IT's no difficult matter to discover the Origine of the Mischiefs which we labour under at this day: Those who wou'd but take the pains to make reflexion upon what has occurr'd within these twenty Years in Europe, would, with me, grant, that if sad Experience had but taught us to be wise, we should not now see our selves reduced to the miserable Estate we are in. For 'tis not of late only, that France began to infringe Treaties, which seem'd the most Sacred. Her Ambition could not Curb it self so long from appearing. But we have been either so weak, or so blind, as not to think of opposing Her Designs, until it was too late. Wherefore we can only impute our mis­fortunes to our selves, and sincerely own, that if we now [Page 2]undergo the punishment of our Imprudence, it is a punish­ment we have richly deserv'd.

And indeed to whom ought we more to attribute the weak­ness of the Spaniards, than to our selves, who have so often contributed to reduce them to the Circumstances they are in at this day? Was it not easie for us to see, that they on­ly supported themselves by the means of the Cabals on foot in France, in the time of Cardinal Mazarine, and that if the Prince of Conde had abondoned them, it had been Adieu to their Fortune, and Repute? Yet notwith­standing we had seen they had lost the Assistance of that Prince, who by the Peace of the Pyrenees, was returned into his Duty, and that France, to the prejudice of so Ho­ly, and so Authentick a Treaty, continued not only to fo­ment the Troubles of Portugal, but to send thither succours at several times, though we had seen, I say, that the Peace was only a Masque to Her Ambition, we still suffer'd our Neighbours to be oppress'd, without saying a word, as if Policy ought not to have taught us, that 'twas time to op­pose the Designs of a Nation, which will never be con­tented, until it has glutted its Ambition with the Conquest of the whole Earth.

Yet with how much Audaciousness, not to say Impu­dence, does it maintain that all its paces are conformable to the Peace? Would it not still insinuate that all that pass'd in the business of Portugal, pass'd without its Order; and while it sent Men and Money thither, did it not out­wardly forbid its Subjects to bear Arms in that service, to whom, on the other side it insinuated underhand the going to the Assistance of that Crown, as the only place capable of acquiring them Esteem and Reputation. This notwithstanding, what did it not say to the Ambassador of Spain, who highly Complained of these Infractions, and who saw before his Eyes in the Metropolis of the King­dom, the Marquis de Beauvieu rais'd publickly a Regiment of Horse for the service of that Crown, after having treated in Appearance with the Ambassador of Portugal, but in effect with the Court of France? It would needs [Page 3]have, that all this Ambassador urg'd, was but effects of his Imagination, just as at this day it endeavours to insi­nuate into us, that it has not any design of making War, though for some months past, it has laid waste, and eat up a Country which does not belong to it, and to which it would not have any lawful Pretensions, if Reason and Justice were the Rule of its Actions.

And as then we gaz'd upon all its Attempts, and Mo­tions, without budging in the least, we do little more now, though we see our selves upon the point of be­ing the unhappy Victims of its Ambition? How many in the State have found fault with sending Succours to the Spaniards, and if they receive any from us, are not both they and we indebted for the so doing, to the Prudence, and Sagacity of the Prince of Orange, who seeing farther than others, could not endure that all pos­sible means are used for our Oppression, without doing what became, and lay in him for prevention.

For this reason it is, we see this Great Prince so much the mark of the Persecutions of France, that can­not esteem Vertue, but when it suits with its Interests, and has used all the little Politick Tricks imaginable, to re­venge itself on his Generous Oppositions.

But to return to my Subject, I say, France endeavour­ed to cast a Mist before the Eyes of the Spanish Ambas­sador, who was far from being slurr'd upon, when an unsuspected Encounter caus'd him to do things with more heighth, and no longer to disguize his sentiments. France had Treated with Mont-George, who was kill'd in these last Wars, and was then a Captain in Candale, being a brave Man, and loving War above all things, about Conducting Officers, and Soldiers into Portugal. Now Mont-George being Embark'd with them, in order to his getting as soon as possible into that Country, hav­ing been taken by the Spaniards, who had notice of his departure for that time, it was forc'd to pull off the Mask, because the Spaniards already spake of taking off his Head. Whereupon a Courrier was dispatch'd in all [Page 4]haste to Madrid: and the Court of Spain, seeing he was re-demanded by France, durst not proceed farther in that matter, for fear of drawing upon itself the War, which it was very willing to avoid.

So great a piece of Infidelity was followed with a world of others of the like nature, without any Poten­tates interposing his Authority, to bring these things to be regulated according to Justice. Not but that there were Guarrands of the Peace of the Pyrenees, but not the least aid would they give unto the Spaniards, whom it was endeavour'd to oppress by so many indirect ways. The Spaniards too, whether that they were become in­sensible, or as is more probable, they knew their weak­ness, suffer'd themselves to be thus Fool'd and good morrow'd if I may use that word, without shewing any Resentment but by Complaints so little suitable to Soveraigns, un­less they be followed with some effects; so as others seeing they swallow'd all these affronts without saying ought, did not think themselves more oblig'd than they themselves to take their part.

Mean while, if their weakness appear'd in any thing, it was undoubtedly in what happen'd at London between Mon. D' Estrades, and the Baron de Vatteville, Ambassa­dors of the two Crowns. For after the Baron de Vate­ville had got the precedence of Mon. D' Estrades, at an entrance made by another Ambassador, he was not only disown'd by Spain, but Spain has for ever varnish'd its Reputation, by a shameful Declaration, which I dare not repeat, nay, which I dare not so much as call to mind, for fear of blushing upon its account. Yet if it be well remembred, the fault thereof ought to be attributed to other Powers, who shew'd themselves so passionate for Peace, that they took not any share in the Affront that was meant upon Spain, which seeing itself abondoned by all the World, was obliged to relax of its usual haughti­ness.

The best Head pieces then considering with what Ar­rogance France demean'd it self upon that occasion, were [Page 5]of advice, that before it was suffer'd to gather greater Forces, endeavours should be used to oppose its Ambi­tion; but the voice of these wise Politicians, was only listned to by way of Conversation, and the blindness be­gan to become so Epidemical, that they consider'd those who held such like Discourses, as People, who had more mind to create stirs, than foster Peace, which they thought so necessary to all Europe.

Nor did they begin to see clear, until that France, be­ing no longer able to bear the yoak of Ease, resolv'd to make War in Flanders, under the pretext of some Pretensions as Chymerical as those now on Foot: But to which, an Advocate of Paris, whom they had been careful to cull out from among the most expert in puz­ling of Causes, undertook to give a Varnish, and some Colour. Nevertheless an honest Man would have been very much puzled, but this Advocate had serv'd his Ap­prentiship at the Bar, where for two Crowns they'l un­dertake the worst Cause that is, thought, that being much better paid for this, he should not neglect a thing that might make his Fortune. Thus Interest having pre­vail'd over Truth, there quickly appear'd a Manifest, by which they endeavoured to make out, that though the King had renounc'd, by the Treaty of the Pyrencas, to what he might one day pretend in the Low-Countries, and elsewhere, upon the account of the Queen his Wife, this Renunciation was null, because that the Parliament would never be brought to ratify the Treaty.

This Manifest did moreover establish, that the Queen had a Right from that time over several Provinces, and to give this Manifest a Title, that might suit with what it endeavoured to insinuate, it was intituled, The Rights of the Queen. Now you must know 'twas the King himself who hinder'd the Treaty of the Pyrenees from being Registred, that so it might be a pretext upon occasion to thwart against what had been sign'd by the greatest Lords of France, and what he himself had sign'd.

Mean while, this new litigious pretension giving oc­casion to all the World to make Reflexion upon the little Faith of this Prince, could not sufficiently admire, that a great Monarch, who affected wearing the Quali­ty of most Christian King, did things, which would have made the very Infidels to blush, whose actions some took pleasure in relating, that by the Comparison of those of both Parties, they might the more debase those of the King. And indeed they Query'd whether one was not obliged to keep ones word, and principally a word given so solemnly, sworn upon the Holy Evange­lists, confirmed by a great Allyance, and in short, wherein had been us'd all that was thought most consi­derable, to render it the more inviolable. They Query'd, I say, whether any thing could fall— from so solemn an Oath, to which every one answer'd, that 'twas an Action that created a Terrour in Men, and merited a just punishment from God.

And indeed a Man needs not be a great Divine, to know that Christianity, and the Church, which is but one and the same thing, teaches, that we are to keep our Faith, not only with a Christian Father-in-Law, but even with a Turk. There is a fine Example of this in a French Gentleman, of the House of Anglure, and which his Descendants do still Pride themselves in at this day. The particular History of that Family does make men­tion, that one of their Ancestors having been taken in a Battel, by Saladin Sultan of Aegypt, after a long Im­prisonment, was set at Liberty, upon Condition he him­self should return, and bring his Ransom, which Saladin had fix'd at a very considerable sum; this Gentleman after being arrived at his own home, and had sold a good part of his Estate to satisfie his Word, went back to Saladin, and told him, That he was come with the Ransom he had agreed upon with him, and that if he pleased to name any Person to receive it, he would pay it him immediately down upon the nail. Saladin not dreaming of him, and when he had set him at liberty, ne­ver [Page 7]expecting to see him more, was so surpriz'd at his Generosity, that after having embrac'd him, and caress'd him to a high degree, told him he should thenceforward have more Esteem for Christians, than he had had before; that he not only remitted to him his Ransom, but also ordered his Treasurer to give him ten thousand Francs, which was a considerable sum at that time; that he re­quested his Friendship, and desir'd him that the eldest of his Family might be ever called Saladin, that Poste­rity curious of knowing why they bore so extraordinary a name among Christians, might know at the same time the generous Action he had perform'd. Those of that Family have been careful to remember the request of Saladin to their Ancestor. All the Eldest of that Family have successively after one another, taken the name of Saladin, so that the Count D. Estages, who is the Eldest of that Family, is still at this day called by that Name.

If I might be allowed to make any reflections upon this matter, it would be no hard task for me to prove that the present Age is very different from the former. Here­tofore a Christian kept his word with a Turk, and now a most Christian King does not keep his with his Father in-Law. At this day the Descendants of a Christian are called Saladin, because their Father promised it to a Turk, and now a most Christian King neither minds the Word, which his Predecessors gave their Subjects of the Reform­ed Religion, nor that he himself has given them. At this day the House of Anglure, which is only the Family of a Gentleman derives all its Glory from that their Fore­father executed the promise he had given a Turk, and now the House of France, which is the most August House of Europe, derives all its glory from infringing an infinite number of Edicts, which it has granted to Chri­stians.

But to return unto my Subject, the French King ground­ing himself, as I have said, upon his imaginary Preten­sions, and upon the Parliaments not having ratified the [Page 8]Treaty of the Pyrences, resolv'd to break the Peace, and carry his Arms into Flanders. Mean while, as I cannot proceed on farther, without first giving an account of the Authority of this Parliament, for fear some should judge its Power extended as far as that of another Coun­try; it is convenient that it be known that the least Or­der of Council, Cashiers all Acts of Parliament, and that its Power is now so limited, that though the matters in hand be only the interests of private Persons, the Coun­cil does often attribute to it self the taking Cognizance of 'em, and thus makes a mock of all the Parliament could Decree. Nevertheless its Authority was formerly very great, nay, and it's not long since, that it was to so high a Point, that it was look'd upon by all with Ad­miration, I mean the time of the Kings Minority, but that time is now so much chang'd, that a man may say, there's now no knowing the Parliament again.

And even in that time, I mean the time this Ma­nifest appear'd in, the King had stript it of all its Pri­viledges, had banish'd all those Members out of it, who were suspected by him, because they stood well affecti­oned to the publick good, and to say all in a word, contemn'd it to that Degree, as to go to it no other­wise than in great Boots, and with a Cane in his hand. Nay, he plum'd it of its very name, as well as the name of all the other Tribunals: For to shew that none but he was Master, he caused an Edict to be issued forth, by which neither the Parliament, nor the great Coun­cil, nor the Chamber of Accounts, nor the Court of Aids ought thenceforward to be called more than the Superior Courts, whereas before they were called the Soveraign Courts: Nay, and he had publish'd another Edict too, which seem'd to me still more injurious, for whereas when there was a design of any new Subsidies, or of some other In­novation in the State, he was used to go thither in Per­son, to have his Edicts verifyed, he had ordered the Par­liament to verify them upon a meer Note under the Privy Signet, which he most commonly sent by a Foot-man: [Page 9]so as that this August Tribunal, which had been instituted formerly, as a Man may say, to be the Mediator between the People and the King, and to save the one from the Ty­ranny of the other, was it self oblig'd to buckle under his will and pleasure; for there was no more talking of making Remonstrances, which those of the same Company formerly made, to stir up Kings to have compassion of their People: And if any were allowed to be made, they were only such as were stufft with Flatteries, and Dissi­mulation; and just as certain Fathers make their Children sometimes kiss the Rods wherewith they come to Chastise them, in like manner were the People, who are the Kings Children, or at least, who ought to be so, to thank the King by the mouth of their Magistrates, for all the Imposts he lays upon them, to satisfy his Profu­sions.

Nevertheless it was upon the Authority which the Par­liament had in the Kingdom, that the King laid the Foun­dations of an approaching War, as I have already said: In effect, the King of Spain being dead, there straight appeared a small Tract, under the Name of the Rights of the Queen, in which it was endeavoured to be prov'd, that the Renunciation which the King had made to his Rights by the Treaty of the Pyrenees, was Null; seeing the Parliament could never be brought to verify the Trea­ty. That though this Renunciation were good, which, however they were far from granting, it could not al­ways subsist, by reason of the Dauphin, who had not yet Ratifyed it, and yet who had the greatest Interest there­in, as being one day to be his Mothers Heir: In fine, this Treatise was only filled with trim words, and few reasons. For to begin with the first, true it is, the Parliament was us'd to verify what passed most remark­able in the Kingdom, but that this was absolutely es­sential, is what I deny, and which I shall endeavour to disprove. For Example, if a Marriage of a King be con­cluded with a Princess, the Parliament has nothing to do in the Contract, and we do not find it was suffered to [Page 10]take Cognizance of that of Henry the Fourth, with Ma­ry of Medices; and to start a matter still of latter Date, of that of the Dauphin with the Dauphiness. And yet in this occasion the thing perhaps was of as much mo­ment as the Renunciation which the King made by the Treaty of the Pyrenees. Yes, but may be one or other may tell me that the species is very different, for a Treaty of Peace is concern'd in establishing the repose of the People, whereas a Treaty of Marriage only regards the establishing the Society of two Persons. I'le own with them that their reason is specious, but easy to refute. For if it be upon the account of the Interest of the People, that the Treaties of Peace ought to be Ratified by the Parliament, why does it not also verify Treaties of War, as well as Treaties of Peace. They will needs have that a Treaty which banishes War, and brings back repose into a State, in­stead of Troubles and Confusion, which reign therein, are subject to verification, and will not allow that a Treaty of War, which must banish Peace, and bring a­long Disorder, instead of the repose which all enjoy, should be verifyed by Parliament, which nevertheless was only instituted to be watchful for the Preservation of the People. Let us rather say, that this Custom of thus verifying Treaties of Peace, was only introduced, since it was Enacted that Royal Gifts should be verified in Parlia­ments, and that those which were not so, should be of no consideration, and this to hinder Kings, who are commonly inclined to liberality, from giving away all their Patrimony, and so compelled for want of means, to vex and oppress the People. Let us, I say, conclude that the Parliament seeing that by some Treaties of Peace, considerable Alienations had been made, and principally under John the first, to re­trieve them out of the hands of the English, and since, under Francis the first, to retrieve them out of the hands of the Spaniards, had attributed to it self the Authority of verify­ing Treaties, to hinder thence forward the Dissipation of the Crown Lands. But there's more, which is, that tho' [Page 11]it were a Law receiv'd in France, that the Parliament may find fault with those Treaties it has not verified, this ought to be understood, if the Treaties were not made in the forms, or that they were prejudicial to the Crown.

In what remains, there's no saying that France receives any prejudice by the Treaty of the Pyrenees, not but that this Treaty was concluded with all the usual For­malities. In regard of the Formalities, they had been so far observ'd, that this had kept the matter much lon­ger depending, than was necessary for the repose of the People, who after so long a War, only breathed after Peace. For they thought it not sufficient that Lienne, & Pimentel had set their hands to the Treaty, but for the rendring it the more August to future Ages, Cardinal Mazarine, and Don Lewis de Haro, Prime Ministers of the two Crowns, would needs sign it themselves too; so as that one may say it was the most solemn, and authentick Treaty that has been of a long while. Be­sides they had observed therein all the Circumstances imaginable, namely, as holding the Conferences in a place, which belonged neither to France, nor Spain, which however is Note-worthy. For this shews they were wil­ling then Spain should go Peer-with France, but since it will not be allowed, as I said just before, one may say it had been Ratified, but what rendred this Treaty free from all manner of scruple, not only by the King, but also by all France; In effect, the Principal among the Clergy, and Nobility, had signed the Contract of Marriage between the King, and the Infanta, wherein was contained the abovementioned Renunciation, so as that it was a mistake to say, that the Parliament, which can at most but represent the Orders of the Kingdom, would not approve a Treaty, which was already ap­proved on by the King, by the Clergy, and by the No­bility.

In regard of what I said before, that this Treaty brought no prejudice to France, that will be also easy for me to prove. For tho' France had then much the advantage [Page 12]over Spain, yet it is nevertheless to be considered, that this advantage might one day turn against it self, being obliged to share his Conquests with England, which was then in its alliance. Now without specifying by retail what are the dangerous Consequences which I might draw from this sharing, it's sufficient for me to say that the interest of France was not to give one foot to the Eng­lishman in Flanders, who was a much more dangerous E­nemy than the Spaniard. Besides, by this Treaty, France made sure of the greatest part of its Conquest, and chan­ged into a certain Right, the Right of Nations, which was a Right subject to all the divers events of Fortune. In regard of what was objected, that the Dauphin had not ratified the Renunciation of the Queen, this is a fee­ble objection, and such as merits no answer. For tell me, I beseech you, a Father, and a Mother, do not they en­gage their Children, when they sign a Contract? And why had the Dauphin more right to disclaim what the King and Queen had signed, than those had, who live under the same Laws, and same Monarch?

All these considerations do sufficiently shew, that all that was in the Treatise of the Queens Rights, was only to impose upon the common people, and particularly those of Flanders, who being once perswaded that the Queen had some right to their Provinces, were capable of fomenting a Rebellion, to which they had other provocations, through the ill treatment, they received from the Spanish Soul­diery, who for want of pay, broke out into several violences. Thus as it was a point of prudence, to prevent all ill consequences of this kind, by undeceiving them with the soonest, the Baron d'Isola, one of the Ministers of the house of Austria, set pen to paper, and made a small treatise, to shew the nullity of the consequences, which the Author of the tract of the Queens Rights, pretend­ed to draw. And a great number of Copies, were di­stributed both in Flanders, Germany and other places of the neighbourhood. Nay some were transmitted into France, but the Court thinking fit, that their Nation [Page 13]should make its ambition, an Article of their Faith, made an exact search after the Stationers who had distributed them, two or three of whom were sent to the Bastile, and were in great danger of their Life, for as it was not al­lowed in that Kingdom, to write truth in matter of Religi­on, so too in matter of Policy, it was not allowed to speak it, or hear it from any one soever. For which reason, as well those who bought this Book, as those who vended them, were obliged to skulk, as if they had done some great crime. But the more they endeavoured to constrain Peoples wills, the more they strove to render themselves free, so as all worthy People, not minding the prohibition that had been made, sought to satisfy their Curiosity.

By vertue of these imaginary pretentions, the King fail­ed not to send to summon the Governour of the Low-Coun­treys to remit into his hands the places he pretended to be­long unto the Queen. And as he did a little doubt this Governour would not comply with his demands, with a powerful Army he follow'd the Person, he had sent to him, in order to the seizing them. His Envoy bringing him back word, that the Governour of the Low-Countreys had order from the King his Master, not to yield up the least, he entred Flanders, took Charle Roy, Ath, Courtray, Oudenarde, and Lisle, while that the Marshal d' Aumons with another Army, attack'd such Cities as Bordered next upon the Sea. These Conquests which were made with great rapidity, amaz'd all the Neighbouring Potentates. They thought it their interest, to stop the Course of these progresses, especially the United Provinces, who had no mind to so formidable, and so ambitious a Neighbour. Whereupon they engag'd with the King of England, to sign a League, wherein the King of Sweden entred, by which these three Powers oblig'd themselves to cause the two Crowns to lay down Arms, if not to declare against that which would not lay them down.

This League was call'd the Triple Alliance, and was in the Issue so fatal to the Hollanders, as I shall shew in due place, that for ought I know, they quickly repented [Page 14]their having had any hand in it. A Man of Rochel is said to have been the Person who laid the first Foundations of it; after having made all those Powers sensible, how dis­trustful it became them to be of the ambition of France. Be it as it will, France which never easily pardons those who have once offended it, knowing this Man was in Swisserland, where he endeavour'd to insinuate the same thing into the Cantons, sent thither the two Muzels, the eldest of whom was a Captain of Cavalry, and the other Gentleman of the Horse to Mon. Turenne, to endeavour the seizing him. The Affair was ticklish, and of a strange consequence for the Muzels, if what they came to do had been discovered in Swisserland; but having had the cunning to conceal their design, and to trapan their Man, as he was passing from one City to another, they brought him into France, where he was broke alive upon the wheel, after he had endeavour'd to baulk the execution, by an action more resolute than Christian. For having found in the Dun­geon, where he lay, a piece of glass, he made a shift with it, to cut off his privy members, and hid them under his straw bed, for fear the Gaoler, should chance to take notice of what he had done. But not having been able to stanch the blood so well, but that there still trickled down some drops, the Gaoler would needs see from whence this proceeded; add to this, that his Colour did suffici­ently speak him not to be in good health, at length the Gaoler having perceived what he had hidden under the straw bed, with a great quantity of blood beneath, he gave the Judges notice of it, and as he was designed for a publick spectacle, they hastened his sentence. Whereupon he was condemned to be broken, and they fearing he would not have strength sufficient to go as far as the place where they put other Criminals to Death, and perhaps too, he would not be alive, if they deferr'd his Execution until the Afternoon, as is the common practice, they raised up a Scaffold before the Prison Door, and he was Executed the same instant.

The Triple Alliance, which France had not foreseen, did [Page 15]so startle that Crown, that though it had promised it self the Conquest of the better part of Flanders, it was never­theless obliged to lay down Arms; not but that it had above a hundred thousand men on foot, but as England and Holland, arm'd powerfully by Sea, and that France had not a Fleet capable of resisting such great Forces, that Crown was afraid, that while its Arms were busied in Flanders, the English, joyn'd with the Hollanders, would make a descent either into Britany, or in Normandy, and cast a terrour into the very heart of the Kingdom.

France being thus brought, as it were by force, to make a Peace, began to contrive how to resent this outrage, and principally upon those who had most contributed thereun­to. And as people did generally attribute to the United Provinces, the Repose then enjoyed through all Europe, all the French resentment fell upon it. But it was very cautious of letting it appear yet a while. For as Holland was as yet in good Terms with England, and Sweden, a way was first to be found out to separate it from those two Powers, which were still capable of being re-united together, for the interrupting its Designs, as it only watcht for an occa­sion, it quickly met with a very fair one, by a Con­troversy which happened between England, and Holland, about Commerce; far was it then from offering its Me­diation, as at other times it had done, to accommodate the difference; on the contrary it endeavoured still more and more to irritate the King of England, and mean while caused a Treaty underhand to be proposed with the Hol­landers, that so they might not entertain any thoughts of making their Peace with England. The Hollanders, who had often found the assistance of France, when they had any variance with England, still expected the same kindness, and the more, for that the French King still amuz'd them with a Treaty. But when they thought to have come to a Conclusion with him, to oppose the King of England, they were strangely surprized to hear that the French King had joyned himself to him and that while the English attack'd them by Sea, the French [Page 16]were to attack them by Land, with such numerous, and such amazing Forces, that it had not of a long while been known that France had had the like. The United Pro­vinces were then very much perplexed, for though they were extreme Potent in Ships, and Mony, they had no Soldiers just ready to Oppose the French King, whose Troops were already on their March though the Land of Cologne, which was the way he took to attack them.

Now to have gone about raising any in their own Country, besides a long Peace, which the Provinces had enjoyed for several years, had rendred their Subjects more capable of Commerce, than of War, there was no great feats to be hoped for from them; the new Soldiers not being over-fit to resist Disciplin'd Troops. Whereupon the Hollanders sent into Germany, to make Levies there, and to treat with some Princes, from whom they were in hopes of Succours. But all Europe was so startled at the prodigious Preparations of France, that each was willing to keep his own Troops at home, not knowing yet, but that under the Pretext of at­tacking Holland, the French King might invade Ger­many.

The Hollanders had hardly more than five and twenty thousand Men, for though they had distributed Com­missions to all those who proffered themselves to serve, them, yet as those new Troops were not on Foot, there was no reckoning upon them, until they were come to the Rendevouze. But what still more and more weakned the State, is, that de Witt, Pensioner of Holland, who had much Credit in the Republick, had ever excluded the Prince of Orange from Affairs, and as he was a better Politician than a Soldier, and yet would be medling in all Affairs, went on very disorderly, and in great Con­fusion. There was still another thing which did not a little contribute to the ruine of the State, but which was then unknown, namely, that the French King knew all that passed in the Country, by the means of one [Page 17] Mombas, who was in the Service of the Commonwealth, that had confided in him a considerable trust in the Sol­diery. A Frenchman he was by Nation, so that the King found it an easy matter to gain him to his Inte­rests, by the means of Desroches, Captain in the Prince of Conde' Guards, and being his Relation, had prevail­ed with him to take a Journey into France the Winter before, where he had discourst the Prince.

All these Reasons were capable of entirely ruining the State, as is easy to judge, if God had not resolv'd on the contrary. Mean while, the French King being just ready to enter the Provinces, the States Assembled, in order to resolve upon what course they should take to provide for their Defence. The Prince of Orange, who notwithstanding all the Cabals of de Witt, had been E­lected Captain General of the State, was of advice to abandon the places above the [...]hine, to put ten thou­sand Men into Mastricht, and go and Encamp with the rest at Bodegrave, whose Situation was advantageous to cover Holland. Mon. d' Obdam, and Celidrek, who spoke for the Nobility, were of the same advice; but the o­thers having been of the contrary Opinion, it was re­solved to preserve all those Places, which neverthe­less were strangely weakned by a part of the Gar­risons which were drawn out of them, to be sent to Mastricht.

Mean while the King, after having Encamped for some time before Charle-Roy, marched towards Mastricht, and staid twelve or fifteen days at Wise, a small City in the Land of Liege, in which he put a Garrison. There he waited for intelligence from Mombas, who having given him to understand, there were few or no men in the Cities above the Rhine, he passed the Meuse at Wise, and after having put to slight some Troops, which were posted in an Advantageous place, he came before Orsoy, which was invested at the same time. The Governour did not want Courage, but as the Town was none of the strongest, and that besides, it had but a [Page 18]very small Garrison, it yielded up the next day. The French plunder'd the Town, and hanged all those of their own Nation, who were within it, and who had taken Arms against them, and among others, a man of Seventy years old, who was the Cannomer of Orsoy. The Army marched to Rhineberg and Dossery; the Commander of the Place delivered [...] up without firing one piece, for which reason the Prince of Orange caused his Head to be taken off in a short while after. The Governour of Wesel made little more resistance, though his Town was capable of maintaining a long Siege, and having delivered it up to the Prince of Conde, after the Trenches had been open for a day or two, he merited a punishment akin to that of Dossery: Namely, that the Executioner passed a Sword over his Head, leaving him indeed his Life, but overwhelming him with Infamy. Baric was attack'd and taken at the same time by Mon de Turenne, af­ter which the Prince of Conde advanced into the Coun­trey, where he took Deudekom, Rees and Emmerick, with the same facility he had seized on the other Places.

These Victories, though they cost not much Blood, made the King of France pass for a Caesar in his Ar­my. For they saw that he like him could say, I came, I saw, I overcame. Wherefore to maintain the Reputation he began to acquire, he would pass the Rhine, as that Emperor had formerly done; but resolved to pass it after a much more Noble and more Heroick manner. For that Emperor had only passed it over a Bridge, and for his part he would pass it swimming.

Two Gentlemen of the Countrey Neighbours of [Page 19]the Tol-hays, whose Names I don't remember, went to the Prince of Conde at Emmerick, and offered to shew him a passage where there were but a hundred Paces swimming. He received their offers with sa­tisfaction, and so much the more, in that the French saw a stop to their Conquests, because the Issel de­fended the entrance of the Countrey, not only by reason of its depth, but also upon the account of the Retrenchments that had been made on the other side, and which were hard to force. The Prince of Conde after having caress'd those two Gentlemen, and promis'd them great Rewards, commanded the Count de Guiche to go along with them, to see who­ther he might trust to what they told him: They brought the Count de Guiche just opposite to the Tol-hays, where plunging first into the Water, the Count de Guiche follow'd them with his Gentlemen of the Horse, while that his Troop staid upon the shore of the Rhine. The Count de Guiche having seen that they had said no more than what was true, return'd to give an account to the Prince of Conde, and that Prince sent the King word of what pass'd, and that if he would be of the party, he might fall upon the Rear of the Enemies, who not suspecting the least, were only careful to Guard the Issel. The King being excited the same time both with Glory and Ambi­tion, went to the Prince of Conde's Camp, who commanded an Army apart from his, and after hav­ing Supp'd with him, he march'd all the night to­wards the Rhine, whither he came about half an hour or thereabouts, before day.

Mean while the Prince of Orange, who had found more fidelity among the common people than in the [Page 20]Nobility, having had notice given him by the Pea­sants, that the King had some design on that side, he sent Mombas thither with Horse and Foot: Mombas had plaid Bankrupt to his Honour, by treating as he had done with the Enemies; but though this occa­sion was still favourable to him for the continuing his wicked designs, yet fearing he could not carry on his Treason so s [...]immingly in the rencounter, but that it would run some danger of being suspected, he bethought himself of writing to some Deputies of the State, who were about the Prince of Orange, that there was no likelihood the French should think of passing the Rhine, and if they pleas'd he would put himself into Nimmeghen, whither he had great rea­son to believe they were bent upon their March. He took his time to send this Letter, when that the Prince of Orange was gone out of the Camp with a Detachment; and as these Deputies thought him faithful, and that besides, he represented to them the Affairs as pressing, they sent him word to do ac­cording to what he had written. The Prince of Orange being returned to the Camp, was much surpriz'd to hear what Mombas had done, and as he already suspected him of Treason, and that this last action so very far from so undeceiving him, that it confirmed him still in his Opinion, he caused him to be taken into Custody.

Mean while he gave his Command to Wurtz, who was a German by Nation, and whom the Com­mon-wealth had taken into its Service, and ordered him to march in all haste to the Tol-huys, with some Troops, which were detach'd from the Army. Wurtz did what he could to retrench himself in haste, but [Page 21]seeing the French already appear'd on the other side, he lodg'd his Infantry in his Retrenchments, and caus'd his Cavalry to advance along the River. The King being come on the brink of the Rhine, caus'd Can­non to be brought at the same time, and pointed it upon Wurtz his Cavalry, who seeing Trees all along the Rhine, put himself with his Troops among them, thinking himself thereby the better sheltered from the Cannon. Mean while in went the French into the Rhine, one after one, and many of them were drown'd, being swallow'd up in a Whirl-pool. Others seeing this, took the advantage on the left, and pass'd for all the World like Cows, which follow in the tail of one another.

Wurtz his Cavalry saw them pass, without flinch­ing, until they perceiv'd some Troopers, who now began to come out of the Water, and form a Squa­dron. Then they came from under the Trees, where they stood, but instead of pushing the Enemies that were return'd into the Water, they made a halt up­on the brink of the River, from whence they made their discharge, which being at too great a distance, was without any effect. The little Resolution which the Cavalry shewed, gave Courage to the French, who would never have dared to have stood their shock, if they had but followed them into the Water, and not stood gazing, and suffer them to strengthen their Squa­dron with their Companions. Wurtz his Cavalry ha­ving thus quited their ground, the French rallied, and waited for their Companions, who still pass'd the River, for the most part swimming, and some by Boat.

The Prince of Conde being thus in a Boat, with the Duke of Anguien, and some great Lords of the [Page 22]Court, he caus'd his Boat to turn back towards the Water-side, when he perceiv'd the Duke of Longueville had thrown himself into the River, and ran the risque of being drowned, he took him into his Boat, and endeavouring to pass as soon as possible, he was no sooner arrived on the other side, than that he drew up his Troops in Battel Array, in order to attack the Ene­mies Retrenchments. The Hollands Infantry finding themselves weak in sorry Retrenchments, and had be­sides placed all their hopes in the Cavalry, by whom they saw themselves abandoned, thought less of ma­king Resistance, than of demanding the Quarter, which the Prince of Conde had offer'd them, calling out to them aloud, that they should lay down their Arms. Mean while the French still advanc'd, without one man so much as making a shot, either of their, or on the Hollanders side, which made the King believe, who saw all that pass'd, that he should have the Victory, without its costing him one drop of blood: But the Duke of Longueville, having made a Debauch, just be­fore he parted from Emmerick, advanc'd up to the ve­ry brink of the Retrenchment, and fired his Pistol, whereupon the Hollanders vex'd they had not fired sconer, and fancying they had no more hopes of quar­ter left, made their Discharge, which being made, as it were in the very mouths of the French, killed a great many of the most considerable Persons among the Enemies. The Duke of Longueville, who had be­gun the noise, was killed stone dead, the Prince of Conde wounded, and many others, whom it would be too long to name.

The French, who had been startled at this Dis­charge, being recovered from their fright, Rallyed, [Page 23]and Attack'd the Retrenchments, where they found some Resistance, especially at one Barriere, where was an Officer, whose head was hoary with years, but whose old Age had as much Vigour as the most Resolute Youth. But being at length overwhelmed with numbers, the rest sought their safety from their heels, not thinking of asking Quarter, which then they thought was to no purpose.

The French having no more Enemies to fight, plun­dred the Castle of Tolhuys, and put all the Isle of Betue under Contribution.

This was not the only advantage they reaped from the passage of the Rhine; the Hollanders, who were then afraid the French should come and fall upon them behind, abandoned the Issel, and retreated to Ʋtrecht, where the Populace would have Sa­crificed Mombas to its Resentment, whom they ac­cused of what had newly happened. The Prince of Orange, who knew he deserved Death, yet was de­sirous he should be first questioned, and perhaps put on the Rack, for a full Discovery of his Treason, gave order he should be saved by a back Gate, and hid him in Hay, to save him from the Peoples Resent­ment. Mean while, the King in Person took the City of Doesburg, and Mon. Turenne those of Nimmeghen, Swoll, Deventer, Grave, Arnheim, Skinckenskens, the Fort of Crevecceur, with a number of other Fortresses.

Thus did Ʋtrecht fall into the hands of the French, but without their being obliged to lay siege to it. For while the King was still before Doesbourg, the Burgher-masters brought him the Keys, as if they had been afraid of not having a Master soon enough. The Marquis of Rochefort, who was in favour at Court, [Page 24]was sent to be Governour of that Town. But as he had not yet much experience in War, he failed of seizing Muidem, which was abandoned, by the taking in of which nevertheless they had made sure of Amsterdam. In effect, it was easy, being Master of Muidem, to hinder Ships from going in or out of Amsterdam, for they must of necessity pass by Muidem, which they would not have dared to have done, if the French had been Master of it. Thus Amsterdam had been brought to the necessity of coming to render it self up, as Ʋtrecht had already done. Not but that if the King had still come and presented himself before the Gates of the City, they would have brought him the Keys; for every Individual was in that Con­sternation, that they only thought of saving their own Families, without otherwise troubling themselves about the interest of their Country. Nay, and with­out staying for the Kings sending to summon up the delivery of the Town, a Council was held in the City, whether they should not go to meet him, to desire he would be pleased to take it into his Protection, as well as all the Inhabitants, and there was a great dan­ger of their coming to this Resolution, if two Bur­ger masters, whose names ought to be Consecrated to Posterity, the one of whom was called Offe, and the other Hassenaer, had not encouraged the rest to hold firm, and rather call the Sea to their succours, which had been a safer Remedy for them, tho they were brought to the utmost necessity, than to receive the French.

After the King had taken the City of Doesburg, he went to Encamp at Zeist, two Leagues from Ʋtrecht, where Ambassadors from the States came to demand [Page 25]Peace of him. But as he was too haughty upon the success of his Arms, he proposed such disadvantage­ous Conditions, that the Ambassadours were obliged to return home, without coming to any Conclusion. Mean while, when they were arrived at the Hague, it was resolved they should go again, because that Affairs on the other side were in so lamentable an e­state, that they thought themselves over happy, in that they might receive any manner of Conditions.

Mean while there was still another difficulty, which was, that the French King would not come to any Conclusion, without calling thereunto the King of England, whose Demands vere still higher, and greater.

The Ambassadors of Holland being returned to Zeist, and having met with the Ambassadors of Eng­land, a new Treaty of Peace was proposed, but still very difficult to conclude. For beside, that England did not bate the least of its first Pretentions, those of France were so exorbitant, that it had been much bet­ter for the State to have perisht, than to have grant­ed them. France demanded a Medal every year, in form of Tribute, with all the Charges of the War, which it made to mount to immense Sums. England demanded to have several things in the Indies, which belonged to the Republick, yielded to it; so as I have said, the State had almost as good have aban­doned all, as to have concluded so disadvantageous a Treaty. The Republick having notice of all those things by their Ambassadors who came home again from Zeist, without having effected ought, resolved to break the Dikes of the Sea, which was, as I hinted before, their last recourse in the utmost necessities. But what made them the more willingly proceed to this resolution, was, [Page 26]that the People, rejecting the Disasters of the State upon those who had the Conduct of it, had Massacred the Pen­sioner of Holland, with his Brother; so as that they were in hopes, that as the State had Chang'd its Master, so also its Fortune would be Chang'd.

The States proceeding to that extremity, as to break their Dikes, gave them time to think of their Affairs. They sent to the Princes of Germany the Propositions of Peace made them by the two Kings, for the better possessing their minds in what they imagined of the Ambition of France. They represented to them the piteous estate they were reduced to, and that if they deferred longer affording them assistance, it would be perhaps too late, when they should be willing to do it. That the Waters indeed saved them for the pre­sent, but that they would not save them always. That the Winter being come, the French would pass over the Ice to attack them, and that since they had not been a­ble to resist them, while the Provinces had been so flou­rishing, there was little likely hood they could do it now, being fallen so low from their ancient Reputa­tion.

These Remonstrances, the truth whereof was un­doubted, seeing the sad Estate the Republick was re­duced to, affected the Emperour, the Marquiss of Bran­denburg, and several other Princes of the Empire. The Marquiss of Brandenburg, as being one of the most Po­tent, first took the Field, to succour it; and as the King knew he had to do with a brave, determinate Prince, and besides a great Captain, he decamped from Zeist, and returned to France. But first, he thought fit to try if he could render himself Master of Boisle-duc, which was shut up on one side by the [Page 27]Garrison of Crevecceur, and on the other by that of Endeven. Boisle-duc is a place situated just in the midst of a Marsh, yet it is as weak in its outworks, as it's strong in its situation. Nevertheless there's a Cittadel on the side, which looks towards Holland, with two Forts on the side of the Mastricht Gate; but all this would not be reckoned for any great mat­ter, if, as I have said, its situation did not render it almost inaccessible. The lying establisht his Quarters at Boustel, but while he was preparing all things for the Siege, God, who had begun to take Holland in­to his Protection, sent Rains, which continued for four or five days, without ceasing, so as the Country is low and level, it was immediately filled with water, that a body would have said they had opened the Sluces. The King thinking the fair Weather might return, staid eight or ten days longer at [...], but seeing it did not leave off raining, he decamped, and re­turned home.

The Prince of Orange, who after the Death of the Pensionary, had all the Authority consided in him, seeing the People in some manner of repose by the French Kings Departure, thought of contenting them farther, by the punishment of Mombas, whose death they had long demanded. He had been Conducted from Ʋtrecht to Woerden, and from Woerden to Ni­curbruk, whither the Army of Holland was retreat­ed. There the Prince of Orange called a Council of War, and began to examine his Affair, which ap­peared daily worse and worse for him. In short, as his Conscience, did not leave him any repose, and that he thought himself absolutely ruined, he was con­triving how to make his escape, which nevertheless [Page 28]was very difficult, for he was carefully Guarded, hav­ing People always with him, Sentinels at the Door, and at the Windows of his House. As he was musing after what manner he should go to Work to get away, one of his Friends got a Letter conveyed to him, by which he gave him notice that he had but three days more to live, if he found not the means to escape. That the Council of War was resolved to make him serve for an example to others, and that it was his part to take his measures thereupon [...] seeing himself mena­ced at this rate, spoke the same day to one of his Keepers, who promised him in con [...]deration of some Money he gave him, to let him escape out at the Window, when he should be set Senrinel at that Post, which happened on the morrow. This Affair being done, Mombas caused a Spanish Officer to be founded, who was to be upon the Guard the same day, at an mundation, to know whe­ther he would let him escape that way, and get him a Guide ready. The Officer loving Money, as well as the Guard before-mentioned, agreed for a hundred Pistols with him, who made him this Proposition, in conside­ration of which, he promised to get him a Guide ready, and to let him pass when he pleased▪ This Bargain be­ing thus struck, Mombas have one called Villate, a hundred Pistols, this Villate having been his Gentleman o [...] the Horse, and the Manager of this Affair, to carry 'em to the Spaniard; but Villate instead of giving them him, went away with them, whether that naturally he was inclined to pilfering, or perhaps there remain­ed something due to him from his Master, and that he was content to pay himself with his own hands; be it as it will, as Mombas was still reckoning upon this Bar­gain, all his Care now was to deceive those that kept him [Page 29]in sight, to do which, he went this way to work.

First, He began to complain of a great pain in his Leg, sent for a Chirurgeon, shew'd him his Leg, which by a wound he had formerly had, remained lagger than the other, and ask'd him what was to be done with it. He caus'd also a Request to be made to the Prince of Orange, that he would send him one of his Chirurgeons; and these two Chirurgeons, the one as ignorant as the other, concluded a Plaister should be laid on't, and accordingly sent him one to be applied for that purpose. By this means he kept his Bed, without giving any suspicion, and the day being come he had resolved to make his escape on, he sent for Tobacco, and told his Keepers he would come and smoke with them, after Supper. But on a sudden, pretending he had no mind to it, he went again to Bed before their Eyes, and desir'd them they would go smoke in the Antichamber, for that the To­bacco incommoded him. They having seen him in Bed, were far from believing he had any thought of making his escape, complied with his desires, but Mombas get­ting immediately out of Bed, took the Plaister he had upon his Leg, put it upon his Face, and leapt out of the Window, below which the Guard I mentioned stood Centinel.

Thus did he traverse the Camp, without being known by any Body, whether by reason it was duskish and to­ward night, or of the Plaister which disguised him. But being come to the Spaniard, he was strangely fur­prized to see that he refused to let him pass, unless he first gave him the hundred Pistols he had promised him. This Dispute gave him to understand the Roguery of Villate; but it being now no time to make reflexion on it, his thoughts were wholly set, how he should come [Page 30]off from this Affair, which nevertheless he saw but little probabilty of effecting. For the Spaniard stood flat and plain upon his having his hundred Pistols, be­fore he let him pass, and Mombas would not give him them, not having about him near a hundred; In short, being at this pinch, he was forced to make a vertue of necessity; and having turned his Pockets before the Spaniard, he offered all he had by him: But seeing that would not content him, he told him he might do as he pleased, but that if he was the Cause of his being retaken, as it was not to be doubted, he would not fail to accuse him. That it became him to consider what he had now to do, and that he had nothing more to say to him. These Menaces startled the Spaniard, and making him recollect himself, he took what Mombas was willing to give him, and let him troop on with his Guide. Mombas entred into the Inundation, and went thus three Leagues, having the Water up to his middle, nay, and often in danger of his life. But it was very just that a Traitor, who was the Cause of the Ruine of a whole State, should suffer in his turn; and though what he underwent, was pretty severe, yet was it not so much as he deserved.

Mombas being thus arrived at Woerden, with such Difficulties as are more easie to imagine, than describe, would have gone into the Boat which goes from Woer­den to Ʋtrecht; but when he was in, he perceived that a Woman, by whom he sate, knew him, and had na­med him to another Woman that sate by her. And as a Person that has done an ill thing, is ever under a Dread and Apprehension, he went immediately out of the Boat, being resolved to take another way. And yet there was no other than that of the Causey, because [Page 31]the whole Country was overslowed, from Woerden un­to Ʋtrecht. But being afraid that some or other might come to know him again upon the High-way, he put himself again into the Inundation, without any other Guide than his Despair; for the Man who had Con­ducted him to Woerden, was trooped off, thinking he had no more need of him; and besides, there was no safety in seeking out another, nor having a farthing too to pay him, he thought he had no other Course than that of returning into the Inundation.

Being come within a quarter of a League, or there­abouts of Utrecht, out went he of the Water, but so wet, that he could not for shame go to the City in that condition. Wherefore he had his Cloaths dryed at the first House he came to, and then entring the Town, he went to lodge at the Palace Royal, where he chanced to meet with one of his Nephews, who served in the Troops of France, where he was a Captain of Horse. But this Nephew seeing him enter, far from believing it to be him, he took him for a Ghost, for the Night before, a Man came to the same Inn from Nicurbruk, who had told, as a certain piece of News, and whereof he himself had been an Eye-witness, that he had seen him beheaded: And this Rumour was so spread about the Town, that no body would believe that Mombas was arrived.

Mean while the Duke of Luxembourg, who succeeded in the room of the Marquess of Rochfort at Ʋtrecht, was very much puzled whether or no he should see Mombas. For on one side he would have been very glad to have got such useful hints and instructions as he was capable of giving, as being perfectly acquaint­ed with the Country, yet he judged it not altogether [Page 32]Policy to give him a good Reception, for that this would manifest too openly the secret Correspondence that had been kept with him. In short, being deter­mined not to see him, he feign'd in the presence of those who told him, as a great piece of News, that Mombas was in the City, not to give it any Credit, adding, that sure he would not be so impudent, after having born Arms against the King, to come again and put himself into his hands. They all knowing what the meaning of this was, their tongues were husht from that time forwards, and there was no more talk of Mombas, than if no body had known him.

For his part, when he knew the Duke of Luxem­bourg would not see him, away went he to the Prince of Conde at Arnheim, and as that Prince was full as Politick as the Duke of Luxembourg, neither would he speak to him, but in secret, and at an hour when all the world was still asleep. Whereupon he sent his Cap­tains of the Guards to fetch him from his Inn at three a Clock in the Morning, and Mombas wrapt up in a great Cloak, came to him in his Cabinet. There did he sell Holland the second time, declared the secrets of the State, at least those he had been able to know, before he had been taken into Custody; and after he had informed the Prince of Conde of all he was desirous to know, he retired to Cologn, there to stay until he had leave to return into France, which was another Gri­mace to deceive the World, thinking thereby to take away the suspicions that had been conceived of him. Whereupon some time after they let him know he might come to the Duke of Luxembourg, and he served for a Guide to that General, when he came to take Woerden, which the French had abandoned after they [Page 33]had had it once in possession. He it was who con­ducted him before that Place, when the Prince of Orange besieged it, so as one may say, that as much care as before he had taken to conceal his Treason, as industrious was he then to blaze it abroad.

Now, tho' all I have now said may seem to be ra­ther the History of the War, than a Continuation of my Subject, which is to shew the faithlessness of France, yet I should think it, perhaps, not so foreign as some may imagine, since I therefore call again to mind the Ideas of so many Treasons and Perfidies: And indeed tho' there's no saying that the French Nation wants Courage, yet one may say, that it's very willing to joyn Cunning to Strength, without which we should not see it so successful in all its Enterprizes. But let's add at the same time, that what makes it still succeed the better, is that mony costs it nothing to attain to its Designs. For passing at one leap from War to Peace, let's examine, I beseech you, what Course it hath taken to separate all the Allies, and whether this Metal has not been of more use to it for that purpose, than all the Rhetorick of its Mi­nisters.

One of the greatest Obstacles to the Peace, was the difficulty of reconciling the Interests of the Crown of Sweden with the Interests of the Princes who had some things to clear and determine with it. As to the Crown of Sweden, all its Interest was; that as it had been engaged in the War upon no other account than for the service of France, France should cause all the Places to be Restored it, which had been taken from it, either by the King of Denmark, or the Elector of Brandenbourg, or the Princes of [Page 34]the House of Brunswick. And the Interests of these three Powers was on the contrary, not to hear any talk of the Peace, until all their Conquests were abandoned to them, or at least the greater part. Thus the difficulty was to reconcile such opposite In­terests; but see now how this Affair was brought about, and which made it no longer appear so im­possible, as an Entertainment that was given one day at the House of one of the three Ministers of France, being the same who had the secret of the Court. A­mong other things, there was a Dish of Olives, and one of the Ministers of Sweden having found them ex­traordinary good, the Minister of France promised to send him a Barrel of them, and accordingly sent him a Barrel by his Secretary. The Minister of Sweden ve­ry much surprized to see that the Secretary of an Em­basie should be the Bearer of such a business, but making no other reflection on it at first, he took the Barrel into his own hands, and finding it extream heavy, he asked him the reason. The Secretary told him, that he'd find when he opened it, but that the Embassador of France desired that he would open it himself. The Minister of Sweden began to smell out then the meaning; and having dismissed the Secre­tary, he broke open the Barrel, and found it to be full of Lewis's of Gold, among which he found a Letter, wherein were these words, If you expect we should often give you Olives, you must grant us the Peace.

Perhaps now may I be asked how it comes that I should get the knowledge of a thing, which ought to have been kept very secret both by the Minister of France, and the Minister of Sweden. But to that I'll an­swer, [Page 35]How do so many things which pass in the Cabinet become common? How come we to know of so many Enterprizes before they are put into execution? More­over I must say, that France afterwards falling at variance with Sweden, did not much care tho' a secret was di­vulged which was no longer of any moment to it; nay, and on the contrary it took delight in sowing by that means a difference between the Prime Men of Sweden, where this business is now so much the sub­ject of common Discourse, that they attribute to it the rupture of the two Crowns. And indeed tho' the Ho­mage which France demanded for the Dutchy of Deux Ponts of the King of Sweden, was very sensible to that Young Prince, yet wise men believe it would not have been a sufficient Cause for a Breach, if the King of Sweden's heart had not been ulcerated with the disad­vantageous Peace which France had brought it to make. And it will not be improper to say here something of this matter, so much the more, in that during all the time I staid at Paris, I saw few French but did maintain that the King of Sweden lay under a great obligation to France, in that it would not listen to any Treaty of Peace, until all had been first restored it, that had been Conquered from it. But they know not that Sweden had been forced to yield up the Lands in Pomerania to the Elector of Brandenbourg. Lands in the Dutchy of Bremen to the King of Denmark, and lastly, Lands in the Bishoprick of Verden to the Princes of the House of Brunswick. But since I am here upon Sweden, I mean to tell after what manner it was stript of the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts, and under what pretext. The last Duke was still full of Life, nay, and in good health, when France, perceiving this Countrey lay for its conveni­ence [Page 36]projected, that as it had not yet bethought it self of its Right of Dependancy, under which Colour it seizes on so many Lands to seize on this. Now you must know that the last Duke having no Children, the Dutchy fell after his Death to the House of Sweden, and not to the King of Sweden positively, because that Duke Adolphus pretended to exclude him, as being nearer by one degree to him who possest it. The King of Sweden on the contrary pretended that the Dutchy would one day belong to him, as being Son of the El­dest, wherein there was great probability. For tho' in many places of Germany they have established that the nearest to the Dead succeeds in his Estates, yet it is to be observed that the use is contrary in the Electoral Houses, and principally in the Palatine House, which was the Family now in Issue. Be it as it will, the French King having an itch to make the Latine Proverb good, which says, that between two Persons that dis­pute for a Succession, there comes a third which ra­vishes it away from 'em both, sent Troops to seize on the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts, yet under pretext of keep­ing it for the King of Sweden, in favour of whom by this means he decided to the prejudice of Duke Adolphus. The Duke of Deux Ponts who was still alive, as I have said, was not surprized to hear that the French Troops entred into his Countrey, because he was often exposed to their violences: But he was strangely amazed when he knew they came to gather his Succession, of him I say, who was still full of Life, nay, and had not yet the least mind to die so soon. Mean while the Troops being entred into the place of his Residence, he not on­ly saw all his Countrey under slavery, but likewise his own Person. For as they very much doubted that a [Page 37]Prince of so Great and of so Illustrious a Birth, would hardly be accustomed to see himself under Tutelage, and that it was feared he would call the Emperor to his Suc­cour, they watcht him sonarrowly, that one may say, he was rather in Prison than at Liberty.

Mean while France being very willing to make sure of the King of Sweden, of whom it still had need, for all this passed during the War, let him know, that all it had done was only to oblige him: So that this Prince not being able to imagine it had any bad Intentions, spoke of sending a Governour into the Dutchy of Deux-Ponts. But while that he offered this Govern­ment sometimes to the Count of Carlson his Natural Brother, in recompence of something he had taken from him, sometimes to a Prince of the House of Baden the French King sent thither the Prince Palatine of Ber­kenfeld, and so set the Prince of Baden and Count Carl­son a shaking of hands, they before beginning to look a little askew upon one another, as two Persons are used to do, who aspire to one and the same thing.

The Peace being concluded some time after, France having no mind to part so soon with so delicate a Bit, would not at first shew its intentions, but still contri­ving a Colour to keep Deux-Ponts, it bethought it self of its Right of Dependancy, and demanded of the King of Sweden to pay it Fealty and Homage for it. This pretention, which was wholly new, surpriz'd extream­ly the King of Sweden, but as this Countrey is far di­stant from his Territories, most of his Ministers already concluded that he should wink upon the matter, and not fall at variance with France, when France, which had only started this difficulty, that it might not restore what it held, caused Duke Adolphus to intervene that [Page 38]so, until they were agreed together upon the matter, it might still remain in its possession.

Thus just as it had stripped the old Duke in his Life­time, who went to die of vexation far from his own Dominions, so does it now despoil two Princes in the very flower and vigour of their Lives. For without en­tring into Discussion to whom this State belongs, ei­ther to the King of Sweden, or to Duke Adolphus, it is probable to say, that if it cannot keep it for it self, it will rather give it to Prince Palatine of Birkenfeld than restore it to either of the two. For it would be afraid, if it fell into the hands of the King of Sweden, of encrea­sing the power of a Prince who would not easily be won to be its Friend, and it might believe the same thing of Duke Adolphus, whose true Interests are ever to conti­nue well united with the Head of his Family.

Now it must needs be no small mortification to the Palatine House, to see so great a number of its Princes become Subjects in so short a time. For in fine, besides that he who shall have the Dutchy of Deux-'Ponts, that if in case France does give it to any Body, will be obli­ged to pay it Fealty and Homage, how many others are there, who groan at this day in their Bonds. The Prince of Petites Pierre can say something to this mat­ter, if the unhappy example of one of his Relations did not perhaps oblige him to hold his Peace. I mean the Prince of Weldens, who by having had the Soul of a Prince, and resolving to keep himself in the Rank which God had conferred upon him by his Birth, would now be reduced to die of hunger, if his People had not Pity of him, I say reduced to die of hunger; you must not imagine I exaggerate, for many people know as well as I, that upon refusing to render Fealty and Homage to France, [Page 39]he was dispossessed of his Dominions, where he now lives in a borrowed House, and upon the Alms he re­ceives from his Subjects. They also know, to what the Prince his Son is reduced; they know, I say, that his Fa­ther not having the means to give him a Manchet, away he trooped upon a little Nag, without Servants or Train, as might do the least and most inconsiderable Gentle­man of France. They know farther that he has been too happy in putting himself into the Service of the States of Holland, who have given him a Company of Foot, which is all he has now to subsist on.

Some or other will now perhaps ask me why the Prince of Weldens, should all alone, stickle against an ab­solute Power? Why does he not yield to the time as well as others; and in fine what great difference is there between a Vassal of the Emperor, and a Vassal of the French King? For in short, I know that these Discourses are commonly in the mouths, not only of those who are in the interests of the Crown of France, but also of several Persons, who cannot behold the misfortunes of this Prince without Compassion, and without seeking a Remedy thereunto: to this I will answer, that the Prince of Weldens seeing himself reduced to the ultimate ne­cessity, he has tried all sort of means of accommodation; but could not resolve upon slavery. In effect, seeing a number of Princes of his Family had shew'd him the way, he sent his Son into France, who offered the King on his behalf to pay him Fealty and Homage, provided he might be treated as a Prince, that is to say, possess the same Rights and Priviledges, as he enjoyed before things changed face. But the King made a mock at these Propositions, so as that his Son was forced to come back without any effect.

Mean while if a Body may here be allowed to make [Page 40]some Reflection upon the present state of the Princes of Germany, and upon what they were in a while ago, it's no difficult matter to make appear how much those are mistaken, who think there's no difference between be­ing a Vassal of the Emperor, and the being a Vassal of the French King. But I am to blame to say Vassal of the Emperor. For all the Princes of the Empire, I mean Sovereign Princes, as Electors and those of certain Hou­ses, are indeed members of the Empire, but not Vassals of the Emperor. True, they are obliged to assist the Em­pire under pain of forfeiting their Priviledges, nay their States, but they are not obliged to assist the Empe­ror, unless the Empire is attacked. Wherefore let's con­clude, that the word Vassal does not relate to Princes of Germany, who are Sovereigns over their Tributaries, as the Emperor may be over his. Who have Rights of Life and Death over their Subjects, imposing on 'em bur­dens and Taxes according to their own Fancies; and in fine, are accountable for their actions only to God alone Let's, I say, Conclude, that Princes, who have thus all the Badges of a Soveraign, are very different from the Princes of France, who bating that they are covered when the King gives Audience to Ambassadors, have nothing above other Subjects. Nay, and a man may say they are below some certain Subjects that there are; for you know the Dukes and Peers take place of them, and that the Princes are obliged not to be at any Ceremony, that they may not come after 'em. Mean while, if we would look back but to the beginning of the last Age, we should find, that among those Dukes there are those whose Fa­thers were Notaries at Paris, and other Merchants. It's well known what the Descendants of one of those two Houses have done not long since, to suppress the know­ledge [Page 41]of so low and so shameful an Extraction. It's well known, I say, that they have caused an Epitaph in the Church of St. Innocent to be taken away, and that in­stead of it you see one now in the Celestins, wherein there are as many Lies, as there are Truths in the o­ther.

Nevertheless 'tis to men of this Extraction, that Princes who only reckon Sovereigns among their Ancestors, are obliged to give place at this day. But what say I? 'tis to men of much more lower and of a much more vile Ex­traction, whom the Princes of the Blood are compelled to make their Court to. It's well known that what makes a mans fortune now in France, is not to budge out of the Anti-chamber of a Minister; and a Colonel of Horse, whom I could name, and every one knows as well as I, does not disdain to be the Buffoon of one of the Secreta­ries of State. For which reason, he has parted with his Regiment, for fear that when he was in War, another should rob him of so noble an Employment. It's also well known that while Mr. Colbert's at Dinner, the greatest Lords study some quaint saying or other to make him laugh, and he that has had the luckiest hit that way, knocks off, as well satisfied with his person, as if he had been the man who defended Vienna against the Turks. In fine it's well known, which nevertheless People can hardly comprehend, that Monsieur, the Kings only Brother, is obliged to have recourse to them, for the obtaining any Boon or Favour, nay, and after he has had recourse too, he has not always what he demands. I could prove it if I would, by a thousand examples what I dare here alledge, but I shall content my self with say­ing, that what happened a year or two ago, upon the ac­count of a man who was very desirous to come into the [Page 42]Farming the Kings Customs, is a sufficient testimony. Not being able to obtain it, after having told Mr. Colbert again and again, he was obliged to speak to the King thereof.

If there was any need to enhance upon all this, to shew in what consideration are the Ministers of France, and the fawnings and stoopings which the Princes are forced to cajole them with, I need only relate what hap­pen'd a while ago to the Dauphin. He had asked of Mr. de Seignelay, the Son of one of the late Mr. Colbert a Clarks place in a Ship, for the Son of the Officers of his Hous­hold, and Mr. de Seignelay having granted it him with some difficulty; a while after a fancy took this Mini­ster of a new Impression, to revoke the Clark, under the pretext he was uncapable of his Office. The Dauphin being informed of this told Mr. de Seignelay that he should be very glad he were re-established, and that if he had failed in any thing it was only out of Youth, that he would stand his surety that he should do better for the future, and that he should have no more occasion for reproach. Mr. de Seignelay after having listned to this Prince with that gravity he of late so impertinently affects, told him that he was not Master of the thing, but that he would speak of it to the King. Upon this the Dauphin not being able to endure that a man of his stamp should receive so unworthily the honour he did him, rebuked him with such nipping words, as humbled his Pride.

Let's from hence Conclude that it's a great misfor­tune for a Prince to be born the Subject of the Crown of France, and a great imprudence in him who is not so, to entertain any thoughts of yoking himself in such a Servi­tude. Let's but ask the Prince Palatine, who is only a Neighbour, how he likes the Neighbourhood, and I am [Page 43]sure he will tell us, there is little difference between his Subjects and his Neighbour. If he pretends to speak as a Prince, they speak to him at the same time as Master, and if he would have France leave her at Quiet, he must too submit himself to all its wills. Let's also ask him, whether he has now any faithful Subjects left him among so many Subjects who obey him, and whe­ther France, has not debauch'd them all. Finally, let's ask him if he dare so much as complain, tho he daily sees his Territories so Harass'd, and whe­ther he be not on the contrary told, That he is still too happy in being under the Protection of so great a King. Let's proceed on, I beseech you, into the Courts of other Princes of Germany, and let's see what passes there, be­fore we make any Reflection on the Princes of France. What shall we say of the Ecclesiastical Electors, the one of whom sells his Country for glittering ready Cash, through the suggestions of French Emissaries; the other suffers himself to be daunted by its Emissaries Menaces, and the other follows so its passions, that one would say, the same Interest Spirited them both? But let's also say at the same time, that all this is not sufficient without violence. For who doubts of all the Tricks it has play'd, and the Cabals it has set on foot, and are now daily working to detach them from their true Interests. Some are told that most of their States are Dependencies on the Crown, and that if they do not make it their business to Court its favour, they will not long enjoy a thing which does not appertain to them. Thus while they are fleec'd of the true Character of a Soveraign, which is of being Independant of any body, they en­deavour to insinuate to them on the contrary, that their Dependency on France, is the only thing which can [Page 44]make them Reign. Others are bid to consider the power it has, to judge whether thus have any thing to hope but by its means, and while they are they fed with fair hopes, their People are encourag'd in Disobedience that Soveraigns may still have need of its succours to repress them; nay, and would not say, that all Wheels are thus set awork, to appropriate the more easily a State where­in each Plays the Master, while he, who has nothing to do with it, has already there got one Foot, and will set the other too, when he pleases, by reason of the For­tresses that are suffered to be demolished. Any man may easily guess, I now mean Liege, where France already holds Dinant, contrary to the Faith of Treaties, and where the Discord of the People with their Soveraign, renders it as much the Mistress, as if this State belong­ed to it. For who is so blind, as not to perceive the Po­licy in this Occasion. As it was ever afraid that Mr. de Cologn would clear up his Eyes, it thought fit to have a remedy against what may happen; and just as it main­tained the Messanezes in their disobedience, so it fosters the people of Liege in their enterprises. If Mr. de Cologn would but once make reflection that he ought to be their Soveraign. For in fine, if this was not its intention, what should now hinder Mr. de Cologn from reducing a Town which is open on all sides, without Succours and without Garrisons. Wherefore if he would be pleased a little to consider with himself, and mind that the alliance of that Crown, has only served to procure him the hate of his People, and the entire ruine of his Country, without speaking of the Armies of the Empire, which after this have been obliged not to spare him, let us see how he himself has been treated, by those in whom he places all his hopes. Who but knows the horrible Contributions [Page 45]which France has raised upon his Subjects, the Desola­tion of the Countrey, the Plunder of Towns, and to say all in a word, the Destruction of Cities and other Edi­fices? Who knows not what passed at Huy, where not satisfied with having Tyrannized over the Inhabitants, it has moreover pulled down the Castles, and destroy­ed one of the finest Bridges there was upon the Meuse, so that now that City is frustrated of its greatest conve­niency, by having received him within its Walls▪ But let's pass on to the other Princes of Germany, and see whether they have any more reason to be contented with its Proceedings.

I might abridge with one dash, what I have to say upon this Subject, if I would but only relate what has lately befain the King of Denmark. For as it would be easie to judge by the Treatment its Ally receives from it, the Treatment which all others may expect, me­thinks that this should be sufficient to insinuate its vio­lence, and how it pretends to Lord it over all the World. But as there are many who are willing to have specified what way it is the French Court takes to bring about its Designs, I mean here to give a taste of its maxims and its enterprizes.

The whole World knows how the Dauphins match with the Dauphiness was made. The consideration the Duke of Bavaria was in, in the Empire, not only upon the account of the largeness of his Dominions, but also from their Scituation, was the reason he was courted by all Parties during the last War, as being able to give a great weight to that, in favour of whom he should de­clare. This the French King was sensible of, and there­fore made him daily offers of a thousand advantageous conditions if he would engage in his Interests. The Em­peror [Page 46]on his side forgetting nothing that might win him, so as that the Duke of Bavaria judging of his Credit by the Caresses he received, resolved to hearken to both Parties, but to engage only with that with whom he should find his so doing would turn to best account.

In regard of the Emperor, he only offered him an Offensive and Defensive League against France, whose Ambition he laid open to him, thinking it would be suf­ficient to render his Interests Common; but as the Duke of Bavaria expected something more advantage­ous, he listned the more willingly to the propositions of France, which they endeavoured to render to him the most agreeable that was possible. In effect they joyned to a World of Politick Reasons, which might formerly be good, but which were nothing worth now, magnificent presents, which care was taken to renew from time to time. And as Princes as well as others do pretty often suffer themselves to be tempted with those lures, he was every day more and more disposed to make an Alliance with France. The Dutchess of Ba­varia, for whom the French King had formerly some thoughts of Marriage, and who had been vex'd that it had not been brought about; thinking she might place her Daughter on the Throne, which she her self had miss'd of possessing, push'd the Elector of Bavaria on to this Alliance; but advis'd him at the same time, to secure the Establishment of their Daughter, who could not hope for any more advantageous Match in all Eu­rope.

The Ministers of France quickly discovered what pass'd in the Cabinet of M. de Bavaria; and thinking they should the better insinuate themselves into his Fa­vour, if without waiting, that he should prevent them [Page 47]upon this point of Marriage, they should first make to him the Proposal of it. They declared to him, they had Order from the King their Master, to break the Matter to him; and said the same thing to the Dutchess of Bavaria, which fill'd her full of joy. After this the Ministers of the Emperor, were no longer listned to in any manner; and there was no other talk than of the fu­ture Alliance, which was upon the Foundation fo the Treaty, which then was making between France and Bavaria; by which the Duke of Bavaria promis'd to remain Neuter, which was all that France demanded. For as the Duke of Bavaria was powerfully Armed, and that he had resolved to observe the Neutrality as long as the War should last, France conjectured, as it was also true, that it would create an Umbrage in the Emperor; and that this Arming would almost produce the same effect, as if M. de Bavaria acted openly; and indeed the issue shew'd that these Conjectures were not ill grounded. But without amusing my self with rela­ting what were the consequences of this matter, which all the World knows as well as I, I shall say, that this Alliance having subsisted until the Treaty of Nimmeghen, the Marriage of the Dauphin with Mademoiselle of Ba­varia was Consummated presently after; seeing prin­cipally there was no other Princess to be Married in Europe; nor any better Family, nor who had Nobler Quality.

Besides, France thought by this means it had made sure of the House of Bavaria; but the Duke and Dut­chess of Bavaria being dead a little before, and their Dominions falling into the hands of a Young, though a more Sagacious Prince, if the saying so may be allow­able, than were his Father and his Mother, as France [Page 48]perceived; that he was not so wedded to its interests, as they had been sought, to tie him by some new Alli­ance. Now as there is nothing more taking with a Young Prince, than Beauty, especially when it is built upon, and seconded with extraordinary Merit; the Mi­nisters of France so ordered the matter, that those Pen­tioners they had about his Person, should often Dis­course him about Mademoiselle de Blois, the King's Na­tural Daughter, who appearing accomplish'd at a very tender Age, promis'd to become, in time, one of the most charming Persons in the World.

The Elector of Bavaria, finding himself alittle toucht, with what was told him every day, or perhaps spurr'd on with the curiosity of knowing whether Reputation did not make any addition to the Beauty of this Young Princess; made known that he should not be sorry to see her Picture. But the thing having been told to those who were still faithful to him, and who were jea­lous of his Glory, they represented to him too strongly, the Gin that was laid for his Youth; that this Prince recollecting with himself, was asham'd of what, per­haps, he had only done out of Curiosity.

Mean while there came from France several Pour­traicts of Mademoiselle de Blois; but the Ministers of that Crown, perceiving the scandal of her Birth, de­stroy'd all the impressions which her Beauty might make, abandoned the Design of this Match, of which they had before conceived some hopes.

Upon this they proposed another Marriage to the Duke of Bavaria, and which was indeed more suitable, being of Mademoiselle, Sister of the Queen of Spain, and Daughter to the Duke of Orleans. But those same Ministers of his, who had been able to make him dis­relish [Page 49]the former, found the means to disswade him too from this; representing to him, that all this was but a Snare to divert him from the Alliance of the Emperor, whose Daughter he might be in hopes of Marrying; which was not only a much more advantageous thing for him, but also necessary to his interest: Wherefore that it became him to open his Eyes once for all, upon the Designs of France, which only tended to the Ruin of the Emperor, and of all the Empire. That true it was, that it fed him from time to time with fine ima­ginations; as, the having him chosen King of the Ro­mans; but that at the bottom his Design was only to disunite the Princes from one another, that when the Election came to be, she might take for her self what she then so willingly offered to others. That it was not for his interest to desire a Neighbourhood so fatal to all those who had the misfortune to be his Neighbours; that this was no slander, and that there needed no more than to consider their condition, to make others dread falling into the like circumstances.

These wise Councils produced all the impression that could be expected in the mind of a Prince, who loves Glory, and flies Oppression. But as this was in no wise palatable to the Ministers of France; they wore so out­rag'd at the refusal which the Duke made of a Match with Mademoiselle, that they had the insolence to say, That tho' the Elector had Married Mademoiselle de Blois, he would not have been dishonoured. That there were as great Princes as He, who world, perhaps, de­mand her in Marringe, and yet not obtain her. And that the King was sufficiently puissant to revenge himself one day for the Contempt that was made of his Alliance. These heights gave the Duke of Bavaria to understand, how [Page 50]at first that Crown introduced it self by gentleness, and would afterwards establish it self by force.

But this Procedure serving only to divert him the more from this Alliance, he treated immediately with the Emperor; with whom one might say, he would find both more safety and more Glory.

Nor has the Duke of Saxony had more reason to com­mend the Conduct of France, who seeing that he stood wedded, as well as the Duke of Bavaria, to his true inte­rest, without suffering himself to be cajoled with all their Promises, has rais'd him Enemies, both at Home and among his Neighbours; it being well known how many Tricks and Arrifices it has us'd to set him at Va­riance with the Princes of his own Family; and which not being able to bring about, it has had recourse to Neighbouring Princes, who have given it some jea­lousie, which the Emperor however, has very wisely dis­sipated.

As concerning the Marquiss of Brandenburgh and the King of Denmark, I know nothing which can afford more aversion for that Crown, than its Conduct to those Princes. For if we consider after what manner, it intro­duced it self into their Considence, we shall find it set all manner of Engines a going to bring it about; but after having attained to what it desired, there is no manner of hardship but what it has made 'em suffer.

Every Man knows the Proposals the Court de Roy made at his arrival in the North. They know, I say, that he demanded of the King of Denmark, on the behalf of the King his Master, that he should share in the Dis­posal of the Subsidies, which he received from him; add­ing they were unprofitably dissipated. The same thing almost, was said to the Elector of Brandenburgh.

But to hinder such like Complements, from exciting the resentment of those Princes, who ought to be jea­lous of their Honour; they keep buzzing about them, either Pentioners, or French themselves, who mollifie things, insomuch that those Princes being kept, as I may say, between fear and hope, know not what to de­termine. But let's here admire the Policy of that Crown, which knows how to draw its advantages from all things, even from those which would seem to be con­trary to it.

The Persecution which it made Mr. Brickman suffer, is sufficiently blaz'd in the World; for he after having been a long while in the Bastile, for having shewn his steddiness, was moreover obliged to leave his Country; saying there was nothing more to hope for him in the Service of France, where he had, nevertheless, consumed his Youth. But as soon as France knew he was gone into Brandenburgh, and that he had been kindly received by the Elector; on a sudden its Hatred was not only ap­peas'd, but it would needs too Recommend him to that Prince; not by it self indeed, because that would have been suspicious, but by its Generals; insomuch, that this Recommendation, joyned to the Merits of his Person, obtained him in a short time a Regiment of Horse, with the Government of Wesel. And he it is it now makes use of, but slily, to work out its Intentions: For though he does not seem trusted with its Secrets; and that on the contrary, he is always speaking some Resentments of what he has suffer'd from France, he knows how to give the Blow upon occasion; but a Blow too much the more dangerous, in that it is not thought to depart from an affectionate hand.

Bois David, who was obliged to fly France, where he [Page 52]was a Brigadeer, and Collonel of Foot, for having fought a Duel with Mr. d' Aubijoux, has also regain'd its Favour by acting for its Interests at the Court of Zell, where he is setled to advantage; there occurring nothing there, but whereof Mr. d' Louvois is informed; and what ap­pears the more extraordinary, is that, though there be no more remission for those who are accused of the same Crime as his is; yet he goes sometimes to Paris, whe­ther it be to settle his own Affairs, or as is more proba­ble, to Confer with Mr. de St. Bovange, upon what he would not dare to trust in Letters.

All the Courts of other Princes, are thus cramm'd with Banish'd, or Discontented French-men. But at the same time that these Princes receive them, if a Man may not say they receive Serpents into their Bosom, one may say, at least, they ought to be very careful, not so easily to confide in them their Secrets. For as the Ge­nius of the French Nation is, to slip lightly into all things, a Man may also say, that the French very rarely, forget the Fidelity they owe their Prince; so as that it is great Imprudence to put too much confidence in them.

But after having spoke, as I have already done of the misfortune those Princes lye under, who are in the Neigh­bourhood of France; or that have any Engagements with that Crown;

Let's now behold to what those are reduced, that it has lately drawn in into its Rights of Dependency.

I will say nothing, either of the Prince of Petite, Pierte, or of that of Weldens, since I have already spoken of them sufficiently; but I will say something of him of Baden, who was no sooner of the numbers of its Sub­jects, than that he saw himself compell'd to give a great [Page 53]Pension to his Wife; who has left him long ago with­out ever any perswasions being prevalent enough to get her to return to him.

To no purpose was it for him to remonstrate that he was ready to take her again; no regard was had to his Reasons: And the first thing they began with, was to make sure of a Fund, which he was barr'd all medling with.

I pass over in silence the Tyranny that is exercis'd to­wards other Princes of less consideration: For since the Princes of Sovereign Houses are no longer spared, as I have made out already, there is little likelihood that o­thers should meet with more favour. It is not to be said what they daily suffer from these petty Tyrants, who of Ministers Lacqueys being become Commissaries, and of Commissaries, Intendants, attribute to themselves a Sovereign Authority.

But the French are not contented with stripping them of their Honour; they likewise fleece them of their Estates: How many Processes do they exhibit against them; either upon the account of the Militia, or the Dues of Vassalage? and how many Princes, who had a while ago a power of Life and Death over their Subjects, are now compell'd to go plead against them; nay, and often lose their Processes too; for this is another piece of the French policy, to uphold the Vassals against their Lords; as knowing, that as long as it has the People on its side, it has nothing to fear either from the Princes or the Gentlemen, who can effect nothing without the People.

Thus its Interest sways over all manner of Justice; but it little cares, tho' it seems unjust, provided it esta­blishes its Dominion every where, or to say rather its Tyranny.

If we proceed to the Usage the Gentry have met with from France; how many do we see ruined by Gar­risons, and others still worse treated? for let it not be thought, that it sticks at the common Forms to esta­blish its new Power, though the Law was, to seize the Lands of those who would not pay Fealty and Ho­mage: How many has it Imprison'd, that by detaining at the same time, both their Estates and their Persons, Necessity should oblige them to comply with all its de­sires?

But the Treatment the Baron d' Evenop had met with, speaks the top of its Tyranny and Injustice.

This Baron is a Gentleman of Quality, and whose Family has heretofore afforded a Queen of Sweden. For after having received his Fealty and Homage, it dis­possess'd him, without ever any Bodies being able to give any reason for it, or that France it self can give a­ny, unless, that which is well known, that it is very willing to put it self into possession of others Estates.

There is hardly any Prince in Europe but knows its Violences; and has moreover a notable Interest to re­press them. But their Blindness is so terrible, that in­stead of uniting all together to put a stop to those unjust Courses, they seem to have conspir'd by their Disunion to give it the Empire of all the World. They all know it has united it self with the Turk, to over-run and lay Germany waste; the one on the one side; the other on the other: And yet they will not unite to destroy an Enemy which endeavours to plunge them into Sla­very.

But since I have mention'd, that it was as it were through Inadvertency that Alliance with the Turk; it is convenient that I convince those who have hitherto [Page 55]doubted of the reality of it, by a circumstance which has lately happened; and to which there is no re­ply.

Every man knows the vigorous resistance made by the Count de Staremberg, Governour of Vienna; inso­much, that the Grand Vizier often having lost an infi­nite number of men before that Place, was resolved to raise the Siege if he could have retreated with Honour. For that purpose he sent back Count Albert Caprara, who was the Emperor's Ambassador at the Port, whom till then he would not suffer to return home to make him some Propositions for a Peace, and which were much more reasonable than those he before had offer'd. But the Marquess de Lepeville, who was with the Empe­ror, on the behalf of the French King, having notice of it, dispatch'd away at the same time a Courier to his Master, to give him notice thereof; and upon this News, France sent back another immediately to the Grand Vizier, to remonstrate to him the injury he would do his Reputation, after having lost so many Men be­fore Vienna, to raise the Siege so shamefully; that be­sides he was going to enter Flanders, to oblige the Princes of the Rhine to recall the Succors they lent the Emperor; and that this Diversion would quickly pro­cure him a happy success of his Enterprize.

The Courier of Mr. de Lepeville arrived on Sunday, August 22. at Fontain-Bleau, that which was dispatch'd to the Grand Vizier, or to Mr. de Lepeville, which was the same thing, departed the same day at one a Clock in the Afternoon; and that very Afternoon they not on­ly proclaim'd that they were going to enter Flanders, but also the Orders were issued forth for that purpose; insomuch that the Grand Vizier not doubting but that [Page 56]this once, at least, they would keep tack with him, and make good their word more than they haddone be­fore; he since continued on the Siege, and according to all appearance, would never have quitted it, had he not been compell'd by Arms. But since I let fall, that France had failed in its word to the Grand Vizier, it is not improper to say what was the occasion of it. Cer­tain it is, that by a secret Treaty made between it and the Port; whereof Count Teckely was the Guardian or Feoffee, and one called Bohan the Instrument: France was bound to attack the Empire on the side of the Rhine, at the same time that the Port attack'd it on the side of Hungary.

For this purpose the French King was already on his way to his Army, which was upon the Frontiers; but having learnt that the Turks, whose Beginnings had been so advantageous, that it was not to be doubted but that they would take Vienna, whereunto they had laid Siege; had given such a terrour unto all Germany, that all the Princes thought themselves already lost; he would not March on, not out of any effect of Modera­tion, nor much less out of an effect of Christianity, but that he might not lose himself in the Opinion of all the Princes of Germany; for he imagined, that lying under those woful Circumstances, they would suddenly be obliged to have recourse to him; and already rec­koning upon the Empire, he would not pour upon it Desolation and Terror; and this was the cause that he now rather attacks Spain than the Empire: For he still hopes that if the Turks once seize on Vienna, that none but he will be able to oppose such mighty Forces; as if the Princes of the Empire would not rather chuse if it was a forc'd Putt, to render themselves Tributaries of [Page 57]the Turk than to submit to his Slavery. And indeed, without speaking further of his Tyranny, which is in­comparably harder to support than that of the Pagans; is it not probable to say, Consciences will not be always Tyranniz'd over; and that each Man will be allow'd to serve his God? There you will hear no talk of Edicts, which decree the Destruction of Churches; nor of Troops which serve for Executioners to those who assem­ble upon their Ruins to sing there the Praises of the Almighty. But if it is easie, at least, as I imagine, to create an abhorrence of the French Government; it is not so easie to teach the means to avoid it; seeing prin­cipally, as I have said, all Princes seem to conspire with it to bring Europe into Slavery. For in fine, is it not a thing worthy both of pity and anger, to see that in a time wherein there ought to be a general Union a­gainst so formidable a Power, they still strive to give it new Forces? for what do those think of, who have late­ly Elected the Elector of Cologn, or rather say Bishop of Strasburgh for the Bishop of Munster? do they not know that both those Princes are entirely devoted to France? and tho' the Elector of Cologn should come to rub and open his Eyes, yet the Bishop of Strasburg has so great an ascendant over him, as that he would still oblige him to continue in his error. Do they not know that tho' the Elector of Cologn only loves Peace, the Bi­shop of Strasburgh only loves War? do they not know that it was only by the means of the late Archbishop of Cologn, and by the perswasion of the Bishop of Stras­burgh, that France carried its formidable Arms into the United Provinces; and who then now augment the power of their Heirs, who already shew but too much passion to shackle Europe. They have the same Name, [Page 58]the same Inclination, the same Design with the Deceas'd. It is their same Blood, and their same Spirit. We have seen into what a hideous Precipice the Deceas'd had thought to have tumbled all Germany; and yet as if people had quite forgot what has but newly happened; they give the Nephews the means to execute the things which the Ʋncle had only the will to do. The one has already deliver'd the Capital City of his Bishoprick in­to the hands of the French; and the other will have them still deliver the rest of Germany, which is already put into great Captivity by this Treason. They are willing, in a word, to find the hands of Holland by the Neighbourhood of a new Enemy; and so fetter, by this means, the rest of Europe, which has no other hopes than in that State.

But let's put a period to a Discourse, which, besides, can operate no good effects; since all People do not love to be so plainly told their Truths. And indeed, as much as France may be vex'd that I have here disco­vered its Maximes and its Policy, so will the others bear me an illwill for having rebuk'd 'em of blindness and weakness; mean while I still cannot forbear saying, to the venture of all, that these may think that it is ren­dring themselves the Accomplices of all the Enterprises, which France shall undertake, if they do not put an end to the Differences, which for this long while have so di­vided them. For what else can a body say? we see the one is preparing to invade Lubeck, another Pomerania; others are contriving how to oppose these Designs, when on another side a much more formidable Power, meditates the reducing them all under its Obedience. They will not suffer that one Neighbour should become more powerful than the other, but make no reflection [Page 59]that an Enemy reproaches; who not contented with having, enlarged his Dominions, with great Con­quests, will not content himself with remaining their Neighbour.

It is for all the world, in this, just as what is plea­santly said by the Author of a certain Lampoon, which stole abroad about five or six months ago, upon the state of Europe at this day: for when he comes to speak of the Ʋnited Provinces, he makes them say, they will not suffer the Prince of Orange to Reign over them; and he answers them, that they are blind and fools, since they are afraid of being bitten by the Dog, and do not see the Wolf which is just ready to devour them. In effect, all those Princes of the North, perceive that the King of Denmark would willingly joyn Hamburgh and Lubeck to his Crown; but they do not perceive that France will quickly joyn to its Dominions, both those two Cities, and their Dominions too, unless they unite together to prevent it. They see that the Mar­quiss of Brandenburg has a design of invading Pomerania, from which he thinks he was, without reason, exclud­ed; but they do not see, that while they oppose his aug­menting his Power, another augments his to that de­gree, that they all run a risque of being suddenly op­press'd. Wherefore, what remedy is there to all these Mischiefs, unless that of forgetting the old Quarrels, to entertain a new one? But first, those fordid Spirits ought to be banished from Councils? who after hav­ing insinuated themselves into the favour of Princes, in reward, play 'em daily a thousand and a thousand Trea­sons. None but the Ancient Servants ought to be heard; I mean those, whose fidelity has been so often tryed, we should be blame worthy to suspect them; for in the [Page 60]Age we live all People ought to be distrusted; principal­ly, since we daily see but too much Corruption. For in fine, Would not Strasburgh still subsist, if it had had only in its bosom, Persons stock'd with Fidelity. But let's admire, I beseech you, the difference there is between the Service which France reaps from its Subjects, which are in the Ser­vice of other States, & the Service which other States reap from their Subjects, which are in the Service of France. I have already shew'd, how one Bois David, & one Brugmaie, both banish'd, and both proscrib'd, as they are, yet serve for Spies to their Country, in the Courts of the Marquiss of Brandenburg, and the Duke of Zell. I have shew'd, I say, what reason these Princes have to suspect their Fi­delity. But let us now see, how much on the contrary, the Fidelity of Hasfield, who is born the Subject of the King of Sweden, ought to be suspected to the King his Master.

His Birth is so well known in the World, that it would be superfluous to speak of it here, unless that I had a mind to say, that being born of a French Father and Mother, it is not to be wonder'd that he inherits and fosters their inclinations. Yet this may be objected to him, that after his Family had been rais'd from nothing, if I may say so, by the benefits of the Crown of Swe­den; and that he was born in that Kingdom, all the other Obligations ought to be effaced; insomuch, that what was a Virtue in his Father, is a Crime in him. And indeed who can think without having a contempt of his Person; that while France carries it so sparkishly towards the King his Master, he still conspires with it, to bring all Germany into Slavery. Was it not him who took so many Voy­ages to Strasburgh, when it was more easie for him than others to negotiate, by reason of the Language of the [Page 61]Country, which is familiar to him; as also, for that he was there the less suspected? Is it not he who is daily hatching Cabals in Sweden, where he knows the Great Men are discontented, by reason of the vast Estates which the King has taken from them, because they were rather Profusions than Liberalities made by the Kings Predecessors? I only take to Witness the great Men of that Kingdom: and whether it be not true, that in a Debauch where seven or eight were present one of the Company told the other, that if Hasfields Counsel was followed they should set up a Teckely among them, that is to say, a Head of the Male-Contents.

But I pass many other things o're in silence; be it as it will, there's no saying but that France does well reward the services that one does it. Besides his receiving good Pensions from thence, and great Presents, it advances all his Family, while it ne're thinks of the best Families of the Kingdom which ne'retheless do not a little want it. He has two Brothers, one of whom is suddenly to be a Bishop, the other an Abbot, the King having promised it him, and never failing in his word, unless we except what he and his Ministers call Word of State. There are still two others, one of whom is at Hambourg upon the account of the French King, a worthy Brother of Mr. Hasfield, that is to say, just as ready as he, to sell Ger­many, if the thing was in his power, and the other re­mains in Sueden, and he it is that gives notice of all oc­curences in that Kingdom. Now all these noble Blades, Sons of Mr. Bidal, that famous Bankrupt, whom Boileau has not fail'd to glance upon in his Satyrs, but now he is obliged by an express order from Court to raze it out, when he puts his Works again to the Press. For Mr. Hasfield doing such mighty feats to render his name [Page 62]worthy of immortality, it is but justice there should not remain so many Monuments of his Infamy.

Wherefore the means to prevent all these abuses, is to follow the Example which France does now it self set the world. For it not only Confiscates all the Estates of its Subjects who go into the Service of other States, but it also forbids 'em to serve under pain of Corporal pu­nishment. Mean while if we see it has indulgence for some, we can only infer from thence, what I have noted, namely, that those Persons serve for its Spyes about the Princes, by whom they are employ'd, which is but too true.

Let us hence Conclude that so long as there is no Care taken to remedy these abuses, it is impossible we should be successful in our measures, but that on the contrary France will have all the advantages it can desire. For can it be expected, we should happily accomplish an Enterprize, whereof France had long had notice be­fore we went about to put it in execution? Moreover let's add to this, that it is not yet sufficient that a Prince should distrust his Ministers or change them, he must be his own Minister, and know that tho' there be one per­son in his Council proof against temptation, there will be a thousand that will stoop to the lure. In effect, let him but make reflection, that hiring out himself very com­monly, as at this day, is but too frequently practised, to him that gives most, his Ministers may well do the same thing, and the rather, for that they want more than he does the money which is offered them.

There remains something to be said touching the re­medy that ought to be applied to so many mischiefs, wherewith we find our selves overwhelmed at this day. But as I can only offer what several persons have said [Page 63]before me, I rather choose to be silent, than to repeat so many useless matters, and besides, for the most part more speculative than real. For when I make reflection upon what I have read in so many passages, and heard spoken in so many places, that all Protestants ought to unite together in Default of Catholicks, to oppose their Common ruine, ought not we to Conclude that it is much more easie to reason after this manner, than to see the effect of that Argumentation? For how can they ex­pect that the Protestants all alone should undertake a war against France, while the Catholicks are daily upon the Catch to surprize 'em. We see at this day a fair Exam­ple of their Intention, by which it is easie for us to judge of the Confidence we may put therein. I mean the usage the Protestants meet with in Silesia and the other Neigh­bouring Provinces, at a time when they themselves are under Desolation, and stand in full need of our Assistance. But they had rather all the Empire should Perish, than slacken their Cruelties in the least. The House of Austria does not see that the Authors of all these Councels, I mean the Jesuits, only give it them out of Interest; It is still willing to Sacrifice to them the rest of the Empire, whereof it has already Sacrificed to them a good part. Mean while let it not be imagined, that all I here say pro­ceeds from any natural aversion against them upon the ac­count of my Religion; I protest before God that I hate no body, and that I would not impute to them any of our mis­chiefs, if I did not see that all worthy People, even of their own Religion love 'em no more than I do. The World is sufficiently acquainted with their strange avidity to have the Estates of those four Hungarian Lords, whom the Emperor caused to be beheaded, to Comply rather with their pressing Instances, than for any Crime which was [Page 64]in them, at least, unless you will say, it is a Crime to be zealous for ones Religion. But as all I can here say would be to as little purpose, as what so many other Persons have said before me, the best I can do is to make an end, and own that our mischiefs are at such a period as well as those of all Germany, that none but God can save us.