobites Observe that his Highness could not find even. Dutch Judges or Jury would believe such Great Men ought to Dye, or would be Guilty of such mean Plots, and poorly contriv'd, only because his Barber told him so. And one of them was not so much as Accused. The Hi­story owns, p. 70. That no certain Evidence, or Can­fession of the one, or Accusation of the other have been made known.

But, Sir, these are Old Storys. There is a Later Instance which I have heard from the Jacobites, and they say it is of a Piece with all the rest.

In the Year 89. when the States of Holland and Amster­dam Contended against having a Foraign King for their State-Holder, and Meen Heer B. was sent over to Act on the Part of the State-Holder; and finding Difficulty's arise, the Old Politick was again set on Foot, say the Jacobites.

Koin the Jew (who is Famous' for Contriving, and bring­ing on the General Impost upon Coffee there, whether they Drink any or not) Swore against two of the most Troublesom of these Burghers. That they offer'd to Bribe him to Poy­son the State-Holder. They remembred De-wit, Pain and Vin, and well knew the Consequence, and the Meaning of such Accusations: And were glad to Learn how to give their Votes as they ought to do: and others took Warn­ing, so the Point was Carry'd.

But when the Tryal of the Burghers came on, there was but a single Evidence, as there was against De-Wit; and the Jew was believ'd as little as the Barber. But had not so good Luck. For upon the Burghers being acquit, the Jew was Banish'd the Territorys of Amsterdam. They durst proceed no farther at that time against him.

During his Banishment, he thought himself Neglected by his Patron Meen Heer B. And began to Blabb it out who it was that set him on to Swear against the Burghers. Who hearing of it, found some means to bring him to Amster­dam. Where they had him first Arrested for Debt (for they were afraid to venture too far, knowing whom they had to deal with) and seeing none come to Relieve him, concluded that the Drudgery of Swearing being over, his Patron had no farther use for him, and therefore proceed­ed to bring him upon the Stage for this Conspiracy against their Lives, and to Discover his Accomplices. Being, put to the Torture he did Confess. Was Sentenc'd to the Pil­lory, and to the Rasp-house (their Bridwell) for Six Years, where I suppose he now is to be found.

But there is one thing Extraordinary. The Confession of this Koin is kept up, tho' it be the Custom there always to Publish the Confession of those who are Sentenc'd, after being put to the Torture, for the Vindication of the Go­vernment.

This (say the Jacobites) is like keeping the Tryals of the fore-mentioned Friars. Graham and Thursby out of the Printed Account of the Sessions at Old-Baily, Sept. 92.

In this Class of Sham-Plots and Impostures, they mind us to make a farther Examination into the Business of Fuller, who Swore many Noble Lords and others into a Plot; his Grace of Canterbury Sancraft the Chief. It is certain he has been set up, and supported by some Body. They desire us to inquire, and we will find that he had a Bill of 200 l. this Summer from Meen Heer B. above mentioned: And before that, he drew a Bill of 50 l. from Flanders, to the Great Man at Lambeth, by the Name of his Uncle, who paid it. And said he would do more than that for him, if he performed what he had Engaged to him.

It would be ask'd likewise how he came to be kept from his Tryal all this Summer, the H. of Commons last Win­ter having Voted him an Impostor, and desired that the At­turney General might Prosecute him, and yet that was forgot, till the Parliament was ready to to Meet this Win­ter.

And the first Day of his standing in the Pillory, accord­ing to Sentence, was disappointed, the Pillory being set up, but no Fuller came, and it was taken down again.

Which made so great an Out-cry, and gave such Dis­gust, and Jealousy, as is not cur'd by his being set afterwards in the Pillory; for it shewed how unwillingly it was done, and meerly to stop Peoples Mouths.

There is Greater Care taken (say the Jacobites) of his Colleague Young, who Counterfeited Arch Bishop Sancroft's Hand and others, and see them to an Association (he has the Honour to be set out by the Bishop of Rochester's Pen) for Blackhead the Evidence against him, because of his Qua­lity. (a Taylor) must not be sent to Goal, but has been suffered to make his Escape from a Messenger in the Savoy; Aaron Smith is a Greater Scandal than these, being Pub­lickly Own'd, and Employ'd by the Government, as a Plot-journey-Man. His Life would make a History. When many [Page 59] Lords and others were lately Commited contrary to Law, without any Information upon Oath against them, The Matter was indeavour'd to be folv'd up by Aaron Smith's making Oath, that he had informations against them, which he did: But when it came to the Test, he could produce none; and so they were forc'd to Discharge those they had Illegally Imprisoned: But Aaron Smith not Punish'd for his Evident Perjury, and Conspiracy against the Lives of so many Noble and Worthy Gentlemen. Sir, forgive my Re­peating these Things from the Mouths of the Jacobites, they must be told, to the end, that their Mouths may be stopp'd, and we may all know (for no doubt you do) how to Answer them.

There are many other Passages of Different Natures, which give great Scandal against the Government. The Princes Ann Flying from her Father did not more Allarme the People of England (of some Deep, and they could not tell what Design on Foot) than her Royal Highness present Quarrel with her Sister, and of so long Continuance, does Amaze and Distract the Common People. They think all is Wrong. There is something at the Bottom more than we know. Is it so, that there is not one Wise Man a­mong us to take away, or some way Compose so Fatal a Breach, 'twixt those in Possession, and those in Expectance of the Crown? At least, not to suffer it to Rise to such an Extravagant height, as to have their Guards taken from their Royal Highnesses, and Publick Affronts and Indigni­tys put upon them in all Places, and that by Order from Her Majesty: One of these came to my hands, and is here under Written. It was sent to Attend upon her Highness to the Bath last Summer, and follows in these Words.

Forbidding to pay such Respect to her Royal Highness, as is usually paid to the Royal Family, looks like another P. of Wales Discovery (say the Jacobites) as if People had leave given them to Doubt whether she were of the Roy­al Family; or so near as is believed to the Crown: Why else (say they) should the Respects which are usually paid to the Royal Family be Deny'd to her? And the Secre­tary himself forgets her Stile of Royal Highness, that every one may have a Pluck at her: Plain Highness must serve her Turn, till she Learn better Manners.

The Executioner gave K. Charles I. the Stile of his Ma­jesty, when we was going to Cut off his Head.

Can the Queens Displeasure forfeit the Princess Title and Quality, which she has by being K. James's Daugh­ter? Or must she have the Stile of Late, added to her Royalty, like her Father?

And the Bishop of London (say the Jacobites) who Run away with the Princess in his Jack-Boots, and Sword Drawn, to be the Man pitch'd upon, after her Late Royal High­ness Return to London from the Bath, to give Orders to Dr. Birch of St. James's Church (in which Parish she had taken a House to Live in) not to pay her any of the Re­spects usually paid to the Royal Family, such as sending her the Text, to wait for her Coming, or make any Obeisance to her.

But no doubt it is all for the good of the Prote­stant Religion! And it is hard (say the Rogues of Jaco­bites) [Page 61] if when these fall out, some Honest Men do not come by their Rights!

Sir, it had been much to be Wish'd, for the Honour of the Government. That this Civil War of the Royal Sisters had not been so Expos'd.

And it had not been of less Importance, at least to her Majestys Rep. if the Extraordinary Greatness and Intima­cy she has of Late Contracted with the Countess of D. had not been altogether so Notorious.

The Jacobites Laugh in their Sleeves, and make Ob­servation, That our Godly Queen, who for the sake of Religion, has Forsaken her Father; should at the same time Caress the Great Instrument of his Sin, and his Shame.

Who, to Testify her Repentance, makes it her Common-Practice to Rail at K. James. Condesending even to call him Names, and the Billings-Gate Rethorick: And to disown all Obligations from him.

And for a Penance, she Submits to a Scandalous Office of an Informer, to Betray his Secrets, and his Friends who Trusted her: And, because she does every thing to the Utmost, she spares not to shew her Wit at Invention, where she wants Truth to fill up an Accusation.

For these Good Works, she is allowed now out of the Secret-Service-Money, Five Hundred pounds a Week, Paid her by Hen. Guy, Secretary to the Treasury: And is to have an Order for Ten or Twelve Thousand pounds Arrears of a Grant given her from King James of Thirty Five Hundred pounds a Year, out of the Quit-Rents of Ireland. Besides the Extraordinary Presents from B. in a Corner which no Body must know.

For all which she is so Greatfully Good Natur'd, as to Bragg in her Cabals how, Dextrously she can Manage this Government, that, as her Phrase is (and that not over Privately) she can make what she Please pass upon them; and, as an Instance, has Sold them a Treasurer, to Secure her own Payments, Sir E. S. that Good Man! Who never was Unconstant to his Principle of Changing to the Sun­ny side. This is not out of her Disaffection to the Go­vernment, [Page 62] But some, you know, would rather loose their Friend than their Jest.

That Sund. should be a Pentioner of this Government, and so own'd by King William in the List of Pentioners, given into the Parliament, cannot be more Explanatory of his Declaration (say the Jacobites) than Queen Marys choos­ing Lady D. for her Confidant, is a Demonstration of the true Figure of her Holiness.

But that Father Simon alias, Patrick, should be pitch'd upon for Confessor and Guide of this Holy Confederacy, seems strangly Consequential to all the Devotional Tracts Writ­ten in Covent-Garden.

And; the Education of the Young Lady K. D. in the Protestant Religion, being the pretence of this Kindness on the Sudden, that he should perform this Charge so Care­fully, that, besides the Example of her Mothers Vertue, she has the Instruction of two other Penitents in the same Trade, Ladies of Skill, and Famous through the Whole Town (that we need not Name them) who are both Ro­man Catholicks, and Daily Guests at the Countesses Table.

Not that her Ladyship retains the least Test of her for­mer Conversation, but only in Zeal, to make Converts of them too: For this is a Reforming Age! And Generously like Lot, would rather Expose her own Daughter, to Learn all the Vices of Sodom, than fail in her Hospitality to these two Angles, who are come under her Roof.

But as the Bishop of L. (say the Jacobites) who thought he had Cemented the two Sisters unalterably, by making them Quit their Father, to meet one another, has yet liv'd to be made an Instrument in their Quarrel, the late Bishop of E. may have the same luck, in good time, with the Third Sister, who is now put into his Hands.

And the Jacobites desire us to consider, That this Child may come in her Turn to the Crown. For she is onely not next in Blood: And what Great Matter is that, so it be kept in the Royal Family? The Succession goes on still, tho' she should Usurp in her Sisters Life time. And if that shou'd be for the Good of Religion —

Therefore her Education ought to be a Parliamentary Con­cern, at least a Christian, not to leave an Innocent Child, where she can see nothing but what may Corrupt her.

And if there can be any Cause sufficient to Warrant un­dutifulness to a Parent, this Lady has more to Plead, than either of her Sisters. For it must be Confess'd on all Hands, That her Mother is not the best Company for her in the World: And it would be an Advantage to her, if she could forget that she had such a Mother: And to the Govern­ment (especially to her Pious Majesty) that such a Cabinet Councellor had not yet come within White-Hall.

Sir, I cou'd heap up Instances of this Nature upon you, of which the Jacobites have Catalogues: Upon which singly, tho' the least stress is laid, yet by their Number they ac­quire a Weight. And in drawing up the Forces of the Ja­cobites, we must not only shew you their Goliahs, such as De-Wit, Gler-Coe, Grandval, Koin, &c. each of which single is an Army of Objections against us.

But I must likewise lead out the Setters and Small-Fry, Fuller, Young, Blackhead, Aaron Smith, and Lady D. for these, tho' not so Glorious, are as useful as the other. The Lyon cannot hunt without his Jackall.

Sir, I wou'd not have made this Muster, but to enflame your Zeal to Vindicate the Government, and Reconcile the Jacobites, of which they give us good hopes, if any toler­able Answer can be given to what is here Objected by them.

Wherein if you can be an Instrument, I suppose you will reckon it the most Glorious Scene of your Life; and not be Displeas'd with your Humble Servant, by offering these Objections of our Adversarys, to put it in your, Power, to Oblige your Self and your Nation to so High a Degree, as to make them one with us again.

And now, Sir, in the same Freedom that I have Dealt with you, let me Intreat you, in your Management of all this, for the sake of these Dull Jacobites, that you would Curb the excuberance of your Wit, it is but lost upon them; They are a Plain Down-right sort of People, and Love [Page 64] Plain Sence and Reason, they will never be able to under­stand you Politicks, when you resine them to that Degree as you do? p. 12. where you prove that King James will have no Reguard to the Non-Swearers, who lost their Pre­ferments, rather than take an Oath of Allegiance to King William, because of the Title which they think King James has to their Allegiance: For say you, they did it not for hic (K. James's) sake, but for another, and better Reason, for fear of being Damned.

Now the Jacobites think that no King can have a better hold of any Subjects Loyalty, than of those who believe they will be Damned, if they be Disloyal.

And that (notwithstanding of all you say) every King wou'd desire such Subjects, and consequently would Encour­age such more than any other Subjects.

They are likewise utterly uncapable of ever coming up to what you Advance p. 13/14. That their very Boldness and Resolution in Opposing their present Majestys, will be thought no Virtue fit to be Rewarded by a Prince, that is, by King James.

Your Reasons are Subtile. The first is, That their Opposing their present Majesties, is upon a meer Paint of Law.

What if it were? Say the Jacobites, if that point of Law be Asserting K. James's Right? Will he for that Rea­son think it no Vertue, nor fit to be Rewarded? This passes a Jacobites understanding!

But Secondly, you know they pretend Conscience, and the Law of GOD, unless you mean by a meer Point of Law, a Point of GOD's Law. And the very Page before (p. 12.) you confess that their Refusing the Oaths, and Loosing their Preferments is for another, and a better Reason, for sear of being Damned.

And from thence you endeavour to prove that K. James owes them no thanks for it, because it is not for his sake they do it, but their own, for fear of being Damned.

Now the Jacobites will certainly say, that you prove your Assertion from quite contrary Topicks. One, that King James will not care for the Jacobites, because they Act out [Page 65] of Conscience, only for fear of being Damn'd: The other, that K. James will not care for them, because they do not Act out of Conscience, but upon a meer Point of Law. This they call Fishing for Arguments; and he that seeks will find.

They desire to know whether it be a Fault to be Loyal upon a Principle? So that if we have any Reason for our Loyalty, we forfeit all pretence to Thanks or Reward? if we be Loyal upon the point of Law. Then no Thanks to you says the King (as you, say the Jacobites, wou'd have him Speak) because you are Loyal, upon a meer point of Law. If we be Loyal upon point of Conscience. Then, no thanks to you again, for that is only for fear of being Damn'd.

Suppose then we be Loyal without any Reason in the World, but by meer Chance, or a Fancy, that, say the Jacobites, they find to be the only Loyalty you think Me­ritorious: Because, having no other Reason for it, it must be suppos'd to be only out of Love to the Kings Person, for a Handsome Nose, a Sweet Breath, Graceful Meen, Af­fable Temper, or what pleases your Fancy. But you must have a Care that you have no Solid or Substantial Reason, such as the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, Liberty, Property, &c. For then, no thanks to you, it is for them, and not the King you are Concern'd. But most of all be­ware of Pretending Conscience, For then it is only for fear of being Damn'd. A Weather-Cock Loyalty (say the Jacobites) fits you best, it will Turn and Wind, and not be trouble­some at an Unseasonable Time, and therefore you think it deserves most Thanks: But they think, not from the King.

The Jacobites say, this Argument of yours overturns all Duty, Humane and Religious: And makes them wholly Inconsistent with any Gratitude or Reward, from Men at least: So that if Children or Servants be Dutifull, if Wives be Loyal, or Friends Just, here is no thanks, if they do it out of any Principle of Conscience.

But you do not Trust to these Arguments, you have a­nother. That these Jacobites Boldness and Resolution in [Page 66] Opposing their present Majesties — will be thought no Vir­tue by a Prince, who wou'd make his Will Superior to all Laws.

That is, a Prince would not desire his Subjects to be Firm in their Loyalty to him, for fear they might be Firm like­wise in something else that might Displease him.

This is too Superfine for these Jacobites, they Cry out, that it is the same as if a General should not desire Stout Soul­diers, least they should be as Stout, if they should Turn a­gainst him: As if a Man should desire a Weak Horse for his Journey, because if a Strong Horse should prove Subborn, he could dispute it harder with me. Or if I should choose Knavish Servants, and Fickle, whose Principle it were to Desert me, and take on with my Enemy, when ever they were Displeased; for fear if they they should be Firm to me, they might be Firm against me. All these, and Twen­ty other Instances of the like Nature are as Feasable, say the Jacobites, as that a Prince (let him desire never so much to be Absolute) should be displeased at the Firmness of his Subjects Fidelity, or their having an Inflexible Conscience (as you Word it) as to their Loyalty.

The Jacobites profess, they can no more believe it, than that a Husband should be Sorry his Wife were. True and Loving to him; least if she should happen to Love another, she might be as True and Loving to him, because he found, it in her Temper to be Firm and Constant in her Love.

These, Sir, are Flights of Jealousy in Prince or Husband, which lesser Wits than yours have the Happiness not to know: And therefore desire you would not throw away such Mag­nificient and Strong Sence upon them, for they shall ne­ver be the better for it, they would not be Disturb'd with it.

But yet they Confess, that you have found out Grounds for all this Jealousy, which they should never have thought on; and they stand amaz'd at the acuteness of your Wit, which could Search so Deep, as to find Reasons why Wives may Leave their Husbands, and Subjects Abdicate their Prince at their Pleasure. And nothing is so Surpriz­ing [Page 67] as these Reasons which you produce for this, viz. Be­cause a Wife may be Ravished, and forc'd from her Hus­band, therefore it is, Lawful for her to yield to an Adul­terer, Nay, to invite him to come, and Drive away her Husband, to Intrigue with this Gallant under-hand, Con­trive and Assist him to Frighten her Husband out of his House to save his Life, and then to make a Present of it, together with her self, to her Deliverer. And then it is Justly and Legally their own, for, What made him Run away and leave his House? And his Wife holds still. Faith­ful to her Matrimonial Vow; she only Change; the Object, she is for Matrimony still: And therefore, by her Vow to her First Husband, she is Bound to the Second. She only Transferrs her Allegiance: And therefore it is the same Al­legiance still.

All this the Jacobites think is the Consequence of Com­paring this Revolution, with the Conquest of the French King in Flanders, &c. (p. 7.) Because they are Ravished, and Forc'd from their Natural King, therefore you would Insinuate that your Case is the same, who Invited over a Foraign Prince, Intrigu'd with him under hand, did Assist him to Frighten away our Natural and Lawful King, to Save his Life, and then made a Present of his Crown, to­gether with your Selves, to your New Deliverer, from the Sla­very of an Old Husband: And all his Possessions are now Justly your own, for, What made him Run away and Leave his Kingdom? We are still Faithful to our Oath of Alle­giance; we only Change the Object; we are for Monarchy still; and therefore by our Oath of Allegiance to K. James, we are Bound to K. William (which is a Topick taken up in Soloman and Abiathar, and several of our late Pamphlets) for, say they, we only Transferr our Allegiance, and there­fore it is the same Allegiance still, &c.

And the Jacobites desire you to remember, that Marriage is a Mutual Contract; and there is a Due Benevolence and Duty on both sides, which if either Party (the Husband as well as the Wife) shall Neglect, or be Guilty of Male Ad­ministration, why should he not be Depos'd, Propter Inuti [...] Imperium, and Good-Womam have the leave to choose [Page 68] another Husband? And yet our severe Law will not al­low it.

If you say there are Divorces in Marriage; and why not in Government?

They will answer, That for the Case of Adultery only, Divorce is Allowed in Scripture, and Consequently in our Law. But that neither Scripture nor our Law, Allows of any Case, wherein it shall be Lawful for Subjects to take Arms against their King, but on the Contrary, Declares it to be unlawful upon any Pretence whatsoever.

And they make use of this as a strong Argument against us. For (say they) The Law of God and of the Land, would have made Exceptions in the one, as well as in the other, if they had thought it Reasonable. And therefore that we must not make Exceptions against the Laws, both of God and Man.

But to come close to the Matter without Smiles or In­nuendo's. They Desire your Answer, whether if Dixmuyde and Furnes had Invited the French to come thither, and had Betray'd these Towns into their Hands, whether this could, in Justice and Good Conscience, have excus'd their Transferring their Allegiance, and Swearing Oaths to the French King?

If you do not speak plainly to this, they say, you do not come up to the Case in hand.

Unless you will say (as some of late have done) that the P. of Orange has Conquered England, as much as the French King has Dixmuyde, &c.

And that tho' he does not at present set up the Title of Conquest (for what Cause he thinks fit) yet that he has it in's Sleeve, and may justly set it up when he Pleases, For which Gilbert's Pastoral, and several other Licensed Pamphlets, have already made way. And then we all hold our Lives, Estates, and Liberty, only at his Good Pleasure.

I cannot Imagine why the Parliament does not take No­tice of these sort of Pretenders to Politicks, who would make them all absolute Slaves, under the Arbitrary and Despotick Power of a Conqueror!

You say in the same place (p. 7.) That the Principle of Rights of Hereditary Kings to their Crowns, being Sacred and Inviolable is Dangerous to the Ʋnfortunate, because it lays a Necessity upon the Conqueror, to take away his Life (if he can) as well as his Throne, since he cannot lose his Throne, with­out losing of his Life.

This (say the Jacobites) is the very Reason which Fright­ned K. James away, for he Observed in his Father's Words, that there are but few Steps 'twixt a Prince's Prison and this Grave. And tho' some Kings have been suffered to Live some time in Prison, as Edward the Second, and Richard the Second, &c. Yet it still ended in their Murther. There­fore K. James the Second had no mind to stay any longer in Prison, least he might have made another of the Number.

But it often falls out, that the Murther of one, will not Secure the Usurpers Title: And therefore Richard the Third Murther'd all he could get, who stood 'twixt him and the Crown; as did Athaliah, O. P. &c. And there are many Examples of the like in History: And these Jacobites do think, that this Consideration should rather Operate a­gainst such Bloody Attempts (which cannot stop in one or two single Murthers, but Run often to the Destruction of whole Families, and even Nations) rather than against the Right of Succession, in Hereditary Princes: The Preservati­on of which would have stopt these Oceans of Blood, which have Drown'd many Great and Wealthy Nations, for their Violating of this Sacred and Inviolable Right.

But you say, Sir (p. 8.) That if this be so, Princes have no Remedy against the Injury of Neighbour Princes — for it is only the fear of Conquest, and losing their Crowns, that can keep Princes in Awe, and bring them to Just and Equal Terms.

This the Jacobites say, is too great a Reflection upon Kings, as if there were ne're a Just King in the World: And your putting it in these General Terms, without an Exception, they say, Discovers you to be no Friend to Monarchy.

But even as to the Argument. Have Princes no Reme­dy against the Injury of their Neighbour Princes, but tak­ing their Crowns from them? Does every Injury deserve so great a Reparation? When a King Grants Letters of Mart, is not that some Remedy, short of Dethroning his Neighbour Prince who has Injur'd him? If I owe you a Penny, it is Just to take a Thousand Pounds for it?

It will be Convenient, Sir, to Explain this a little fur­ther.

Page. 9. You shew the Necessity of Swearing to a Con­queror, because the whole Nation cannot Run away.

Answer. If the whole Nation were against him, there wou'd be no need of this Question in our Case: And for particular Per­sons, you know the Cavaliers Refus'd to Swear to Oliver, or the Rump. And yet, tho Persecuted, they were not De­stroyed.

No Conqueror will think it his Interest to Imbroyl his new Acquisition, by falling upon a Great part of the People, to Drive them to Arms: And if the Dissenters be but a small part of the People, than your Objection Ceases; it is not the Case of a Whole Nation, nor the Major Part.

The Jacobites do likewise Quarrel much at your Argument, p. 14. That K. James would use the Non-swearers ill, because the French King used the Hugonots ill.

They say, there is no Consequence. They say, there is a vast Difference 'twixt K. James's Character, and that which goes with some Men of the French King: The one a Mild and Merciful Man in his own Nature, the other as some would make you believe, of a more Fierce and Cruel Temper.

But that which is a Greater Security, is the Dispropor­tion of the Hugonots of France, to the Protestants of England.

The Protestants are Two Hundred to One Papist in England: The Hugonots are not (as some Compute) One to a Hundred Papists in France.

Now, tho' there might be Reasons for Destroying, or Banishing Two Men for the Safety or Peace of Two Hun­dred, [Page 71] yet (say the Jacobites) the Argument will not hold to Destroy Two Hundred for the sake of Two.

But lastly, they say, The Difference is Great, 'twixt the Non-Swearers of England, and the Hugonots of France, as to the Principles of Loyalty.

For tho' the Hugonots stuck to this K. Lewis, against the Prince of Conde. Yet this was no Religious Quarrel. Both these Princes were Roman Catholicks: And so they had not the Byass of Religion on either side.

But it cannot be deny'd that they have often Rebell'd, and made many Dangerous Commotions in France of Old.

And we know it was said (how true I cannot tell) that the French King had Discovered Plots and Combinations amongst them, even in Favour of the P. of O. so long a go, which was the Reason of that Persecution, for which he is so much Blam'd.

Whether there be any Truth in this or not, yet it is rendered the less Improbable; because of our mighty Braggs, that the Hugonots, and Hugonot Converts are in League with us, have Invited us over, and are ready to Joyn us, upon our Descent, for whom we carry Armes, and Depend upon them to Rise with us, and Declare for King William, as soon as he is Able to Protect them.

The Answer to Great Britains Just Complaint acknowledges Frankly, p. 47. in these Words. The French King knows, that if he be Invaded by a Protestant Prince, these Men will Endanger him by a Revolt.

How far this will Justify the French King, in desiring to be Rid of these Men, we need not Dispute. But I could wish that you had not Mentioned that Matter at this time. For there is none but must see, that their Case is toto Colo, different from that of our Non-Swearers, who suffer Ex­pressly for a Principle of Loyalty: And they for the Con­trary.

Your 15th. Page, moves the Jacobites Spleen very much. You are there Bemoaning your self, What would become of the Church of England if K. James should Return? By which [Page 72] (say they) you only mean your selves, the Swearing-Clergy. Now, they say, that you cannot be Ignorant, that the Non-Swearers do think themselves the True Church of Eng­land, and the others, though more Numerous, to be the Deserters.

O but say you, in the Name of the Swearing-Clergy, they would, it may be, Hang us in that Day, and possibly Exchange Smithfield for Tyburn.

This the Jacobites say, is only a twinge of an akeing Con­science. And they wish much rather, that you should live to Repent, like Peter, who Denyed his Master, out of Fear.

But that Grace was not given to Judas, who Betray'd Him out of Covetousness: And he was Delivered over to the most Terrible Executioner, the Shame and Confusion of his own Guilt.

But why do they fear the Cruelty of the Non-Swearers? They are Generally Mild, and shew Signs of Good Na­ture enough. They who are so much for Passive-Obedience, and practise it, are thereby in a Good Preparation of mind, towards Christian Humility, Resignation of themselves to God, Forgiveness, and even Loving of their Enemies: And till they do something Contrary to this, they think we ought, in Charity, to put the best Construction upon their Actions.

But you Discover what it is which Frightens the Swear­ing-Clergy; and makes them so Apprehensive of Revenge from the Non-Swearers. And that is, the hard Words they Receive from some of them. They call us no better (say you, p. 15.) than Hereticks, and Schismaticks, and Perjur'd Apostates.

Alas! Did they do it! 'Tis a very hard Case! But (say the Non-Swearers) What would you have us Call you? Either, You or We are Schimaticks, and Apostates from the Doctrine of Christ, as formerly Professed in the Church of England. And would you have us to take the Blame off You, to lay it upon our Selves? And if we believe you to be Perjur'd, and would Reprove you for it, in the Chri­stian Method, What shall we call Perjury, but Perjury? If [Page 73] you will tell us a more Gentile Word, you shall be Grati­fy'd with it.

But you say in the same Page, They (the Non-Swearing Clergy) seem to Comfort themselves under their present Sufferings, more with the sweet hopes of Revenge, than any great expectations of future Rewards.

This is not (say the Jacobites) so very Charitable a Cen­sure in the Swearers. By this you free them from Convetous­ness, and making Interest the Guide of their Conscience; on­ly you think they cannot want a little Sweet Revenge: Be­cause their Provocations have been Great; and you would think it very Pallatable if their Case were yours.

But, say the Jacobites, if they be afraid of an after Reck­ning, they should be have with greater Moderation now: And not Hunt us with Messengers and Proclamations, if we Print a Word in our own Vindication, at the same time, that they are Provoking us to tell our Scruples openly, and that they will Answer fairly, and take no Ad­vantage.

Among other Examples of Cruelty in this Sort, they In­stance in the Case of a Young Lad of 12 Years of Age, Thom. Ross, his Mother a Widdow, and Lives upon Cha­rity. This Orphan was found with a Paper in Defence of Passive Obedience; it was Doctor Tillotson's Letter to Lord Ruffel, and the Trimming Court Divine: And because he would not tell, or may be could not, where he had them, he was, without any Tryal at Law, or Jury charg'd with him, first set in the Pillory, and then Fin'd a Hundred Mark; which his Mother not being able to Pay, he has Lain now Two Years in Nemgate, and is there still, and no Applications have Prevail'd, tho' his Poor Mother offer'd Part of the Fine, that is, all she had in the World for his Release. Ex­cessive Fines was once a Complaint.

Of which the Jacobites shew another Instance in the Case of Mr. George Sheals a Clergy-Man, who will not Swear, but Read the Liturgy of the Church of England in his own House, and did not Deny some Devour People who some­times came thither, the benefit of Joyning in the Common-Prayers of the Church. For which Fault alone, he was Fin'd [Page 74] a Hundred Marks, which being much above his present Abi­lity (for he is Depriv'd, and has nothing where-withal to Subsist a Wife and Parcel of Young Children) he Lay Three Monthes in Newgate for his Fine. Add to this the Imprisonment of Arch-Deacon Fitz Gerrald, Mr. Collier, and Mr. Newton, Three Non-Swearing Clergy-Men, this last Summer, without hav­ing any thing to lay to their Charge. And Dr. Bryand Sent to the Gate-House for Reading the Common Prayers, The several Lords and Gentlemen Committed without any Information upon Oath, contrary to Law, has been brought before the Parliament. Many more Instances the Jacobites offer to give of the like Usage from us; and they desire a List of all whom we have Pardon'd since the Revolution, who have come under the Lash of the Law, to teach them by our Mercy, to return our Kindness.

They likewise mind us, That the Refusal of the Oaths was not at first thought so Heinous a Matter, but that the Parliament Allowed Twelve of the Clergy who should Re­suse it, the Third of their Bishop-ricks or Livings, during Life; and it was left to K. William's Clemency, to Name which Twelve of the Depriv'd Bishops or Clergy he Pleas'd.

But he was Pleas'd with none of them: And their Suc­cessors (whom the Jacobites call Intruders) follow, say they, the Example of his Charity, and keep all they can get to themselves.

They (the No-Swearers) hope to Live (say you ibid.) to see the Swearing Bishops and Priests, the Contempt of Prin­ces and People.

This does not shew, say the Jacobites, that they are Gree­dy of Life. For they may see that every Day they go in­to the Streets. The Turne of the Clergy this Revolution, has made them in a Literal Sence, the By-word of the People.

O but their great Grief is, That if we had a Jacobite Par­liament, they would make no Scruple to Declare the Legitimacy of the Prince of Wales p. 18.

That need not, say the Jacobites, for he is Legitimate, by all the Laws in the World, without their Declaration, un­less [Page 75] you think that Three or Four Foolish Ballads, and Drunken Songs, Laught at now by those who made them (for they have serv'd the Turn for which they were intended) can Disinherit a Prince or any other Man of his Birth-Right: For there is no other Evidence against the P. of Wales, no one Information of any Person whatsoever, no Sentence of any Court, nor has even the present Parliament said one Word against his Legitimacy.

There is a Terrible Discovery in the Words following, viz. They would take care for new Jacobite Tests, to Renounce and Abhor all the several Hypotheses and Principles of Govern­ment, which have been Ʋrg'd to Justify our Submission and Alle­giance to their present Majesties.

These Jacobites are a Cruel sort of People! It is Ten to One, but they might do all this. And then we must be saying and un-saying all over again. But they who have done it twice or thrice, will find it easier and easier; they will never want Distinctions. And Shame is over —

But besides the Jacobites say it is impossible for them to Reproach you, more than you do one another. Even the chief Top-Men of your Party. For Example. When K. James lost the Boyn, then Dr. Sherlock thought it would never be Day. He Immediately cry'd up. Success as Divine Right. And upon that Point he Staked down his Soul to all Eter­nity, and all theirs who would be perswaded by him Vide Dedication to his Book of Judgment, and of Death. 'Twixt these two, he only found Conversion.

But since that the Whore Success has been Court­ing that Handsom Portly French King, Waited up­on him at Mons, Namure, Steenkirk, the Rhine, Savoy, Dix­muyd and Furnes, and we know not where it will End.

Therefore it is good to look about, and Damn that Doctrine of Success in time, before it be made use of against us.

For this Great Work Tillotson is set up, to pull down what Sherlock had so Artificially built.

And he does it Effectually (but not with so great Re­spect to his old Friend) in his Thanks giving Sermon be­fore quoted. p. 30. where he tells us; that The Cause must be first Manifetly Jast, before Success can be made an Argu­ment [Page 76] of GOD's Favour to it, and Approbation of it — Meer Success is certainly one of the worst Arguments in the World of a Good Cause, and the most Improper to Satisfy Con­science — And yet does in a very Odd, but Effectual way, satisfy the Consciences of a Great many Men, by sh [...]wing them their Interest. And p. 17. Knowledge and Skill to Devise Mis­chief, and Power to Effect it, are the true Nature and Cha­racter of the Devil and his Angels. What Jacobite could have Damn'd the Doctrine of Events more Effectually!

And when they see such Great Doctors fall out among themselves, in the Method of Satisfying their Consciences, as to this Revolution, it is a mighty Scandal to them, and a Tentation to think, that having forsaken their old Founda­tion, they are yet to seek where to settle upon true or cer­tain Principles.

Meer Success, says Sherlock, is Divine, says Tillotson, it is the Devil and his Angels. And each Ventures his Soul upon the Truth of his Hypothesis, because an Error in this In­volves them in Rebellion, which both of them do Confess to be a Damnable Sin.

But as to this Principle of Doctor Tillotson's, I must tell you, that the Jacobites are very well pleas'd with it, viz. That the cause must be first Manifestly Just, before Success can be made an Argument of GOD's Favour to it, or Appro­bation of it.

And they hope now to come soon to a Good Conclusion, the Case being thus Stated upon its True Bottom; There­fore we must suppose that it was Manifestly Just, to Plot against K. James, while he was upon the Throne, and to assist the P. of Orange against him, otherwise the Success of this Revolution can be made no Argument of GOD's Favour to it, or Approbation of it.

The Great Terror before us was Popery, and the most po­pular pretence for what we have done, was Securing the Protestant Religion.

And whether Religion be a Manifestly Just Cause for tak­ing Arms against our Natural Prince, the Jacobites say is as Manifestly Decided, as any principle of the Church of Eng­land, or any Act of Parliament in our Statute Book.

They say moreover, that this same Dr. Tillotson her gone a length in this, beyond whatever the Church of Eng­land own'd in her highest Altitude of Passive-Obedience: Which is, to make it Unlawful, even to Preach the Gospel, without leave of the Civil-Magistrate, unless we can prove our Mission by Miracles, as the Apostles did. This you will find in his Sermon upon Josh. 24.15. §. 2. p. 11. Preached before K. Charles II. at White-Hull 2. April, 1680.

And that this Doctrine might be thorowly Instill'd and Propagated, he Instructed the House of Commons in a Strain even beyond this, in his Sermon, Preached before them, 5. Nov. 1678. upon Luke 9.55,56. where he Inferrs that Religion is good for nothing but Temporal Respects, and that chiefly to prevent Rebellion: And that Rebellion is worse than Atheism or Infidelity. ‘For, let any Man ( says he, p. 20.) say worse of Atheism and Infidelity if he can. And for God's Sake, What is Religion Good for, but to Reform the Manners and Dispositions of Men, to Restrain Humane Nature from Violence and Cruelty, from Falsehood and Treachery, from Sedition and Rebellion? Better it were, there were no Reveal'd Religion — than to be Act­ed by a Religion that — is continually Supplanting Government — Teaching the Lawfulness of Deposing Kings — Such a Religion as this, is as bad, or worse than Infidelity and no Religion, p. 21.’ and a Great deal more to the same purpose, which makes it more Eligible to Renounce Christ, and all Reveal'd Religion, than to al­low of the Lawfulness of taking Armes against our King, upon the Account of Religion.

I hope he will think it worth his while to Explain these Matters for the sake of others, as well as the Jacobites, for in Truth, Sir, they carry a very strange Aspect, and Stum­ble very Well-Meaning Men. Together with his Letter to Lord Russel, and Prayer on the Scaffold with his Lordship. which are so Notorious, I need not Repeat them. As likewise these Passages in Doctor Sherlock's Sermon, upon the Discovery of the Phanatick and Republican Plot at Rye-House. Printed Anno. 1683.

Where, after Disproving the pretence of Rebelling for Liberty and Property, he proceeds to the Grand pretence of Religion.

The Libertyes and Propertys of the Subject (says he p. 2.) is an Admirable Pretence to Deprive the Prince of his Libertys and Propertyes; and those who have any Liberty or Property to loose, seldom gain any thing by this: For when you have secur'd their Liberties and Properties against their Prince, it is a much harder Task, to secure themselves from their Fellow-Sub­jects. But let us hear him as to Religion.

[The Doctor has Recanted this, in this Case of Allegi­ance, and taken away the Distinction 'twixt Gods Permissi­on, and his Ordering of Evil, it would not serve this Turn: Therefore he says now, that God not only Permits, but is the Author of all the Good or Evil which Happens, either to Private Persons, or Publick Societies, &c. Case of Allegi­ance. p. 12.]

But let us go on with his Sermon.

Thus Dr. Sherlock, Excellently!

Now then to come to our Application. All this must be false, if it was Lawful to Plot against K. James, and Joyn with the P. of Orange, for the Preservation of our Religion, Liberty, Property, or whatever other Pretence.

Secondly (say the Jacobites) if it was unlawful to Plot a­gainst K. James while he was upon the Throne, then the present Revolution, notwithstanding it's Success, must still Remain Wicked, because, as Dr. Tillotson has said, The Cause must be Manifestly just, before Success — &c.

And thus he proves it to be in the present Case, in the Words immediately following, viz. If the Cause of True Re­ligion, and the necessary Defence of it (against a False and Idolatrous Worship) be a Good Cause, Ours is so: If the Vindi­cation of the Common Liberties of Mankind, against Tyranny and Oppression, be a Good Cause, than Ours is so: And this needs not be proved, it is so Glaringly Evident to all the World. Thus the Dr.

And it is every Word of the Proof he brings in all that Sermon, and is Answer'd in what goes before: The [...]ame Hand, and say nothing — This (say the Jacobites) is the Ultimate Resolve of the Letter to a Friend, which is our present Subject, and is taken Notice of before, viz. That he will Dispute with none who do not feel the Force of his Argument at the first Hearing — that they are Stupid Sense­less Slaves, &c. Letter p. 26.

And now the proof is. That it is Glaringly Evident to all the World. This (say the Jacobites) the Dr. meant for a Joque, for he) knows all the World is not of his Mind. And a Glaring Light is the falsest Light can be, it Strikes [Page 82] one Blind. But they tell him of a Glaring Comet hangs over these Nations, which he Mistakes for the Sun, and because it Lighted him over to Lambeth, he is resolv'd to see by no other Luminary, least it should shew him the way back again.

It was this (say the Jacobites) Glared in his Eyes, that he could not see, what the Poorest Dablers in Divinity have at their Fingers ends, and it is one of the first Principles Taught among the Casuists, viz. That not only the Cause must be Good, but the Means. That a Good Cause will not Justify Wicked Means. That we must not Lye for GOD, that their Damnation is Just, who do Evil, that Good may come of it. Therefore, there was something more to be said, besides the Cause being True Religion, which is all the Doctor Urges.

We know that all Pretences are Good: For if a thing were not Good, it could not be a Pretence. No Man Pre­tends to do Wickedly. And the better the thing is, it makes the better Pretence; therefore, Religion is the General Pre­tence for Rebellion. But, as before is said, Religion must not be serv'd by Means, which that Religion does forbid; that would be to Destroy Religion, to please GOD by break­ing. His Commandments; to take Service with the Beelze­hub, for the Cause of CHRIST.

We have no Dispute with the Protestant Jacobites, but concerning the Means of Preserving our Religion: They say, the Means we take are not Justifyable: And for you; Sir, to say nothing at all to this, but that it is Glaring! The Jacobites think, was because your Understanding was Dazled; and they take it as a Yielding of the Cause.

But besides they say, that by this, you [...] Absolutely Declar'd, that Protestant Religion you now Profess to be worse than Infidelity and no Religion. And that without Debating particulars, or, at the first Hearing, as you now would have it. And that all this follows unavoidably from your own Words in the 'bove quoted Sermon, upon the 5. Nov. p. 21. where only putting in your now Doctrine of Resistance, instead of the Word [...] (which the Jaco­bites think but two Names for the same thing) then these [Page 83] are your own Words. viz. We will at present admit Re­sistance to be the True Religion, and their Doctrine of the Lawfulness of Deposing Kings — as in Truth it is, the Doctrine of this Religion: In this Case, I would not trouble my self to Debate Particulars; but if in the Gross, and upon the whole Matter it be Evident, that such a Religion as this is as bad or worse than Infidelity, and no Religion; this is Con­ [...]tion enough to a Wise Man, and as Good as a Demonstrati­on, that this is not the True Religion, and that it cannot be from GOD. These are the Doctors Words. And he says all this of Popery, only upon the Account of its containing the Doctrine of Resistance. But he makes a Notable Dis­covery, p. 24. Where he tells us. ‘That many have all along held and believ'd these Doctrines of Deposing Kings, and of Absolving their Subjects from Obedience to them, and have frequently put them in Execution, though they have not thought it so Convenient at all Turns, to make Pro­fession of it. It is a certain sort of Engine (says he) which is to be Scru'd up, or let down, as occasion serves; and is commonly kept like Goliah's Sword in the Sanctua­ry, but yet so that the High-Priest can Lend it out up­on an Extraordinary Occasion.’ These are the Doctor's own Words. And the Jacobites leave the Application to himself: And hope they need not fear now that he has got the keep­ing of our Goliah's Sword. Let him take care to whom he Lends it. All the Dissenters (but those of the Church of England) are Sueing for it. The Socinians want not hopes that it will come to their Turn at last.

But if another Turn come first, then, says your Letter to a Friend, p. 19. Those who in the Late Reign were the Great Advocates of the Protestant Cause, will be Disgrac'd at Court, Threatned into silence, their Authority Weakned, and their Per­sons Reproac'd, both by Papists and Jacobites.

The Jacobites Guess who are Meant by this; and say, that those who were Advocates for the Protestant Cause in the Late Reign, and Preach'd down the Deposing Doctrine, as a Mark of the Beast, and shall come about in this Reign, and own Publickly that they were Mistaken, and both Preach and Practise now bare-Fac'd, that same Popery they [Page 84] Damn'd before, deserve not the Name of Protestants, but Apostates.

But on the Contrary, those who adhere constantly to their Principles, which they profest before this Turne do preserve their Authority and Respect, in the midst of the Reproaches of those who are Griev'd, that they Live to be a Reproach to them. And, if they should not find Sutable Rewards for their Constancy in this World, it is laid up for them in Heaven.

The Jacobites give us Instances, where the Depriv'd do Force Witness and Attestation, even from their Deprivers, who somtimes forget themselves, to Comdemn what them­selves have done. Which brought an Old Sier, as the Ja­cobites do certainly Assure us; to beg My Lord of Canter­bury's Blessing, and therein his Pardon, the Third Day after he had lay'd his Hands upon the Intruder into his Throne. But the Arch-Bishop stop'd his Lord-ship, as he was Kneel­ing, and ask'd him, if he had forgot what he had been doing on Sunday?

In the following Pages 20. 21. you shew the Miseries of a Civil-War, which you say must follow, if the Jacobites should Assist K. James; for that K. William will not Desert nor Abdicate: And you are resolv'd to Assist him against K. James.

The Jacobites Laugh at this Argument. It is like the Old Saying. The second Blow makes the Quarrel. I Turn you out of your House, and desire you to make no Distur­bance about it, because I am Resolv'd not to part with it.

The Jacobites say, That if we will not Assist K. William, but let K. James Deal with him and his Forreign Troops, we shall have very little Civil-War.

Now which of us is in the Right or the Wrong, must depend upon the Justice of the Cause. And that is the Issue to which the Jacobites alwaies Press to bring us.

But Indeed, Sir, you have given a very unlucky Instance, p. 20. where Aggravating the Miseries of a Civil-War, you bid us look into Ireland, and see to what a Heap of Rubbish [Page 85] a Flourishing and Fruitful Country is Reduc'd, by being the Scene of a three Years War.

Here the Jacobites desire us to take a Specimen of the Advantage of a Civil-War and Rebellion, to Defend our Rights, &c. when that Country could not have Suffered so much in the Reign of Twenty Tyrants, as by that Short Civil-War of Three Years. They desire us then to think of the Consequences of Entailing many Years Civil-War (for ought we know) upon these Nations: York and Lan­caster lasted a Hundred Years, and this War (in all pro­bability) will not cease while K. James or the P. of Wales, or any of their Issue stand nearer to the Crown, than the present Possessors: Which may be till England be Reduc'd to a Heap of Rubbish like Ireland. Therefore they desire and request, that we would Consider in time, for the Pre­servation of England, and the Peace of our Selves, and our Posteritys, before it be too late. And not to Flatter our Selves; into our own Ruin, by the Notion of our Draining France, in the Lengthing out of this War, for we have try'd Three Campaigns, and find it is not to be done sud­denly, by Force, unless Lewis would lend us some of his Ge­nerals; It being said Publickly in the House of Commons, that England had not a Man fit to make a General of Horse: I think we must have a little of his Mony too for he is not half Drain'd so Low as we are; nor has this War made him such Miserable Subjects, no not in Dauphiny, so Poor, so Harrass'd, so Ruin'd as they are in Ireland, almost (says Lord Sidney in his Speech to the Parliament there, 5. Octob. 92.) to an utter Desolation of the Country. And yet he tells them, That the Necessity of his Masters Affairs, Compels him to Ask a Supply from them, at a time, when the Kingdom is in so Low a Condition, and hath Suffer'd so much in the War. On the other Hand Grand-Lewis, has (as the very Dutch News tells us) not only freed Dauphiny from all sort of Taxes for Ten Years to come; but sent them Great Quantities of Corn, and other Supplys, that his Subjects may not feel the War, which he has carry'd on to this Day, without Im­posing one Tax upon his People: For he has sound a way to make War at his Enemys Cost, and cause them to bear [Page 86] his Expence, at least, so much of it, as to make the Rest very easie at Home.

He lets us Fortify Towns, and then takes them from us without Trouble, with all our Magazines, Stores, &c. He Trades with our Ships, which our Merchants send a­broad, and is at no more Charge than to Conduct them in­to his Ports. There is hardly a Post but brings us News of the Increase of this Branch of his Revenue, which by their own Losses, the Mer [...]hants have Computed to several Millions Sterl. in Cargo, besides the Loss of above Two Thousand of their Ships, some of Great Force, carrying some Forty, sone Fifty Guns, little Inferior to Men of War. Nor have our Men of War escaped much better. Last 13. Nov. 91. There came a List into Parliament of more than Thirty Men of War, taken by the French, and otherwise Lost by several Accidents, and Eight Disabl'd since the Year 88. and the List is well Increas'd since that time. To Ballance all this, the French had one unlucky Accident at Sea last May, 92. Whereby they lost the Hulks of Sixteen Ships, the Guns and Rigging Sav'd, but not one Sunk or Taken in Fight, tho' we were twice their Number: And I must tell you, that the Jacobites think us Horrible Ridiculous, even to Madness, and that it must appear so to all Man­kind, to see us so Transported with this, as to Equal it to the Miraculous Deliverance of Israel, and Overthrow of Pharaoh, &c. in the Red Sea, as you have heard from Dr. Sherlock: But that his Predecessor in Paul's, has learnt to Cant as far beyond him, as he has got in Dignity before him. In his Thanks-giving-Sermon, 27. Octob. 92. p. 25. He says it was The Greatest and Cheapest (Sea Victory) that ever the Sun saw, from his first Setting out to Run his Course.

This, the Jacobites say, they can Forgive in him for se­veral Reasons: And because he makes an Humble Apolo­gy for it in the same Sermon, p. 8. in these Words, viz. The Excess of Knowledge and Wisdom — if attended with Pride — is very Dangerous, and does many times Border up­on Distraction, and Run into Madness. For Example. p. 33. He Flatters K. William to his Face, even to Blasphemy, giving as High a Character of him, as could be said of CHRIST [Page 87] Himself, with Relation to His Humane Nature, viz. That he does Imitute the Divine Perfections, as far as the Imper­fection of Humanel Nature, in this Morral State, will Admit. And yet in the same Breath, p. 34. (he says) It is Beneath an Honest and a Generous Mind to Flatter, p. 31. He Rejoyces mightily at a New Discovery he has made, That the Weeping and Wailing, Rev. 18.17. was Meant of the French this Sea-Fight, and, says he, did little Imagine this Thirty Years ago. But the Lamentations Mention'd in that Text, are plainly of the Merchants, for their Great Losses at Sea, and Decay of Trade: And where that will Light. I believe he did as little Imagine.

All this the Jacobites can easily pass by, as some of the Bold Strokes, which this Doctor thinks his particular Talent.

But they are Amazed to see this Spirit of Infatuation, Possess the Body of our Representatives in Parliament, in the Address of the House of Commons to their Queen, 10. Nov. 92. Where they call this such a Glorious and Compleat Victory, as is not to be Equal'd in any former Age, and can never be forgotten by Posterity.

The Jacobites think these Gentlemen deserve an An­swer; supposing they ought to know more than other men; for if there is no more in it, than what is visible to the World; The Jacobites say, That this is the most surprizing and unaccountable Madness, ever seiz'd the Brains of Man­kind, or (to follow the Cant) that Ever the Sun saw, from his first setting out to run his Course.

Therefore, in Pitty to the Weakness of these Blind Jacobites, I beseech you, Sir, to Explain a little, wherein the Miracle of this Victory does Consist.

Was it so Great a Miracle, for a Hundred. Sail of English and Dutch, to Worst Forty French?

Had it not been a Greater Miracle, if they had not Beaten the French with such odds? Was it not a Miracle they had not a Greater Victory over them? That they cou'd neither Burn, Sink, nor Take one of their Ships in Three Days Fight?

That the French were able to Maintain so unequal a Com­bat, with so much Advantage, that if they had had any Ports, or but an Hours more Tyde, they had left us with the Greatest Share of the Loss? Why was Sir John Ashby, and other of our Admirals, question'd in Parliament, for the ill Conduct of this Fight? Wou'd you have had more than the Greatest and Cheapest Victory ever the Sun saw?

Was it not a much greater Victory, when the French Beat the English and Dutch Fleets, with Equal Number, in the Year 90. And Possess'd our Shore Triumphant, a whole Month together?

Had we been able to have forc'd our way into St. Malo's, as the Dutch did into Chattam! Cou'd we have brought off but one of their Ships, for Memory of our Victory, tho' we had turn'd it, after, into a Place of Entertainment (like the Folly upon the Thames) as the Dutch have done with our Royal-Charles, taken from Chattam! Had we met the French with Equal Number; had we blown their Admiral into the Air, as the Duke of York did O [...]dham, and Taken, Sunk, and Burn'd Eighteon of their Men of War, in a Fair Fight!

Had we let the French feel our Courage at such a Rate as this, neither Sun or Moon had ever seen the Like! Un­less you think it a Greater Miracle, that the English should Beat the Dutch at Sea even Hand, than that both English and Dutch should cause Less than half their Number of French to Retire, tho' without a Ship Lost or Taken in Fight!

Was not the Destruction of the Spanish Armado, Anno. 1588. as Cheap a Victory as this? For there we Lost no Men, nor had any Ships Disabl'd; And the Naval Power of Spain, then so Formidable, was so Shattered and Broke to Pieces, that they have never made any Figure upon the Sea since.

Whereas France, will, this next Summer, shew us the same Ships, that is, with the same Names, and Equipage of eve­ry sort, exceeding those Lost in May last, great part of them being already Launched: He Heals this wound so quickly, that the Annals shall not find the Name of a Ship [Page 89] wanting, that was upon the Sea last Year; So that Poste­rity may come to doubt, whether this Boasted Victory was not [...] Winters Dream, since no Loss or Difference, but for the Better, is found 'twixt this, and the last Summers Fleet of France.

And the Jacobites desire J. Cant. to Consider, whether this be not that Wonder, which the Sun never saw before. That such a Fleet, of Great Men of War, should be Built, and Equipp'd in one Years time, where they must send for most of their Materials into other Countries; and those who cou'd Furnish-them best, are in Actual War with them?

And add to this, That all this is done without any Tax upon the Subject; which makes good what the Doctor, in his 'foresaid Sermon, informs us of the French King, viz. That he has An almost Inexhaustible Treasure and Revenue.

An Instance of which is given in our London Gazzet, from 1. Decem. to 5. Decem. 92. which tells us, That he has al­ready in Bank for 93. and is now Forming a Fund for the Year 94.

I told you this before; but that was only what I heard from the Jacobites last Summer, when I Wrote this, but the Delays of the Press has given me more Informations. For it seem'd hard then to believe; but now our Gazzet makes it good: And if what the Jacobites say, be true, as it has hitherto prov'd, he has, before this time, his Bank complea­ted for 94. and is beginning for 95. which perhaps our Gazzer may own next Session of Parliament.

On the other hand, the Jacobites Object, to as, That the P. of O. has been an Insupportable Charge, as well to his own, Country as to ours; that he was ever a Burthen, and Exhau­sted the Wealth of those, over whom he had Power: Of which [...]lland was very sensible, before they parted with him.

In the bove quoted Narrative, Wrote at Amsterdam, Anno 76. it is said in these plain Terms, viz. That the P. of Orange is the common Spoiler and Troubler of Church and State — That there hath been more Blood and Treasure spent in the Five Years Service of this Prince, than in Twenty of his Ancestors: So that we see he is given to these Provinces for a [Page 90] Sore Scourge, to be Chastised by him: The Battle by St. Nuef, the Siege of Mastricht, of Woerden, Oudenard, and of Char­leroy, which were all so scandalously broke up, and [...]; what Blood have they last? And that thro' his Simplicity, and little Conduct occasioned. These are the words of that Nar­rative.

And the Jacobites say, That his Conduct was as little commended at Steinkirk, at Mons, or Namur.

But much better, they say, at Tergoes, where, since he cou'd not beat the French, he wou'd do some Feats, and Ad­vance his Authority at Home.

The Story they tell thus.

That he not only Refus'd to Confirm the Magistrates at Torgoes, according, as they say, to the Custome, as being Stadt-Holder: But he would have the Election wholly to himself: And accordingly he Rejected the Magistrates Chosen by the City, and Appointed others in their Places. That the City Refus'd to acknowledge his Magistrates, but adher'd to their own. That he sent Dragoons and others, of Greater Number than usual, to Quarter upon them, and Reduee them to Obedience, that they shut their Gates, and Refus'd to Receive such a Number of Soldiers. Where­upon more were sent, and something fram'd like a Siege. That the Town was at length forc'd to Submit. That the President Burgo-Master was Sentenc'd to be Beheaded; but it was Chang'd into Banishment, and the Magistrates were sont Prisoners to the Citydal of Boldack. Thus Tergoes was Reduc'd, and, as a Letter I Saw from Holland, of the 3. Octob. 92. Says, it was the only Conquest he had made that Campaign.

And another of the 31. Ditto. says, that the [...]rbitrary Change of the Magistrates at Tergoes, and Ro [...]dam, has extreamly Incens'd the People of all Ranks, in these Two Pro­vinces. The Mobb Ebbs and Flows like the Sea. Their Kindness is Unconstant. They Advanc'd the P. of Orange, with Violence and Fury, as above told, and now begin to Transferr their Affections towards those whom they think Persecuted by him. But this Matter went Farther than the Mobb.

The whole Province of Zealand was Miarm'd at the Sentence against the President Burgo-Master of Ter­goes and his Brethron, and the Inhabitants of the City came Weeping about him, as if they were going to lose their Father, and the only Defender of their Liberties and Priviledges. After Sentence Pronounc'd against him, he ve­ry Boldly told his Judges as he stood at the Barr, that, themselves were sensible of the Injustice of his Seatence, and that they durst not Execute it, That he knew they would be Suing out for a Pardon for him, thereby to Dis­gusse their Arbitrariness: But for his Part, he would have none — that he desir'd no other Favour than to Dye a Martyr for the Laws and Priviledges of his City. The Stadt-Holder having Notice, from several Parts, of the Great Discontents in Zealand, occasion'd by the foresaid Sentence, and being Apprehensive of the Mischiefs which might Ensue, should it be Executed, sent him his Pardon, to prevent an Insurrection, which in Great Probability, would have been occasioned thereby. You will say, that it is much, in this Age, to find a Man of this Vigor, and that Durst thus Stickle for the Support of the Priviledges of his Country.

The Jacobites desire us to take Notice of the Part the Glergy Acted in this Affair, because of the Likeness it bears to our Case in England. A Letter from Leyden. Dated 13. Janua. 92. Gives an Account of it, in these following Words.

There is another Occurrence, which they tell of the Geneva Clergy, that is very like our Present Debate here, concerning the Validity of a Lay-Deprivation, of the Spiritu­al Power.

The Story is this, as I saw it from a very Good Hand in Geneva.

About the latter end of Septem. last, there was a Solemn Fast kept at Geneva. They met at Church at Four in the Morn­ing, and continued till Five in the Afternoon: And all this time was Spent in Singing Psalms, Preaching, and Praying. One of the Ministers Reflected very sharply upon some Por­sons in Office, yet without Naming any one, for their Pride and Insolence, in Challenging and Taking the Precedence before the Ministers, in Receiving the Sacrament, contrary to the Constant Custom of that Church, where the Ministers alwaies Communicate after the Council of State, who are there, the Representatives of the Sovereignty. The Officers Complain'd to the Council, who, Summon the Minister, he Appears, Declines their Authority as Incompotent, and Persists in it. Upon which, the Council Pronounce Suspen­sion against him, During Pleasure. And the Minister still [Page 93] Persists in Denying their Authority. And thus the Matter stood, when the Letter was Wrote. He tells likewise, that he once heard Passive Obedience Asserted in their Pulpits, as the Peculiar Character of the Protestant Religion, but that, in other things, the Spirit of Calvin still prevails: That they all Condemn the Sectarys of England, and not one of them thinks the Communion of the Church of England Un­lawful, he says, he has heard them commend our Common-Prayer: And one of them Discoursing to him of the Revo­lution in England, said, he knew not how to Approve or Justify it; and that there was more of the Cavalier, than of the Christian in it.

Here I had ended, having tired my self, and I'm afraid you too; But a Pamphlet coming into my Hands, call'd an An­swer to Great Britains Just Complaint, which is Wrote, Sir, in Vindication of this Letter of yours, from the Objections which are against it in Great Britains Complaint, I thought it would be very proper to let you know, what the Jaco­bites say against that Answer, that you may have the whole Cause before you, and by one Effectual Reply, may silence them for ever.

I do not pretend to Examine all that Answer to Britains Complaint, I leave it to the Author to Defend himself, but I will only tell you some Cursory Observations I have heard from the Jacobites, upon a slight View En Passant, to En­tertain you, till the Fuller Answer (which I hear is a Pre­paring) shall Appear.

In the First Place, I must tell you, that these Jacobites are no ways Discourag'd, but shew themselves mightily Pleas'd with the Performance of the Answerer to Great Britains Complaint, who Vindicates K. William, they say, at such a Rate, as Exposes him more than the Book he pretends to Answer. They say, he brings in (by way of Apology) the severest Objections which K. William's Greatest Enemys could Suggest; and then says nothing in the World to Clear them.

That, it is known to every English-Man in England, that K. William had no Battle in England. Therefore that [Page 94] it is most Ridiculous in this Author, p. 65. to Bragg of King William's Victories in England, and to Advance his Prowess for this, above that of the French K. whom he calls a Coward. Was this in his Zeal, to make England a Con­quest? Which is the Notion of late much Advanc'd.

That it would appear full as Comical to the French, to Boast of K. William's Victorys in Flanders. (as this Au­thor does in the same Place) Would they not desire you to Name them? Or to remember what the Dutch Narrative above-quoted Names, viz. The Battle of St. Nuef, the Siege of Mastricht, of Woerden, Oudenard, and of Charleroy: And once at Mons, they say, he Attempted to Steal a Victo­ry with the Articles of Peace in his Pocket.

They Ridicule him, and say, that none but the Irish have been Civil to him. For none else will be Beaten by him, and not that, but when he is much Superior in Number, as he was at the Boyn, which was the first time, the French say, that ever he saw himself a Victor, and is like to be the last, For the Irish themselves Baffled him afterwards at Li­merick, and Forc'd him to Turn his Back.

But this Author says ibid. That K. William Dar'd the French Army, and makes his Great Prowess consist in that. Whereas this is the very Jest which the French put upon him, viz. That he Stood at the Head of a Hundred Thousand Men, to see the French King in Person, take Namur (amat Victoria Testes!) without Daring to Strike a Stroak in its Defence, tho' he came thither on purpose for its Rescue. And his Daring to see the English Butcher'd at Stein-Kirk before his Face, without Daring to come in to their Relief, tho' he had drawn them into that Snare by his Conduct.

And the Inference this Author Draws from K. William's thus Daring the French, is in the next Words, viz. That if the French have the Advantage, yet K. William hath En­tirely the Honour of the Campaign. Which is as severe a Satyr, as any of K. William's Enemys could have made up­on him, to set up a Hero for his Non-Resistance Valour in War!

Pamphlet. p. 64. It is observed that K. James never Won a Battle in his Life.

Jacobite. He has certainly Mistaken an J. for a W. There can be no Excuse for his Malice, unless he Plead such a Gross Ignorance, as never to have heard, that K. James, when D. of York, did on the 3. of June, 1665. in fair and open Fight with the Dutch, Blow up their Admiral Opdham, and, as it was Express'd in the Lord Chancellor's Speech to the Parliament, 10. Octo. 65. In that Great Action Sunk, Burn'd, and took Eighteen Good Ships of War, whereof half were the Best they had, with the loss of one Single Small Ship of Ours — The Actions, and the Blessing of that Day — ( that Glorious Third of June!) hath been Celebrated in all the Churches in England, and in the Hearty Devotions of all True English-Men, &c.

And the Commons of England, to Express their Great Sense of the Valour and Magnanimity of his Royal High­ness, did, upon this Occasion, Grant to his Majesty, one Months Assessment, amounting to 120902. 15. 8. as a Present to be Given to his Royal Highness.

The Act begins thus. We your Majesties most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, the Commons Assembled in Parliament, taking Notice of that Heroick Courage, with which your Majesties Royal Brother Expo'd his own Person, for the Defence of your Majesty and your People, against the Dutch Fleet, and of the Glorious Victory, through the Blessing of Almighty GOD, by him Obtained, are Humble Suitors unto your Majesty, That we may have leave, to make some Expressions of our Humble Thanks to his Royal Highness for the same, and that for this end your Majesty would Graciously Please to Accept from us your Loyal Subjects, the Sum of Money herein after Mentioned, and to Bestow the same upon your Majesties Royal Brother. Now what a Witless and Malicious Scribler must this be Reputed, who dare out-face the Sun, and what is so Pub­lickly known, and upon Record in England?

Nor was his Royal Highness more Celebrated at Home, than he was Glorious abroad. During his Brother's, and his own Exile, he was General for France and Spain Alternativly, where he Signaliz'd himself to that Degree, that the Fa­mous [Page 96] Mareshal Turenne, who Instructed his Royal Highness in the Rudiments of War, us'd to boast of him, that he had Bred up one, who did Exceed himself in the Military Capacity.

And his Fame was Trumpeted no where Louder than in England, for about Twenty Years together, till the Founda­tions lay'd for the Bill of Exclusion, made it Necessary to have another Character Rais'd of him.

Pamphlet. P. 65. Says of a certain Monsieur (but Names no Body) that he never got one Inch of Ground, nor a Single Town by True Valour, and Bravery.

Jacobite. This is True of some Body, but not of the French Monsieur. Witness, in the last Campaign, Namur, Steinkirk, Dixmuyd, Furnes, &c. But if you will say, all this was by Treachery, on the Confederates side, it will follow, That they know not among them all, a Man they can trust: A good Presage of a further Victo­ry! But why then was the Valour, and Fidelity of the Governour of Namur, so much commended? You Contra­dict your selves on all hands. In whom lay the Treache­ry at Steinkirk, at Dixmuyd, and Furnes? Why are not those Traitors call'd to an Account? The French King Fights when he pleases, and Conquers when he Fights, and Those whom be Beats, call him a COWARD, to make Themselves more Ridiculous and Contemptible.

Pamphlet, p. 62. As for those who declare they ought to Fight against this Government, so soon as an Enemy appears; I hope the Government will with-draw its Protection from them, and pair their Nails in time.

Jacobite. This spoils all the mighty Braggs, which this Pamphlet has, p. 54. of Dr. King's Book, concernign the Affairs of Ireland, which he there calls a Convincing Tract, and that every Page of it is a Demonstration.

For the Protestants then there, do now declare, That it was their Principle to Fight against that Government, so soon as an Enemy appear'd, and did accordingly. And K. James was told of it, and was Morally assur'd they would do so. And therefore, by this Rule, he cou'd not have been [Page 97] blam'd, if he had pared the Protestants Nails there much closer than even as Dr. King does Represent it.

Pamphlat. p. 59. He foothes the Roman-Catholick Princes of the Confederacy, not to fear any Harm to their Religion, from the Protestant Confederates; for (sayes he) The Prote­stants never did Combine to Exterminate Popery in Gene­ral.

Jacobite. What does he mean by in General? Are we not to be against All the Errors of Rome? or only for some part of the Truth? or are we to Compound and Abate of it, in Favour of the Confederates? And Swear to Re-Establish the Pope's Supremacy in France, in Order to Secure the Pro­testant Religion in England?

The First Article of the Resolution of the Princes, Allies, and Confederates, which was taken in the Assembly at the Hague, Feb. 91. as it was done out of the French, and Printed here, was, That they Solemnly Protest before GOD, that they will never Break off their Union, nor make any Peace with Lewis XIV. Till he has made Reparation to the Holy See, for whatsoever he has Acted against it; and till he An­null and make Void all those Infamous Proceedings against the Holy Father, Innocent, XI.

This was but in Parsuance of what was before Concert­ed in the Particular League with Spain, and the Emperor, 31. Decem: 1690. as it is in the Abstracts of the Foraign Leagues, given into the Parliament this Session.

There, Article Fourth, It is agreed, that no Peace be begun, before — all things in the Ecclesiasticks — be Re­stor'd as in their Former State.

Pamphlet. Page. 52. He says, the French King Dragoon'd the Hugonets, against his Interest, purely out of Vain Glory.

Jacobite. So easily is it, for Malice to betray our Rea­son, and Expose us to Forget and Contradict your Selves!

It was but in p. 47. that he gave a Substantial Reason, why it was the French King's Interest to be Rid of these Men, The French King knows (says he) that if he be Invaded by a Protestant Prince, these Men will Endanger him by a Revolt.

Pamphlet. Page. 37. He commend; the Great Clemency of K. William's Order, against the Laird of Glen-Coe, and says, a Milder Order was never given. And that he has Ex­press'd a High Displeasure at it, viz. The Massacre of Glen-Coe.

Jacobite. He was too soon Weary of this Subject. For he should have told, what was the High Displeasure was Ex­press'd against these Mutherers of Glen-Coe, particularly, against those Bloody Brutes in Commission, who sent Or­ders under their Hands (two whereof are Inserted No. 19. Appendix, of the Answer to Dr. King's Book) and said it was by the Kings Express Command, to put all to the Sword under 70. Yet these Infernal Furys are continued still in their Respective Posts, and no Mark of Displeasure is to be seen upon them.

In the next Place, K. William's most Mild Order, should have been Inserted, otherwise, it will not be Believ'd, that any Officers durst have Vouch'd his Express Command, for an Action of this Nature, and not have Forfeited their Necks, at least their Commissions, if they had not a Suffici­ent Warrant, under his Hand to Produce. And it is to be Explain'd, how Glen-Coe and his Men could be in Arms, and in open Rebellion, as the Pamphlet Foolishly Alledges, at the same time, that Glen-Lyon and his Souldiers were Quar­tered in their Houses. This Pamphlet confesses the Matter of Fact, but Disproves no one Particular of it.

Pamphlet. Page. 30. He undertakes to Free K. William, from the Objection of Imprisoning many Lords, and others, contrary to Law. Which he does, by Confessing the whole Charge against him, and then giving an Excuse for it. viz. That the Safety of the Nation Absolutly Requires it, when In­vasion is Threatned.

Jacobite. But, yet when this Method would have Ab­solutly Defeated the Present Revolution, and K. James was Minded of it, and Advis'd to Secure but a small Number of those who Betray'd him, and were then in the Conspi­racy against him, and he was Morally assur'd of it; he would not do it, because (not having Informations upon Oath against them) it was Contrary to Law, as a Noble Earl [Page 99] did very well Remark, in the House of Peers, this Session of Parliament.

And the Ministers concern'd in our Modern Imprison­ments, had an Act of Indemnity, to Secure them last Year for this, and are Endeavouring another now. The House of Lords, having this Session Declar'd such Commitments to be Illegal: Upon which the Prisoners so Committed, were Discharg'd; and not from K. William's innate Clemen­cy, which forbade the Prosecution, as this Pamphlet would have us believe; for such Endeavours were us'd to continue them in Custody, that Aaron Smith (the Plot Journey-Man) was forc'd to make Affidavit, that he had Informations upon Oath against them, tho' when it came to the Issue, there was no such thing. And the Prosecution of this Perjury, was all which the Innate Clemency did forbid. [Thus, Sir, say the Jacobites.]

Pamphlet. Page. 31. Accuses K. James for Prosecuting Lord Macklesfield, Brandon Gerard, and Lord Delamare, up­on Monmouth's Rebellion.

Jacobite. Lord Delamare himself, cannot but own that he had a Fair Tryal, and K. James, who was Present, shew'd a Particular Satisfaction in his being Acquit.

Will this Author say, that there was not Information upon Oath against him? Lord Macklesfield Fled, his Case is Sufficiently known. Lord Brandon Convict and Pardon'd by K. James, and Professed Great Loyalty, and Gratitude.

If such Informations could have been had against those Committed in this Reign, the Lords had not Voted their Commitments Illegal.

But this Pamphleteer avers, that the Government could not want Informations against them. Tho' it is Evident to all in Westminster-Hall, that they did want Informations upon Oath against them, and that this was the only Cause of their Acquittal.

But he had some Reason to think, that the Government could not want Informations against whom they Pleased to Accuse, considering the Fund of Evidence was Provided, and their Qualifications. Fuller, Young, Blackhead, and Hol­land, are Notoriously known, besides these, there are [Page 100] the — standing Evidence at every Sessions, Capel (a Broken Shoomaker of Windsor) Low (a Fidler in Field-Lane) Mrs. Scot (a Common Prostitute) and others of the like Characters, who (except the Fidler, that keeps an Ale-House among the Butchers) have no Habitation, but are Absolute Beggars, Supported by Aaron Smith.

But the Wit of such Cattle, is not alwaies so ready as their Knavery, which is the Reason they have done no more Mischief, tho' they have done all they could.

Pamphlet. Of many Hundreds Guilty of Treason, Two only have Suffer'd for it, During this Reign.

Jacobite. The Author by this, would make you believe that he was very Exact in the Account. But we can Name Three off Hand.

In all whose Tryals, Law and Honour were as much Strain'd, as ever was known in England: The Hardness of Mr. Ashton's Case has been more than once taken Notice of, in both Houses of Parliament. The Second — a Poor Chair-Man was Hang'd for Attempting to Raise an Army, and Inlisting Souldiers to Restore K. James.

The Third. Cross an Inn-Keeper, for his Curiosity in going a Board one of the French Ships, when they lay so long upon our Shore, after Beating home our Fleet in the Year 90. of which he thought the less harm, because Sir William Jen­nings, and other English Gentlemen and Protestants, then A­board the French Fleet, came on shore with the French, who Treated the Country with all Imaginable Civility and Kind­ness; and invited any to come on Board them, and they shou'd be Civily Entertain'd, for they profest, that their Master had no Enmity against England, but rather Kindness, to End their Divisions, and stop the Exhausting of their Money, and Restoring their Rightful KING, and the Laws to their Ancient Channel. Upon which, this Inn-keeper ventur'd, and found them as good as their word, and brought Letters from Sir William Jenning's, and other English Gen­tlemen, on Board, having that occasion, to some of their Friends: Of which this Fellow was yet so Cautious, that he brought them open, and delivered them to the next Justice of Peace. But he had told, that the French were a Civil [Page 101] sort of People, and not such Bugg-Bears as some Repre­sent them. And was Hang'd without Mercy.

That more Instances of this Nature are not to be Pro­duc'd, is, because more (however Guilty) have not been Convist, which was not for want of Good Will. [Thus say the Jacobites.]

Pamphlet. He comes now to the Rarity, as the Jacobites call it, to Instance a Pardon, Granted by K. William: Yea, one of them (says he) upon whom Actual Treason — was proved, hath been Pardon'd after Conviction and Condem­nation.

Jacobite. This is the Case of my Lord Preston: Which is all over so Extraordinary, that Execution had been a Milder Treatment than that he met with.

He was Taken upon Thursday, Janu. 1. 90/91. Try'd and Found Guilty the Saturday Fortnight after. The Thursday before, his Father-in-Law was Employed to Drink upon him, most part of the Day, and at Ten a Clock at Night, he was Hurry'd away, being in Great Disorder, to Ken­sinton, where another Treat was Provided, and then he was brought before K. William, where he Spoke, not with that Caution, as Reasonably may be suppos'd, he would have had at another time. On Friday K. William went for Flan­ders. Next Day Lord Preston was brought to his Tryal, where he was Confronted with the Lord President, and Lord Sidney, who had been both Present at his Intercourse with K. William, which Lord Preston Declar'd was a Great Awe upon him, and Interruption to the Defence he had to make for himself, not Remembring, what he had said in that Disorder he was in at Kinsinton.

That he was not Releas'd till about the end of May fol­lowing. All which time, he was Delivered over to Satan, to be Buffeted, under the Conduct of his Renegado Reis-Efendi, the most Dexterous of that Sultan's Executioners. It would make another Part of the Turkish Spy, to tell all the Arts, and little Contrivances, of this Bloody Officer to Wheedle, to Frighten, to Circumvent this Condemn'd Lord. The Sheriff being one Day sent to give him Notice of his Execution, such an Hour; another Day Visited kindly by [Page 102] his Lordships Self, and Lord Deu. at other times, by other Emissaries, with New Threats, and Promises of Rewards, and Preferments if he would Comply; telling him that o­thers had Discovered against him, even those whom he en­deavour'd to Serve, suffering none to come near him, to Undeceive him in any Point.

In short, having try'd all ways, they Resolv'd to make him an Evidence: In order to which it was Necessary to Qualify him, by Cranting him a Pardon. But his Estate being Intayl'd, was the Greatest Security he had for his Life; which if they took, they would lose the Benefit of Seizing his Estate: Therefore, they chose to keep that as an Awe over him, to Force him to be an Evidence: And accordingly, having pass'd his Pardon, about the end of May, and his Lordship gone immediately Home to live Privately, he was straight sent for again in June, and told that he must be an Evidence. Which his Lordship positive­ly Refused.

That Lord President bid him Remember, that tho' his Life was Pardon'd, he had an Estate to lose. And told him, that the Parliament might Undo what the King had Done, and Revoke even the Pardon which the King had Granted. Lord Preston said, he was Surprized to hear that Doctrine from his Lordship. K. Charles II. having hazarded a Breach with his Parliament, to Support the Pardon his Majesty had Granted to his Lordship upon which Lord N. interpos'd, Solv­ing it as well as he could, and then Ordered the King's Coun­cil, who attended, to let my Lord Preston know, what was yet in the Power of the Government, to Inflict upon his Lordship, in Case of his Refusal to be an Evidence. The Council Learned in the Law, then Declared, That they could Imprison him, During Life, and Fine him more than he was Worth. His Lordship Answered, that he thought Magna Charta, and the Laws of England, had Limited Fines, to be Salvo Contemento: And likewise laid down Methods for the Liberty of the Subject. However, That neither Life nor Estate should prevail upon him, to bring Innocent Blood upon his own Head.

His Lordship was thereupon sent Twice to Newgate, whence he Delivered himself both times by Habeas Corpus. And his whole Estate was Seized, and is still, to force him to Hang his own Brother, and others whom they do not like. And he now Suffers under their Clemency and Good Nature.

But how came it, that this Author did Name but One of the Pardons, Granted by K. William. For there were Two in his Reign. The other was Granted to Crone. And the Price he was to Pay for it, was to be an Evidence. But he was with Great Difficulty and Management brought to it, by the Industry of the foresaid Reis-Efendi: When he made the [...]east Hesitation, he was Order'd to Prepare for the Gallows. He had Twenty Five Reprives: And Three times was brought to the Sledge, with the Rope about his Neck. At last his Fears prevail'd: He said to some of his Friends, that he was too Young to Dye, considering his Life had not been Strickt: And they took his Informations upon Oath, after his Condemnation, and before his Pardon, while he was a Dead Man in Law: But to Qualify him to be an Evidence, they Granted him a Pardon: But least he might Start back, the Pardon was given into a Third Hand, Sir John Holt, who was to be his Judge, can tell where it was Lodg'd. Upon this, he had his Liberty. And the very Day, before he was to have been Produc'd, as an Evidence against the Lives of Honest Men, he, Struck with the Terror of so Great a Wickedness, made shift to get out of the Reach of his Tormentors, and still continues so. All this, Sir, the Wicked Jacobites do say, I Repeat their Words. And they are positive in the Truth of it all, and Provoke us to bring them to the Test. They say, that we our selves know all this to be True.

Pamphlet. Page. 29. He (K. James) Granted Dispensations Contrary to Law, and Despised a Parliaments Confirma­tion.

Jacobite. The Contrary of which, is so much True, that the Great Objection against him, was, his Indeavouring to get the Parliaments Confirmation, viz. To have the Penal Laws and Tests taken away by Parliament. Yet in all that [Page 104] time, there was no need found for the Self Denying-Ordi­nance, no Guilt Confess'd in Rejecting it; nor Scandal in having it overthrown by the Votes, and open Solicitation of Foraigner, and Soventeen Court Bishops, after it had pass'd the Commons, who were most Concerned in it.

Pamphlet. Page. 26. As to the Conventions Gift, they and K. William believe, after the Throne was Vacant, that they ought to have Declared his Wifes Hereditary Right.

Jacobite. Yet it is certain they never did Declare it. How will this Author Vindicate them in this?

Pamphlet. Page 20. The Convention did Examine it (the Birth of the P. of Wales) as far as was Necessary to their own Satisfaction, and after all, Declar'd the Princess [...] Orange to be the Right Heir.

Jacobite. This is News indeed! It is an Impudence that Points out the Author. For none other, sure, Durst have so positively averr'd, what the whole Nation knows to be as False as Hell. For neither Parliament nor Convention, ever once Touch'd in the least Tittle upon the P. of Wales, nor could be Provok'd to it, as is sufficiently known. Nor did they ever Declare the Princess of Orange to be the Right Heir. We desire the Votes of the House may be Produc'd, or some Sufficient Voucher: Who could Imagine that any Man of Common Reputation, would tell in Print, a Lye of such a Nature, that every Body must know to be so, who have the least Conversation in Affairs, or have Read but the Votes, or a New; Letter?

Pamphlet. Page. [...]0. Where there is no doubt concerning the next Heir, upon Cession or Death, there the Right Heir Succeeds Immediately: But while the next Heir is Ambiguous in an Hereditary Monarchy, till the Title he Examin'd, Clear'd, and Declared, none of the Pretenders can Assume the Royal Pig­nity.

Jacobite. I need not Apply this.

Pamphlet. Page. 21. Why should the Convention do his (K. James's) Business for him, and Neglect the Nations Sufe­ty? (i. e.) in Examining into the Birth of the Prince of Wales.

Jacobite. That is, if they had Examin'd into it, they must have found the Truth of the Birth of the P. of Wales from the Queen; and that would have done K. James his Business for him.

But K. James his Business did not wholly depend upon the P. of Wales; for whoever was his Heir, did not hurt his Title.

In the next Place, it was not altogether K. James's Busi­ness: For did it not Highly Concern the Nations Safety, to Examine and Clear who was next Heir, till that was done, (by your Rule here set down) neither the Princess of Orange, nor her Husband could Assume the Royal Dignity, without plainly changing our Hereditary Monarchy, into an Elective One.

Pamphlet. p. 20. The Convention Judged ( viz. of the P. of Wales's Birth) and Ʋnanimously Declar'd for the Princesses Right, and in this, sufficiently shew'd, they did not intend to make this Monarchy Elective, in that they Declar'd the True Heir — to be Queen.

Jacobite. As if setting up the next Heir, during the Life of the True Owner, were not an Election? Or setting up any other but the next Heir?

Secondly, She ought, by this Rule, to be Queen in her own Right, and he but a Matrimonial King: Whereas she is Absolutely Divested of all Manner of Power, and the whole Execution put in him; insomuch, that she cannot Act, in his Absence, but by Vertue of a Particular Act of Parliament, made for that purpose, which might Inable any one else as well to Act what she does. And yet this Au­thor says, p. 27. That the P. of Orange did Accept the Crown in his Dear Consorts Right, which, as it is Generally told, he Rejected with Disdain, and said, he did not come over to be her Gentleman-Ʋsher.

Pamphlet. p. 24. Perhaps he might have Seized the Crown by his Power.

Jacobite. This is the Title of Conquest, from which that Party cannot Refrain. Dr. Burnet began it, but stands Ominously Corrected by the Hand of the Hang-Man.

Pamphlet. p. 26. K. James chose to Fly, rather than to Treat.

Jacobite. First, the P. of Orange never offer'd a Treaty.

Secondly, When the King offer'd it, and sent the Lords Hallifax, Nottingham, and Godolphin, to Treat with the Prince; and offer'd all Desir'd in the Prince's Declaration; viz. Leaving all to a Free Parliament. His Highness Return'd such an Answer, as made it Visible to all the World, he came not to Treat. It is inserted. p. 93. of the History of the Deser. wherein he Demands, that the King shall im­mediately give up the Tower of London, Tilbury Fort, and Portsmouth. That all Papists, and others not Qualify'd by Law, who adher'd to the King, should be Disarm'd, Dis­banded, &c. while he himself had more Foraign Papists in his Army, than the King had of His own Subjects, in His: And as if the Law Countenanc'd his Invasion, and the Sub­jects Rising in Arms with him against the King, more than the King's Employing all the Hands he could get upon such an Apparent Necessity. Nay, more, they would not Sub­mit to ask Pardon from the King for their Treason and Rebellion, but they must not have so much as an Ill Word, nor have it said that they had done Amiss; and therefore it was Demanded in the Second Article, that all Proclama­tions which did but Reflect upon the Prince, or those who Declar'd for him, should be Recall'd. [By what Name would they have had the King call their Rising against him!]

But farther yet, they were not only not to be in any man­ner Reproach'd for what they had done, but to be Rewarded, and Incourag'd to Persist; it was Demanded ( Art. 6.) that the King should Pay them, and Assign a Sufficient Part of the Publick Revenue, for the Support and Maintainance of the Prince's Troops. Such Demands made to a Crown'd Head, in his own Kingdom! By a Son and a Nephew, by [Page 107] a Subject Prince, and Servant to a Common-Wealth! And by a Company of his own Rebel Subjects, whose Advice, and Concurrance is Mention'd in the said Demands!

This Answer was given upon Sunday (9th. Decem. 88.) his Highness's Lucky Day for Business.

But let us go on a little, and you shall see how Inclina­ble the Prince was to a Treaty.

After the King was Taken, and Barbarously Treated at Feversham, when (as the History of the Descr. tells. p. 102/103.) The Body of the Peers of England, had, according to their Duty, sent the Lords Feversham, Atlesbury, Yarmouth, and Middelton, most Humbly to Entreat his Majesty to Return to White-Hall. The P. of Orange in Opposition to them, sent Mounsieur Zulestein, with a most Insolent Command to the King, to Continue at Rochester; for he would have no Treating with him. And the next Day ( viz. 16. Dec. 88.) when the King sent the Earl of Eeversham, with a Letter to the Prince, Inviting him to a Personal Treaty, his Highness, contrary to the Laws of God, of Nature, and of Nations, not only Refus'd to Return any Answer, but made the Earl a Prisoner, which was a Treatment no one King would give to another, tho' they were at open Wars; But the Privi­ledge of an Ambassador from a King, within his own King­dom, could not Secure that Messenger who brought any Offers of a Treaty. And to prevent the like for the Pu­ture; the very next Day, ( viz. 17. Decem. 88.) his High­ness Supriz'd the King (his Father) in his Bed, after Ele­ven at Night, and having Order'd Count Solmes to Dis­possess the King's Guards of their Posts at White-Hall, and place his Dutch Guards in their Room, he sent Three Eng­lish Lords, with an Order Sign'd under his own Ha [...]d, to Remove their King from White-Hall, (because his Highness was to be there) and peremptorily to Limit his Majesty to the Place whither he was to go; nor had the King Liber­ty to Choose any other Place, without Leave first Ask'd, and Obtain'd from his Highness; but still under his Dutch Guards. And his Majesty was positively Requir'd to be gone by such an Hour, least he should Meet the Prince so much as upon the Road.

This was a hopeful way of Treating! And so Modestly Managed, that all the World stands Amaz'd, at him who never said or did an Insolent thing.

For which Vertue alone (for no other is to be Found, or Nam'd in the Famous Thanksgiving Sermon above quo­ted) his Character is Advanc'd above that of the Great French Monarch, being Introduc'd, in the Comparison, with A Greater than he is here. Fulsom Cant, and Prophane!

But how could it be expected that he came to Treat? Who, in a Hostile Manner, Entred the King's own Palace and Castle of Windsor, and, as a Conqueror, Erected his Standard upon that Noble Castle, 14. Decem. 88. as the Hi­story of the Deser. Braggs. p. 103. Thus much the Jaco­bites Answer to your Objection of K. James's not Accepting of a Treaty.

Pamphlet. p. 9. He (the Author of Britains Complaint) Accuses the Prince for sending him ( K. James) by Water, at an Ʋnseasonable Time, thereby Indangering his Health, forgetting that K. James went in the Night by Water, the very Week be­fore, of choice, when he crost the River, in order to his first At­tempt to get into France, and this, without any Damage to his Health [How does this Author know that?] So that he us'd himself as Ill as the Prince us'd him.

Jacobite. Surely, this is the Smartest Defence that ever was made, and shews the Prince's Great Concern for K. James's Health. What? To Ʋse him no Worse than he would Ʋse himself. Because a Man that Flys for his Life, would Leap over a Precipice, therefore, without any Un­kindness, you may Throw him over, for you Ʋse him no Worse than he would Ʋse himself.

But yet it was a great deal Worse, that the P. of Orange Us'd the King, than he Us'd himself: For, as this Author tells it, he only Crost the River; but the Prince sent him to Graves-End by Water, and that against Wind and Tide, and as Britains Complaint says, p. 10. The King was Refus'd his own Coach to Carry him by Land, tho' he Declar'd that he could not Travel by Water in so Cold a Season, and so Great a way, [Page 107] without Manifestly endangering his Health. Which the An­swerer does not Deny.

Pamphlet. As to his (King James's) Writing to the Bishops, his Speaking to the Bishop of Winchester, or to Sir R. Clayton, or to other Citizens; all this is an impudent Fiction: The Bishop of Winchester protests that no such Proposition was ever made to him, the same is Avorred by Sir R. Clayton.

Jacobite. And hoth their Credits are come to be alike; but there are others of better Reputation who do own it, and will make Oath, that Sir Sim. Lewis did confess it. And the Persons who brought the Messages from the King, both to the City, and Bishop of Winchester, will Depose it, and Prove it by undeniable Vouchers: And had the Courage to go to the Bishop of Winchester, upon Monday Morning, the 9th. of last Janua. 92/93. accompanied with a present sitting Lord of Parliament, and a Knight of great Honour, and Tax'd the Bishop with his having received such a Message from the King, which his Lordship Denyed, at first, with an Oath: But the Person binding him with Tokens, as that his Lordship kissed the King's Seal, which that person brought as a Cre­dential from the King, and naming another Person of Note, who was present at the delivery of the Message, that his Lordship Reply'd, he could not give his Answer till next day, that then he told that Person, he had wrote to the King; and that the Bishops were not able to Protect his Majesty, and therefore durst not undertake so Great a Trust, as the Security of his Majesty's Person, and several other Circumstances: Upon which the Bishop said, That it was possible his Memory might fail him; and that though it were so, what needed all this stir about it now; and that he perceived they had a mind to Expose him; and for that Reason (as those present, and we may reasonably suppose) he still continued to Deny the Matter, but so faintly, and with such confusion, as made it Evident to those Noble Per­sons present, that he had Received such a Message, but was not willing expressly to own it, after having Forsworn it, Tho' he Confessed all the Particulars, as that Person coming to him, &c.

And from the same Infirmity of his Memory, if you please, you may imagine it proceeded, that he did not Communi­cate this Message of his Majesty's, to the rest of his Bre­thren, the Bishops, but Returned the bovesaid Answer in their Names, of which their Lordships do justly Com­plain.

Pamphlet. p. 26. Nor hath he (K. W.) refused any Acts of this kind, ( viz. Redressing of Grievances) which the Par­liament hath offered him.

Jacobite. This, instead of a Vindication, is a manifest ex­posing of K. W. being such an Evident Protestatio contra Factum; for it is publickly known, that last Winters Session he Rejected the Judges Bill, which Pass'd both the Houses; and which therefore to be sure they thought necessary for the Good of the Nation, and conducive to make the Judges Bold and Honest in their Station.

Pamphlet. p. 9. The Convention Refus'd to Receive or Read the Letter, which King James wrote to them from St. Germains (which continu'd his CLAIM, according to Mr. Sam. Johnson, p. 16. of his Address to the Commons of England in Parliament Assembled, and confuted the Desertion) because they were told, that HE wrote in the Stile of a King.

Jacobite. That was smart! He shou'd have Subscrib'd, Your Honours most Humble, and most obliged Servant, as i [...] Duty bound, James Stuart. His FATHER'S Executioner gave Him the Title of Majesty upon the Scaffold.

Sir, I had here taken Leave again, But the Delay of the Press has lengthned your Trouble and mine, and Obliged me to Offer to your Consideration, the Advantage the Ja­cobites have taken, as to the Story told before of Grandval, from a Pamphlet lately come out, Called, Reflections upon the Late HORRID CONSPIRACY, Contrived by some of the French Court, to Murther his Majesty in Flanders, and for which, Grandval, one of the Assassinates was Executed. Printed for RICHARD BALDWIN. 1692.

The Design of this Piece, is to Lay the whole Odium upon King James, and the French King, making Them the Contrivers and Managers of this Conspiracy.

To which the Jacobites say, That it was done so Foolish­ly, and in such Faint Harangue, as Confutes it self, and makes it impossible for any Man of Sense to believe, not only, that either of these Kings or their Council, But that Du-Mont himself, who is said to be the Assassinat, would, or did Engage in such a Ridiculous Contrivance. For, p. 23. telling of the French Court's Management with Regard to Du-Mont, viz. Their Fine Project, of Rescuing Du-Mont, with Fifteen Hundred, or Three Thousand Horse, he adds, as if he were playing Booty, these Words, viz. This is all Stuff, and in the Opinion of every body, that Ʋnderstands any thing of War, was next to an Impossibility. And he Confesses in the next Line, that Du-Mont could not see throw this, which he Acknowledges was very strange, because (says he) the Evenues of his Soul were all Intoxicated, and Shut up, with the Impression of Twenty Thousand Livers. This is Stuff indeed! And this is the Defence of the Grandvallian Plot! Which I should be­lieve some Malicious Jacobite had Wrote, to Expose us still more, But that I find two Remarkable Passages, of the L. B. of S. which I suppose he would not Discover to any of them. The First is p. 19. where he tells of a Pro­position made to K. William, by the Means of the B. of S. to Kill the French King. But that he, the said Bishop, Started up Immediately, and said, be thought the King was too well known, for any to Dare to come with such a Proposition; he hoped, he himself had been also so well known, that none should have made it by him, he was Sorry a Promise was given of Safety; but he bid the Rogue be gone immediately: And that K. William Order'd the Bishop, to be sure, to Seize upon him, that had made the Proposal, if ever he could set Eye on him again.

The Jacobites wonder, if K. William, or the Bishop, had so Great a Mind to find out this Man, how it came to be kept a Secret all this time: That the Bishop, sure, must know something of the Man, and some Marks of him, with whom he had had such Familiar Conversation. And never to make an Enquiry after him! Tho' the Bishop tells that K. William was so Earnest in it, and look'd on Propositions of this kind, with so much Horror, that he thought, that which on [Page 101] all other Occasions was the most Sacred with him, I mean, his Word, did not bind him in this. And tho' he had given Promise of Safety to that Man, yet he would even break his Word, the Most Sacred thing to him in the World, to have him Taken. This is, say the Jacobites, to make us be­lieve, that no Man could make such a Proposition to K. Wil­liam, and hope to Live, tho' it were against the French King himself.

And yet, p. 2 [...]. He tells of some that, when he (the P. of Orange) came First into England, Propos'd to him, Proceed­ing against K. James's Person. And how he Rejected the Advices given him at Windsor, when he had K. James in his Hands, but that he said, whatever he might do in the way of War, he could not bring himself to do any thing Personally against him. Yet we heard of no Body Punished for such Pro­posals.

In the same p. 20/21. We have another Proposition made to K. William in Ireland, and sent by the B. of S. which was, to send a Ship to Dublin, and Declare for K. James, and then K. James himself, was to come on Board, and so they were to Run away with him, to Spain or Italy. When K. William heard all this, (says the Author) he said it look'd Plausible, and he verily believ'd it would take.

I bessech you, Sir, let some more Care be taken, of those who are Employed to Write in Defence of the Go­vernment, that they do not Expose our King at this Ridi­culous Rate. Nay more, to Load him so Odiously as this Author does, p. 22. with the Suspicion of having Or­der'd the Marquiss de Louvois, the Great Minister of France, and Father of the Marquiss Barbesieux, to be Poisoned. Which this Author there says, the Marquiss of Barbesieux gave, as a Reason to Grandval, for his Engaging into that Plot of Assassinating K. William. 'Tis True, this Author says, it was but a Suspicion. But that leaves it still a Suspicion. And is no small Reflection upon K. William; as likewise, o have heard so many Proposals for Assassinating his Father, and the French King, without any Punishment Inflicted up­on any of the Ruffians.

The Jacobites will make use of these Innuendoes, much to his Disadvantage. Nor will the Bishop of S. his Flagrant Harangues Satisfy, without better Vindication, as to Mat­ter of Fact.

But as to his Lordships Great Tenderness, and Starting at the Proposal of Killing the French King (for which you have his own Word) the Jacobites know a Passage nearer Home, which is better Vouch'd, and, they say, does set the Meekness of that Prelate in a Clearer Light, and that is: When K. James was Seized at Feversham, by the Mobb, Mr. Naple­ton, (who had been very Active in this Revolution, and was one of those, who, under K. James's Window at Fe­versham, Read the P. of Orange's Declaration, and is one of the Excepted Persons in K. James's Declaration) came up to London, to give an Account to the P. of Orange, of what they had Acted and Done at Feversham. And at the Prince's Court, Meeting Dr. B—t, who seem'd very Inqui­sitive to be Inform'd what had Pass'd, and amongst other things; Mr. Napleton telling him, that the Mobb were so Barbarously Rude to his Majesty in the House, to which the King was First brought, that his Majesty Resolv'd to go to some other House in Town, where he hop'd he might be better Secur'd, from the Barbarity of the Mobb, and called upon Sir Edward Hales to come along with him, and Declar'd that he would not go without him; and that, as the King was going to the Door of the Room, the Mobb very Outragiously lifted up their Clubbs, Staves, and what Weapons they had; and Mr. Napleton told the Doctor, that he verily believed, had not he Stopt the King from going, they would certainly have Knock'd out his Majesties Brains. To whom the Doctor Replyed, Why did you Stop him? He Repeating the same Reason, the Doctor several times Reiterated. Why did you Stop him? And that with an Emphasis, and a Brow, which fully Satisfied the Gentle­man of the Doctor's Good Intentions towards his Majesty. And that he himself was like to have but Cold thanks, as it Proved, notwithstanding of all he had Acted so Vigour­ously against K. James, for not knowing to Improve such an opportunity to the Utmost.

He was not so well Read, as the Dr. in that Maxim, which this Author charges upon the Court-Divines of France, p. 29. viz. That an Action in it self Morally Ill, becomes Good, if the In­tention be to serve the King, or Extirpate Heresie.

It is strange indeed, Sir, that this past the Imprimatur without some farther Explanation: Because it Opens the Crying Objection, which the Jacobites have against Us, e­ven in their own Words, viz. That we Dispense with the Fifth Command (which none Deny to be Moral) to serve K. William, and Extirpate what we call Heresie. For all Peo­ple upon the Earth, do, even from the Light of Nature, think it an Immoral and most Wicked thing for Children to Rise against their Parents. And have we any other Excuse for it (say the Jacobites) except to Support K. William, and what we call The Protestant Religion? And does not this make That Action, which is in its Self Morally Ill, become Good? They Ask us whether Disobedience to Parents, Ab­stracted from such Circumstances as the Present Case, be not in it Self Morally Ill? And whether the Present Cir­cumstances do not make it become Good? And then, whe­ther this be not, in Terms, that Wicked Casuistical Doctrine, Charged upon the Franch Court Divines, to Patronize the very Worsh of Actions, as this Author Speaks, ibid. Page. 29.

The Jacobites think it is not more Observable, which is Related of K. Charles I's taking Notice of the Properness of the 27. Matt. the Lesson for the 30. Jan. to his then Circumstances, Than that the 13. Mark. which Foretells Childrens Rising up against their Parents, should be the Les­son for the 13. Feb. on which Day K. James's Children took Possession of his Crown. In that Year (1688.) it prov'd to be Ash-Wednesday, when the Curses were Read against Disobedient Children, against him that Smiteth his Neighbour Secretly, that Removeth his Neighbours Land-Mark, that Mis­leadeth Foolish People with Fair Pretences, and maketh the Blind to go out of his Way, against all that are Slanderers, and Ʋnmerciful. Upon the same Day ( viz. 13. Feb. 91/92) Glen-Coe, and his Clan were Massacred. This was Observed before: But as to the Present Argument, the Jacobites [Page 113] make this Use of it, as an Objection against us, that if all these Immoras Actions, which are Cursed from the Mouth of God, can be so Sanctify'd by their being intended for the Preser­vation of the Protestant Religion, as that our English Court Divines should usher K. W. and Q. M. without any stop or stay, directly from the Banquetting House, (after taking Pos­session of their Fathers Crown, Removing Land-Marks, Slan­dering, Smiting Secretly, &c.) to the Chapper at White-Hall, and there Read over before them, all these Actions they had done, without thinking that any of the Curses belong'd to them, or to themselves for so Officiating, and Concurring therein: If this Change of Evil to Good, can be wrought (say the Jacobites) by the Intention of English Cours Divines; What Grounds have they to Quarrel with the French Court, or Court of Rome Divines, with those of Mahomet, or the Inquisition, of Corban, or the Covenant?

Among all whom, the Jacobites say, that Lord Shaftsbury, and the Re-publican Cabal, could not find a Casuist so well fitted as the 'foresaid Dr. B—t, whom they chose to State the Case to K. Charles II. for Divorcing his Queen Ka­therine, in order to Defeat the Succession of the D. of York, which the Doctor did Learnedly State, and Resolve in the Affirmative, for the good of the Protestant Religion, which Case the Jacobites say, they have, and perhaps, in the Dr's own Hand, to produce upon Occasion. But tho' this Reso­lution, otherwise Ʋn-natural, and Extirpate Heresie; yet, by the Intention to serve the King, and Exeirpate Heresie; yet, that King had too much Honor to be thus Serv'd, and Re­jected the Proposal with Disdain, and such Thanks as the Doctor Deserv'd, for setting his Hand to so Honourable and Religious a Project.

Now, after all this, to Cry out upon K. J. for acting so Ʋnnatural a part, as this Author words it, p. 25. That is, (say the Jacobites) to seek to Dispossess his own Daughter, and her Husband, his Nephew; to have no more Compassion for his own Flesh and Blood —

Sir, You see how we Expose our selves, by the Indiscre­tion of our Advocates: and these Reflections on Grandval have led us farther into the Briars.

The only Salvo I can find for Us, is in p. 18. Where it is said. That, in the printed Account, there are many things relating to this Conspiracy (of Grandval) omitted, which his Majesty, for some Reasons of State, or perhaps out of a Principle of Inimitable Generosity, has thought fit not to make Publick.

Sir, these are the Things we want, and the Jacobites desire; And I beseech you do not spare them, for you see they do not spare us. Tell out the whole Truth, conceal Nothing, out of Modesty, that may Convince, or else Confound them; for they are Confident, That all this is meer Vapor and Brag; and that we have no more to say against them, than we have said already, and which they have Confuted, every word of it, as they pretend.

Our Chief Dependence is now upon your Pen: Therefore your SILENCE will CONFIRM these Jacobites, and make them Insult; will Stagger many, who are Well-inclin'd towards Us, and give up our Cause for this Generation, and per­haps, for Ever. So, expecting your Answer,

I Kiss your Hands.