VNdertaking to collect the principall affaires of this Kingdome, I had a desire to haue deduced the same from the beginning of the first Brittish Kings, as they are registred in their Catalogue: but finding no authentical warrant how they came there, I did put off that desire with these considerations: that a lesser part of time, and better knowne (which was from William the first, Surnamed the Bastard) was more then enough for my abilitie: and how it was but our curiositie to search further backe into times past, then we might well discerne, and whereof, we could neither haue proofe, nor profit: how the beginnings of all people, and states were as vncertaine, as the heads of great Riuers: and could not adde to our vertue, and per­aduenture little to our reputation to know them. Considering, how commonly they rise from the springs of pouertie, pyracie, robberie, and violence, howsoeuer fabulous writers (to glorifie their nations) striue to abuse the credulitie of after ages with heroy­call, or miraculous beginnings. For states (as men) are euer best seene, when they are vp, and as they are, not as they were. Besides (it seemes) God in his prouidence to check our presumtuous inquisitions, wraps vp all things in vncertaintie, barres vs out from long antiquity, and bounds our searches within the compasse of a few ages, as if the same were sufficient, both for example, and instruction to the gouernment of men. For had wee the particular occurrents of all ages, and all nations, it might more stuffe, but not better our vnderstanding. We shall finde still the same corresponden­cies to hold in the actions of men: Vertues, and Vices the same, though rising, and falling, according to the worth, or weakenesse of Gouernors: the causes of the ruines, and mutations of states to be alike: and the trayne of affaires carried by precedent, in a course of Succession, vnder like colours.

[Page 2]But yet, for that the chaine of this collection hath a link of dependancie with those former times, we shall shew the passage of things the better: if wee take but a super­ficiall view of that wide, and vncertainly-related state of this Land, since the candle of letters gaue vs some little light thereof. Which was, since the Romans made it a tri­butary Prouince to their Empire. For before, as it lay secluded out of the way, so it seemed out of the knowledge of the world. For Iulius Caesar, beeing but on the o­ther side in Gaule, could not attaine to any particular information of the state of Brit­taine, by any meanes he could vse, but by certaine Merchants (of whom he got toge­ther as many as he could) who told him somthing of the coast-townes, but of the state, and condition of the in-dwellers, they could say nothing: either so incurious were they of further knowledge then what concerned their trade, or the people here so warie to keep their state reserued and vnknowne to strangers. And yet Caesar gaue out, that they sub-ayded the Gaules against him, and made it the occasion of his quar­rell, and inuasion of the Land, whereof hee only subdued the South parts, and rather shewed it, then won it to the Roman Empire.

But now, what was the state, and forme of gouernment among the Brittaines be­fore Of the forme of Gouern­ment among the Brittains. this subiection, the first certaine notice wee haue (is also by the same Caesar) who tells vs how they were deuided into many seuerall states: nominates foure Princes of Kent by the title of Kings: how Casseuellaunus, by the common councell was elected, in this their publique danger, to haue the principall administration of the state, Caes. Comment. lib. 5. with the businesse of warre: and afterward, how the cities sent their hostages vnto him. Whereby wee perceiue it was no Monarchie, as it is reported to haue beene, but like to the Gaules, with whome it was then one in religion (and much a like in Complures sunt apud eos domi­nationes Stra­bo lib. 4. fashion, and language) deuided into a multitude of petty regiments, without any in­tire rule, or combination. As now, wee see all the west world (lately discouered) to be, and generally all other Countries are in their first, and naturall free nakednesse, before they come to be taken in; either by some predominant power from abroad, or grow to head within themselues, of strength, and vnderstanding to ouer-maister, and dispose of all about them; introducing such formes of rule, as ambition, or their other necessities shall beget. And such was then the state of Brittaine, Gaule, Spaine, Ger­many, and all the west parts of Europe, before the Romans (ouer-growing first the peo­ple of Italy in like manner deuided) did by strength, and cunning, vnlocke those li­berties of theirs. And such as were then termed Kings, were but as their Generalls in warre, without any other great iurisdiction, within those small limits they held. So that to tell vs of the state of a Monarchie in this Land before that time (as if alone vnlike, or more in State then all other nations) is to giue intertainement to those nar­row conceits, as apprehend not the progresses in the affaires of mankinde, and only the inuention of such, as take all their reason, from the example, & Idea of the present Customes they see in vse. For had there beene an absolute Monarch in these parts, which might haue affronted the Romans with the power of a well-vnited state, it had been impossible for them (hauing oftentimes much to doe euen with some poore Prince of a small territorie) to haue circumuented, or confounded (with all their stra­tagems, and iniustice) the peace, and liberty of the world in such sort as they did. And though the Brittaines were then simple, and had not that fire-brand of letters, yet see­med they more iust, and honest, and brought forth on the stage of action men as mag­nanimous (and toucht with as true a sense of honour, and worthinesse) as themselues. But hauing no firme combinements to chayne them together in their publique dan­gers, they lay loose to the aduantage of the common enemy; working vpon the facti­ons, and emulations, vsuall to such diuisions, and were made the instruments of their owne subiection: for whilst euery one defended them apart, the whole was ouer­come.

So that with what credit, the accoumpt of aboue a thousand yeares from Brute to Casseuellaunus (in a line of absolute Kings) can be cleared I doe not see; and therefore will leaue it on the booke to such as will bee creditors, according to the substance of their vnderstanding. And yet, let me craue pardon least being but to report, I might [Page 3] seeme to contend, if I make this inquirie: how the memorie of those former times, came to be preserued and deliuered to posteritie, if they had not the vse of letters in Cic. in Ep. ad Atticum vbi belli Britannic exitum expecta­ri soribit, nul­lius ex ea spem praede, nisi ex mancipijs, ait. ex quibus nullos puto te, literis aut musicis cru­ditos expectare. Et lib. de Nat. Deorum, paris eos sum Scithis barbaries insi­mulat. this Land (as it seemes by all probability they had not) before they were introduced by the Romans, who (sure would haue giuen vs notice thereof) had they found them here at their comming, and especially of schooles and the Greeke tongue, reported to haue beene planted here for many ages before: but they tell vs of no such thing: they informe vs how the Drnydes, who were the ministers of Religion and Iustice, the espe­ciall men of knowledge) committed not their misteries to writing, but deliuered them by tradition, whereby the memorie of them after their suppression (first by Augustus, and after by Claudius) came wholly to perish with them. Which had they had letters and bookes, could neuer by all the power and authoritie of the Roman State, beene so vtterly extinct, but that we should haue heard something more of them.

Besides it is strange how the Greeke tongue, and the knowledge of Philosophie, should be brought hither so farre off, and so soone; seeing it was late (as Liuy saith) be­fore it came into Italie, being so neere at hand. Moreouer, it is considerable, how it made that transmigration, whether by Sea or Land? By Sea, Hercules had set Pillars Ingenio Gallor [...] partim similes sunt partim sun­pliciores, & ma­gis barbari. Strabo lib. 4. that shut vp the world, many ages after, for passing that way. If by Land, Germanie, and other Countries on that side, would haue taken some part in the passing: but Germanie then, we finde had no letters at all, onely Merseilles, a Colonie of the Greekes being in the midway; might be a gate, to let it into Gaule, and so hither: but they say the Merseillans And it was af­ter the sub­iection of Gaule that they intertay­ned Philoso­phers, and Physitions for publique Rea­dings, and be­came a schoole for those parts as we may per­ceiue by Stra­bo libro. 2. vsed onely Greeke Charecters at first, but for their priuate accompts and contracts in traffique, and no otherwise. So that it seemes then, the Brittaines receiued first letters (with their subiection) from the Romanes, and Agricola, Praefect of the Prouince vnder Domitian, caused them heere to be taught, (as Cornelius Tacitus (his sonne in law) re­ports vppon this occasion. ‘Aduice was taken, saith he, that the people dispersed, rude, aud so, apt to rebellion, should bee inured to ease and quiet by their pleasures: and therefore they ex­horted priuatly, and ayded them publikely to the building of Temples, Bourses, Pallaees; commen­ding whom they found forward, and correcting the vnwilling, so that the emulation of honour was for necessitie: then they caused the principall mens sonnes to be taught the liberall Sciences, extol­ling their wits for learning, aboue the Gaules in so much as they who lately scorned the Ro­mane tongue, now desired eloquence. Hereupon grew our habits in honour, the Gowne frequent, and by degrees, a generall collapsion into those softnings of vices; faire houses, hathes, and delicate banquets, and that, by the ignorant, was termed humanitie, when it was a part of seruitude.’ Thus farre he acquaints vs with the introduction, and cause of the Romane learning in this Land. Which (had it had the Greeke tongue, so many hundred yeares before) would haue beene as forward in the liberall Sciences, as the Romanes, and not needed this e­mollition by learning. Philosophy would haue prepared them to a sufferance of snbie­ction, that they could not haue beene so vniuersally rude, and barbarous as they are re­ported to haue beene. So that I feare me, of all that lies beyond this time, we can haue no other intelligence, but by tradition. Which how we may credit for so long past (when letters, for all the assurance they can make, breake faith with vs in the information of things euen present) let it be iudged.

And now for the time since, (which seemes to be all that amounts to our knowledge of the State of Brittaine) we finde it, during the Domination of the Romans, gouerned by their Praefects: and if they had Kings of the British Nation, they were tributarie, and had their whole authority depending on that Empire; which as the same Tacitus saith; Nostra aetate, in­quit Strabo. lib. 4. Regulorum quidem Britani­corum, legatio­nibus & officijs arnicitiam Au­gusti Caes. consecuti, donaria in capitolio dedicarunt: fa­miliarem (que) Ro­manis totam pene insulam redigerunt. And at that time it seemes by Strabo, held it not worth the grading; for that it would not quit the charge. made it now their custome to haue Kings the instruments of seruitude: speaking of Co­gedunus, to whom Claudius gaue certaine Cities in Brittaine, with title of King. For now after Caesar had opened the passage, and made tributarie so much, as he subdued; the rest could not long hold out, against that all incompassing State of Rome: although during the time of their ciuill warres, and change of gouernment, from a Republique to a Mo­narchie, this Country lay neglected, the space of twenty yeares: yet, after Augustus had setled the soueraignty, and possest all the wide obedience of that Empire, the Princes and Citties of Brittaine (fearing to be enforced) came in of their owne accord, with their gifts and tributes, and the rather; for that as yet, they had found no other weight of [Page 4] subiection, then a tollerable tribute, which, it seemed, they were content to endure with the rest of their neighbours. But after Augustus time, when the corruptions of that State, had bred miserable inflammations in all parts of the world, the Brittaines, what with their owne factions, and those of their Romane commanders, remayned in an vncertaine obedience, till the time of Claudius the Emporor; who hauing much of the fume of glo­rie, and little fire to raise it otherwhere: casts an especiall eye on this Prouince, to make it the pompous matter of his triumph. And, to prepare the way, without aduenture of himselfe, foresends Publius Ostorius Scapula a great warrier, Pro-praetor into Brittaine, where he met with many turbulencies, and a people hardly to be driuen, howsoeuer they might be led: yet as one who well knew his mestier; and how the first euents are those which incusse a dauntingnesse, or daring, imployed all means to make his expeditions sodaine, and his executions cruell. Notwithstanding did Carodocus (one of the British Kings) hold these great Romanes worke for nine yeares together, and could not bee sur­prized, till betrayed by his owne Nation, he was deliuered into their hands, and brought to Rome captiue, with his wife and children, to be the subiect of their triumph: whereof notwithstanding the glory was his.

But Claudius had the honour of taking in the whole Isle of Brittaine, to the Romane Empire, which though thus wonne, was not, till a long time after, ouercome. For now the Brittaines (vnderstanding the misery of their dissociation: how their submission brought but the more oppression) colleague themselues against the Romanes, taking their occasion vpon the outrages, committed on the person, and State of Queene Voa­dicia, widow of Prasutagus King of the Iceni, a great, and rich Prince, who (at his death) had left Nero his heire, and two daughters, hoping theeeby to free his house from iniu­ry: but it fell out contrary; for no sooner was he dead, but his kingdome was spoyled by the Ceuturions, his house ransac'kt by slaues, his wife beatē, & his daughters rauished. Besides the chiefe men of the Iceni (as if all the Region had beene giuen in prey) were reft of their goods, and the Kings kinsmen esteemed as captiues: with which contumely, and feare of greater mischiefe, they conspire with the Trinobantes and others (not yet in­ured to seruitude) to resume their liberty. And first set vpon the Garrisons of the Ve­teran souldiers (whom they most hated) defeited the ninth legion, whereof they slew all the foote, forced Cerialis the Legat, and leader to flight, and put to the sword seuen­ty thousand Romans and associats, inhabiting their municipall Townes, London, Virolame, Camolodunum now Maldon. Camolodunum; before Suetonius Gouernour of the Prouince could assemble the rest of the dispersed forces, to make head against their Armie (consisting of 12000 Brittaines) conducted by Voadieia, who (with her two daughters, brought into the field to mooue compassion and reuenge) incites them to that noble, and manly work of liberty: which to recouer (she protests to hold her selfe there) but as one of the vulgar (without weigh­ing her great honour and bir [...]h) resolued either to winoe or dye. Many of their wiues were likewise there, to be spectators and incouragers of their husbands valout; but in the end Suetouius got the victorie with the slaughter of foure score thousand Brittans, whereupon Voadicia poysons herselfe, and the miserable Country with their heauie losse, had also more weights layd vpon their seruitude. And yet after this made they many other defections, and brauely struggled with the Romans, vpon all aduantages they could apprehend, but the continuall supplies, euer ready from all parts of that mightie Empire, were such, as the Brittans (hauing no meanes, but their owne swords, in an vncomposed State, layde all open to inuasion) spent their bloud in vaine. And in the end, growing base with their fortune (as loosing their vertue with their libertie) became vtterly quailed, and miserably held downe to subiection, by the powrefull hand of foureteene Garisons, disposed in seuerall limits of the Land, with their companies, consisting of sundry strange nations, computated in all to be 52. De Notitia, vtr. Imper. Pancio­roul. thousand foote, and 300. horse; besides 37. companies contayning 23. thousand foote, and 1300 horse; which continually guarded the North parts, where (that, which is now Scotland, and obeyed not the Roman Empire) was excluded from the rest with a wall or trench, first raysed by Agricola, after reedified by Adrian, Seuerus and others.

[Page 5]And in this sort continued the state of Brittaine whilst the Romans held it; induring all the calamities that a deiected nation could doe vnder the domination of strangers proud, greedy, and cruell: Who not onely content by all tyrannicall meanes to ex­tort their substance, but also constraine their bodies to serue vnder their ensignes, The misery of the Brittaines vnder the Ro­mans. when, or wheresoever their quarrellous ambition would expose them. And besides they being at the will of their rulers in their obedience, they were forced to follow them also in their rebellions. For after the election of the Emperours grew to bee commonly made by the Armies, many possessing those mighty Roman force here, were proclaimed Caesars, and put for the whole Empire. As first Carausius, and after him Alectus whom Constantius (the associate of Maximianus in the Empire) at his first com­ming into Brittaine by Asclepiodorus the Praetorian Praefect vanquished, with all such as tooke part with him. After that, the Caledonians, and Picts, from the North parts, made irruptions into the State, and much afflicted the Britaines; whom to represse, Constantius (then sole Emperour of the West) came the second time into this Land; and in an expedition made against them died at Yorke, whither his sonne Constantine (a little before his death) repaired out of Illiria, escaping a traine laid for him by Galerius Emperour of the East, with whom he was in the warres against the Sarmatians, when his father came first into Brittain against Alectus. And here was hee now first saluted Emperour, for which it seemes he much esteemed the Country, as that which gaue birth to his dignity. And re-ordring the government thereof (for a future security) devides it into fiue Provinces to be ruled by one Vice-gerent, fiue Rectors, two Consulars, and De Notitia vtri­ns (que) Imper. three Presidents. After whose time we haue no certaine nor apparant marke to di­rect vs which way the State went, till the raigne of Valentinian the elder, who sends Theodosius (the father of him who was after Emperour of that name) into Brittaine against the irruption of the Picts, Attacotti, Scoti, Saxones & Franci, which of all sides invaded and spoiled the Country: and after Theodosius had by the forces of the Battaui, and Heruli cleered it, Ciuilis was sent to governe the Province, and Duleitius the Army: men of faire names for good offices.

In these warres with Theodosius was one Maximus, a man borne in Spaine, but of Roman education, who after, in the time of the yonger Valentinian, having the charge of the Army, was here proclaimed Caesar, and to subvert the present Emperour, trans­ports The people of Brittaine con­sumed in the factions of the Emperours. the whole power of Brittaine: and first in his way subdues Gaule, and there fur­nishes every place of defence with Brittish shouldiers: and they say, peopled the whole Countrey of Armorica (now called Brittaine in France) with the same nation: which yet retaines their language, in some kinde to this day. And having spred one Arme to Spaine, the other to Germany, imbraced so great a part of the Empire, as he draue Va­lentinian to seeke ayde of Theodosius Emperour of the East, after the vanquishment and death of his brother Gratianus at Lyons. And by this immoderate vent, both of the Garrisons, and the ablest people of the Land, hee dis-furnisht and left it in that impo­tencie, as it never recovered like power againe. All those great forces hee tooke with him, either were left in Gaule, or perished with him at Aquileia, where he was ouer­throwne by Valentinian.

And yet againe in the time of Honorius the Emperour, the Colony of the Veteran souldiers fearing the invasion of the Vandales, made another defection, and cumultuari­lie proclaimed Emperour one Marcus, whom shortly after they slue, then Gratianus, who likewise within foure monthes being murthered, they gaue the title to one Constantine, not so much for his merite, as the omination of his name. This Constantine taking the same course that Maximus did, whatsoever strength was left, or lately in any sort recovered, he emptyed it wholy, and made himselfe of that power, as he sub­dued many of the Westerne Provinces, gaue his sonne Constans (a Monke) the title of Augustus, and after many fortunes, and incounters with the forces of Honorius became vanquished, and executed at Arles. Where also perished the whole power hee brought out of Brittain. And so the State (having all the best strength exhausted, and none, or small supplies from the Romans) lay open to the rapine, and spoyle of their Northerne enemies: who taking the advantage of this dis-furnishment, never left till [Page 6] they had reduced them to extreme miseries: which forced them to implore the aide of Aetius, Praefect of Gaule vnder Valentinian 3. and that in so lamentable manner (their Embassadors in torne garments, with sand on their heads to stirre compassion) as Aeti­us was moved to send forces to succour them, and caused a wall to be raised vpon the trench (formerly made by Adrian from Sea to Sea) of eight foote thicke, and twelue high, inter-set with Bulwarkes, which the Roman souldiers, and an infinite number of Brittains (fitter for that worke then warre) with great labour effected. And so Aetius left them againe once more freed, and defended from their enemies: advising them from thence forth to invre and employ their own forces without any more expectation of succour from the Romans, who (overwrought with other businesse) could not attend affaires that lay so farre off. No sooner had the enemy intelligence of the departure of these succours, but on they came (not with standing this fortification) battered down the wall, overthrew the defenders, and harrowed the Country worse then before. Wherevpon, againe this miserable people send to Aetius, vsing these words: To Aeti­us thrice Consull, the sighes of the Brittains, and after thus complaine: The barbarous ene­my beates vs to the Sea, the Sea beates vs backe to the enemy: beiweexe these two kinds of deaths, we are either murdered, or drowned. But their implorations prevailed not, for Aeti­us at that time had enough to do to keep his own head, and Valentinian the Empire: which now indured the last convulsions of a dying State; having all the parts, and Pro­vinces thereof miserably rent, and torne with the violences of strange nations. So that this was also in the fate of Brittaine to be first made known to perish by, and with the Roman State: Which never suffering the people of this Land to haue any vse, or knowledge of Armes within their own Countrey, left them (vpon their owne disso­lution) naked, and exposed to all that would assaile them. The end of the Romans government in Brittaine.

And so ended the Roman Government in Brittaine, which (from their first invasion by Iulius Caesar to this Valentinianus the third) had continued the space of fiue hundred yeares. In all which time we finde but these seven Brittish Kings nominated to haue raigned: Theomantius, Cunobelinus, Guiderius, Aruiragus, Marius, Choelus, & lastly Lucius, who is crowned with immortall honour, for planting Christian Religion within this Anno 443. Land. All other from Lucius to Vortigern, (who succeeds this relinquishment) were Roman governours.

This is briefly so much of especiall note, as I can collect out of the Roman historie, concerning the State, and government of Brittain: finding else-where little certaintie, and from hence forth (during their short possession of this Land) farre lesse. Whereof Gildas the Brittain complaines, laying the cause on the barbarism of their enemies, who Gildas de ex­cidio Britaniae. had destroyed all their monuments, and memorials of times past. And though himselfe wrote, about forty yeares after the invasion of the Saxons, and was next these times we come now to remember, yet hath hee left (in his enigmaticall passions) so small light thereof, as we discerne very little thereby. Nor hath the Brittaines any honour by that antiquity of his, which over-blacks them with such vgly desormities as we can see no part cleere: accusing them to be neither strong in peace, nor faithfull in war: and vniversally casts those aspersions on their manners, as if he laboured to inveigh, not to informe. And though no doubt there was (as ever is) in these periods of States a con­currencie of disorder, and a generall loosenesse of disposition that met with the fulnesse of time; yet were there no doubt, some mixtures of worth, and other notions of that age, wherewith after-times would haue beene much pleased to haue had acquaintance. But it seemes his zeale and passion (in that respect) wider then his charity tooke vp the whole roome of his vnderstanding, to whom the reverence of antiquity, and his title of Sapiens doth now giue Sanctuary, and we must not presume to touch him.

Such was the State of Brittain left without Armes, or order; when Vortigern (either Anno 450. by vsurpation, or faction) became King, and is said to be the author of the first calling in (or imploying, being in) the Saxons to make good his owne establishment, and the Vortigern cals in the Saxons. safty of his Kingdom against the Picts and Scots.

The Saxons at this time possest the third part of Germany, holding all the Countrey betweene the Rivers Rhene, and Elue, bounded on the North by the Ballique Sea, and [Page 7] the Ocean: On the South by Silua Hircinia, and deuided by the riuer Visargis into Ost­phalia, and Westphalia: gouerned by an Optimacie of twelue Princes, with an election, A description of the State of the Saxons. of a Soueraigne leader for the businesse of warre. This beeing so spacious, populous, and neere a Country, well furnisht with shipping (which the Brittaines had not) yeel­ded, euer plentifull meanes to supply the vndertakers of this action (which were first two brothers Hengist, and Horsa) withall necessarie prouisions vpon euery fit occasion. After they had been here a while as stipendaries, and finding the debility of Prince, & people their number soone increased. And first they had the Ifle of Thanet allowed them to inhabite: then the whole Countrie of Kent was made ouer to Hengist by tran­saction, Hengist and Horsa the Lea­ders of the Saxons. vnder couenant, to defend the Land against the Picts, and Scots. And vpon the mariage of Vortigern with the Daughter, or Neece of Hengist, an exceeding beautifull Lady, (brought ouer of purpose to worke on the dotage of a dissolute Prince) larger priuiledges were granted: so that by this allyance, and the fertillity of the Land were drawne in so many of this populous, and military nation, that Kent in short time grew too narrow for them, and Hengist (to distend their power into other parts) ad­uised Their first plantation. Vortigern to plant a Colony of them in the North beyond Humber to be a conti­nuall guard against all inuasions that way. Which being granted he sends for Otha his brother, and sonne Ebusa, with great supplies out of Saxony to furnish that designe. And so came the Saxons to haue first domination in Kent, and Northumberland, which contained all the Countrie from Humber to Scotland.

And now became they of seruants maisters, to contemne their entertainours, and Vortigern is deposed. commit many insolencies. Whereupon the Brittish nobility combine themselues, de­pose Vortigern (the Author of this improuident admission) and elect Vortimer his sonne, Vortimer ele­cted King of Brittain. a Prince of great worth, who (whilst hee liued, which was not long) gaue them many fierce incounters: but all preuailed not, for the Saxons (being possest of the principall gate of the Land, lying open on their owne Countrie to receiue all supplies without resistance) had the aduantage to weare them out of all in the end. And besides force, they are said to haue vsed treachery (in murthering three hundred of the Brittish No­bility) at an assembly of peace at Amesbury, where they tooke their King prisoner, and would not release him, but vpon the grant of three Prouinces more. Also the long life of Hengist (a politique leader) of almost forty yeares continuance made much for the settling here of their estate: which yet they could not effect, but with much trauaile, and effusion of blood. For the Brittaines (now made martiall by long practise, and often battailes) grew in the end so inraged to see their Countrie surprized from vnder their feet, as they solde the inheritance therof at a very dearcrate. Wherein we must attribute much to the worthinesse of their Leaders (whence the spirit of a people is raised) who in these their greatest actions were, especially Ambrosius the last of the Romans, and Arthur the noblest of Brittaines: A man in force, & courage aboue man, King Arthur. and worthie to haue been a subiect of truth to posterity, and not of fiction (as legen­dary writers haue made him) for whilst he stood, hee bare vp the sinking State of his Countrie, and is said to haue encountred the Saxons in twelue set battailes: wherein he had either victory, or equall reuenge. In the end, himselfe ouerthrowne by treason, the best men consumed in the warres, and the rest vnable to resist fled into the moun­taines, and remote desarts of the West parts of the Isle, and left all to the inuadors dai­ly growing more, and more vpon them.

For many principall men of Saxony (seeing the happy successe, and plantation here of Hengist) entred likewise on diuerse coasts to get Estates for themselues, with such multitudes of people, as the Brittains making head in one place were assaulted in ano­ther, and euery where ouerwhelmed with new increasing numbers.

For after Hengist had obtained the dominion of Kent (which from him became to be a kingdome) and Otha, and Ebuse possest of all the North-countries from Humber The severall entries made by the Saxons. to Scotland: Ella, and his sonnes conquered the South-East parts, and beganne the kingdome of the South Saxons, contayning Sussex, and part of Surrey. Then Cerdic, and his sonnes landed at Portsmouth, inuadeth the South, and West parts, and began the kingdome of the West Saxons, which after contained the Countries of Hamshire, [Page 8] Berkeshire, Wiltshire, Dorcetshire, Somersetshire, and Devonshire. And about the same time, Vffa invaded the North-East parts, and beganne the Kingdome of the East An­gles containing Northfolke, Suffolke, Cambridgeshire, and the Isle of Ely: Erkenwin be­ganne the Kingdome of the East Saxons, containing Essex, Middlesex, and a part of Hartfordshire.

Having thus (in a manner) surrounded the best of the whole State of Brittaine; they after invaded the inner, and middle part. And Cridda beganne the Kingdome of Mercna-land, or middle Angles, contayning Lincolnshire, North-hamptonshire, Hunting­donshire, Rutlandshire, Bedford, Buckingham, Oxfordshire, Cheshire, Derbie, Nottingham, and Staffordshire, with parts of the shires of Hereford, and Hartford: Warwicke, Shropshire, Lancaster, and Glocestershire.

And with all these Princes, and Leaders before they could establish their domini­ons, the Brittaines so desperately grappled, as plant they could not, but vpon destructi­on, and desolation of the whole Country, whereof in the end they extinguished both the Religion, Lawes, Language, and all, with the people and name of Brittaine. Which having beene so long a Province of great honour, and benefit to the Roman Empire, could not but partake of the magnificence of their goodly structures, Thermes, Aqua­ducts, High-waies, and all other their ornaments of delight, ease, and greatnesse: all which came to bee so vtterly razed, and confounded by the Saxons as there is not The Brittaines vtterly subdu­ed by the Sa­xons. left standing so much as the ruines to point vs where they were: for they being a people of a rough breeding that would not bee taken with these delicacies of life, seemed to care for no other monuments but of earth, and as borne in the field would build their fortunes onely there. Witnesse so many Intrenchments, Mounts, and Borroughs raised for tombes, and defences vpon all the wide champions, and eminent Hills of this Isle, remaining yet as characters of the deepe scratches made on the whole face of our Countrey, to shew the hard labour our Progenitors endured to get it for vs.

Which generall subversion of a State is very seldome seene: Invasion, and devasta­tion of Provinces haue often beene made, but in such sort as they continued, or reco­vered, with some commixtion of their owne with the generation of the invadors. But in this, by reason of the vicinage, and innumerous populacie of that Nation (transpor­ting hither both sexes) the incompatibility of Paganism, and Christianity, with the im­mense bloud-shed on both sides, wrought such an implacable hatred, as but one Nation must possesse all. The conquest made by the Romanes, was not to extirpate the Na­tiues, but to master them. The Danes, which afterward invaded the Saxons, made onely at the first depredations on the coast, and therewith for a time contented themselues. When they grew to haue further interest, they sought not the subversion, but a com­munity, and in the end a Soveraignty of the State, matching with the women they here found, bringing few of their owne with them. The Normans dealt the like with the Province of Nuestria in France, who also after they had the dominion, & what the victorie would yeeld them in England, were content to suffer the people here to haue their being, intermatched with them, and so grew in short space into their bo­dy. But this was an absolute subversion, and concurred with the vniversall mutation, The absolute subversion of Brittaine, con­curred with the generall mutation of other States of the world. which about that time happened in all these parts of the world; whereof, there was no one Countrey, or Province but changed bounds, inhabitants, customes, language, and in a manner, all their names.

For vpon the breaking vp of the Roman Empire (first devided into two, and then by faction disioynted in each part) imploying the forces of many strange Nations to fortifie their sides, were made so wide ruptures in the North, and North-east bounds of that Empire, as there burst out infinite streames of strange people that over-ranne, and laid open the world againe to liberty, other formes, and limits of State: where­vpon followed all these transmigrations, and shiftings of people from one Country to another. The French and Burgognons dispossest the Gaules, and gaue the name of France, and Burgogne to their Province. The Gaules transplanted themselues on some coasts of Spaine, where they could finde, or make their habitation: and of them had [Page 9] Gallicia and Portugall their name. The Hunnes and Auari subdued Pannonia, and there­to gaue the name of Hungarie. The Longbeards, a people of Germany, bordering vpon Lumbardie so called of the Longberds. the Saxons, entred Italy, got the greatest part thereof, and left there their name to a principall Prouince, remayning to this daie. The Gothes and Vandales, miserably af­flicted the rest, sackt Rome, and after subdued, peopled, and possest Spaine. So that it was not in the fate of Brittaine alone, to bee vndone, but to perish, almost, with the ge­nerall dissolution of other States, which happened about the same age.

Wherefore, we are now here to beginne with a new Bodie of people, with a new State, and gouernment of this Land, which retained nothing of the former, nor held other memory but that of the dissolution thereof: where scarce a Citie, Dwelling, Riuer, Hill, or Mountaine, but changed names. Brittaine it selfe was now no more Brittaine, but New Saxonie, and shortly after, either of the Angles (the greatest people of the inuadors) or of Hengist, called Engist-Land, or England. The distance, made by the rage of warre, lay so wide betweene the conquering and conquered people, that nothing either of Lawes, Rites and Customes, came to passe ouer vnto vs from the Brittaines: nor had our Ancestors any thing from them, but their Country: which they first diuided into eight kingdomes: all which, continued to the last extermina­tion of the Brittaines vnder Caretius their King, with whom they were driuen ouer Seuerne, 136. yeares after the first entertainment of Hengist. And soone after, the Saxons, encroching vpon each others parts, or States (which neuer held certaine bounds) and the stronger vsurping vpon their weaker neighbours, reduced them to seauen kingdomes; that of the Northanimbrains, being made one of two: and then to sixe (the West Saxons taking in the kingdome of Sussex to their dominion.) And so it continued about 250 yeares.

At the first, by the space of 150 yeares, they were meerely gouerned by their owne Lawes, without mixture of any other. But after Augustine the Monke, sent with fortie others, by Pope Gregorie, had conuerted AEthelbert, King of Kent, and some other, they all shortly after receiued the Christian faith, and had their Lawes and Rites ordered according to Ecclesiasticall constitutions. Many of their Kings, when their sterne asperitie grew molified by humility of the Religion, beganne to raise present­ly so many and great monuments of their piety, in all parts of the Land, as if they striued who should exceed therein, and had no other glorie: Diuers of them renoun­ced their temporall dignities for Spirituall solitude, and became Monkes; as Aethel­dred, and Kinred, Kings of Merena-Land; Offa King of the East Saxons; Kadwalla, and Ina, Kings of the West Saxons; Eadberte King of Northumbrians, &c.

At length the kingdomes of Merc-naland, and West Sax, so farre ouer-grew the o­thers in power, as betweene them two it lay, who should haue all. For Ina, a mar­tiall, wise, and religious Prince, gouerning the West Saxons, first aduanced that King­dome to a preheminencie, and did much to haue subdued Merc-naland: but yet Offa, (afterwards King thereof) was in faire possibility to haue swallowed vp both the West Saxons, & all the rest of the Kingdoms. For whilst he liued, which was in the time of Carolus Magnus, (which whom he held league & amity) he was esteemed as the espe­ciall King of the Land. But the many wrongs he did, and the murther committed in his house vpon Aethelbert K. of the East Angles, comming to him vnder publique faith, and a suitor to his daughter, were iustly reuenged vpon his posteritie, which after him declining, in the end lost al. For Egbert, discended from Inegild, the brother of Ina, attay­ning the kingdome of the West Saxons, beganne the way to bring all the rest into subiection. And being a Prince, who (from a priuate fortune, wherein he liued below, with, and not aboue other men) had learned sufferance and moderation; and by the Estate of an exile, experience; grew to haue great aduantages ouer the time, and others borne-fortunes, and rose by these meanes.

Ina, his great Vncle, renouncing the world, with his kingdome, and dying without issue, left the succssion imbroiled, and out of the direct royall lyne as hee found it. So that those foure Kings of the West Saxons, who seuerally succeeded him. Ethelard, Sigibert, Kinulph and Britric, were rather Kings by election, and their owne power, [Page 10] then by right of discent. And Britric knowing the weakenesse of his title, and the much promising forwardnesse of Egbert; with his propinquitie in bloud, to the for­mer Kings, practized to haue him made away; which hee perceiuing, fled first to Offa, King of Mercna-land, where finding little security, in regard Britric had (to strength himselfe) married the daughter of the King, hee escaped into France, and there remay­ned till the death of Britric, and then returning, obtaines that kingdome of the West­saxons; subdues Cornewall, inhabited by the Brittaines; and after sets vpon Bernulph, newly inuested in the Kingdome of Mercna-land; a State (by the rupture of the Roy­all line) likewise growne tottering. For Egferth, the sonne of Offa, enioyed but foure monethes, the inheritance of his fathers immanitie: whereby that Kingdome discen­ded collaterally to Kennulph, who left it to Kenelme a childe, after murthered by his si­ster Quinred. Ceolulph, brother to Kennulph, succeeding, after his first yeares raigne, was expeld by Bernulph, and Bernulph by Egbert, who made that Kingdome tributarie Egbert obtey­ned the king­dome, which by him was named Eng­land. to the West Saxons, as he did after that of the South, and East Saxons, with the King­dome of Northumberland. And by this meanes (in a manner) attained to a soueraignty of the whole country. But the Danes imbroiling his peace in the end of his raigne, held him backe from enioying such a fulnesse of power, as that wee may account him the ab­solute Monarch of the Kingdome, nor yet any of his successors, so long as the Danes Anno 802. continued vnsubiected. For they hauing first made irruptions into the State, in the raigne of the late King Britric (his predecessor) euer after held a part therof, and afflicted the whole, till they had attained the absolute soueraigntie to themselues.

The Danes were a people of Germanie, next neighbours to the Saxons, and of language and manners little different: Possessing besides Cimbrica Chersonesus (now called Den­marke) The discripti­on of the Danes. all the Isles adiacent in the Baltique Sea, and sometimes the kingdome of Norway: A mightie, rough, and martiall Nation; strong in shipping, through their exercise of piracie, and numerous in people for all suppliments. Who perceiuing here the happie successe, and plantation of the Saxons, were drawne with desire and emulation, likewise, to put in for a part; the coast lying open to inuasion, and the ma­ny diuisions of the Land, with the discord of Princes, making them an easie way there­unto. So that in a manner, as soone as the Saxons had ended their trauailes with the Brittaines, and drew to settling of a Monarchie; the Danes, as if ordained to reuenge their slanghters, beganne to assault them with the like afflictions. The long, the ma­ny, and horrible encounters betweene these two fierce Nations, with the bloudshed, and infinit spoiles committed in euery part of the Land, are of so disordred and troub­lous memory, that what with their asperous names, together with the confusion of place, times, and persons, intricately deliuered, is yet a warre to the reader to ouer-looke them. And therefore to fauour mine owne paines and his, who shall get little profit thereby, I passe them ouer.

After the death of Egbert, Aethelwolph, his sonne succeeded in the State, with the title of King of the West Saxons onely, and was a Prince more addicted to deuotion then action: as may be seene by his donation of the tenth part of his Kingdome (with exemption of all regall seruice) for the seruice of God: besides an annuitie of three hundred markes, to be bestowed in pious vses at Rome; whither he went twice in per­son, whi [...]h his yongest sonne Alfred, whom he especiall loued; and whom (Pope Leo the fourth) annointed a King, at eleuen yeares of age, as if deuining of his future fortune.

Vpon his last iourney, and whole yeares stay at Rome; Aethelbald, his eldest sonne, combin'd with the Nobility of the West Saxons, to keepe him out, and depriue him vtterlie of his gouernment, and wrought so, as notwithstanding the great loue his people bare him, he was brought to yeeld vp the Kingdome of the West Saxons, to Aethelbald, and retaine onely the Kingdome of the East Angles, (a State of farre lesse dignitie) to himselfe. After which, raigning but two yeares, Aethelbald succeeded in the whole, and with great infamy, marrying his fathers widow, Iudith, daughter to Charles le Chauue, King of France, enioyed it but two yeares and a halfe; when Aethel­red, the second sonne of Aethelulph, entred to the gouernment, which hee held [Page 11] fiue yeares in continuall conflict with the Daues. After whom, ALFRED, the mirrour of Princes (made a King before he had a kingdom) at An. 872. two and twenty years of his age (& in a yeare wherein eight seuerall battailes Alfred. had been giuen to the Danes by the Saxons) began his troublous raigne, wherein he was perpetually in warre, either against his enemies, or else against vices.

First after a great danger to lose all, he was forced to yeeld vp a part of the king­dome (which was that of the East angles, and Northumberland) to Guthrum, leader of the Danes, whom (vpon his baptization) he made his confederate, and owner of that by right, which before he vsurped by violence.

And notwithstanding all the continuall, and intricate toyle hee indured amidst the clattering and horror of armes, he performed all noble actions of peace, collecting first K. Alfred first made collecti­on of the Sax­on Lawes. the Lawes of his predecessors, and other the Kings of the Saxons (as those of Offa, King of Mercna-land, and Aethelbert the first Christian English King) of which, by the graue aduise, and consent of his States assembled, hee makes choice of the fittest (abrogates those of no vse) and addes other according to the necessity of the time.

And for that the wildenesse of warre, by the reason of these perpetuall conflicts with strangers, had so let out the people of the Land to vnlawfull riots, and rapine, that no man could trauaile without conuoy: he ordained the diuision of shires, Hun­dreds, The first deui­sion of the Land into Shires, Hun­dreds, and Tithings. and Tithings, that euery Englishman (now the generall name for all the Sax­ons) liuing legally might be of a certaine Hundred, or Tithing, out of which, hee was not to remooue without security: and out of which, if hee were accused of any crime, hee was likewise to produce sureties for his behauiour, which if hee could not finde, hee was to endure the punishment of the Law. If any malefactor before, or after hee had put in suerties escaped, all the Tithing, or Hundred were fined to the King, by which meanes he secured trauailers, and the peace of his Country.

The opinion he had of learning made him often complaine the want thereof, im­puting it amongst his greatest infortunes to haue been bred without it, and to haue his kingdome so vtterly destitute of learned men, as it was, through the long conti­nuance of this barbarous warre: which made him send out for such, as were any way famous for letters, and hauing gotten them, hee both highly preferred them, and also (as they doe, who knowe not to much themselues) held them in great veneration: Rarenesse then, setting a higher price on meaner parts, then after Plenty did on more Publique Schooles first erected. perfections. Grimbald, and Scotus, hee drew out of France: Asser (who wrote his life) out of Wales, other from other parts: hee was the first lettered Prince we had in England, by whose meanes and incouragement publique Schooles had here, either their reuiuing, or beginning.

Those wants of his owne, made him take a greater care for the education of his sonnes, with whom (were bred vnder most diligent masters) almost all the children of the Nobility within his kingdome.

All his owne time he could cleare from other businesse, he bestowed in study, and did himselfe, and caused others to translate many things in the vulgar tongue, which he laboured (it seemes) much to adorne, and especially affected the Saxon meeters, Mat. Westm. whereby to glorifie that of a King, he attained the title of Poet.

The naturall day, consisting of 24 houres, hee cast into three parts: whereof eight he spent in prayer, study, and writing, eight in the seruice of his body, & eight in the affaires of his State. Which spaces (hauing then no other engine for it) hee measured by a great waxe light, deuided into so many parts, receiuing notice by the keeper thereof, as the seuerall houres passed in the burning.

With as faire an order did he proportion his reuenues, equalling his liberties to all The first sur­uay of the kingdome. his other expences, whereof to make the current run more certaine, he tooke a precise notice of them, and made a generall suruay of the kingdome, and had all the particu­lars of his estate registred in a booke, which he kept in his treasury at Winchester. And within this circumference of order, hee held him in that irregularity of fortune, with a weake disposition of body, and raigned 27 yeares, leauing his sonne Edward, a wor­thie successor to maintaine the line of Noblenesse thus begun by him.

[Page 12]EDWARD, though hee were farre inferiour to him in learning, went much beyond him in power: for he had all the kingdom of Mercna-land An. 900. in possession, whereof Alfred had but the homage, & some write, held Edwardus Senior. soueraigntie ouer the East Angles, & Northumbrians: though we finde (in the ioynt Lawes that he, and Guthrum made together) they held the same confederation fore-concluded by Alfred. He also subdued the Brittaines in Wales: fortified, & furnished with garrisons diuerse townes in England that lay fit to preuent the incursions of the Danes: and was all his raigne of 23 yeares in continuall action, and euer beforehand with fortune. And surely his father, he, and many that succeded during this Danic (que) warre, though they lost their ease, wonne much glory, & renowne. For this affliction held them so in, as hauing little out-lets, or leisure for ease, & luxury; they were made the more pious, iust, & carefull in their gouernment: otherwise it had been impossible to haue held out against the Danes, as they did being a people of that power, & vndauntable stomack, as no fortune could deterr, or make to giue ouer their hold. And the imbecility of some vnactiue Prince at that time had beene enough to haue let them quite into the whole. Which may be the cause, that in the succession of some of these Kings were certaine ruptures made out of course, in respect of their able­nesse. As first, after the death of this renowned King Edward Senior, his sonne

ATHELSTAN of full yeares, and spirit, was (notwithstanding the bracke An. 924. in his birth) preferred before his legitimate sonne Edmond vnder age: Nor Athelstan a Ba­stard preferred before the lawfull sonne. did Athelstan disappoint the kingdome in this worke, but performed all no­ble parts of Religion, Iustice, and Magnanimitie, & after sixteen yeares raigne died without issue.

EDMOND his brother succeded him. A Prince likely to haue equalled An. 940. the worth of his Predecessors, had he not vntimely perished by the hand of a base Out-law in his owne house, at a festiuall, amidst his people that deare­ly Edmond. loued, and honoured him. And though he left two sonnes, yet was

EDRED his brother preferred to the kingdome before them: who (ma­king An. 946. no variation from the line of Vertue continued by his ancestors) was Edred or El­dred. held perpetually in work by the Danes during the whole time of his raigne, which was of ten yeares.

EDWIN his nephew, the eldest sonne of Edmond, succeded him (an irregu­lar Edwin. youth) who interrupting the course of goodnes liued dissolutely, & died wishedly. Otherwise had Edgar (the other sonne of Edmond) continued that rare succession of good Princes, without the interposition of any ill, which is not in the Fate of a kingdome.

EDGAR, though he were but sixteen yeares of age, yet capable of counsell, An. 959. was by the graue aduise of his Bishops (who in that time of zeale held espe­cially Edgar. the raines on the hearts, and affections of men) put, & directed in the way of goodnesse, and became a most heroicall Prince.

Amongst other his excellent actions of gouernment, hee prouided a mighty Nauy Edgar pro­uides shipping to secure his coasts from inuasion, which now he found (though late) was the onely meane to keepe out those miseries from within, that thus lamentably afflicted the land euer before negligent, or not inured to Sea-affaires. For when the Romans first subdu­ed the same, there was no shipping but a few small vessells made of wicker, and coue­red with hides: whereby they, and after the Danes (both mighty, as those times gaue, in shipping) found that easie footing they had. Yet Egbert is said to haue prouided a strong Nauy, about the yeare 840. And Alfred thirty, or forty yeares after did the A most vsefull progresse. like. But either now dis-used, or consumed by the enemy, Edgar re-edifies, and sets forth a Fleet consisting (as some write) of 1600 saile, others a farre greater number, & those hee deuides, and places in foure parts of the Realme, making his progresses year­ly, with part of his mighty Nauy, round about the whole Isle, whereof hee assumed the title of King.

And to reduce it all to one name, & Monarchie, he was intitled King of all Albion, [Page 13] as testifies his Charter granted to the Abby of Maldesmesbury, in these words: Ego Edgarus totius Albionis Basileus, nec non Maritimorum, seu insulanorum Regum circum ha­bitantium &c. For he hauing first of all other made peace with the Danes, and gran­ted them quiet cohabitation through all his dominions; had the soueraigntie ouer them: And Kenneth, King of Scots did him homage, whether for Cumberland, and Westmerland giuen to that Crowae by King Emond his father; or for his whole King­dome; I cannot say. And fiue Kings of Wales did the like for their Country, and came all to his Court at Cardiffe.

So that hee seemes the first, and most absolute Monarch of this land, that hither­to we finde: The generall peace that held all his time, honoured his name with the title of Pacificus: and rendred his Kingdome (neuer before acquainted with the glory of quietnesse) very flourishing. But as if the same had beene giuen to shew, and not to vse (like a short calme betwixt stormes) it lasted but little beyond his raigne of sixteene yeares: being too short to close the diffeuered ioynts of a commixed Hee raigned 16. yeares. Kingdome; which was onely, to haue beene the worke of Time: and that none of these late Princes (who were best like to haue aduanced, and confirmed the State of a Monarchie) were ordained to haue. But all (as if things would another way) Saint Edward. were put off from their ends, by their vntimely deaths: as was this glorious young An. 975. Prince, in the two and thirtith yeare of his age: leauing his sonne Edward, a child, to vndergoe the miseries of nonage, to bee made a sacrifice for ambition, and a Saint by persecution, through the hand of a step mother; who to aduance her owne Ethelred, brake in, ouer the bounds of Nature and right, to make his way: and is sayd, her selfe to haue murthered him, comming to her house, estrayed, in hunting, and discompanied, in the Isle of Purbeck.

Ethelred.

BVT Ethelred, as if ill set, prospered not on this ground: the enterance An. 978. to whose raigne was bloud; the middle, misery; and the end, confusi­on: They write, Saint Dunstan preaching at his Coronation, propheti­cally (foretold him) of the calamities would follow this transgression: saying: For that thou hast aspired to the Crowne, by the death of thy brother, murthered by thy mother; thus saith the Lord: the sword shall neuer depart from thy house, raging against thee all the daies of thy life, slaying those of thy seed, till the King­dome be transferred to another, whose fashion, and language, thy people shall not know. Nor shall thy sinne, nor the sinne of thy ignominious mother, with her Councellors, bee expiated, but by long auengement. And this (whether so vttered or not) was ratisied in the cuent. For ei­ther this vniust disordring the succession, or the concurrency of hidden causes meeting Two con­quests of this Kingdome in fiftie yeares. with it, so wrought, as this late begunne Monarchie fell quite asunder, and begat the occasion of two Conquests, by forraine Nations, within the space of fiftie yeares.

For the Danes, hauing now beene so long inmates with the English, dispread ouer all parts by intermatching with them, and multiplying with the late peace and con­federations, had their party (though not their rule) greater then euer: so that this o­portunitie of a young and vnsettled Prince, in a new and brangling State, drew ouer The spoiles made by the Danes. such multitudes of other of the same Nation: as euery coast and part of the Land, were miserably made the open rodes of spoile and saccage: in such sort, as the State knew not where to make any certaine head against them: for if incountred in one place, they assailed another, and had so sure intelligence what, and where al preparations were raised, as nothing could be effected auaylable to quaile them; Whereupon Ethel­red, in the end, was faine, seeing he could not preuaile with the sword, to assaile them with mony, & bought a peace for 10000 pounds: which God wot, proued after, a very deere penny-worth to the comon wealth, shewing the seller therof, how much was in his power, & the buyer, at how hard a rate his necessity was to be serued; & yet not sure of his bargaine, longer then the contractor would. Who hauing sound the benefit of [Page 14] this market, raised the price thereof almost euery yeare. And yet had not Ethelred what he paide for: the Land in one part or other, neuer free from spoile and inuasion; but rather the more now opprest, both by the warre, and this taxation. Which was the The originall of Dane gelt, the first impo­sition laid vpon the king­dome. first we finde in our Annales, laide vpon the Kingdome (and with heauie greeuance raised in a poore distressed State) continuing many ages after the occasion was extinct: And in the end (though in another name) became the vsuall supplyment, in the dangers of the Kingdome, and the occasions of Princes.

And hereby Ethelred both inlarged the meanes, and desire of the enemy, so that at length, came Swain, King of Denmarke, and Aulafe, King of Norway, in person, as if like­wise to receiue hier for committing outrage, and were both returned with great sums, and Aulafe of a milder disposition, with baptisme. These calamities from abroad, were made more, by the disloyalties at home: faith and respect (being seldome found safe in lost fortunes) held not in most of the principall men imployed in the defence. Aelfric, Admirall of the Nauy, is said to haue giuen intelligence of all Sea-preparations, and disappointed that worke. The Earles Fran, Frithigist, Godwin, and Turkettle, dis­cended of Danike progeny, and of greatest commaund, deceiucd the armies by Land, and were the aucthors of discouragement to the people they led. Edric Earle of Marc-land, after them made Generall of the Kings forces, is branded with euerlasting ignominie, and the title of False, for his barbarous disloyaltie, frustrating all attempts wherein he was imployed.

Wolnod, a Nobleman, for his misdemeanor outlawed, made depredations on the coastes, with twentie shippes, and was the cause that fourescore more sent to take him in, were vtterly consumed. This defection of his Nobilitie, howso­euer it might bee by their owne discontent, emulation, corruption, or affecti­on, is laide to the pride of Ethelred, whom yet wee finde more vnfortunate then weake, howsoeuer they haue set his marke: and neglected no occasion to make resistance and reparations against all euents, bringing often his affaires to the ve­ry point of dispatch, and yet put by, at an instant from all, as if nothing went with him, but his will to doe worthily: which howsoeuer it were (besides the miserie to loose) hee must haue (that which accompanies infelicity) Blame, and Reproch. Though the many and desperate battailes hee made; the good consti­tutions for the gouernment; the prouisions to supply all important occasions, shew, that hee was not much behinde the best Princes, but onely in fortune

By the example of Edgar his father, hee procured a mightie Nauie; causing of euery three hundred and tenne Hide or Plough-land throughout the Kingdome, a Shippe to be built, and of euery eight, a Corslet to bee found: Yet all this shipping stood him in little stead, but was either quasht with tempest, consumed with fire by the enemy, or otherwise made vnusefull by neglect, or ignorance: whereby the hope and infinite charge of the State were disappointed. Famine, and mortality, the attendants of warre, with strange inundations, wrought likewise their part, as if conspirators of destruction, and all concur'd to make a dismall season.

Many yeares it was not, ere Swaine King of Danes, returned to raise againe new summes, by new afflictions; and tormenting heere this poore turmoyled peo­ple, more then euer; receiues a fee for bloud-shed, to the summe of 48000 pounds; granted in the generall assembly of the States at London, and a peace, or rather pacti­on os seruitude concluded; with quiet cohabitation, vse of like liberties, and a per­fect vnion betweene the two Nations, confirmed by oathes of either part, and ho­stages deliuered of ours.

But this as a breathing time, scarce hold out the yeare. When the occasion of greater mischiefes was giuen by a vniuersall massacre of the Danes suddenly heere contriued: and effected by the Kings commandement, vpon the suggestion of Hune, a great Commaunder, and a violent warrier of that time. Vrging the insolencie of the Danes, that now growne haughty with this peace; Committed many out­rages, violating the Wiues and Daughters of great men, with many other in­tollerable disorders.

[Page 15]Such, and so suddaine was the generall execution of this act, throughout all parts The massacre of the Danes. of the kingdome at one instant, as shewed the concurrencie of an inueterate rankor, and incompatability of these two nations, impossible to be conioyned. So that nei­ther An. 1002. Temples, Altars, Supplications, nor any band of aliance, were auaileable to saue them from slaughter. Wherein to incense the more their king, Gunild, his sister, a wo­man of masculine courage, who had a little before receiued Christendome, a mediator and pledge of the peace, hauing first her husband and sonne slaine in her sight, rather Cunild slaine. with a threatning, then appaled countenance, met her death, making imprecation for reuenge, and foretelling her bloud would, as it did, cost England deere.

Soone was the notice of this enormious act, giuen to Swaine, and as soone armed with rage and power, re-entred hee the kingdome, hauing now a fayrer shew to doe fowly, then euer: wrong had made him a right, who had none before: and the people of the Land, not so forward to maintayne their act, as to commit it, rather were con­tent to giue him the possession of their country, then that hee should win it: the grea­test Swain wins England. part of the Kingdome submitting themselues vnto him; onely the Citie of London, which Ethelred held fortified, made Noble resistance till hee left them; and conueyed himselfe first into the Isle of Wight, and after into Normandie, whither he had sent Emma Etheldred flies into Norman­die. his Queene, with their two sonnes, Aelfrid and Edward, before, from the rage of this tempest. But within two moneths he was recalled home by the people of England, vp­on the death of Swaine, who at the point to haue beene crowned King, and had gene­rally Swaines death. taken ostages and oathes of fealty, died suddenly: leauing his sonne Knute to suc­ceed his fortunes, and accomplish what he intended.

Ethelred returning, was soone furnisht with an Army, sets vpon Knute in Lindsey, Etheldred re­turnes. where he lay with his fathers shipping, and Hostages, and draue him to take the seas: where with inraged, making about to Sandwich, hee miserably mangled, and dismem­bred those hostages, and so sent them home: himselfe, with the spoiles his father and he had gotten, returned to his Country, to make greater preparations for the prosecution of his purpose. Ethelred in the meane time, to increase the summe of reuengement with more wrath, at a generall assembly at Oxford, caused many of the Danique Nobili­ty to be murthered: Among which were Sigifrith, and Morchar, Earles of Northumber­land, whom the false Edric (who had a hand on each side for mischiefe) inuiting to his lodging, vnder pretence of feasting, barbarously caused to be slaine: their fol­lowers, after they had so long as they could desperately defended themselues and their maisters, fled into a Church, where they were with the same burnt. Knute, armed with Knute re­turnes. the greatest of his owne and neighbours powers made his confederates, landed againe, within the yeare, at Sandwich, and without resistance, had all the West parts rendred vn­to him, with pledges for their obedience, and furnishment with horse and armor. Here the false Edric leaues his Liege-lord, and yeelds vp forty ships, and his periur'd faith to Knute. Ethelred, languishing in minde and body, Edmond his sonne, surnamed Ironside Etheldreds death. (to oppose youth to youth) was imployed against this rabious inuador. A Prince wor­thy of a better time, and had he found faith, had made it so, and deliuered his Country at that turne, from the worst of miseries, the conquest by strangers.

Knute. Edmond Ironside.

BVT now vpon the death of Ethelred (whose 37 yeares raigne, shewes that infelicity shall haue time too much, and happinesse too little.) Knute was by most of the Clergie and Nobility chosen king: onely the Citie of London, with some of the Nobility there about, made election of Ed­mond, Edmond Iron­side sonne to Ethelred, by his first wife Ethelgina. and furnished him with that power, as thereby, with the coura­gious ardour of his youth (which commonly is most in the first at­tempts) hee had the better in three imminent battels, within three moneths, and had likewise obtained the fourth at Essendon (likely to haue beene the last with the An. 1016. Danes) but that the disloyall Edric (late renouncing his new Lord, seeing Edmonds part in possibilitie to preuaile) againe betraied his trust, and withdrew himselfe, [Page 16] and the charge he had, to the enemy. This satal battell lost England: here perished the best flower of honour it then had: Here amongst the rest was slaine, Vlkill, an Earle of Essex, of euer memorable worth, who had long stood vp for the Kingdome, and in the time of Swaine, was the first that shewed there was hope and possibility to quaile the enemy, had there beene an vnion in loyaltie.

From this bloudy worke, Edmond escapes to Glocester, to recollect new sorces, nor was hee so forsaken with this fortune, but that hee soone recouered another armie, to re-assaile the enemie, that might be idle vpon this victorie. But Knute, as proui­dent Edmonds sin­gle combate with Knute. in the prosecution of his businesse, as fortunate therein, makes after: Here, when both Armies were at the point to incounter, a motion of peace was propounded: Some say the two Kings, by single combat consented to decide their fortunes, and the ouer-commer to take all: and that (in an Isle of the riuer Seuern their Armies on ei­ther shore, spectators of the act) they tried the maistery for the prize of a Kingdome, Peace con­cluded. After long and equall fight, finding each others worth, they cast away their weapons, imbraced, and concluded the peace. But howsoeuer; it seemes (both sides tyred with the miserie of a consuming warre, neuer like to be ended, but by the vtter extirpation of the one; and considering the danger of either, and incertaintie of the future) were easily perswaded to imbrace a present agreement: which was made, by parting England England deui­ded between them. betwixt them two, and confirm'd by Oath and Sacrament: putting on each others Apparell, and Armes, as a ceremonie to expresse the attonement of their mindes, as if they made transaction of their persons each to other. Knute became Edmond, and Ed­mond, Knute. A fatall exchange, for so free and magnanimous a Prince, as Edmond: who indeed, was now no more himselfe; and being but halfe a King, was in so few dayes after, none: as makes this peace shew fouler then warre: for that, armed him for life, this exposed him naked to death, which was shortly after treacherously giuen him The death of King Edmond Ironside at Oxford. at Oxford; some say, by the sonne of Edric (as if to shew he would bee the heire of his father also in Treason) whereby both the hope, and the other halfe of England were vt­terly lost, as determinable with his raigne: which (with all we haue else of his magna­nimous actions) tooke vp scarce the circuit of one whole yeare: And yet had that been space enough for glorie (whose measure is to be taken rather by the profundity, then the length, which seldome holds long and euen) could he haue had that cleere: And bet­ter for his renowne, to haue died at the battaile of Essendon with England, then discen­ded to haue made it halfe Denmarke, and liue.

Knute.

BVT by this meanes, Knute attained the absolute dominion of the whole An. 1018. Kingdome, which hee gouerned with better Iustice then he got it, con­forming Knute the first Da [...]ique King. his natiue roughnesse, to a more ciuill, and regular fashion of life: And to haue England see, that now he was hers; he sends away his Nauie, and stipendary souldiers, home to their countries, and puts him­selfe wholy, vpon this people; taking the way of mildnesse, a better meanes for his establishment, then force: but the Land paid for the remuneration of 83000. pounds paide to King Knute, fot eua­cuation of Strangers. his people, & this euacuation of Strangers, 83000 pounds of sisuer; which it rather consented to doe at once, then to haue them a daily burthen, to pester the State for euer.

At his first comming to the Crowne, he sought to rid himselfe, as well of his friends, as of those might prooue his enemies. Edric, who came first to salute him, sole King of England (as if to tell, that he made him so) hee caused his head to be set on the highest part of the Towre of London; therein performing his promise, of aduancing him aboue any Lord of the Land, and thereby discharged himselfe of such a debt; which, though he should haue paide, would neuer yet bee held fully cleered: giuing a generall satis­faction therby to the people, that reioyced to see Treason so iustly rewarded. Like com­pensation had shortly after, the Earles Turkil, & Erick, who being banished the Land, were executed vpon their arriuall in Denmarke. But the loue, and high opinion of Iustice he got in these, were lost againe in those actions, wherein he tooke counsell [Page 17] onely of his feares, for the extirpation of all those of the Royall bloud of England; As of Edwin, and Edward, the sonnes of the late King Edmond (to whom appertained the moietie of the Kingdome by contract) and of Edwin his brother; which three, he sent to be murthered abroad, to beguile the rumor at home: But, which is strange; those times, though rough, affoorded not yet an instrument for the execution of his desire: and all these Princes were preserued, and conueyed out of danger by those, who should haue made them away. The two last were bred by Salomon, King of Hungarie, where Edward (suruiuing his brother) married Agatha, sister to that Queene, (and daughter Edward mar­ried to Agatha, the Queene of Hungaries sister. to the Emperour Henry the second) by whom hee had two sonnes, Emond and Edgar, daughters, Margaret and Christina.

Aelfred, and Edward, sonnes of King Ethelred, by Emme, were preserued by Richard, Duke of Normandie their Vnkle, and so lay out of his way. This priuate iniustice (which often may be more in compassion, then hurt to the State) hee sought to recom­pence with all publique satisfactions: repairing the naufrage of the common-wealth (made by the rage of warre) both in ornament and order: erecting Churches and Mo­nasteries, with large patents of prouisions; both for the expiation of his immanities fore-committed, and to memorize the places of his victories with his thankefulnesse to God. The Constitutions Ecclesiasticall and Ciuile, diuulged in the language of that time, testifie his tender piety, and care of Iustice: and are so full of religious ad­monitions, His erection of Churches, and of Church gouernment. as it seemes he held, the best meanes to haue lawes obserued, was, by ha­uing them first enacted in the consciences of men. Amongst others, hee inflicted exact punishment on all intempetances of his people, and offences committed against publique manners. Seuere he was, but not cruell: few of his lawes sanguinarie, as be­ing not the custome of the time: which though rough, yet found meanes to maintaine publique order, without that luctuall remedie of bloud. No punishments capitall, vn­lesse conspiracies: the rest were all pecuniarie mulcts, banishments, bondage, or im­prisonment. To shew his clemeucy, this (amongst many) is one example: there was a law, that Whosoeuer had committed theft, and the goods found in his house, all his family were made bond, euen to the child in the cradle: This he abrogates as most vniust, and ordaines, That onely the malefactor, and such as should aide him, should endure the punishment: and that the wife (vnlesse the things stolne, were found vnder her locke) should not be guilty ef her husbands offence.

Thus was hee to his people, with whom, hee is sayd to haue so well cleered himselfe (howsoeuer he did with God) that he became King of their affections, as well as of their Countrie. And to maintaine this opinion, hee did many popular acts: as first all Rites of Honor and reuerence to the memorie of the late King Edmond, his confede­rate: besides, the executing all such as could bee found to haue had any hand in that murther. Then married he here at home, Emme, late wife to King Ethelred (though it were more for his honour then hers, to accept his bed, that had beene the persecutor of her husband and children) whereby hee held the Duke of Normandie, from attemp­ting any thing for his Nephewes, in regard, his sister might haue other by him.

Hauing thus established this mightie Kingdome, occasion prepares him another. The people of Norway, contemning the debilitie of their King, and conspiring to de­pose him, grew into faction: whereupon hee fastens; and with the great forces hee brought out of England, the might of money, and high estimation of his worthinesse, so preuailed, as hee soone obteyned that Kingdome; and was now the most renow­ned and potent Prince in all these parts of the world: intitled, King of England, Den­marke Knute King of England, Den­marke, and Norway. and Norway.

Herewithall grew his magnificence, as wide as his power, and was especially ex­tended to the Church, which hee laboured most to gratifie, either for the con­science of his deedes, or that his people, (generally addicted to deuotion) might be made the more his. And holding it not enough to powre out his immense boun­ty heere within the land, seekes to make Rome also feele the fulnesse thereof; whi­ther he went in person, and performed many workes of charitie and honour; both there, and in all his voyage. Hee freed the Saxon schoole, his predecessors of [...] [Page 14] [...] [Page] [...] [Page 16] [...] [Page 17] [Page 18] England had founded, from all imposition: as he did likewise all Streights and passa­ges, where trauailers were with rigor constrained to pay toll.

Of his entertainment at Rome with the Pope, Conrade the Emperour, and diuerse other Princes of the Christian world, himselfe writes to the Bishops and Nobility of England, and withall exhorts them very powerfully, To haue an especiall regard to the due administration of Iustice, to all his subiects alike, without doing the least wrong for The effect of King Kautes Letter. his gaine, hauing no neede (as hee sayd) to aduance his reuenue by sinne: And also charges them to see all Church-scot & Rome-scot fully cleered before his returne.

The actiue vertue of this Prince, being the mightiest, and most absolute Monarch that euer yet appeared in this Kingdome, the author of a cloze, and first of a new Go­uernment, Knute the most absolute mo­narck of this kingdome, of any that was before. him. is such; as shewes hee striued by all worthie waies, to lay the ground­worke of a State; which according to his frame, was either to hold good to his po­steritie, or not. And as likely was he, to haue beene the roote of a succession, sprea­ding into many discents, as was afterward the Norman; hauing as plentifull an issue masculine, as he: besides, he raigned neere as long; farre better beloued; of disposi­tion more bountifull, and of power, larger to doe good. But it was not in his fate; his children miscaried in the succession, and all this great worke fell in a manner with himselfe.

Harald.

HArald, the eldest sonne of Knute (some write by his fathers ordinance, An. 1038. others by the election of the Danique Nobilitie, in an assembly at Ox­ford) was made King: whereas Godwin Earle of Kent, and the Nobility of England, would haue chosen Hardiknute, borne of Queene Emme, or else Alfride, the sonne of Ethelred, who is sayd to haue come out of Nor­mandy, vpon the death of Knute, to claime the Crowne; But Harald, be­ing at hand carried it. The first act of whose raigne, was the banishment, and suipri­zing all the Treasure of his step-mother Queene Emme: Then the putting out the eyes Haroids cruel­tie. of Alfried her sonne, his competitor: and committing him to a loathsome prison, where he died. For which deed, the Earle Godwyn beares a foule marke, as betraying him. Queene Emme repaires to Baldouin, Earle of Flanders, her kinsman, where she remained during the raigne of Harald, which was but of foure yeares, and then with her sonne Hardiknute (who came out of Denmarke, as it seemes prepared for some thing else, then to visit her at Bridges) returned into England.

Hardiknute.

THis Hardiknute inuested in the Gouernment, soone frustrated the hope An. 1041. and opinion fore-conceiued of him: and first in like sort beganne with that degenerous act of reuenge (wherein none are sayd so much to de­light in, as women) causing the body of the late King to be vntomb'd, the head cut off, and throwne into Thames; Then makes inquisition for such as were guiltie of the death of Alfride, his brother by the mother: whereof Earle Godwin and the Bishop of Worcester are accused; The Bishop is disposest his Sea: and the Earle with a rich and rare deuised present, in forme of a ship of gold, ap­peased that furie: making protestation of his innocency before the whole Nobility, with whom in respect his deepe roote had spread so many branches, he stood firme, and all the blame was layde to the violence and rankor of the late King.

Besides the offending these great men, hee added a generall grieuance to the whole Kingdome, by a prodigall largesse, giuing to euery Mariner of his Nauy eight Markes, and to euery Maister tenne, which he imposed to bee paide by the State. But after hauing called home Edward his other halfe-brother, out of Normandy, hee liued not long, for farther violences; Dying suddenly the second yeare of his raigne, in the celebration of a marriage at Lambeth in his greatest iolity, not without suspition of poyson.

[Page 19]And with him ended the Gouernment of the Danes in England (hauing onely conti­nued 26 yeares vnder these three last Kings) and that without any cracke or noyse, by The reason of the extinction of the Danes in England. reason the nation had no predominant side, that might sway the State, in respect of the remission of their power home in the first yeare of Knute, and no great admission of o­thers after: and that such, as were here before, were now so incorporated with the English, as they made one body: and most of them planted in the remote parts of the An. 1042. Kingdome, that lay ouer against Denmarke: where by, that which with all the strug­ling, no power or diligence of man could resist, expired of it selfe: leauing England to a King of her owne, and Denmarke to ciuill discord about the succession; Norwey likewise returning obedience to a sonne of Olaue, recouered quietnesse, and a home-borne King.

Edward the Confessor.

EDWARD (the sonne of Ethelred) is sent for into Normandy, and by Edward the Confessor. the whole State elected, and Crowned King of England, at Winchester, by Edsine Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Anno 1042. being about forty An. 1042. yeares of age. Godwin Earle of Kent, was a principall agent in his preserment, but, for his owne ends. The Kingdome (as hauing deer­ly paide for the admission of strangers) ordained, that he should not bring any Normanes with him. The first Act he did, was the remis­sion of Danegilt, imposed by his Father, which amounted to forty thousand pounds yearely, and had beene payde for forty yeares past. He caused the Lawes to be col­lected, out of those of the Mercians, West Saxons, Danes, and Northumbrians, and to be written in Latine. He was a Prince most highly renowned for his piety; and fit for no other, then the calme time he had. For hauing beene so long brought vp with the Nunnes at Iumieges, in Normandy, he scarce knew to be a man, when he came into Eng­land. And to shew how little he vnderstood himselfe; they note, how in a great anger, he sayd to a base fellow, that disturbed his game in hunting, I would punnish thee, were I able. And, asif he had vowed their continencie, with whom he was bred, he was so farre from knowing other women (either through conscience or debility) as his owne wife, His conti­nencie. after his death, protested her selfe free, from any carnall act done by him, and yet liued he (for the most part) with her in all formall shew of marriage.

The soft simplicity of this King, gaue way to the greatnesse of the Earle Godwin, Earle Godwins greatnesse. and his children, who for that he would seeme the especiall man in his preferment to the Crowne; and by matching his daughter Edith to him, swayed chiefly the wheele of that time: and yet not without opposition: For Syward, Earle of Northumberland, and The Earles Sy­ward and Leo­frike, men of Noble acti­ons. Leofrike, Earle of Hereford (men of as great State and spirit) seeing him most for him­selfe, became more for the King, and had their turne in performing very noble actions. Nor did their emulation, but much conduce to the present benefit both of the King, and State; For the Earle Syward, would not be behind hand, in effecting as braue deeds in the North, as Harold, Earle of Westsex, the sonne of the Earle Godwin performed, a­gainst the Welsh, in the West: For thefirst depriued of life, and Crowne, Macbeth, an vsurper, and inuested Malcolin, in the Kingdome of Scotland, the other defeited Ris, and Griffine, two brothers, Kings of Wales, and subdued that Prouince to this Crowne.

Besides the Earle Godwin, had to struggle with an Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Robert, a Norman, preferred, from a Monke, first to London, and after to that Sea, by the King, inwardly affecting most that nation, as being part of their bloud, and bred amongst them. Of whom it seemed (notwithstanding the former order taken to the contra­ry) he had many about his person, whose neerenesse, being strangers, whatsoeuer they did, could not auoide to be thought, to doe ill offices against the Earle, and the English in generall: whereby, what went not right in the line of mens desires, was thought to be their cause. And in stomackes full charged, this occasion gaue more fire. Eustace Eustace Earle of Bullogne ma­ried Goda the Kings sister. Earle of Bullogne, who had married Goda the Kings sister, hauing beene at the Court, and returning into France, his Harbenger in taking vp lodgings at Douer, vpon his peremptory behauiour, was by a Citizen slaine; The Earle arriuing with all his traine, [Page 20] pursues, and slue the homicide, with 18 other. The City seeing this tooke armes, and in the bickering, the Earle lost 22. of his men, whereupon, backe he hasts to the King, aggrauates the insolency of the Citizens so farre; that the Earle Godwin is sent for, and commanded with a power of men, to make against the City of Douer, to chastice the people. The Earle (considering it was vpon the information of one side) aduised the King rather to send for the cheife of the City, to vnderstand what they could say for themselues, and accordingly to proceede, which (being taken, for a coldnesse in the bu­sinesse, and of fauour to his Countrymen) gaue the King and his enemies occasion to suspect his affection.

Shortly after, the Earle is summoned to an Assembly at Glocester, where neither he, nor any of his sonnes would appeare; and suspecting some practise against him by his Earle Godains insurruction. enemies, raises forces, pretending to suppresse the Welsh, who were not found to offend; whereupon the Assembly remoues to London, summons him againe to make his appa­rance, to dismisse his forces, and to come onely attended with twelue persons. He sends them word; to dismisse his forces he was content, or any thing else the King would command him, so it were with the safety of his life and honour; but to come disaccompanied, was for neither. Then was he commanded within fiue dayes to de­part the Realme, which he did, and with Toustaine, and Swayne his sonnes, gets him in­to Flaunders, where Toustone married the daughter of the Earle Baldouin the 5. Harald his eldest sonne, departs into Ireland: the King puts from him the Queene, to be par­taker of the disgrace, and misery of her house; who is described (by the writers of those times) to haue beene a Lady of rare parts, excellently learned, beautifull, and as faire of minde as body. The Earle Godwin in this desperate fortune (whilst the French and his enemies possest the King) fell to Piracy, distuibed the coasts, approached Lon­don, by the Riuer; and being so popular, as no forces would oppose against him, made The French forsake the Court, and Kingdome of England. at length his owne peace with power; in such sort, as the French fearing reuenge, for­sooke both the Court, and Kingdome.

This (as fore-pointing to a storme that was gathering on that coast) began the first difference with the French nation: which, thus acquainted with the distraction of the Kingdome. and factions of great men, wrought on those aduantages, and were instru­ments to draw on the fatall enterprize that followed.

The weaknesse of the King, and the disproportionate greatnesse of the Earle God­win, being risen vp from so great a fall (learning thereby, to looke better to his seete, and make his sides strong) increased these discontentments, and partialities in the State; wherein many acts of iniustice, by the sway of power and passion, were com­mitted; which did much blacken that time of peace, and made a good man (not by do­ing, but induring ill) held to be a bad King.

And it is sayd, that Emme, the Queene mother, had her part of much affliction in his raigne, suffering both in her goods and same: and now to purge her selfe of a scandall raised on her with Alwyn Bishop of Winchester, she vnder-went the triall of Fire-Ordeall Queen Emmes affliction and tryall. (which was to passe blind-fold, with bare feete, ouer certaine plough-shares, made red hote, and layd an vneuen distance one before the other) which she safely performed. And the reason why, both her sonne and the State so little respected this great Lady (whose many yeares had made her and actor in diuerse fortunes) was, for that she neuer affected King Ethelred, nor the children she had by him: and for her marriage with Knute, the great enemy and subduer of the Kingdome, whom she euer much more lo­ued liuing, and commended dead.

It seemed these priuate grudges, with mens particular ends, held these times so bu­sied, that the publicke was neglected, and an issue-lesse King, gaue matter for ambition and power, to build hopes and practises vpon: though for his owne part, he shewed to haue had a care for the succession, in sending for his Nephew Edward, intitled the Out­law, with his children, out of Hungary. But Edward, shortly after his artiuall died, and Edgar his sonne (surnamed Atheling) to say Prince Edgar) whom he had by his wife Agatha, daughter to the Emperour Henry the 2. who (either by reason of his youth, which yet was no barre to his right, or being borne and bred a stranger, little know­ing [Page 21] or knowne to the Kingdom) had his claime neglected vpon the death of this Pious King Edward, founder of Westminster Church. King. Which was Anno 1065. when he had raigned 24. yeares. His corps was inter­red in the Church of Westminster, which he had newly founded.

Harald the second.

AND Harald, sonne to the Earle Godwin (the next day after) was prefer­red Harald the se­cond. to the Crowne, whether by any title he might pretend from the Danique Kings, as discended from that nation (and as some report, sonne An. 1065. to Githa, sister to Swaine) or by meere election of the greater part of the Nobility, we cannot say: but it seemes, the pressing necessity of the time, that required a more man, to vndergo the burthen of warre, and that trouble, the world was like to fall into, by reason of the claimes now made, both by the Dane, and Norman, cast it suddenly vpon him; as the most eminent man of the Kingdome, both by the experience of his owne deseruings, and the strength also of his owne, and the alli­ance of his wife Algith, sister of Edwin and Morckar, Earles of Yorkeshire and Chester. Neither did he faile (but in fortune) to make good this election; taking all the best courses, both for the well-ordering of the State, and all prouisions for defence, that a politicke and actiue Prince could do. But being to deale in a broken world, where the affections of men were all disioynted, or dasht with the terror of an approching mis­chiefe, failing (as vsually is seene, in these publicke feares) both in their diligence, and courage to withstand it, soone found more then enough to do.

And the first man, which beganne to disturbe his new gouernment, was his owne yonger brother Toustayne, who (in the time of the late King Edward, hauing the Gouern­ment The Kings brother Tou­stayne bani­shed. of Northumberland) was for his pride and immanities shewed in those parts, bani­shed the Kingdome; and now by reason of his former conceiued hatred against his brother, easily set on, by the Duke of Normandy, and Baldouin, Earle of Flanders (whose two daughters the Duke and he had married) assailes first the Isle of Wight, and after sets vpon the coast of Kent, whence he was chased by the power of Harald, and forced to withdraw into the North parts; and there seeking to land, was likewise repulsed, by the Earles Morchar and Edwyn. Then craues he aide of the Scots, and after of Harald, surnamed Harfager, King of Norwey, being then taking in the Orchades, and exerci­sing piracy in those parts; whom he induced with all his forces to inuade England. And landing at Tinmouth (discomfeiting their first incounters) they marched into the heart His death with the King of Norwey. of the Kingdome without resistance. Neere Stamford, King Harald of England met them with a puissant Army; and after long and eager fight, ended the day with victory, and the death of his brother Toustayne, and the King of Norwey.

But from hence was he called with his wearied and broken forces, to a more fatall businesse in the South. For now William Duke of Normandy (pretending a right to the Crowne of England, by the testament of the late King Edward his Kinsman; vpon the This Battell was fought in Sussex, 7 miles from Hastings, vpon Saterday the 14 of Oc­tober 1066. aduantage of a busie time, and the disfurnishment of those parts) lauded at Pemsey, not farre from Hastings in Sussex: neere to which place, was tried by the great Assize of Gods iudgement in battell (the right of power) betweene the English and Norman Na­tion. A battell (the most memorable of all other) and how socuer miserably lost, yet most nobly fought, on the part of England; and the many wounds of Harald there slaine, with 60 thousand 9 hundred 74 of the English, shew; how much was wrought The King va­lor and death. to haue saued their Countrey, from the calamity of forraine seruitude.

And yet, how so great a Kingdome as England then was, could with one blow be subdued by so small a Prouince as Normandy (in such sort, as it could neuer after come to make any generall head against the Conquerour) might seeme strange; did not the circumstances fore-noted, and other concurrent causes, hereafter to be decla­red, giue vs faire and probable reasons thereof: Besides, the indisposition of a diseased Williā Malms­bury. time (as it is described by such as liued neerest it) may giue vs great euidence in this examination. For they say, the people of this Kingdome, were (by their being, secure from their former enemie the Dane, and their long peace; which had held, in a manner [Page 22] from the death of King Edmond Ironside, almost fifty yeares; growne neglectine of Armes, and generally debaushed with luxurie, and idlenesse: the Cleargie licentious, William Malms­burie. and onely content with a tumultuarie learning: The Nobility giuen to Gluttonie, Venety and Oppression: The common sort to Drunkennesse, and all disorder: And they say, that in the last action of Harald at Stamford, the brauest men perished, and himselfe growing insolent vpon the victory (retaining the spoyles, without distribu­tion to his souldiers, not inured to be commanded by Martiall discipline) made them discontent, and vnruly: and comming to this battell with many mercinary men, and a discontented Army, gaue great occasion to the lamentable losse thereof.

Besides, the Normans had a peculiar fight with long bowes, wherewith the English (then altogether vnacquainted) were especially ouerthrowne. And yet their owne Writers report, how the maine Battallion of the English (consisting of Bils, their chiefe and antient weapon) held in a body so close lockt together, as no force could dissolue them: till the Normans (faining to flye) drew them to a disordered a route, And so they excuse the fortune of the day.

The body of King Harald, which at the sute of his mother (who sent two Monkes of the Abbey of Waltham to intreate the same of the Conqueror) was after much King Harold buried at Wal­tham. search, amongst the heapes of the dead found, and interred, in the same Abbey, which himselfe had founded. He was a King, who shewes vs nothing but misery, raigned least, and lost most of any other. He left foure sonnes, Godwin, Edmond, Magnus, and His Issue. Wolfe: the two eldest fled after this battell into Ireland, and from thence made some attempts vpon the Westerne coasts of England, but to little effect. And here ended the line of the Saxon Kings, about fiue hundreth yeares after the first comming in of Hingist, and their plantation in this Kingdome.

And thus haue I in the streightest coutse (wherein, that vneuen Compasse of Anti­quity could direct me) got ouer the wide, and intricat epassage of those times that lay beyond the worke I purpose more particularly to deliuer. And now,

The Life and Raigne of William I.

I Come to write of a time, wherein the State of England receiued an alte­ration An. 1066. of Lawes, Customes, Fashion, manner of lining, Language-Wri­ting, with new formes of Fights, Fortifications, Buildings, and gene­rally an innouation in most things, but Religion. So that from this mutation, which was the greatest it euer had, we are to begin, with a new accompt of an England, more in dominion abroad, more in State, and ability at home, and of more honour; and name in the world, then heretofore: which by being thus vndone, was made, as if it were, in the fate thereof to get more by loosing, then otherwise. For as first, the Conquest of the Danes; brought it to the intyrest Go­uernment it euer possest at home, and made it most redoubted of all the Kingdomes of the North: so did this of the Norman by comming in vpon it, make a way to let out, Englands terri­tories ouer­shootes the Ocean. and stretch the mighty armes thereof ouer the Seas, into the goodly Prouinces of the South; For before these times, the English Nation, from their first establishment in this Land, about the space of 500. yeares, neuer made any sally out of the Isle, vpon any o­ther part of the world, but busied at home in a deuided State, held a broken Gouern­ment with the Danes, and of no great regard, it seemes, with other Nations, till Knute lead them forth into the Kingdome of Norwey, where they first shewed effects of their valour, and what they would be, were they imployed.

But the Normans, hauing more of the Sunne, and ciuility (by their commixtion with the English) begat smoother fashions, with quicker motions in them then before. And being a Nation free from that dull disease of drinke, wherewith their former Con­querours were naturally infected, induced a more comely temperance, with a neerer regard of reputation and honour. For where as before, the English liued loose, in little homely cottages, where they spent all their reucnewes in good fare, caring for little [Page 23] other gaiety at all. Now after the Norman manner, they build them goodly Churches, Malmsbury. Maurici is, Bi­shop of London An. Dom. 1087. new built the Church of S. Paule in Lon­don, of stone, brought out of Normandy. and stately houses of stone, prouide better furnishments, erect Castles, and Towers in other sort then before. They inclose Parkes for their priuate pleasure; being debard the generall liberty of hunting, which heretofore they inioyed: whereupon all the termes of building, hunting, tooles of workemen, names of most handy-crafts apper­teining to the defences and adornements of life, came all to be in French, And with­all, the Norman habits, and fashion of liuing, became generally assumed, both in regard of nouelty, and to take away the note of difference, which could not be well lookt on, in this change. The Charter of William 1. grāted to this Church, see the Appendix Before this time the Chur ches were most of Timber.

And though the body of our language remained in the Saxon, yet it came so altered in the habit of the French tongue, as now we hardly know it, in the auntient forme it had; and not so much as the Character wherein it was written, but was altred to that of the Roman, and French, now vsed. But to the end, we may the better know the man, and the nation that thus subdude vs; we must take our course, vp to the head of their originals. The Normans, we find to haue issued out of Norway and Denmarke, and were of like maners, as the rest of those Northerne countries: which by reason of the apt mix­ture William 1. built the white To­wer, after­wards walled & incastelled underneath by William 2. and Henry 1. of their Phlegmatique and Sanguine complexions, with their promiscuous ingen­dring, without any tye of marriage, yeelded that continuall surchargement of people, as they were forced to vnburthen themselues on other Countries, wheresoeuer their violence could make them roome. And out of this redundancy, Roul, or Rou, a great Commander amongst them, furnished a robustious power, in the time of King Alfrid, and first landed in England (that euer lay in the Roade to all these inuadors) where finding no roome empty, nor any imployment, was content (vpon some reliefe recei­ued) The Saxon habit, and Cha­racters first al­tered. to vse his forces otherwhere; which he did against Rambalt, Duke of Frize, and Re [...]gnier Duke of Chaumont, and Hennalt: with whom he had many violent incounters, and committed great spoiles in their Countries. Which done; he passed along the coast The Originall of the Normans Roul, or Rou, the first Nor­man that lan­ded in Englād. of Fraunce, entred the mouth of Seine, and sackt all the Countrey vp to Roan: where the people hauing beene lately before miserably afflicted by Hasting (another inuador of the same Nation) were so terrified by the approach of these new forces, that the Arch­bishop of Roan, by the consent of the people, offered him the obedience of that Citty, and the Countrey about, on condition, he would defend them, and minister Iustice The History of Normand. Roul, the first Conqueror of Normandy frō the French, cal­ling it Nor­man. according to the Lawes of CHRIST, and the Customes of the Countrey. For Charles the Simple, then King of Fraunce, yeelding no present succour (being otherwise imbroi­led about the right of his Crowne) gaue him the opportunity to plant in that place, and to grow so powerfull, as shortly after he attempted the Conquest of Paris, and gaue many notable defeits to the French Leaders. So that in the end, Charles was faine to buye his peace with the price of an alliance, and the whole Countrey of Nuestria (or Westrich) which of the Normans, was after called Normandy. And thereupon Roul became a Christian, and baptized, had the name of Robert, giuen by Robert, brother to Eudes late King of Fraunce, who then stood in competition for that Crowne with Charles the Simple: and is sayd to haue vnder-aided Roul secretly, of purpose to make him friend his deseignes; though after he vrged it in an article against Charles, the gi­uing away his Countrey, and the sauouring of strangers.

And thus came Roul to establish a State to his posterity, ordering the same with that iudgement and equity, as he left his name in a perpetuall reuerence, and his suc­cessors a firme foundation to plant vpon. From him, in a direct line, descended sixe Dukes of Normandy in the space of 120. yeares: William, 1. Richard 1. Richard 2. who had two sonnes, Richard and Robert, that successiuely inherited the Dukedome.

Robert after he had gouerned eight yeares (either meerely for deuotion, which cha­ritie ought rather deeme) or expiation for some secret guilt, wherewith his conscience might stand charged, about his brothers death (which because it was vntimely, might be thought vnnaturall) resolues to visite the Holy Sepulchre. And acquainting his Nobility therewithall, was by them much diswaded, in regard he had no issue: and for that (already they sayd) Alain, Earle of Britaine, and the Earle of Burgogne, were in contestation, who should succeed him in the Dutchie: so that vpon his death, and [Page 24] their strife the Country was like, to become a prey to the souldier, from which, in con­science he was bound, by his best meanes to secure it. The Duke willed them to bee content: I haue (said he) a little Bastard, of whose worthinesse, I haue great hope, and I doubt not, but he is of my begetting: him will I inuest in the Dutchie as mine heire: And from hence forth I pray you take him for your Lord. The Earle of Brittaine (not­withstanding his competition) to shew the affiance I haue in him I will constitute his gouernour, and Seneschall of Normandie; the King of France shalbe his Guardian, and so I will leaue him to God, and your loyalties.

Shortly after, the Bishops and Barons did their homage to this base sonne, named William, who was the sixt Duke of Normandie after Roule, begotten on Arlette, a meane woman of Falaise. And Duke Robert taking his intended iourney, deliuers the Child with his owne hand, to Henrie the first, King of France: whom before hee had mainely aided in preseruing his Crowne (left him by his father King Roberts Testament) against his elder brother, and his mother Constance, which with a great side of Nobility, stood for the right of Primogeniture, according to the custome of France: And therefore might the more presume (if good turnes done to Princes could weigh so much, as their selfe-respects would not turne the skale) to haue had a faire discharge of his trust; and him for a Protector, whose power was best able to bee so. And causing the Childe to doe homage for his Duchie of Normandie, commits him to his Royall faith; departs his Court, and shortly after his life, in Asia. Whereupon his successor, but nine yeares of age, became obnoxious to all the miseries thar afflict Princes in their pupillage: besides the reproach of his birth; which though his honour and vertue might get ouer, yet lay it euer a barre in his way, and hindred his standing cleere, stood he neuer so high.

The Nobles of Normandie soone (after his fathers death, by much intreaty, got him out of the French Kings hands) thinking the hauing him amongst them, would adde more to his Counsellors, and such as were in office: and the State of of a Court, awe his State the better. But soone they found, the hauing his per­son (without his power) was, but to put them out, into more discord, and faction.

For presently followed the murthering, and poysoning of Gouernors, displacing Officers, intrusion, supplantation, surprizings, and recouerings of his person, by a No­bilitie, stubborne, haughtie, and incompatible of each others precedencie or neere­nesse. But this was the least, as being done all for his person. Now followed more daungerous practises against him. His right was quarrelled by competitors, cleere in bloud, and great in meanes. Whereof the first (though farthest off in dis­cent) was Roger de Tresny, bringing a faire line from Roule, and much proofe of his owne worth, by hauing gotten great experience, in the Sarazine warre in Spaine: whereby vpon his returne, entertayning and feasting the great, and especiall men of worth; hee was growen powerfull, well followed, and beloued of many: in so much that at length, measuring his owne heigth, hee vrges, What wrong it was that a Bastard, and a Childe, should bee preferred before him, in the succession of the Dutchie, his Auncestors had noblie gotten: and what a shame the Normans ( a people of that worth) would indure to bee so gouerned; seeing they had others of the renowned race of Roule, William and Ri­chard, Dukes of Normandie, of a lawfull and direct line, if they held him vnworthie to in­herite the State. And being impatient (as is ambition that euer rides without raines) of any long delay, brings his claime to a strong battaile in the field, which by the valiancie of Roger de Beaumount, was vtterly defeited, and himselfe with his two brethren slaine. Whereby all feare, that way, was extinquished, and the reputation of the Duke and his, so much aduanced, as the King of France (notwithstanding his tutelarie charge) tooke from him the Castle of Thuilliers, and demolisht it, pretending the insolencies committed there, by the Garrisons, vpon his subiects: and makes shew as yet, onely to keepe things euen. But long it was not, ere hee plainely be­wrayed his minde; aiding in person William Earle of Arques, brother to Duke Robert, and sonne to Richard the Second making his claime to the Dutchie, & brings a migh­tie army to succour Arques, assieged by Conte Guiffard, the Dukes Generall; who [Page 25] (by a stratagem so trayned the French into an ambush) as hee ouerthrew their whole power, and returnes the King to Paris, with great losse, and dishonor: leauing ( Arques the first Arch of triumph) to this Conquerour, not yet ariued to seuenteene yeares of age; and the discomfeited competitor (to seeke his fortunes with Eustace Earle of Bologne) finding vpon his returne little grace in Court; where fortune euer alters cre­dite, and few regard men ouerthrowne.

This storme ouerpast, another succeeds more dangerous; there liued with Duke William, a young Lord of like yeares, named Guy sonne to Regnalt, Earle of Borgogne, and Alix, daughter to Richard the second, who comming to bee sensible of his interest, was aduised by some stirring spirits, to attempt for the Duchie, which they said apper­tained to him in right, and was wrongfully vsurped by the Bastard: And to aduance his purpose, there happens deadly hostility betweene two of the greatest Lords of Normandie (Viconte Neele, and the Earle of Bessin) whose debate, Duke William did not, or could not pacifie. This Guy (lately made Earle of Bryorn, and Vernon, interposed himselfe to compose this discord; and by the aduice of Grimoult de Plessis (a principall mouer in this worke) so wrought, that either of these Lords, turned the point of their malice vpon him, who in their quarrell fauouring neither, made both to hate him; and easily conspire with Guy to murther him at vnawares: which they had done, had not a certaine Foole (whom, for being held a naturall, they suspected not) noting their preparations, got away in the dead of the night to Valogne, knocking and crying at the gate, till hee was admitted to the Dukes presence, whom he willed in hast to flie, or he would bee murthered. The Duke seeing the Foole in this affright, thought dangers were not to be weighed by the A Conspiracie discouered strangely. worth of the reporter, but by their likelyhood; and knowing his fortune was liable vnto all suddaine assasinations; instantly takes horse and all alone postes to Fallaise, his especiall place of strength: on the way, his horse being tyred, about breake of daie, he comes to a little village called Rye, where, by good fortune, the gentleman of the place, was standing at his doore readie to goe abrode; of whom the Duke enquires the next way to Fallaise: The Gentleman perceiuing who hee was (though as then very vnwilling to be knowne) humblie craues the cause of his so strange and vntime­ly riding alone: The Duke seeing himselfe discouered, tels the occasion: the gen­tleman (whose name was Robert de Rye) furnishes him with a fresh horse, and sends two of his sonnes to conduct him the neerest way to Fallaise: No sooner was he gone out of sight, but after post the conspirators, enquiring of the same Gentleman, whe­ther hee saw the Duke; who answered, that hee was gone a little before, such a way (shewing them a diuers path) and rode on with them, offering his seruice to Conte Bessin; where they made themselues so powerfull, as the Duke withdrew him to Roan, and from thence to the King of France, to craue his aide, putting him in minde of, the faithfull seruice his father had done him: how he was his homager, vnder his tu­telarie charge, and had no other sanctuary of succour to flie vnto, in this case of his mutinous and turbulent Nobilitie; the effect whereof was of dangerous consequence to that Crowne. And so farre vrged the importancie of reliefe, as the King at length (who seemes was yet content to haue him bee, though not too strong, and perad­uenture rather him then his competitor Guy de Burgogne) aided him in person with a puissant Army against these competitors, whom they found in the vale of Dunes with as great power and resolution to bid them battaile, as they to assaile them. Here one Guilleson, Vncle to Viconte Neel by the mother, forced his horse into the battailion of the French, and made at the King, and strake him downe with his Launce: which Conte Saint Paule perceiuing, hastes to incounter him with that violence, as both fell to the earth: but Guilleson soone gets vp, and though his horse was slaine vnder him, by Chastillon, hee escapes out of the presse, and after fled into Apulia with others. The King recouered, and more inkindled with this affront, spared not his person, to auenge his wrath. Duke William likewise (as it stood him most vpon) shewed effects of an all-daring and magnanimous Prince. And yet had not Ralfe de T [...]sson beene false to his fellowes to recouer faith with him, he had not carried (as he did) the victory. [Page 26] After which, diuers of the conspirators (who had too great hearts to yeeld) passed the mountaines into Italie, to Robert Guiscard their Countryman (who of a priuate Gentleman, was now by his prowesse, become Lord of Apulia Calabria, and Sicile, within the space of twelue yeares) to whom they were exceeding welcome, and espe­cially Guilleson, for hauing incountred with a King in the middest of his battaile, which made him of wider note. But the better to know, what starre these Norman spirits had, as borne for the reuolutions of those times, it shall not lie out of our way to shew, how they first came into Italie, vpon this occasion.

There happened a debate betweene one Osmond Drengot, and William Repostell, Gen­tlemen both valiant, and of great parentage in Normandie, who as they hunted in the forrest of Rouuerie (neere Rouan) with Duke Robert; Drengot slue Repostell, in his pre­sence, and fearing the fury of the Duke, and the friends of the slaine, fled to Rome, and so to Naples, where hee, with his small company of Normans that followed him, was entertained of the Duke de Bencuento, to serue him against the Sarasins, and Affricans, which miserably infested Apulia, and Calabria, at that time. The bruite of which en­tertainement was no sooner spred in Normandy, but diuers valiant Gentlemen and Souldiers, allured with the hope of good fortune, passed the Alpes, got to their nation, and so wrought, as they grew formidable to these Barbarians, and in the end, vtterly chaced and extinguished them. The Calabrians and Apulians, seeing themselues ridde of their enemies, would haue beene glad likewise (their turne serued) to bee rid of their friends, and either vsing them, more vnkindely then of custome, or they presuming more of desert, turned their swords vpon their intertayners. And first got a little place, which they fortified for the Rendeuous, and receipt of booty: And so augmen­ting still their winnings, obteyned Territories, Cities, and Fortresses. After the death of Drengo, succeeded other gallant leaders, and at length Tancred, Signior de Hauteuille, in Constantine, with his twelue sonnes, came into Apulia, of whom his third sonne Robert, surnamed Guiscard, attained the commaund, and was a man of a faire sta­ture cleere iudgement, and indefatigable courage. Hee conquered all Apulia, Cal­labria and Cicile, passed the Sea into Greece; releeued Michaell Diocrisius, Empetour of Constantinople, defeited N cephorus that vsurped the Empire, and shortly after Alexius attempting the like: and in one yeare vanquished two Emperours, the one of Greece, the other of Germanie: Swayed the whole Estate of Italie, and was in a faire way to haue attained the Empire of Constantinople for himselfe, had hee not died in the ex­pedition.

Beomond his eldest sonne, by his first wife, became after Prince of Antioch, and is much renowned in the holy warres. Roger (of his second marriage with the daughter of the Prince of Salerno) succeeded in the States of Italie, as more theirs by birth and bloud. His daughters were all highly married; Thus from a priuate Gentleman, came this famous Norman to leaue a succession of Kings, and Princes after him, and died the same yeare as did this William, his concurrent in the loue and fauour of fortune. And to this man fled all the discontented and desperate Normans during these ciuill warres the Duke had with so many competitors: and euery ouerthrow hee gaue them, aug­mented Guiscards forces in Italie; and especially this battaile of Dunes; which ended not the Dukes trauailes, for Guy de Burgogne escaping the fight, fortified the Castles of Briorn and Verneuille, but in the end was faine to render them both, and himselfe, to the Dukes mercie, and became his pencioner, who was his competitor; which act of cle­mency in the Duke, brought in many other to submit themselues; whereby they re-ob­teyned their segniories, but had their Castles demolished.

Hauing ended this worke, new occasion to keepe him in action, was ministred by Geoffry Martle, Earle of Aniou, who warring vpon the Poictouins, incroached also vp­on his neighbours States, and vsurped Alenson, Dampfront, and Passais, members of the Dutchy of Normandie: which to recouer, the Duke leauies an Armie, and first got Alenson, where (for that he was opprobriously skorned by the besieged who, when they saw him, would cry La Pel, La Pel, in reproach of the basenesse of his mother, and the trade of the place of his birth) hee shewed extreame cruelty. Then layes he siege [Page 26] to Dampfront; which to releeue, Conte Martel comes with his greatest forces: and the Duke to take notice of his strength, sends out Roger de Mongomerie, with two other knights to deliuer this message to the Earle, That if he came to victuall Dampfronte, he should finde him there the Porter to keepe him out: whereto the Earle returnes this answere: Tell the Duke, to morrow by daie breake, hee shall haue mee there on a white horse, readie to giue him the Combate, and I will enter Dampfront if I can; And to the end hee shall know me, I will weare a shield d' or, without any deuise.

Roger replies, Sir you shall not neede to take that paines, for to morrow morning, you shall haue the Duke in this place, mounted on a bay horse; And that you may know him, hee shall weare on the point of his Launce, a streamer of tasfata, to wipe your face. Here­with returning, each side prepares for the morning: when the Earle, busie in or­dering his battailes, was aduertised by two horsemen, that came crossing the field, how Dampfronte, for certaine was rendred to the Duke; whereupon in great rage, hee presently departs with his Army: whereof a part, was (in passing a streight) cut off, by Viconte Neel, who for that seruice, redeemed his former offence, and was restored to the Dukes fauour, whom euer after hee faithfully serued. Those of Dampfronte, desperate of succour, presently yeelde themselues to the Duke, who with his ingines and forces remooues from thence to Hambrieres, a frontier Towne of Conte Martels, and by the way (had it not beene by himselfe discouered) hee had beene vtterly ouerthrowne by an ambush, which gaue him much to doe, and lost him verie many braue men. Wherewith hee grew so in­raged, that hee rushed into the troupes of his enemies; made at Conte Martel, stracke him downe with his sworde, claue his helmet, and cut off an eare: but yet hee escaped out of the preasse, though diuers were taken, and the Aniouuins vtterly defeited.

Whilst thus hee was trauailed with an outward enemy, two more, were found at home, to conspire against him. William Guelan, Earle of Mortagne, discended from Ri­chard the second. And William Earle of Eu, and Montreul, issuing from William, the bro­ther of the same Richard, and of Esselin, Countesse of Montreul: the first vpon suspition, the other vpon proofe, of an intention, was banished, and their estates seized: the Earl­dome of Mortaigne he gaue to Robert: that of Eu to Odo (after Bishop of Bayeux) both his brethren by the mother. These assaults from abroade, these skornes, conspiracies, and vnder-workings at home, he passed before he was full 32 yeares of age: and thus his enemies made him, that sought to vndoe him. But now, more to vnderset and strengthen his State, against future practises, hee conuokes an assemblie of his Pre­lates, Barons, and Gentlemen, causing them to receiue their oath of Fealtie, and raze their Castles, which done, he married Matilde, the daughter of Baldouin the sift Earle of The Duke marries Ma­tilde daughter of Balaouine the fift Earle of Flanders. Flaunders, but not without contrast and trouble: for his Vncle Mauger, Arch-bishop of Roan, excommunicates him, for matching within the forbidden degrees of kindred: she being daughter to Elinor, daughter to Richard the second, and so his fathers sisters daughter. To expiate for which offence (vpon a dispensation from Pope Victor) they were enioyned the building of certaine Hospitals for blind people: and two Abbeyes, the one for men, the other for women: which were erected at Caen.

This match, and the ouer-matching his enemies, set him so high a marke of enuie in The reasons why the King of France, warres with the Normans. the eye of France, which naturally loued not the Normans (whom in reproach they vsu­ally called Trewans) as they easily incensed their King, who of himselfe was forward enough, to abate a power, growne so out of proportion with the rest of the Princes of his Dominions, to finde a quarrell (which confiners easily doe) to set vpon him: and to make it looke the fairer, pretends to correct the insolencies of the Normans committed on his territories, and to releeue Count Martel, opprest by the Duke; besides alleadging, It concerwed him in honour and iustice, to haue that Prouince, which held of his Crowne, to bee gouerned by a Prince of lawfull bloud, accor­ding to Christian order and Lawes Ecclesiasticall: And therefore resolueth vtterly to exterminate the Duke, and establish a legittimate Prince in the Dutchie. For which effect, two armies are gathered from all parts of his Kingdome; the one sent [Page 28] along the riuer Sein, the other into the Country of Bessin, as meaning to incompasse him.

The Duke likewise deuides his forces into two parts: sends his brother Odo, Earle of Eu, Walter Guifford Earle of Longueuill, and others with the one, to the Country of Caux; himselfe with the other takes towards Eureux (to make head to the King that was at Mante) and withdrawes all cattle and prouisions out of the flat Country, into Cities and Fortresses, for their owne store, and disfurnishment of the enemie. The Kings army marching from Beanuois, to Mortimer, and finding there a fat Country full of all prouisions, betooke them to make good cheere, and rests there all that night; thinking the Norman forces were yet with the Duke at Eureux; which, the army in Caux, conducted by Odo vnderstanding, marched all night, and by breake of day, gaue them so hot an alarme, and so sodaine, as put them all in rout, leauing horse, and armour, The defeiture of the Armie of the King of France, by the Normans. and all to the assaylants; who made such a distruction of them, as of forty thousand, not the fourth part escaped.

With this defeiture, the King of France is againe returned home, with great rage and griefe, and the Duke, with the redemption of the prisoners, recouers his peace, and the Castle of Thuilliers, taken from him in his vnder-age. Cont Martell though much dismayd, with the Kings ouerthrow, yet leaues not to make some attempts for the recouering his Townes; but with no successe. The Duke he saw was to well be­loued & followed, for him to do any good without a stronger arme. Wherfore the next spring, he goes, againe to importune the King of France, to aide him against the Duke: who (he said) Was now growne so insolent vpon this peace, and the victorie he had stolne, and not wonne, that there was no liuing for his neighbours neere him: Besides, the Normans had the French in such derision, and base esteeme, as they made their act (at Mortimer) their one­ly sport, and the subiect of their rimes: as if a King of France, vpon the losse of a few men, was retired, and durst not breake a dishonourable peace.

With which instigation, and being stung with the touch of reproach, hee raises ano­ther Army far mightier then before, wherein were three Dukes, and twelue Earles, and notwithstanding the sollemne peace made, and so lately sworne with the Duke, hee enters Normandie in the haruest time, ouer-runnes and spoiles all the Country, along the Coast to Bessin: from whence marching to Bayeux, and Caen, with purpose to paste the riuer Diue at Varneuille, to destroy the Countries of Auge, Liseux, and Roumoys, euen to Roan: and finding the case-way long, and the bridge narrow, caused his vantguard to passe ouer first: and, to secure his Arierguard, conducted by the Duke of Berry, him­selfe stayes behind in Caen, till his people, and their carriages were passed. Duke Wil­liam, whom (all this while, stores his sortresses with men and victuall) makes himselfe as strong in the Towne of Falaise, as he could; hath no army in the field, but a running campe to be readie to take all aduantages: lets the fury of the storme spend it selfe, and hauing aduertisement of this passage, marched all night with 10 thousand men, and in the morning early, sets vpon the Arierguard, with so sodaine a cry and fury, as they who were before on the Case-way hearing this noise behinde, thrust forward their fel­lowes, hasting to get ouer the bridge, with such a crowd and presse, as they brake it, & many were drownd in the riuer. They who were gotten ouer, could not returne to aide the rest; nor the King (by reason of Marishes on both sides) yeeld any succour to his people; but stood a spectator of their slaughter, and the taking of sixe of his Earles, of whom one was the exiled Earle of Eu, whom the King (fauouring his great worth) had made Conte De Soissons.

The griefe of this ouerthrow, shortly after gaue the King of France his death, and The Armie of the King of France ouer­throwne at Varneuille by the Normans. the Duke of Normandy a ioyfull peace, which hee nobly imployed in the ordering and adorning his State: building, endowing, and decking Monasteries and Churches: gathering reliques from all parts to furnish his Abbeyes at Caen (where hee also erect­ted a Tombe for himselfe and his wife) feasting and rewarding his Nobles and men of worth: whereby hee so possest him of the hearts of all his people generally, as they were entirely his, for what he would.

During this calme of his life, hee makes a iourney ouer into England, as if to visite The Duke comes to visit his kinsman. King Edward his kinsman: who, in regard of the preseruation, and breeding hee had [Page 29] in Normandy, by Duke Richard the second (Grandfather to them both) gaue him most Royall entertainement: And here he shewed himselfe; and here (no doubt) hee found matter for his hopes to worke on. In this enteruiew hee discouered England, being to be presupposed, he came not to gather cockle-shels, on the shore, Nor was it long after ere Harold (whether of purpose to ratifie some paction closly contriued betwixt them: or by casualty of weather driuen into France (and so faine to make it seeme a Harald goeth ouer into Normandy. iourney of purpose to the Duke is not certainely deliuered) was gallantly entertained in Normandy, presented with all shewes of Armes, brought to Paris, and there likewise feasted in that Court. And at his returne to Rouen, something was concluded, either His entertain­ment. in likely-hood to deuide the Kingdome betweene them, or that Harold being a coast­dweller, and had the strongest hand in the State, should let in the Duke, and doe his best to helpe him to the Crowne, vpon conditions of his owne greatnesse, or whatso­euer it was; promises were made and confirmed by oathes vpon the Euangelists, and all the sacred Reliques at Rouen, in the presence of diuers great persons. Besides for His promises to the Duke. more assurance, Harald was fyanced to Adeliza, the Dukes daughter, and his brother Wolnot, left a pledge for the performance.

This intercourse made the trans-action of the fate of England, and so much was done, either by King Edward or Harald (though neithers act, if any such were, was of power to preiudice the State, or alter the course of a right succession) as gaue the Duke a colour to claime the Crowne, by a donation made by Testament, which being against the Law and Custome of the Kingdome, could be of no validity at all. For the Crowne of England being held, not as Patrimoniall, but in a succession by remotion (which is a succeeding to anothers place) it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositiue and testamentary will, the right discending to the next of bloud, onely by the Custome and Law of the Kingdome: For the Successour is not sayd properly to be the heire of the King, but the Kingdome, which makes him so, and cannot bee put from it by any act of his Predecessour. But this was onely his claime; the right was of his owne making, and no otherwise, For as soone as hee had heard of the death of King Edward, with the Election, and Coronation of Harald (for they came both together) hee assembles the States of Normandy, and acquaints them with the right he had to England, Soliciting an extention of their vtmost meanes for The Dukes speech to the assembly of the States of Normandie. his recouery thereof, and auengement of the periured Vsurper Harald; shewing them apparant probabilitie of successe, by infallible intelligence hee had from the State, his strong partie therein, with the debility and distraction of the people; What glorie, wealth, and great­nesse, it would adde to their Nation, the obtayning of such a Kingdome, as was thus oppor­tunely layd open for them, if they apprehended the present occasion. All which remonstrances notwithstanding, could enduce but very few to like of this attempt, and those such who had long followed him in the warres, exhausted their estates, and content to runne vpon any aduenture that might promise likelyhood of aduancement. The rest were of diuers opinions: some that it was sufficient to hold and defend their owne Country; without hazarding themselues, to conquer others; and these were men of the best abi­lity: others were content to contribute, but so sparingly, as would little aduance the businesse: and for the most part they were so tyred with the former warres, and so de­sirous to embrace the blessing of peace, as they were vnwilling to vndergoe a certaiue trouble for an vncertaine good. And with these oppositions, or faint offers, the Dukes The subtil proceeding of the Duke with his Nobles. purpose, at first, had so little way, as did much perplex him: At length, seeing this pro­traction, and difficulty in generall: he deales with his neerest and most trusty friends in particular, being such as he knew affected the glory of action, and would aduenture their whole estates with him. As William fitz Auber, Conte de Bretteuile Gualier Guifford Earle of Logueuille, Roger de Beaumont, with others, especially his owne brothers, Odo Bi­shop of Bayeux, and Robert Earle of Mortaigne: these in full assembly hee wrought to make their offers: which they did in so large a proportion; and especially William fitz Auber (who made the first offer, to furnish forty ships with men and munition; the Bishop of Bayeux forty the Bishop of Mans thirty, and so others, according, or be­yond their abilities) as the rest of the assemblie, doubting if the action succeeded [Page 30] without their helpe (the Duke aryuing to that greatnesse) would beare in minde, what little minde they shewed to aduance his desires, beganne to contribute more largely. The Duke, finding them yeelding, though not in such sort as was requisite for such a worke; dealt with the Bishops and great men a part, so effectually, as at length hee gote of them seuerally, which of altogether hee could neuer haue com­passed, and causing each mans contribution to bee registred; inkindled such an emu­lation amongst them, as they who lately would doe nothing, now striued who should doe most.

And not onely wan he the people of his owne Prouinces, to vndertake this acti­on, The French likewise ayde the Duke. but drew by his faire perswasions and large promises, most of the greatest Prin­ces and Nobles of France, to aduenture their persons, and much of their estates with him; as Robert fitz Haruays, Duke of Orleance, the Earles of Brittaine, Ponthien, Bologne, Poictou, Mayne; Neuers, Hiesms, Aumal; Le Signior de Tours, and euen his mortall ene­my Martel, Earle of Aniou, became to bee as forward as any. All which, hee sure could neuer haue induced, had not his vertues and greatnesse gained a wide opinion and reputation amongst them. Although in these aduancements and turnes of Prin­ces, there is a concurrency of dispositions, and a constitution of times prepared for it: yet is it strange, that so many mighty men of the French Nation, would aduenture their liues and fortunes to adde England to Normandie, to make it more then France, and so great a Crowne to a Duke, who was to great for them already. But where mutations are destined, the counsels of men must be corrupted, and there will fall out all aduantages to serue that businesse.

The King of France, who should haue strangled this disseigne in the birth, was a The reason of the Dukes powre. child, and vnder the curature of Baldouin, Earle of Flanders, whose daughter the Duke had married, and was sure to haue rather furtherance then any opposition that way: Besides, to amuze that Court, and dazella young Prince, he promised faithfully, if hee conquered this Kingdome; to hold it of that King, as he did the Dutchie of Norman­die, and doe him homage for the same; which would adde a great glory to that Crowne. Then was hee before hand with Pope Alexander (to make religion giue reputation and auowment to his pretended right) promising likewise to hold it of the Apostolique Sea, if hee preuailed in his enterprize. Whereupon the Pope sent him a Banner of the Church, with an Agnus of Gold, and one of the haires of Saint Peter. The Emperour Henry 4. sent him a Prince of Almaine with forces, but of what name, or his number, is not remembred: so that wee see it was not Normandie alone that subdued England, but a collected power out of all France and Flanders with the aydes of other Princes. And by these meanes, made hee good his vndertaking, and within eight monethes was readie furnished with a powerfull Army at Saint Valerie in Normandie, whence he transported the same into England in 896 shippes, as some write. And this was the man, and thus made to subdue England.

And now hauing gotten, the great and difficult battaile, before remembred, at 1066. Anno. Reg. 1. Hastings, the foureteenth of October 1066. bee marched without any opposition to London, where Edwin and Morchar, Earles of Northumberland, and Mercland (brothers of eminent dignitie and respect in the Kingdome) had laboured with all their power to stirre the hearts of the people for the conseruation of the State, and establishing Edgar Atheling, the next of the Royall issue, in his right of the Crowne: whereunto other of the Nobilitie had likewise consented; had they not seene the Bishops auerse or wauering. For, as then, to the Clergie, any King (so a Christian) was all one: they had their Prouince a part, deuided from secular domination: and of a Prince (though a stranger) who had taken vp so much of the world before hand, vpon credite and fame Reason for the yeelding of the Clergie. of his piety and bountie, they could not but presume well for their estate: and so were content to giue way to the present Fortune.

(The Nobility, considering they were so borne, and must haue a King: not to take him (that was of power to make himselfe) would shew more of passion then prouidence: & to be now behind hand to receiue him, with more then submission, was as if to with­stand: What moued the Nobles to yeeld. which (with the distrust of each others faith) made them striue & run headlong [Page 31] who should be first to pre-occupate the grace of seruitude, and intrude them into for­vaine subiection.

The Commons (like a strong vessell that might haue beene for good vse) was here­by left, without a sterne, and could not moue but irregularly. So that all estates in ge­nerall, either corrupted with new hopes, or transported with feare, forsooke them­selues, and their distressed Countrey. Vpon his approach to London, the Gates were all set open: the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, Stigand, with other Bishops, the Nobility, Magistrates, and People, rendting themselues in all obedience vnto him: and he re­turning plausible protestations of his future Gouernment, was on Christmas day, then next following, Crowned King of England, at Westminster, by Aldred, Arch-bishop of Yorke, for that Stigand was not held Canonically inuested in his Sea: and yet thought to haue beene a forward mouer of this alteration.

Heere, according to the accustomed forme, at his Coronation, the Bishops and Ba­rons The Corona­tion and oath of William 1. of the Realme, tooke their oaths, to be his true and loyall subiects, and he reci­procally (being required thereunto by the Arch-bishop of Yorke) made his per­sonall oath, before the Altar of Saint Peter, To defend the Holy Churches of God, and the Rectors of the same: To gouerne the Vniuersall people, subiect vnto him iustly: To establish equall Lawes, and to see them duely executed. Nor did he euer claime any power King Williams submission to the orders of the Kingdome of England. by Conquest, but as a regular Prince, submitted himselfe to the orders of the King­dome: desirous rather to haue his Testamentary title (howsoeuer weake) to make good his successiou, rather then his sword. And though the Stile of Conqueror by the flattery of the time, was after giuen him; he shewed by all the course of his Gouerne­ment he assumed it not: introducing none of all those alterations (which followed) by violence, but a milde gathering vpon the disposition of the State, and the occasions offered, and that by way of reformation. And now taking Hostages for his more se­curity, and order for the defence and Gouernment of his Kingdome, at the opening of the spring next, he returnes into Normandy, so to settle his affaires there, as they might not distract him from his businesse in England, that required his whole powers.

And to leaue here all sure behind him, he commits the rule of the Kingdome, to his brother the Bishop of Bayeux, and to his Cosin Fitz *Or Osborne. Auber, whom he had made Earle of Hereford, taking with him all the chiefe men of England, who were likest to be heads King William returnes into Normandy, with the chiefe No­bility of Eng­land. to a reuolt. As Edger Atheling, the Arch-bishop Stigand, lately discontented: Edwin, and Morchar, with many other Bishops and Noble men: Besides to vnburthen his charge, and dis-impester his Court; he tooke backe with him all the French aduentu­rers, and such as were vnnecessary men, rewarding them as farre as his treasure would extend, and the rest he made vp in faire promises.

In his absence, which was all that whole sommer, nothing was here attempted a­gainst him, but onely that Edric, surnamed the Forrester, in the County of Hereford, cal­led in the Kings of the Welsh, to his aide, and forraged onely the remote borders of that Country. The rest of the Kingdome stood quiet, expecting what would become of that new world, wherein as yet they found no great alteration, their lawes and li­berties remaining the same they were before, and might hope by this accession of a new Prouince; the state of England would be but inlarged in dominion abroad, and not impaired in profit at home, by reason the Nation was but small, and of a plentifull, and not ouer-peopled Countrey, likely to impester them.

Hauing disposed his affaires of Normandy, he returnes towards winter, into King William returnes into England. England, where he was to satisfie three sorts of men; First, such Aduenturers, with whom hee had not yet cleered: Secondly, those of his owne people, whose merites or neerenesse, looked for recompence, whereof the number beeing so great, many must haue their expectations fed, if not satisfied: Thirdly, the people of this Kingdome, by whom he must row subsist: For beeing not able with his owne Nation, so to impeople the same, as to hold and defend it (if he should proceed to an extirpation of the naturall inhabi­tants) he was likewise to giue them satisfaction.

Wherein, he had more to do, then in his battell at Hastings; seeing all remunerations, with supplies of money, must be raised out of the stocke of this Kingdome, which could [Page 32] not but be likesome to the State in generall, and all preferments and dignities con­ser'd on his, to be either by vacancies, or displacing others, which must needs breed very feeling grieuances in particular. And yet wee finde no great men thrust out of their roomes, but such as put themselues out, by reuolting, after his establish­ment, and their fealtie giuen, as appeares by the controuersie betweene Warren the Norman, and Sherburn of Sherburn Castle in Norfolke, which castle though the King had giuen to Warren, yet (when Sherburn alledged, How hee neuer bare Armes against him: Cambden Nors. that hee was his subiect as well as the other, and held his Lands by that Law which he had esta­blished amongst all his subiects, the King gaue iudgement against Warren, and comman­ded, that Sherburn should hold his Land in peace. So that it seemes, hee contented himselfe and his, for the time, onely with what he found here ready, and with filling vp their places, who were slaine in the battell, or fled, as many were, with the sonnes of Harald out of the Kingdome. Such Gentlemen as he could not presently preferre, M. S. and had a purpose to aduance, hee dispersed abroad into Abbeys, there to liue till pla­ces fell out for them: and 24 he sent to the Abby of Eley: whereby he not onely lesse­ned the multitude of attendants and suitors at Court; eased that eye-sore of strangers, but also had them a watch ouer the Clergie, who then were of great and eminent power in the Kingdome; and might preuaile with the people.

But the English Nobility, incompatible of these new concurrents; found notwith­standing, 1067. Anno. Reg. 2. such a disproportion of grace, and darkning of their dignities, by the inter­position of so many, as must needs lessen their splendour; that many of the chiefest, doubting to be more impayred in honour and estate, conspired together, and fled some into Scotland, and some into Denmarke, to trie if by ayde from abroad, they might The English Nobility for­sake the king­dome. recouer themselues, and their lost fortunes againe at home. Amongst which, the chiefe was Edgar Atheling (termed Englands Dearling, which shewed the peoples zeale to his bloud) who with his mother Agatha, and his two sisters, Magaret and Christin, intending to retire into Hungarie (their natiue Country) were driuen by tempest on the coast of Scotland, where they were in all Hospitable manner entertained by Mal­colin the third, whose former suffrings in his exile, had taught him to compassionate others like distresses; and whom it concerned now to looke to his owne, his neigh­bours house being thus on fire: and to foster a pattie against so daungerous an in­commer, that was like to thrust them all out of doore. Which induced him not one­ly to entertaine this Prince, dispossest of his right, but to enter league with him for the publique safetie; And to inchaine it the stronger, hee takes to wife Margaret, the The King of Scots enters league with the English Nobility and marries Ed­gars sister. sister of Edgar (a Ladie indued withall blessed vertues) by whom the bloud of our aun­cient Kings was preserued, and conioyned with the Norman in Henry the second, and so became English againe. Vnto Edgar in Scotland, repaired the Earles Edwin and Morchar, Hereward, Gospatric, Siward, with others: and shortly after Stigand and Aldred, Arch-bishops, with diuers of the Clergie: who in the third yeare of this Kings raigne, raised very great commotions in the North, beyond Humber, and wrought most egar­ly 1068. Anno. Reg. 3. to recouer their lost Country: but being now to late, and the occasion not taken before the settling of the gouernment, whilst it was new, and branling, they preuai­led nothing, but gaue aduantage to the Conquerour, to make himselfe more then hee was: For all conspiracies of subiects, if they succeed not, aduance the soueraigntie: and nothing gaue roote to the Norman planting here, more then the petty reuolts made by discattred troupes, in seuerall parts, begunne without order, and followed without resolution; whereas nothing could be done for a generall recouery, but by a generall sulleuation of the people: for which all wary preuention was vsed; and they had waites enough laide on, to hold them downe. And though these Lords imbroi­led themselues, and held him doing in the North, yet hee hauing all the South parts setled vnder his domination, with well practized and prepared forces, there could bee little hope of good, whilst all their great estates furnisht the Normans, both in state and meanes to ruine them. The Earledome; and all the Lands which Edwin held in See the Char­ter in the Ap­pendix. Yorkeshire, were giuen to Alain, Earle of Brittaine, kinsman to the Conqueror; The Arch-bishopricke of Canterburie, confer'd on Lanfranc, Abbot of Caen. That of Yorke, [Page 33] on Thomas his Chaplaine, and all the rest both of the Clergie and others, which were out, had their places within, supplied by Normans.

And after King William had appeased a Commotion in the West, which the sonnes of Harald, with forces out of Ireland had raised, & also repressed the rebellions of Excester, and Oxford, he takes his iourney in person Northward with all expedition (least the e­nemy there, should grow to high in heart and opinion, vpon the great slaughter of his people, made at Yorke; and the defeiture of his Brother and Leiuetenant, Robert Earle of Mortaigne, slaine with seuen hundreth Normans at Durham) where, at his first comming he so wrought, that he either discomfeited, or corrupted the Generals of the Danicque forces (newly arriued to ayde the Lords; sent by Swaine, King of Den­marke, vnder the conduct of his two sonnes, Harald and Knute, with a Nauie of three hundreth saile) and after sets vpon the Army of the Lords, weakened both in strength and hope, by this departure of their Confederates, and puts them to flight: Which done, he vtterly wasted, and laide desolate, all that goodly Countrey betweene Yorke and Durham, the space of 60. miles, as it might be no more a succour to the enemy: And the like course he used on all the Coasts where any aptlandings lay for inuasions; and so returnes to London.

Most of the Lords after this defeit, came in, vpon publique faith giuen them, and were conducted to Barkehamsted, by the Abbot Fredricke; where, vpon their submission, and Oath of Allegeance re-taken, they had their pardon, and restitution of grace graunted by the King, who it seemes was so willing to acquiet them, that againe he takes his personall Oath before the Arch-bishop Lanfrancke, and the Lords, To obserue See the Ap­pendix. the Auntient Lawes of the Realme, established by his Noble Predecessors, the Kings of England, and especially those of Edward the Confessor. Whereupon these stormy dispositions held calme a while.

But long it was not ere many of these Lords (whether vpon intelligence of new 1074. Anno. Reg. 8. hopes, from Prince Edgar (who was still in Scotland) or growne desperate with new displeasures, at home, finding small performance of promises made, rupture of Oath, and all other respects, brake out againe. The Earle Edwyn, making towards Scot­land, was murthered by his owne people. The Lords Morchar, and Hereward, betooke them to the Isle of Eley, meaning to make good that place for that Winter; whether also repaired the Earle Syward, and the Bishop of Durham out of Scotland. But the King, who was no time-giuer vnto growing dangers, besets all the Isle with flat boates on the East, and made a bridge of two miles long on the West, and safely brought in his people vpon the enemy; who seeing themselues surprized; yeelded all to the Kings mercy, except Hereward, who desperatly marched with his people through the Fennes; and recouered Scotland: The rest were sent to diuerse Prisons, where they died, or remained during the Kings life.

Those Lords who persisted loyall vpon this last submission, were all imployed and well graced with the King, as Edric the Forrester (and first that rebelled in his Raigne) was held in cleere trust, and neere about him. Gospatrice he made Earle of Northum­berland, and sent him against Malcolin, who in this time, subdues the Countries of Tis­dall, Cleueland, and Comberland: Waltheof, sonne to the Earle Syward, he held so worthy to be made his, as he married him to his Neece Iudith, though he had beene a princi­pall actor in the Northerne commotion (and in defending the Citty of Yorke against him: is sayd to haue striken off the heads of diuerse Normans, one by one, as they en­tered a breach, to the admiration of all about him) shewing therein that true touch of the noblest nature, to loue vertue, euen in his enemies.

And now seeing Scotland to be the especiall retraite for all conspirators, and dis­contented in his Kingdome, yeelding them continuall succour, and assistance, and where his compecitor Edgar liued, to be get and nurse perpetuall matter for their hopes, and at hand for all aduantages; he enters that Kingdome with a puissant Army: which, incountring with more necessities then forces, soone grew tired, and both Kings, considering of what difficulties the victory would consist, were willing, to take the safest way to there ends, and vpon faire ouertures, to conclude a peace; [Page 34] Articling for the bounds of each Kingdome, with the same title of Dominion, as in former tunes: All delinquents, and their partakers generally pardoned.

Heere with the vniuersoll turne of alteration thus wrought in England, Scotland (be­ing Scotlād before this time gene rally spake a kind of Irish. a part of the body of this Isle) is noted to haue likewise had a share; and as in the Court of England, the French tongue became generally spoken; so in that of Scotland did the English, by reason of the multitude of this Nation, attending both the Qacene and her brother Edgar, and daily repairing thither for their safety, and combination against the common enemy: of whom diuerse, abandoning their natiue distressed Countrey, were by the bounty of that King preferred: and there planted, spread their off-spring into many noble families, remaining to this day: The titles for distingui­shing Titles of ho­nor in Scot­land. degrees of honour; as of Duke, Earle, Baron, Rider or Knight, were then (as is thought) first introduced: and the nobler sort began to be called by the title of their Signories (according to the French manner) which before bate the name of their Father, with the addition of Mac, after the fashion of Ireland. Other innouations, no doubt, entred there likewise at the opening of this wide mutation of ours: fashion and imitation like weedes easily growing in euery soyle.

Shortly after this late made peace, Prince Edgar voluntarily came in, and submitted Edgar Atheling submitted him selfe to King William., himselfe to the King, being then in Normandy, and was restored to grace, and a faire maintenance, which held him euer after quiet. And it made well at that time for the fortune of the King, howsoeuer for his owne, being thought to haue ill-timed his af­faires (either through want of seasonable intelligence, or dispaire of successe) in ma­king 1075. Anno. Reg. 9. too soone that submission, which was latter or neuer to be done. For in this ab­sence of the King, Roger Fits Auber, the young Earle of Hereford, contrary to his ex­presse commandement, gaue his sister in marriage to Raph Waher, Earle of Northfolke, and Suffolke, and at the great Solemnization thereof, the two Earles conspired with Eustace Earle of Boloigne (who secretly came ouer to this festiuall) and with the Earle Waltheof, and other English Lords, to call in the Danes, and by maine power to keepe out and dispossesse the King. Who hauing thus passed ouer so many gulfes of forraine 1076. Anno. Reg. 10. dangers, might little imagine of any wracke so neere home; and that those, whom he had most aduanced, should haue the especiall hand in his destruction: But no rewards, are benefits (that are not held so) nor can euer cleere the accounts with them that ouer­value their merits. And had not this conspiracy bene opportunely discouered (which some say, was by the Earle Waltheof, moued with the vglinesse of so soule an ingrati­tude) they had put him againe to the winning of England. But now the fire bewrayed before it flamed, was soone quenched by the diligence of Odon the Kings Vice-gerent, the Bishop of Worcester and others, who kept the Conspirators from ioyning their forces: So that they neuer came to make head, but were either surprized, or forced to flye. The Earle Roger Fitz Auber was taken, and some say executed; and so was short­ly after the Earle Waltheof, whose dissent from the act, could not get him pardon for his former consent, though much compassion in respect of his great worthinesse. But the 1077. Anno. Reg. 11. wide distent of these tumors, fed from many secret vaines, seemed to be of that danger, as required this extremity of cure, especially in a part so apt for infection, vpon any the like humours.

For this Conspiracy seemes to take motion from a generall league of all the neigh­bour Princes here about, as may well be gathered by their seuerall actions. First in the King of Fraunce by defending Dole in Brittaigne (a Castle of Raph de Waher) against the King of England, and in likelihood, imploying the Earle of Boloigne to wards the Con­spirators: In Swayne King of Denmarke, by sending a Nauy of two hundreth saile, vn­der the conduct of his sonne Knute, and others. In Drone King of Ireland, by furni­shing the sonnes of Harald with 65. ships. In Malcoline, and the Kings of Wales, by their readinesse to assist. But the Danes being on the coast, and hearing how their con­federates had sped, with the great preparations the King had made, after some pillage taken vpon the coast of England and Flanders, returned home, and neuer after arriued to disturbe this land. Though in Anno Reg. 19. Knute, then King of Denmarke, after the death of Swaine (intending to repaire the dishonour of his two last aduentures past) [Page 35] and to put for the Crowne of England, his predecessors had holden, prepared a Nauie of a thousand saile, and was aided with sixe hundreth more by Robert le Frison Earle of Flanders (whose daughter he had married.) But the winds held so contrary for two yeares together, as vtterly quasht that enterprize; and freed the King, and his succes­sors for euer after, from future molestation that way.

But this businesse put the State to an infinit charge, the King entertayning all that time (besides his Normans) Hugh, brother to the King of France, with many companies 1078. Anno. Reg. 12. of French. Finding the English (in respect of many great families allied to the Danes) to incline rather to that Nation, then the Norman, and had experience of the great and neere intelligence continually passing betweene them.

And these were all the warres he had within the Kingdome, sauing in An. Regni 13. he subdued Wales, and brought the kings there, to doe him homage. His warres a­broad, 1079. Anno. Reg. 13 were all about his Dominions in France, first raised by his owne sonne Robert, left Lieuftenant gouernor of the Dutchie of Normandy, and the Countie of Mayne, who in his fathers absence, tasting the glorie of commaund, grew to assume the absolute The Kings of wales doe ho­mage to King william. rule of the Prouince, causing the Barons there, to do him homage (as Duke) not as Lieu­tenant, & leagues him with the King of France, who working vpon the easinesse of his youth, and ambition, was glad to apprehend that occasion to disioynt his estate, who was growen too great for him. And the profusse largesse, and disorderlie expence, whereto Robert was addicted, is nourished by all waies possible, as the meanes to im­brake him in those difficulties of still getting mony, that could not but needs yeeld con­tinuall occasion to intertain both his own discontent & theirs from whom, his supplies must be raised. And though thereby he purchased him the title of Courtois, yet he lost the Robert of Nor­mandy titled Courtois. opinion of good gouernment, and constrayned the estates of Normandie, to complaine to his father of the great concussion, and violent exactions he vsed amongst them.

The King vnderstanding the fire thus kindled in his owne house, that had set others all in combustion, hasts with forces into Normandie, to haue surprized his sonne; who aduertised of his comming, furnisht with two thousand men at Armes, by the King of France, lay in ambush where he should passe; sets vpon him, defeited most of his people, and in the pursuite happened to incounter with himselfe, whom hee vnhorsed, and wounded in the arme, with his Launce; but perceiuing by his voice, it was his father, he hasted to remounte him, humbly crauing pardon for his offence: which the father (seeing in what case he was) granted, howsoeuer he gaue; and vpon his submis­sion, tooke him with him to Rouen; whence, after cured of his hurt, hee returned with his sonne William (likewise wounded in the fight) into England.

Long was it not ere he was againe inform'd of his sonnes remutyning, and how hee exacted vpon the Normans, vsurpt the intire gouernment, and vrged his fathers pro­mise 1080. Anno. Reg. 14. thereof, made him, before the King of France, vpon his Conquest of England: which caused his litle stay heere, but to make preparations for his returne into those parts: whether in passing, he was driuen on the Coast of Spaine, but at length ariuing at Burdeaux, with his great preparations his sonne Robert came in, and submitted him­selfe Robert rebels against his fa­ther. the second time: whom he now tooke with him into England, to frame him to a better obedience, imploying him in the hard and necessitous warres of Scotland (the late peace being betweene the two Kings againe broken) and after sent him backe, 1081. Anno. Reg. 15. and his young sonne Henry, with the association of charge and like power (but of more trust) to the gouernment of Normandie.

After the two Princes had beene there a while, they went to visite the King of France at Constance, where feasting certaine dayes, vpon an after dinner, Henry wanne 1082. Anno. Reg. 16. so much at chesse, of Louis, the Kings eldest sonne, as hee, growing into choller, called him the sonne of a Bastard, and threw the Chesse in his face. Henry takes vp the Chesse-bord, and strake Louis, with that force, as drew bloud, and had killed him, had not his brother Robert come in the meane time, and interposed himselfe: Whereupon Louis and Henry sonnes of the Kings of France, and England. they suddenly tooke horse, and with much adoe they recouered Pontoise, from the Kings people that pursued them. This quarrell arising, vpon the in-ter-meeting of these Princes (a thing that seldome breeds good bloud amongst them) re-enkindled [Page 36] a heate of more rancor in the fathers, and beganne the first warre betweene the Eng­lish and French. For presently the King of France, complots againe with Robert (im­patient of a partner) cnters Normandie, and takes the Citie of Vernon. The King of England inuades France, subdues the Country of Zaintonge and Poictou, and returnes to 1026. Anno. Reg. 20 Rouen, where the third time, his sonne Robert is reconciled vnto him, which much dis­appoints and vexes the King of France, who thereupon, summons the King of England, to doe him homage for the Kingdome of England, which he refused to doe, saying, Hce held it of none but God and his sword. For the Dutchie of Normandie hee offers him ho­mage: but that would not satisfie the King of France, whom nothing would, but what King William denies to do homage for England, to the King of France. he could not haue, the Maistery: and seekes to make any occasion the motiue of his quarrell: and againe inuades his territories, but with more losse then profit. In the end, they conclude a certaine crazie peace, which held no longer then King William had recouered a sicknesse, whereinto (through his late trauaile, age, and corpulencie) he was falne: at which time, the King of France, then yong and lustie, ieasting at his great belly, wherof he said, he lay in, at Rouen so irritated him, as being recouered, he gathers al 1087. Anno. Reg. 21. his best forces, enters France in the chiefest timeof their fruits, making spoile of all in his way, till hee came euen before Paris; where the King of France then was; to whom he sends, to shew him of his vp-sitting, and from thence marched to the Citie of Mants, which he vtterly sackt, and in the distruction thereof, gate his owne, by the straine of his horse, among the breaches, and was thence conueyed sicke to Ronen, and so ended all his warres.

Now for his gouernment in peace, and the course hee held in establishing the His gouern­ment in peace. Kingdome thus gotten; first after he had represt the conspiracies in the North, and well quieted all other parts of the State (which now being absolutely his, hee would haue to bee ruled by his owne Law) hee beganne to gouerne all by the Customes of Normandie. Whereupon the agreeued Lords, and sadde people of England, tender their humble petition, Beseeching him, in regard of his oath made at his Coronation: And by the soule of Saint Edward, from whom hee had the Crowne, and Kingdome; vnder whose Lawes they were borne and bred; That he would not adde that miserie, to deliuer them vp to bee iudged, by a strange Law they vnderstood not. And so earnestly they wrought, that hee was plea­sed to confirme that by his Charter, which hee had twice fore-promised by his oath: What were the lawes of England. And gaue commaundement to his Iusticiaries to see these Lawes of Saint Edward (so called, not that he made them, but collected them out of Merchen-Law, Dane-Law, and Westsex-Law) To be inuiolablie obserued throughout the Kingdome. And yet not­withstanding this confirmation, and the Charters afterward granted by Henry the first, Henry the second, and King Iohn, to the same effect; there followed a great inno­uation both in the Lawes and gouernment of England: So that this seemes rather done to acquiet the people, with a shew of the continuation of their auncient cu­stomes and liberties, then that they enioyed them in effect. For the little confor­mitie betweene them of former times, and these that followed vpon this change of State, shew from what head they sprang. And though there might bee some veynes issuing from former originals, yet the maine streame, of our Common-law, with the The originall of the Com­mon Law now vsed. practise thereof, flowed out of Normandie, notwithstanding all obiections can bee made to the contrary. For before these collections of the Confessors, thère was no vniuersall Law of the Kingdome, but euery seuerall Prouince held their owne Cu­stomes: all the inhabitants from Humber to Scotland vsed the Danique Law: Merch­land, the middle part of the Countrie, and the State of the West Saxons, had their seue­rall constitutions, as being seuerall Dominions: And though for some few yeares there seemed to bee a reduction of the Heptarchie, into a Monarchie, yet held it not so long together (as we may see in the succession of that broken gouernment) as to settle one forme of order current ouer all; but that euery Prouince, according to their par­ticular founders, had their customes a part, and held nothing in common (besides re­ligion, and the constitutions thereof) but with the vniuersalitie of Meum & Tuum, or­dered according to the rites of nations, and that ius innatum, the Common-law of all the world, which we see to be as vniuersall, as are the cohabitations, and societies of men, [Page 37] and serues the turne to hold them together in all Countries, howsoeuer they may differ in their formes. So that by these passages, we see what way wee came, where wee are, and the furthest end wee can discouer of the originall of our Common-law; and to striue to looke beyond this, is to looke into an vncertaine vastnesse, beyond our dis­cerning. Nor can it detract from the glory of good Customes, if they bring but a pedi­gree of 600 yeares to approue their gentilitie; seeing it is the equity, and not the anti­quity of of lawes, that makes them venerable, and the integritie of the professors thereof, the profession honored. And it were well with mankinde, if dayes brought not their corruptions, and good orders were continued with that prouidence, as they were insti­tuted. But this alteration of the Lawes of England bred most heauie doleances, not onely in this Kings time, but long after: For whereas before, those Lawes they had, The Law of England put into a forraine Language. were written in their owne tongue, intelligible to all; now are they translated into Latine and French, and practized wholly in the Norman forme and Language; thereby to draw the people of this Kingdome, to learne that speech for their owne need, which otherwise they would not doe; And seeing a difference in tongue, would continue a difference in affections; all meanes was wrought to reduce it to one Idiom, which yet was not in the power of the Conqueror to doe, without the extirpation, or ouerlaying the Land-bred people; who being so far in number (as they were) aboue the inuadors; both retaine the maine of the Language, and in few yeares, haue those who sub­dued them, vndistinguishably theirs. For notwithstanding the former Conquest by the Danes, and now this by the Norman (the solid bodie of the Kingdome, still consisted of the English) and the accession of strange people, was but as riuers to the Ocean, that changed not it, but were changed into it. And though the King laboured what hee could to turne all to French, By enioyning their children here to vse no other Language, with their Grammer in schooles, to haue the Lawes practized in French, all petitions and businesse of Court in French, No man graced but he that spake French, yet soone after his dayes, all returnes naturall English againe (but Law) and that still held forraine, and became in the end wholly to be inclosed in that language: nor haue we now, other marke of our subiection and inuassellage from Normandie, but onely that, and that still speakes French to vs in England.

And herewithall, New Termes, new Constitutions, new Formes of Pleas, new Offi­ces, and Courts, are now introduced by the Normans; a people more inured to litigati­on, and of spirits more impatient, and contentious, then were the English: who (by rea­son of their continuall warre, wherein Law is not borne, and labour to defend the publicke) were more at vnitie in their priuate: and that small time of peace they had, Deuotion, and good fellowship entertained. For their Lawes and constitutions be­fore, wee see them plaine, briefe, and simple, without perplexities, hauing neither fold nor pleite, commanding; not disputing: Their grants and transactions as briefe and simple, which shewed them a cleere-meaning people, retayning still the nature of that Vide Append. plaine realnesse they brought with them, vncomposed of other fashion, then their own, and vnasfecting imitation.

And for their tryals (in cases criminall) where manifest proofes failed, they continued their antient custome, held from before their Christianitie (vntill this great alteration) which trials they called Ordeal; Or ( signifying) Right, Deale, Part, whereof they had these The English trials in cases criminall. kinds: Ordeal by fire, which was for the better sort, and by water for the inferiour: That of Fire, was to goe blindfold ouer certaine plough-shares, made red hote; and laide an vneuen distance one from another. That of Water was either of hot, or cold: in the one to put their armes to the elbow, in the other to bee cast headlong. According to their escapes or hurts, they were adiudged: Such as were cast into the riuers, if they sancke were held guiltlesse, if not, culpable, as eiected by that Element. These trials they called the iudgements of God, and they were performed with solemne Oraisons. In some cases, The accused was admitted to Men of ability cleered by their oathes. cleere himselfe by receiuing the Eucharist, or by his owne Oath, or the Oathes of two or three; but this was for especiall persons, and such, whose liuings were of a rate allowable thereunto, the vsuall opinion perswading them, that men of ability held a more regard of honesty.

[Page 38]With these, they had the triall of Campefight, or single combat (which likewise the Lum­bards, originally of the same German Nation, brought into Italy) permitted by the Law, in cases either of safetie, and fame, or of possessions. All which trials, shew them to be igno­rant in any other forme of Law, or to neglect it; Nor would they bee induced to for­goe these Customes, and determine their affaires by Imperiall or Pontificiall Consti­tutions, no more then would the Lumbards forsake their duellary Lawes in Italy, which their Princes (against some of their wils) were constrained to ratifie, as Luyt­prandus, their King, thus ingeniously confesses. Wee are vncertaine of the iudgement of God, and wee haue heard many by fight, to haue lost their cause, without iust cause; yet in respect of the custome of our Nation, we cannot auoide an impious Law. But all these formes of iudge­ments, and trials, had their seasons; Those of Fire, and Water, in short time after the Conquest, grew disused, and in the end vtterly obrogated by the Pope; as deriued The English trials. from Paganisme; That of combat continues longer-liued, but of no ordinarie vse: And all actions now, both criminall and reall, beganne to be wholly adiudged by the verdict of twelue men, according to the custome of Normandy, where the like forme is vsed, and called by the name of Enquest, with the same cautions for the Iurors, as it is here continued to this day. Although some hold opinion, that this forme of triall, was of vse in this Kingdome from all antiquitie, and alledge an Ordinance of King Ethelred (father to the Confessor) willing in their Gemote, or conuentions, monethly held in eue­ry Hundred, twelue graue men of free condition, should with the Greue, the chiefe Officer amongst them, sweare vpon the Euangelists, to iudge euery mans cause aright. But here wee see twelue men were to be assessors with the Greue to iudge, and no Iurors, according to this man­ner of triall now vsed; Besides, had there beene any such forme, we should aswell haue heard thereof in their Lawes and practise, as of those other kinds of Ordeal, onely, and vsually mentioned.

But whatsoeuer innouations were in all other things; the gouernment for the peace The continu­ation of the Law for the peace. and securitie of the Kingdome (which most imported the King to looke vnto) seemes to be contrnued as before, and for that businesse he found here better Lawes establish­ed, by the wary care of our former Kings, then any hee could bring. Amongst which especially was the Borough Law, wherby euery free man of the Commons stood as surety for each The Borough Law of the Saxons. others behauiour, in this sort.

The kingdome was deuided into Shieres or Shares, euery Shiere consisting of so many Hundreds, and euery Hundred of a number of Boroughs, Villages, or Tythings, contayning ten housholders, whereof; If any one should commit an vnlawfullact, the other nine were to attach and bring him to reason: If hee fled, 31 dayes were enioysed him to appeare: If in the meane time apprehended, hee was made to restore the damage done; otherwise the Free­boroughead (to say the Tythingman) was to take with him two of the same Village, and out of three other Villages next ad oyning as many (that is, the Tythingman, and two other of the principall Saxon Lawes. men) aud before the officers of that Hundred, purge himselfe and the Village of the fact, restoring Lambert. the damage done with the goods of the malefactor; which, if they suffized not to satisfie, the Free-borough, or Tything, must make vp the rest, and besides take an oath to bee no way ac­cessarie to the fact; and to produce the Offendor, if by any meanes they could recouer him, or know where hee were. Besides euery Lord and Maister, stood Borough, for all his familie, whereof if any seruant were called in question, the Maister was to see him answere it in the Hun­dred, where hee was accused. If he fled, the Maister was to yeeld such goods as hee had to the King. If himselfe were accused to bee aiding or priuie to his seruants slight, hee was to cleere himselfe by fiue men, otherwise to forfeit all his goods to the King, and his man to bee out­lawed.

These lincks thus intermutually fastened, made so strong a chaine to hold the whole frame of the State together in peace and order, as, all the most pollitique regiments vpon earth, all the interleagued societies of men, cannot shew vs a streighter forme of combination. This might make the Conqueror, comming vpon a people (thus Law-bound hand and foote) to establish him, so soone, and easily as he did; This Borough-law (being as a Cittadell, built to guard the Common-wealth, comming to bee possest by a Conquering Maister) was made to turne all this ordi­nance [Page 39] vpon the State, and batter her selfe with her owne weapon: and this Law may No popular insurrection before the Conquest. be some cause, we finde no popular insurrection before the Conquest. For had not this people beene borne with these fetters, and an idie peace (but had liued loose, and in action) it is like they would haue done as noblie, and giuen as many, and as deepe wounds ere they lost their Country, as euer the Brittaines did, either against the Ro­mans, or the Saxons, their predecessors, or themselues had done against the Danes; a peo­ple far more powerfull, and numerous then these. The Conqueror, without this, had not made it the worke of one day, nor had Normandie euer beene able to haue yeelded those multitudes for supplies, that many battailes must haue had.

But now. First the strict executing this Law. Secondly, dis-wcop'ning the Commons. Thirdly, The meanes vsed by the Norman, to e­stablish his Conquest. preuenting their night-meetings with a heauie penalty, that euery man at the day closing, should couer his fire, and depart to his rest. Fourthly, erecting diuers Fortresses in sit parts of the King­dome. Fifthly, collating all offices, both of commaund, and iudicature, on those who were his; made his domination such as he would haue it.

And where before the Bishop and the Alderman were the absolute Iudges to de­termine Alteration of the Gouern­ment. all businesse in euery Shiere, and the Bishop in many cases shared in the benifit of the Mulcts with the King, now he confin'd the Clergie, within the Prouince of their owne Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction, to deale onely in businesse concerning rule of soules, according to the Cannons, and Lawes Episcopall.

And whereas the causes of the Kingdome were before determined in euery Shiere, The order of deciding con­trauerfies in the Saxons time. and by a Law of King Edward Senior; all matters in question should, vpon especiall pe­naltie, without further deferment, bee finally decided in their Gemote, or conuentions held monthly in euery hundred: now he ordained, That foure times in the yeare, for cer­taine daies, the same businesses should bee determined in such place as he would appoint, where New orders instituted by the Normans. hee constituted Iudges to attend for that purpose, and also others, from whom, as from the bosome of the Prince, all litigators should haue Iustice, and from whom was no appeale. Others hee appointed for the punishment of malefactors, called Iusticiarij Pacis.

What alteration was then made in the tenure of mens possessions, or since intro­duced, The alterati­on of Tenures. we may find by taking note of their former vsances. Our Auncestors had onely two kinde of tenures, Boke-land, and Folk-land, the one was a possession by writing, the other Lambert. without. That by writing was as free-hold, and by Charter, hereditarie, with all immunities, and for the free and nobler sort. That without writing, was to hold at the will of the Lord, bound Freehold. to rents and seruices, and was for the rurall people. The inheritances discended not alone, but after the German manner, equally deuided amongst all the children, which they called Land­skiftan, The Tenure of Gauel kin. to say Part-land, a custome yet continued in some places of Kent, by the name of Ga­uel-kin, of Gif eal kin: And hereupon some write how the people of that Country, retayned their auncient Lawes and liberties by especiall graunt from the Conquerour: who after his battaile at Hastings, comming to Douer, to make all sure on that side, was incompassed by the whole people of that Prouince, carrying boughs of trees in their hands, and marching round about him like a moouing wood. With which strange and suddaine show being much mooued, the Arch-bishop Stigand, and the Abbot Egelsin (who had raised this commotion by showing the people in what daunger they The Customs of Kent pre­serued by the mediation of the Arch­bishop Stigand. were, vtterly to loose their liberties, and indure the perpetuall misery of seruitude vnder the domination of strangers) present themselues, and declared, How they were the vniuersall people of that Countrey, gathered together in that manner, with boughes in their hands, either as Oliue branches of intercession, for peace and libertie, or to in­tangle him in his passage, with resolution rather to leaue their liues, then that which was deerer, their freedome. Whereupon they say the Conquerour graunted them the continuation of their former Customes and Liberties: whereof, notwithstan­ding they now retaine no other, then such as are common with the rest of the King­dome. Geruasius Tilburieasis. Dialog. Scacc.

For such as were Tenants at the will of their Lords (which now growne to a greater number, and more miserable then before) vpon their petition, and compassion of their oppression he releeued, their case was this. All such as were discouered to haue had a hand in any rebellion, and were pardoned, onely to enioy the benefit of life, hauing all [Page 40] their liuelihood taken from them, became vassals vnto those Lords to whom the pos­sessions were giuen, of all such lands forfeited by attaindors. And if by their diligent seruice, they could attaine any portion of ground, they held it but onely so long as it pleased their Lords, without hauing any estate for themselues, or their children, and Villenage. were oftentimes violently cast out vpon any small displeasure, contrary to all right: whereupon it was ordained, that whatsoeuer they had obtained of their Lords, by their obsequious seruice, or agreed for, by any lawfull pact, they should hold by an inuiolable Law, during their owne liues.

The next great worke after the ordering his Lawes, was the raising and disposing of his reuenues, taking a course to make, and know the vtmost of his estate, by a gene­suruey of the Kingdome, whereof he had a president by the Dome booke of Winchester, taken before by King Alfride. But as one day informes another, so these actions of pro­fit A suruay made of the Kingdome. grew more exact in their after practise: and a larger Commission is graunted, a choice of skilfuller men imployed, to take the particulars both of his owne possessi­ons, and euery mans else in the Kingdome, the Nature and the quality of their Lands, their estates, and abilities; besides the descriptions, bounds, and diuisions of Shieres and Hundreds, and this was drawne into one booke, and brought into his treasurie, Geruasius Til­burien: de Scatc: Dome booke. then newly called the Exchequer (according to the soueraigne Court of that name of Normandy) before termed here the Taleè, and it was called the Dome booke ( Liber iudi­ciarius) for all occasions concerning these particulars.

All the Forests and Chases of the Kingdome, hee seized into his proper possession, Ibid. and exempted them from being vnder any other Law then his owne pleasure, to serue as Penetralia Regum, the withdrawing Chambers of Kings, to recreate them after their serious labours in the State, where none other might presume to haue to doe, and where all punishments and pardons of delinquents were to bee disposed by himselfe, absolutely, and all former customes abrogated. And to make his command the more, he increased the number of them in all parts of the Land, and on the South coast dispeo­pled the Country for aboue thirty miles space, making of old inhabited possessions, a new Forest, inflicting most seuere punishments for hunting his Deere, and thereby The new Fo­rest in Ham­shire. much aduances his reuenues. An act of the greatest concussion, and tyranny, hee com­mitted in his raigne, and which purchased him much hatred. And the same course held (almost euery King neere the Conquest) till this heauie grieuance was allayed by the Charter of Forests, granted by Henry the third.

Besides these, he imposed no new taxations on the State, and vsed those hee found very moderately, as Dangelt, an imposition of two shillings vpon euery hide or plough­land He imposed no new tax­ations. (raised first by King Ethelred, to bribe the Danes, after to warre vpon them) hee would not haue it made an Annuall payment, but onely taken vpon vrgent occasion, and it was seldome gathered in his time, or his successors (saith Geruasius) yet wee finde in our Annals, a taxe of 6. shillings vpon euery hide-land, leauied presently after the generall suruey of the Kingdome. Esouage (whether it were an imposition formerly The occasion of paying Escuage. laide, though now newly named, I doe not find) was a summe of money, taken of euery Knights fee: In after times, especially raised for the seruice of Scotland; And this also, saith Geruasius, was seldome leauied but on great occasion, for stipends, and donatiues to souldiers; yet was it at first a due, reserued out of such lands as were giuen by the Prince for seruice of warre; according to the Custome of other Nations. As in the Ro­mans time wee finde Lands were giuen in reward of seruice to the men of warre, for terme of their liues, as they are at this day in Turkey: After they became Patrimoniall, & The Custome of Eiefs. hereditarie to their children. Seuerus the Emperor was the first who permitted the chil­dren of men of warre, to inioy their Fiefs, prouided that they followed Armes. Constan­tine to reward his principall Captaines, granted them a perpetuity in the Lands assigned them. The estates which were but for life, were made perpetuall in France, vnder the last Kings of the race of Charlemaine. Those Lords who had the great Fiefs of the King, By what meanes he in­creased his Reuenues. sub-deuided them to other persons, of whom they were to haue seruice.

Mulctuary profits, besides, such as might arise by the breach of his Forest-lawes, hee had, few or none new, vnlesse that of Murther, which arose vpon this occasion. [Page 41] In the beginning of his raigne, the rankor of the English towards the new-come Nor­mans, was such, as finding them single in woods, or remote places, they secretly mur­thered them; and the deed doers (for any the seuerest courses taken) could neuer bee discouered: whereupon, it was ordained, that the Hundred, wherein a Norman was The law for Murther, re­nued, first made, by King Knute, vide Appon. sound slaine and the murtherer not taken, should bee condemned to pay to the King: some 36 pounds, some 28 pounds, according to the quantity of the Hundred, that the punishment, being generally inflicted, might particularly deter them, & hasten the dis­couery of the malefactor, by whom so many must (otherwise) be interessed.

For his prouisionary reuenues, he continued the former custome held by his prede­cessors, which was in this manner. The Kings Tenants, who held their Lands of the Geruasius Tilb. Crowne, paide no money at all; but onely Victuals, Wheate, Beifes, Muttons, Hay Oates, &C: And a iust note of the quality and quantity of euery mans ratement was ta­ken throughout all the Shieres of the Kingdome, and leauied euer certaine, for the maintenance of the Kings house. Other ordinarie in-come of ready moneys was there none, but what was raised by mulcts, and out of Cities and Castles where Agriculture was not vsed. What the Church yeelded him, was by extent of a power that neuer reached so farre before; and the first hand, hee layd vpon that side which weighed hea­nily, was his seizing vpon the Plate, Iewels, and Treasure within all the Monasteries of King William seased vpon the Treasure commitied to Monasteries. England, pretending the rebels, and their assistants, conueyed their riches into these re­ligious houses (as into places priuiledged, and free from seizure) to defraud him thereof.

Besides this, he made all Bishoprickes, and Abbeys that held Barronies (before that time free from all secular seruices) contributary to his warres, and his other occasions. And this may be the cause why they, who then onely held the Pen (the Scepter, that rules ouer the memory of Kings) haue laide such an eternall imposition vpon his name, of rigour, oppression, and euen barbarous immanity, as they haue done. When the na­ture & necessary disposition of his affaires (being as he was) may aduocate for him, & in many things much excuse his courses. But this name of Conquest, which euer imports violence and misery, is of so harsh a sound, and so odious in nature, as a people subdued cannot giue a Conquerour his due (how euer worthy) and especially to a stranger, whom onely time must naturalize, and incorporate by degrees, into their liking and opinion. And yet therein this King was greatly aduantaged, by reason of his twenty yeares gouernment, which had much impaired the memory of former customes in the yonger sort, and well inured the elder to the present vsances and forme of State, where­by the rule was made more easie to his sonnes: who (though they were farre inferiour to him in worth) were somewhat better beloued, then he; and the rather, for that their occasions made them, somewhat to vnwrest the Soueraignty from that height, where­unto he had strayned it.

How hee was vnderset with able ministers for the managing of these great affaires of his, though time hath shut vs out from the knowledge of some of them (it being in His Councel­lors. the fortune of Kings, to haue their ministers like riuers in the Ocean, buried in their glory) yet no doubt, being of a strong constitution of iudgement, hee could not but be strongly furnished in that kind; for weake Kings haue euer weake sides, and the most renowned Princes are alwaies best stored with able ministers. The principall of highest imployment, were Odon, Bishop of Bayeux, and Earle of Kent: Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, and William Fitz Auber, Earle of Hereford: Odon supplied the place of Vice­roy in the Kings absence, and had the management of the Treasury. A man of a wide and agile spirit, let out into as spacious a conceipt of greatnesse, as the heighth of his place could shew him: And is rumor'd by the infinite accumulation of mony (which his auarice, & length of office had made) either to buy the Popedome, or to purchase the people of England, vpon the death of the King his brother: who (vnderstanding he had a purpose of going to Rome, and seeing a mighty confluence of followers gathering vnto him) made a close prison stay his iourney: excusing it to the Church, that he im­prisoned The Bishop of Bayeux as an Earle of Kent committed to prison. not a Bishop of Bayeux, but an Earle of Kent, an Officer accomptant vnto him. Yet, vpō his death-bed shortly following (after many obsecrations, that he would, in re­spect of bloud & nature, be a kind mean for the future peace of his sons) he released him.

[Page 42]But the Bishop failed his request therein, and became the onely kindlefire to set Reserued for greater mis­chiefe. them all into more furious combustion. The motiue of his discontent (the engine wherewithall Ambition euermore turnes about her intentions) was the enuy he bare to Lanfranc, whose councell, in his greatest affaires, the King especially vsed: and to oppose and ouer-beare him, he tooke all the contrary courses, and part with Robert, his Nephew, whom (after many fortunes) hee attended to the holy warre, and died in the siege of Antioche.

Lanfranc was a man of as vniuersall goodnesse, as learning, borne in Lumbardie, and Lanfranc. came happily a stranger, in these strange times to doe good to England; vpon whose obseruance, though the King might (in regard hee raised him) lay some tye, yet his af­fections could not but take part with his piety and place: in so much as hee feared not to oppose against Odon, the Kings brother, seeking to gripe from the State of his Church: And in all he could, stood so betweene the kingdome and the Kings rigor, as stayed many precipitious violencies, that he (whose power lay as wide as his wil) might else haue fallen into. For the Conqueror (howsoeuer austere to others) was to him al­waies milde and yeelding, as if subdued with his grauity, and vertue.

He reformed the irregularity, and rudenesse of the Clergie, introducing a more The Reforma­tion of the Clergie by Lanfranc. Southerne formalitie and respect, according to his breeding, and the Custome of his Country: concurring herein likewise to be an actor of alteration (though in the best kinde) with this change of State. And to giue entertainment to deuotion, hee did all he could to furnish his Church with the most exquisite ornaments might be procured: added a more State and conueniencie to the structure of religious houses, and beganne the founding of Hospitals. Hauing long struggled, with indefatigable labour, to hold things in an euen course, during the whole raigne of this busie new state-buil­ding King, and after his death, seeing his successor in the Crowne (established especially by his meanes) to faile his expectation, out of the experience of worldly causes, deuining of future mischiefes by present courses, grew much to lament (with his friends) the teadiousnesse of life, which shortly after hee mildly left, which such a sicknesse, as neither hindred his speech nor memory: a thing he would often desire of God.

William Fiz Auber (as is deliuered) was a principall councellor and instument in this action for England; wherein hee furnished forty ships at his owne charge. A man of great meanes, yet of a heart greater, and a hand larger then any meanes would well suffice. His profuse liberalities to men of armes, gaue often sharpe offence to the King, who could not indure any such improuident expences. Amongst the Lawes hee William Fitz Auber Earle of Hereford, made Lawes in his Pro­uince. made (which shewes the power these Earles then had in their Prouinces) he ordained, That in the Countie of Hereford, no man of (or souldiour) should bee fined for anie offence whatsoeuer, aboue seuen shillings; when in other Countries, vpon the least occasion of disobeying their Lords will, they were forced to pay 20. or 25. shil. But his estate seeming to beare no proportion with his minde (& enough it was not to be an eminent Earle, an especiall Councellor, in all the affaires of England, and Normandie, a chiefe fa­uorite to so great a Monarch) but that larger hopes drew him away; designing to marrie Richeld, Countesse dowager of Flanders, and to haue the gouernment of that Countrie, during the non-age of Arnulph her sonne; of whom, with the King of France, he had the tutelarie charge, committed by Baldouin the sixth, Father to Arnulph; whose estate, Robert Le Frison, his Vncle (called by the people to the gouernment, vpon the exactions inflicted on them by Richeld) had vsurped. And against him Fitz Auber opposing, was with Arnulph surprized and slaine.

And this was in the fate of the Conqueror, to see most of all these great men, who had beene the especiall actors in all his fortunes, spent and extinct before him; As Beau­mont, Monfort, Harcourte, Hugh de Gourney, Vicount Neele, Hugh de Mortimer, Conte de Vannes &c. And now himselfe, after his being brought sicke to Rouan, and there dis­posing The death of William the first. his estate, ended also his act, in the 74 yeare of his age, and the one and twenty of his raigne.

Three dayes the Corpes of this great Monarch is sayd to haue layne neglected while [Page 43] his seruants attended to imbessill his moueables: in the end, his yongest sonne Henry, had it conueyed to the Abbey of Cane; where first at the entry into the Towne, they His Corps lay vnburied 3. dayes. who carried the Corpes, left it alone, and ran all to quench a house on fire: Afterward brought to be intombed, a Gentleman stands sorth, and in sterne manner, forbids the interment in that place, claiming the ground to be his inheritance, descended from his His interment hindered. Ancestors, and taken from him at the building of that Abbey, appealing to Row, their first founder, for Iustice: whereupon they were faine to compounded with him for an Annuall rent. Such adoe had the body of him after death (who had made so much in his life) to be brought to the earth; and of all he attained, had not now a roome to containe him, without being purchased at the hand of another, men esteeming a liuing Dogge more then a dead Lyon.

He had a faire issue by Maude his wife, foure sonnes, and sixe daughters. To Robert His issue. his eldest, he left the Duchy of Normandy: to William the third sonne, the Kingdome of England: to Henry the yongest, his treasure, with an annuall pension to be payd him by his brothers. Richard who was his second sonne, and his darling, a Prince of great hope, was slaine by a Stagge hunting in the new, Forrest, and began the fatalnesse that followed in that place, by the death of William the second, there slaine with an arrow, and of Richard, the sonne of Robert Duke of Normandy, who brake his necke.

His eldest daughter Cicilie, became a Nunne, Constance married to the Earle of Brit­taine: Adula to Stephen Earle of Biois, who likewise rendred her selfe a Nunne in her age; such was then their deuotion, and so much were these solitary retires, affected by the greatest Ladies of those times: Gundred married to William de Warrein, the first Earle of Surrey, the other two Ela or Adeliza and Margaret died before marriage.

Now, what he was in the circle of himselfe in his owne continent, we find him of The descrip­tion of William the first. an euen stature, comely personage, of good presence, riding, sitting, or standing, till his corpulency increasing with age, made him somewhat vnwildy, of so strong a con­stitution, as he was neuer sickly till a few moneths before his death. His strength such, as few men could draw his Bow, and being about 50. of his age, when he subdued this Kingdome, it seemes by his continuall actions, he felt not the weight of yeares vpon him, till his last yeare.

What was the composition of his mind; we see it (the fairest) drawne in his actions, and how his abilities of Nature, were answerable to his vndertakings of Fortune, as pre-ordained for the great worke he effected. And though he might haue some ad­uantage of the time, wherein we often see men preuaile more by the imbecility of o­thers, then their owne worth; yet let the season of that world be well examined, and a iust measure taken of his actiue vertues, they will appeare of an exceeding propor­tion: Nor wanted he those incounters and concurrencies of sufficient [...]le Princes, to put him to the triall thereof: Hauing on one side the French to grapple withall; on the other the Dane, farre mightier in people, and shipping then himselfe, strongly sided in this Kingdome, as eager to recouer their former footing here, as euer, and as well or better prepared. His deuotion and mercy.

For his deuotion and mercy, the brightest starres in the Spheare of Maiesty, they ap­peare aboue all his other vertues, and the due obseruation of the first, the Clergie (that loued him not) confesse: the other was seene, in the often pardoning, and receiuing into grace, those (who rebelled against him) as if he held submission satisfactory, for the greatest offence, and sought not to defeit men, but their enterprises: For we find but one Noble man executed in all his Raigne, and that was the Earle Waltheof, who But one Noble man executed in all the time of this Kings Raigne. had twice falsified his faith before: And those he held prisoners in Normandy, as the Earles Morchar and Siward, with Wolfnoth, the brother of Harald, and others (vpon compassion of their indurance) he released a little before his death.

Besides, he was as farre from suspition, as cowardize, and of that confidence (an especiall note of his magnanimity) as he gaue Edgar his competitor in the Crowne, the liberty of his Court: And (vpon his suite) sent him well furnisht to the holy warre, where he nobly behaued himselfe, and attained to great estimation, with the Empe­tours of Greece and Almaine, which might haue beene held dangerous, in respect of his [Page 44] alliances that way, being graund-child to the Emperour Henry the third. But these may be as well vertues of the Time, as of Men, and so the age must haue part of this commendation.

He was a benefactor to Nine Abbeys of Monkes, and one of Nunnes, founded by his Predicessors in Normandy, and during his owne time were founded in the same Prouince seuen Abbeys of Monkes and sixe of Nunnes; with which fortresses (as he His workes of piety. sayd) he furnisht Normandy; to the end men might therein fight against the flesh, and the Diuell. In England he founded a goodly Abbey, where he fought his first Battell, whereof it had the Denomination, and two Nunneries, one at Hinching-Brooke in Hun­tingdon shire, and the other at Armthewt in Cumberland, besides his other publique workes.

Magnificent he was in his Festiuals, which with great solemnity and ceremony (the formall entertainers of reuerence and respect) he duly obserued. Keeping his Christmas at Glocester, his Easter at Winchester, and Penticost at Westminster: whither he summo­ned his whole Nobility; that Embassadors and Strangers might see his State, and largenesse. Nor euer was he more milde and in dulgent, then at such times. And these Ceremonies his first Successor obserued; but the second omitted.

The Life, and Raigne, of William the second.

WILLIAM, second sonne to William the first, not attending his Fathers funerall, hasts into England to recouer the Crowne, where (by the especi­all 1087. Anno. Reg. 1. mediation of the Arch-bishop Lanfranc, his owne large bounty, and wide promises) he obtained it, according to his Fathers will; to whom, by his obsequiousnesse he had much indeered himselfe, especially after the abdication of his elder brother Robert. He was a Prince more gallant, then good, and hauing beene bred with the sword, alwayes in action, and on the better side of fortune, was of a nature rough, and haughty, whereunto, his youth, and Soueraignty ad­ded a greater widenesse. Comming to succeed in a Gouernment, fore-ruled by ma­ture, and graue Counsell, he was so ouer-whelmed with his Fathers worth and great­nesse, as made him appeare of a lesser Orbe then otherwise he would haue done. And then the shortnesse of his Raigne, being but of thirteene yeares; allowed him not time to recouer that opinion, which the errors of his first Gouernment had lost, or his ne­cessities caused him to commit. For, the succession in right of Primogeniture, being none of his, and the elder brother liuing: howsoeuer his fathers will was, he must now be put, and h [...] in possession of the Crowne of England, by the Will of the Kingdome; which to purchace (must be) by large conditions of relieuements in generall, and pro­fuse guifts in particular. Wherein he had the more to do, being to deale with a State consisting, of a two fold body (and different temperaments where any inflammation of discontent, was the more apt to take) hauing a head where-to it might readily ga­ther. Which made, that vnlesse he would lay more to their hopes then another, he could not hope to haue them firmely his. And therefore seeing the best way to winne the Normans, was by money, and the English, with liberties, he spared not at first, to bestow on the one, and to promise the other, more then befitted his estate, and dig­nity; which, when afterward failing, both in supplies (for great giuers must alwayes giue) and also in performances, got him farre more hatred then otherwise he could e­uet William the se­cond resumes his owne Graunts. haue had, being forced to all the dishonorable shifts for raising moneys that could be deuised, and euen to resume his owne former graunts.

And to begin at first to take the course to be euer needy, presently after his Coro­nation, he goes to Winchester, where his Fathers Treasure laye, and empties out all that; which, with great prouidence, was there amassed: whereby, though he wonne the loue of many, he lost more, being not able to content all. And now although his brother Robert had not (this great Engine) mony, he had to giue hopes: and there were here of the Normans, as Odon his Vnkle, Roger de Mongomery Earle of Shrewesbury, with [Page 45] others, who were mainly for him, and worke he doth all hee can, to batter his brothers fortunes, vpon their first foundation. And for this purpose borowes great summes of Robert of Nor­mandy bor­rowes summes of his brother Henry, to pur­chase the kingdome of England. his younger brother Henry (to whom the father and mother had left much Treasure) and for the same, ingages the Country of Constantine, and leauies an Army for England. But William newly inuested in the Crowne, though well prepared for all assaults, had rather purchase a present peace (by mediation of the Nobles on both sides) till time had better setled him in his gouernment) then to raise spirits that could not easily bee allayed. And an agreement betweene them is wrought, that William should hold the Crowne of England during his life, paying to Robert three thousand Markes Per annum.

Robert hauing closed this businesse, resumes by force the Country of Constantin out of his brother Henries hands, without discharge of those summes, for which hee had in­gaged it. Whereupon King William obrayds Henry (with the great gaine hee had made by his vsurie) in lending money to depriue him of his Crowne. And so Henry got the hatred of both his brothers, and hauing no place safe from their danger where to liue; surprized the Castle of Mount Saint Michel, fortifies him therein, gets ayde of Hugh Earle of Brittaine, and for his money was serued with Brittains, who committed great spoyles, in the Countries of Constantin and Bessin.

Odon, Bishop of Bayeux, returning into England, after his imprisonment in Norman­die, Odon for ma­lice to Lan­franc, seekes to distract the Kings forces. and restored to his Earledome of Kent, finding himselfe fo farre vnder what he had beene, and Lanfranc his concurrent, now the onely man in councell with the King, complots with as many Norman Lords as hee found, or made to affect change, and a new maister, and sets them on worke in diuers parts of the Realme to distract the Kings forces: as first Geoffery Bishop of Constans, with his nephew Robert de Mowbray Earle of Northumberland fortifie themselues in Bristow, and take in all the Country a­bout: Roger de Bigod, made himselfe strong in Northfolke: Hugh de Grandemenill about Leicester: Roger de Mongomerie Earle of Shrewsbury with a power of Welshmen, and other there about, sets out accom panied with William Bishop of Durham; Bernard de New­march, Roger Lacie, and Raulfe Mortimer, all Normans, and assaile the Citie of Worcester, making themselues strong in those parts. Odon himselfe fortifies the Castle of Roche­ster, makes good all the coast of Kent, sollicites Robert to vse what speed he could to come with all his power out of Normandie: which had hee done in time, and not gi­uen his brother so large oportunitie of preuention, he had carried the Kingdome; but his delay yeelds the King time to confirme his friends, vnder-worke his enemies, and The King vn­derworkes his enemies, by re­releeuing the doleances and granting for­mer freedoms to the English. make himselfe strong with the English, which he did by granting relaxation of tribute, with other relieuements of their doleances, and restoring them to their former freedom of hunting in all his woods and forests, a thing they much esteemed; whereby hee made them so strongly his, as hee soone brake the necke of all the Norman conspiracies (they being egar to reuenge them of that Nation) and here they learned first to beate their Conquerors, hauing the faire aduantage of this action, which cut the throates of many of them.

Mongomerie, being wonne fromhis complices, and the seuerall conspirators in other 1088. Anno. Reg. 2. parts represt, the King comes with an Army into Kent, where the head of the faction say, and first wonne the Castle of Tunbridge, and that of Pemsey, which Odon was forced to yeeld, and promise to cause those which defended that of Rochester, which were Eustace, Earle of Bologne, and the Earle of Mortaigne, to render likewise the same. But being brought thither to effect the businesse, they within, receiuing him, detayned him, as hee pretended, prisoner, and held out stoutly against the King vpon a false in­telligence giuen of the ariuall of Duke Rohert at Southampton, but in the end they were forced to quit the place, and retire into France, and Odon to abiure England.

And to keepe off the like danger from hence he transports his forces into Normandie, there to waste and weaken his brother at home. So, as might hold him from any future attempts abroad for euer after. Where first he obtaines Saint Valery, and after Albemarle with the whole Countrey of Eu, Fescampe, the Abathie of mount Saint Mi­chel, Cherburge, and other places. Robert seekes ayde of Philip King of France, who [Page 46] who comes downe with an Army into Normandy; but ouercome with the power of money wherewith King William assayled him, did him little good, and so retired.

Whereupon Duke Robert, in the end, was driuen to a dishonorable peace, conclu­ded Duke Robert driuen to peace. at Caen, with these Articles. First, that King William should hold the County of Eu, Fescampe, and all other places, which he had bought, and were deliuered vnto him, by William 1089. Anno. Reg. 3. Earle of Eu, and Stephen Earle of Aumal, sisters sonne to William the first. Secondly, He should aide the Duke to recouer all other peeces which belonged to his Father, and were vsurped from the Duchy. Thirdly, that such Normans, as had lost their estates in England, by taking part with the Duke, should be restored thereunto. Fourthly, that the suruiuer of either of them should succeed in the Dominions both of England and Normandy. After this peace made, by the mediation of the King of France, whilst William had a strong Army in the field, 1091. Anno. Reg. 4. Duke Robert requested his aide against their brother Henry; who still kept him in the fort of mount Michel, vpon his guard, holding it best for his safety: For beeing a Prince that could not subsist of himselfe (as an earthen vessell set amongst iron pots) he was euery way in danger to be crusht; and seeing he had lost both his brothers by doing the one a kindnesse, if he should haue tooke to either (their turne being serued) his owne might be in hazard; and so betooke him to this defence. Forty dayes the two Princes layde siege to this Castle; And one day, as the King was alone on the shore, there fallies out of the Fort, a Company of horse; whereof three ranne at him so vio­lently, and all strooke his horse together with their Launces; as they brake pectorall, girses, and all, that the horse slips away, and leaues the King, and the saddle on the ground: the King takes vp the saddle with both hands, and therewith defends him­selfe The Kings vn­daunted valor. till rescue came; and being blamed by some of his people for putting himselfe thus in perill of his life to saue his saddle, answered: It would haue angred him, the Bretons The King and his two breth­ren agreed. should haue bragged, they had wonne the saddle from vnder him; and how great an indignity it was, for a King to suffer inferiours to force any thing from him.

In the end Henry grew to extreame want of drinke and water; although he had all 1092. Anno. Reg. 5. other prouision sufficient within his Fort, and sends to Duke Robert that he might haue his necessity supplied: The Duke sends him a Tunue of Wine, and graunts him truce for a day to furnish him with water. Wherewith William being displeased, Duke Robert told him: It was hard to deny a brother meate, and drinke which craued it, and that if he perisht, they had not a brother. Wherewith William likewise relenting, they sent for Henry, and an agreement is made; That he should hold in morgage the Countrey of Constantine, till the money was paide, and a day appointed to receiue it at Rouen.

Which accord King William the rather wrought, to draw as much from Robert as he might, whom by this voyage he not onely had wasted, but possest himselfe of a safe and continuall landing place, with a part of his Duchy: and caused him to put from him, and banish out of Normandy; Edgar Etheling, whom Robert held his Pensioner, and as a stone in his hand, vpon all occasions to threaten William with anothers right, if his owne preuailed not: And besides, he wrought so as either through promise of mony, or some farther ratification to be made here, he brought his brother Robert with him ouer into England, and tooke him along in an expedition against Malcolm, who had incroched vpon his Territories, during his absence. Which businesse being determi­ned without battell, Robert, soone after returnes much discontented into Normandy, and as it seemes, without money to satisfie his brother Henry. Who repairing to Rouan Duke Robert commits his brother Henry to prison. at his day appointed, in stead of receiuing it, was committed to prison, and before he could be released, forced to renounce the Countrey of Constantine, and sweare neuer to claime any thing in Normandy.

Henry complaines of this grosse iniustice, to Philip King of France, who gaue him a faire entertainement in his Court. Where he remained not long, but that a Knight of 1093. Anno. Reg. 6. Normandy, named Hachard, vndertaking to put him into a Fort (maugre his brother Robert) within the Duchy; conueyed him disguised out of the Court, and wrought so, as the Castle of Dampfront was deliuered vnto him: whereby shortly after, he got all the Countrey of Passays, about it, and a good part of Constantine, by the secret aide of King William, Richard de Riuteres, and Roger de Manneuile.

[Page 47]Duke Robert leuies forces, and eagerly wrought to recouer Dampfront, but finding how Henry was vnderset, inueighes against the perfidie of his brother of England: in so much as the flame of rankor burst out againe more then euer. And ouer, passes King William with a great Army, but rather to terrifie, then do any great matter; as a Prince that did more contend, then warre; and would be great with the sword, yet seldome desired to vse it; if he could get to his ends by any other meanes, seeking rather to buy his peace, then winne it.

Many skirmishes interpassed, with surprisements of Castles, but in the end a treaty of peace was propounded: wherein to make his conditions, what he would; King William seemes hard to be wrought, and makes the more shew of force; sending ouer into England for an Army of thirty thousand men, which being brought to the shore, ready to be shipped: an offer was made to be proclaimed by his Lieftenant, that gi­uing ten shillings a man, whosoeuer would, might depart home to his dwelling. Whereby was raised so much as discharged his expence, and serued to see the King of France, vnder-hand, for his forbearing aide to Duke Robert, who seeing himselfe left by the French, must needes make his peace as the other would haue it.

Now for his affaires at home, the vncertaine warres with Wales, and Scotland, gaue him more businesse then honour. Being driuen in the one to incounter with moun­taines in stead of men, to the great losse and disaduantage of his people, and in the o­ther with as many necessities, Wales, he sought to subdue; Scotland so to restraine, as it might not hurt him. For the last, after much broyle, both Kings, seeming more wil­ling to haue peace then to seeke it, are brought to an enteruiew. Malcolin vpon pub­licke faith, and safe-conduit came to Glocester; where, vpon the haughtinesse of King William, looking to be satisfied in all his demaunds, and the vnyeeldingnesse of King Malcolin, standing vpon his regality within his owne, though content to be ordered for the confines, according to the iudgement of the Primate of both Kingdomes; no­thing 1084. Anno. Reg. 7. was effected; but a greater disdaine, and rankor in Malcolin, seeing himselfe dis­pised, and scarce looked on, by the King of England. So that vpon his returne, armed with rage; he raises an Army, enters Northumberland, which foure times before he had depopulated; and now the fifth, seeking vtterly to destroy it, and to haue gone, far­ther, The King of Scots, & his son Edward slaine, causes Queene Margaret to dy with griefe. Roger Houeden. was, with his eldest sonne Edward slaine, rather by the fraude then power of Robert Mowbray Earle of that County: The griefe of whose deaths, gaue Margaret, that bles­sed Queene, hers. After whom, the State elected Dufnald, brother to Malcolin, and chased out all the English, which attended the Queene, and were harbored, or prefer­red by Malcolin. King William to set the line right, and to haue a King there which should be beholding to his power, aides Edgar, the second sonne to Malcolin (who had serued him in his wars) to obtaine the Crowne due vnto him in right of succession: by whose meanes, Dufnald was expeld, and the State receiued Edgar, but killed all the aide he brought with him out of England, and capitulated that he should neuer more entertaine English or Norman in his seruice.

This businesse setled; Wales strugling for liberty, and reuenge, gaue new occasion of 1085. Anno. Reg. 8. worke: whither he went in person, with purpose to depopulate the Countrey: but they (retiring into the Mountaines and the Isle of Anglesey) auoided the present furie. But afterward, Hugh Earle of Shrewsbury, and Hugh Earle of Chester, surprising the Isle (their chiefest retreit) committed there, barbarous examples of cruelty, by exoeca­tions, and miserable dismembring the people, which immanity, was there suddenly a­uenged on the Earle of Shrewsbury with a double death, first shot into the eye, and then tumbling ouer-boord into the sea, to the sport and scorne of his enemy the King of Norway, who either by chance, or of purpose, comming vpon that coast from taking in the Orchades, encountred with him and that force he had at sea.

These were the remote businesses, when a conspiracy brake out within the body of the Kingdome, complotted by Robert Mowbray Earle of Northumberland, William d'Ou, and many others, who are sayd to haue sought the destruction of the King, and the aduancement of Stephen Earle of Albemare, his Aunts sonne, to the Crowne, which gaue the King more trouble then danger: for, by the speedy and maine prosecution of the businesse [Page 48] (wherein hee vsed the best strength of England) it was soone ended, with the confusion of the vndertakers. But it wrought an ill effect in his na­ture, by hardening the same to an extreme rigor: for after the feare was past, his wrath, and cruelty were not; but (which is hideous in a Prince) they grew to bee num­bred amongst incurable diseases.

The Earle was committed to the Castle of Windsor, William d' Ou at a Councell at Salisbury being ouercome in Duell (the course of triall) had his eyes put out, and his priuie members cut off. William de Alueric, his Sewer, a man of goodly personage, and allyed vnto him, was condemned to be hanged: though both in his confession to Osmond the Bishop there, and to all the people as hee passed to his execution, hee left a cleere opinion of his innocency, and the wrong, hee had by the King.

But now; whilst these fractures heere at home, the vnrepairable breaches abroad, (were such) as could giue the King no longer assurednesse of quiet, then the attempters would: and that all the Christian world was out, either at discord amongst them­selues, or in faction, by the schisme of the Church; Pope Viban, assembling a generall Councell at Cleirmont in Auergne, to compose the affaires of Christendome, exhorted all the Princes thereof, to ioyne themselues in action, for the recouery of the Holy Land, out of the hands of infidels. Which motion, by the zealous negotiation of Pe­ter the Hermit of Amiens; tooke so generally (meeting with the disposition of an actiue, and religious world) as turn'd all that flame; which had else consumed each other at home, vpon vnknowne Nations that vndid them abroad.

Such, and so great grew the heate of this action, made by the perswasion of the Iu­stice thereof, with the state and glory it would bring on earth, and the assurednesse of heauen to all the pious vndertakers, that none were esteemed to containe any thing of worth, which would stay behind. Each giues hand to other to leade them along, and example addes number. The forwardnesse of so many great Princes, passing a­way Peter the Her­mit gets 300000 men to recouer the Holy Land. their whole estates, and leauing all what the deerenesse of their Country contai­ned, drew to this warre 300000 men; all which, though in armes, passed from diuerse Countries and Ports, with that quietnesse, as they seemed rather Pilgrimes than Souldiers.

Godefrey of Bouillon, Nephew and heire to the Duke of Lorraine, a generous Prince, bred in the warres of the Emperour Henry the fourth, was the first that offered vp himselfe to this famous voyage; and with him his two brothers, Eustace, and Baudo­uin, by whose examples were drawne Hugh le Grand, Count de Vermondois, brother to Philip King of France. Robert Duke of Normandy, Robert le Frison, Earle of Flanders. Ste­phen Earle of Blois, and Chartres. Aimar Bishop of Puy, William Bishop of Orange: Rai­mond Earle of Tholouse: Baudouin Earle of Hainaut, Baudouin, Earle of Rethel, and Gar­nier Earle of Gretz: Harpin Earle of Bourges: Ysoard Earle of Die: Ramband Earle of Orange: Guillaum Conte de Forests, Stephen Conte de Aumaul: Hugh Earle of Saint Pol; Rotron Earle of Perche, and others. These were for France, Germany, and the Countries adioyning. Italie had Bohemond Duke of Apulia; and England, Beauchampe, with others, whose names are lost: Spaine onely had none, being afflicted at that time with the Sarazins.

Most of all these Princes and great personages to furnish themselues for this ex­pedition, 1097. Anno. Reg. 10. sold, or ingaged their possessions. Godefrey sold the Dutchie of Bologne to Aubert Bishop of Liege, and Metz to the Citizens: besides he sold the Castle of Sar­teney, and Monsa to Richard Bishop of Verdun: and to the same Bishop, Baudouin, his brother, sold the Earledome of Verdun. Eustace likewise sold all his liuelihood to the Church. Herpin Earle of Bourges, his Earledome to Philip King of France: and Robert morgaged his Dutchie of Normandie, the Earledome of Maine, and all hee had, to his brother King William of England. Whereby the Pope not onely weakened the Em­pire, with whom the Church had (to the great affliction of Christendome) held a long, and bloudie businesse, about the inuestitures of Bishops; tooke away and infeobled his partisans, abated, as if by Ostrocisme, the power of any Prince that might oppose him, but also aduanced the State Ecclesiasticall by purchasing these great tempo| [Page 49] (more honorable for the sellers then the buyers) vnto a greater meanes then euer. For by aduising the vndertakers, seeing their action was for CHRIST and his Church: rather to make ouer their estates to the Clergie, of whom they might againe redeeme the same, and bee sure to haue the fayrest dealing; then vnto Lay men; he effected this worke. Whereby the third part of the best Fiefs in France came to bee possest by the Clergie: and afterward vpon the same occasion, many things more sold vnto them in England, especially when Richard the first vndertooke the voyage, who passed ouer diuers Mannors to Hugh Bishop of Durham (and also for his mony) created him Earle of Durham, as appeares in his life.

This humor was kept vp, and in motion almost 300 yeares, notwithstanding all An Emperour of Germany, 2 Kings of France with their wiues, a King of Eng­land, and a King of Nor­wey went all thither in per­son. the discouragements, by the difficulties in passing, the disasters there through contagi­on arising from a disagreeing clime: and the multitudes of indigent people, cast of­tentimes into miserable wants. It consumed infinit Treasure, and most of the bra­uest men of all our West world, and especially France. For Germanie, and Italie, those who were the Popes friends, and would haue gone, were stayed at home by dispen­sation to make good his partie against the Emperour, who notwithstanding still strugled with him; but in the end, by this meanes the Pope preuailed. Yet these were not all the effects this voyage wrought: the Christians who went out to seeke an enemy in Asia, brought one thence: to the daunger of all Christendome, and the losse of the fairest part thereof. For this long keeping it in a warre, that had many inter­missions with firs of heates and coldnesses (as made by a league, consisting of seuerall Nations, emulous, and vnconcurrent in their courses) taught such, as were of an entire bodie, their weakenesses, and the way to conquer them. This was the great effect, this voyage wrought.

And by this meanes King William here was now ridde of an elder brother, and a Competitor, had the possession of Normandy during his raigne, and more absolutenesse, and irregularity in England. Where now, in making vp this great summe to pay Ro­bert, he vsed all the extreme meanes could be deuised: as hee had done in all like bu­sinesses before. Whereby he incurred the hatred of his people in generall, and espe­cially of the Clergie, being the first King which shewed his successors an euill prece­dent of keeping their Liuings vacant, and receiuing the profits of them himselfe, as he did that of Canterbury, foure yeares after the death of Lanfranc: and had holden it lon­ger, but that being dangerously sicke at Glocester, the sixth yeare of his raigne, his Cler­gie, in the weakenesse of his body, tooke to worke vpon his minde, so as hee vowed, 1099. Anno. Reg. 12. vpon his recouerie to see all vacancies furnished, which he did, but with so great adoe, as shewed that hauing escaped the daunger hee would willingly haue deceiued the Saint. And Anselme, an Italian borne, though bred in Normandy, is in the end preferred to that Sea. But, what with his owne stiffenesse, and the Kings standing on his rega­litie, he neuer enioyed it quietly vnder him. For betweene them two, began the first contestation about the inuestitures of Bishops, and other priuiledges of the Church, which gaue much to doe, to many of his successors. Anselme not yeelding to the Kings will, forsooke the Land, whereupon his Bishopricke was re-assumed and the King held in his hands at one time, besides that of Canterburie, the Bi­shoprickes of Winchester, Sarum, and eleuen Abbayes whereof he tooke all the profits.

He vsually sold all spirituall preferments those would giue most, and tooke fines of Priests for fornication: he vexed Robert Bluet Bishop of Lincolne in suite, till hee payd him 5000 pounds. And now the Clergie, vpon this taxe, complaying their wants, were answered, That they had Shrines of Gold in their Churches, and for so holy a worke, as this warre against infidels, they should not spare them. Hee also tooke money of Iewes, to cause such of them as were conuerted, to renounce Christianity, as making more benefit The Kings shew of reli­gion. by their vnbeleefe, then their conuersion. Wherein hee discouered the worst peece of his nature, Irreligion.

Besides his great taxations layd on the Layetie, he set informers vpon them, and for The antiquity of Informers. small transgressions made great penalties. These were his courses for raysing moneys, [Page 50] wherein he failed not of fit Ministers to execute his will, among whom was chiefe, Ranulph Bishop of Durham, whom he had corrupted with other Bishops to counterpoise This Raunlph gaue a thou­sand pounds for his Bisho­pricke, and was the Kings Chancellour. Profusion euer in want. the Clergie, awe the Layety, and countenance his proceedings. All which meanes, he exhausted, either in his buildings (which were the new Castle vpon Tine, the Citty of Carleil, Westminster-Hall, and the walles of the Tower of London) or else in his prodi­gall gifts to strangers. Twice he appeased the King of France with money, and his Pro­fusion was such, as put him euermore into extreme wants.

This one Act, shewes both his violence and magnanimity: As he was one day hun­ting, a Messenger comes in all haste out of Normandy, and tels him how the Citty of Mans was surprised by Hely Conte de la Flesche (who by his Wife pretended right ther­unto, and was aided by Fouques d' Angiers, the antient enemy to the Dukes of Nor­mandy) and that the Castle which held out valiantly for him, was, without present suc­cour, to be rendered. He sends backe the Messenger instantly, wils him to make all the speed he could, to signifie to his people in the Castle, that he would be there with­in eight daies, if Fortune hindred him not. And sodainely he askes of his people about him, which way Mans lay, and a Norman being by, shewed him: Presently he turnes his Horse towards that Coast, and in great haste rides on: when some aduised him to stay for fit prouisons, and people for his iourney, hee said; They who loue mee, will follow me. And comming to imbarke at Dartmouth, the Maister told him the weather was rough, and there was no passing without eminent danger; Tush, said he, set forward, I neuer yet heard of King that was drowned.

By breake of day he arriued at Harfleu, sends for his Captaines, and men of warre to attend him all at Mans, whither hee came at the day appointed. Conte de la Flesche, ha­uing more right than power, after many skirmishes, was taken by a stratagem, and brought prisoner to Rouen; where, more inraged, then dismaide with his fortune, he let fall these words; that had hee not beene taken with a wile, hee would haue left the King but little Land on that side the sea, and were hee againe at libertie, they should not so easily take him. Which being reported; the King sent for him, Set him at liber­tie, gaue him a faire Horse, bad him goe his waie, and doe his worst. Which act ouer­came the Conte more then his taking, and a quiet end was made betweene them. That he affected things of cost, euen in the smallest matters (is shewed) in the report of his finding fault with his seruant, which brought him a new paire of hose, whereof he de­manding the price, was told how they cost threc shillings, wherewith being angrie, he asked his seruant if that were a fit price of a paire of hose for a King, and willed him to goe presently and to buy those of a marke, which being brought him though they were farre worse, yet he liked them much better in regard they were said to haue cost more. An example of the Weare of the time, the humor of the Prince, and the deceipt of the seruant.

The King returnes into England with great iollity, as euer bringing home better fortune out of Normandy, then from any his Northerne expeditions: Feasts his Nobili­tie with all Magnificence, in his new Hall, lately finished at Westminster, wherewith he found much fault for being built too little; saying, It was fitter for a Chamber, then a Hallfor a King of England, and takes a plot for one farre more spacious to be added vn­to it. And in this gayetie of State, when hee had got aboue all his businesses, betakes him wholly to the pleasure of peace, and being hunting with his Brother Henry in the New Forrest, Walter Terell, a Norman, and his kinsman, shooting at a Deere (whether mistaking his marke, or not, is vncertaine) strake him to the heart. And so fell this fierce King, in the 43 yere of his age when he had raigned nie 12 yeres. A Prince, who for the first two yeares of his raigne (whilst held in, by the graue counsell of Lanfrance, and his owne feares) bare himselfe most worthily, and had beene absolute for State; had hee not after sought to bee absolute in power, which (meeting with an exorbitant will) makes both Prince, and people miserable.

The Life, and Raigne, of Henry the first.

HHNRY the yongest sonne of William the first, being at hand, and 1100 Anno. Reg. 1. borne in England (which made much for him) was elected and crowned within foure dayes after his Brothers death; it being giuen out, that Ro­bert, who should haue succeeded William, was chosen King of Ierusalem, and not like to giue ouer that Kingdome for this. Wherefore to set­tle Henry in the possession of the Crowne, all expedition possible was vsed, least the report of Roberts returning from the Holy warres (being now in Apulia, comming home) might be noysed abroad to stagger the State, which seemed generally willing to accept of Henry. The first actions of his gouernment tended all, to bayte the people, and sugar their subiection (as his predecessor) vpon the like interposition had done, but with more moderation and aduisednesse: this being a Prince better rectified in iudgement, and of a Nature more alayed, both by his sufferings, hauing sighed with other men vnder the hand of oppression, that taught him patience; & also, by hauing somewhat of the Booke, which got him opinion, & the Title of Beauclarke.

First, to fasten the Clergy, Hee furnishes with fit men, all those Vacancies which his Brother had kept emptie, recals Anselme home to his Bishopricke of Canterbury, and restores them to all whatsoeuer priuiledges had beene infringed by his Predecessor. And for the Layetie, Hee not onely pleased them in their releeuements, but in their pas­sion, by punishing the chiefe Ministers of their exactions, which euermore eases the The ministers of exactions punished. spleene of the people, glad to discharge their Princes of the euills done them (knowing how they cannot worke without hands) and lay them on their Officers, who haue the actiue power, where themselues haue but the passiue, and commonly turne as they are mooued.

Ralph Bishop of Durham, chiefe Counsellor to the late King, a man risen by subtlety, Ralph Bishop of Durham committed to prison. of his Tongue (from infimous condition, to the highest employments) was committed to a streight and loathsome prison, being famed to haue put his Maister into all these courses of exaction, and irregularities, and remaines amongst the examples of perpetu­all ignominie. All dissolute persons are expelled the Court: the people cased of their impositions, and restored to their lights in the night, which after the Couerfeu Bell were Dissolute per­sons expelled the Court. forbidden them vpon great penalty, since the beginning of William the first. Many o­ther good orders for the gouernment of the Kingdome are ordained, and besides to make him the more popular and beloued, hee matches in the Royall bloud of England, taking to wife Maude, daughter of Margueret, late Queene of Scots, and Neece to Ed­gar Atheling, descended from Edmond Ironside, A Lady that brought with her the in­heritance of goodnesse shee had from a blessed mother, and with much adoe was won from her Cloister, and her vow to God, to discend to the world, and be a wife to a King.

Thus stood he entrenched in the State of England, when his brother Robert returning from the holy warres, and receiued with great applause into his Dutchy of Normandy, Robert Duke of Normandy returnes from the holy warre. shakes the ground of all this businesse: the first yeare threatning, the second, arri­uing with a strong Army at Portsmouth, to recouer the Crowne, appertayning vnto him by the course of succession hauing a mighty partie in England of the Norman Nobility; who either mooued with Conscience or their discontent (a sickenesse rising of selfe 1101. Anno. Reg. 2. opinion, and ouer expectation) made any light occasion the motiue of reuolt. The Ar­mies on both fides meete, and are readie to encounter, when, for auoyding Christian bloud, a treatie of peace was moued, and in the end concluded with these Articles: 1. That seeing Henry was borne since his father was King of England, which made him the The agree­ment between Henry and his brother. eldest sonne of a King, though the last of a Duke and now inuested in the Crowne by the act of the Kingdome, hee should enioy the same during his life, paying to Robert 3000 markes per annum. 2. And Robert suruiuing, to succeed him. 3. That all, who had taken part with Robert should haue their pardon, and receiue no detriment. 1102. Anno. Reg. 3.

This businesse thus fairely passed ouer, Robert of a generous and free Nature, staies and feasts with his Brother here in England, from the beginning of August till [Page 52] Michaelmas, and then returnes into Normandy. When Henrie, ridde of this feare, takes Henry claymes the inuesti­tu [...]es of Bi­shops. to a higher straine of Regality, and now stands vpon his Prerogatiue, for the inuesti­tures of Bishops, and collation of other Ecclesiasticall estates, within his kingdome, oppugned by Anselme, who refused to consecrate such as he preferred, alledging it to Anselm op­pugnes the Kings prero­gatiue. be a violation of the Sacred Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, lately Decreed con­cerning this businesse: in so much as the King dispatches an Ambassage to Pope Pas­chal, with declaration of the right hee had to such inuestitures, from his Predecessours, the Kings of England, who euermore conferred the same without interruption, till now The King sends to the Pope. of late.

Anselme followes after these Ambassadours, goes likewise to Rome, to make good the opposition. The King banishes him the Kingdome, and takes into his hands his 110. Anno. Reg. 4. Bishopricke. The Pope stands stifly to the power assumed by the Church, but in the end, seeing the King fast, strong, and lay too farre off out of his way to bee constrained (and hauing much to doe at that time with the Emperour, and other Princes, about the same businesse) takes the way of perswasion to draw him to his will, solliciting him Anselme fol­lowes Vide Append. with kind Letters, full of protestations, to further any designes of his, that might con­cerne his State, if he would desist from this proceeding.

The King prest with some other occasions, that held him in, and hauing purposes of The King and Anselm accor­ded. that Nature, as by forbearance of the Church, might be the better effected, consents to satisfie the Popes will: and becomes an example to other Princes, of yeelding in this case. Anselme is re-called, after a yeares bannishment, and the Ambassadours returne with large remunerations.

Whilest these things were managing at Rome, there burst out here a flame, which The Earle of Shrewsburies combination. consumed the parties that raised it, and brought the King more easily to his ends, then otherwise he could euer haue expected. Robert de Belesme, Earle of Shrewsbury, sonne to Roger de Mongomerie (a very fierce youth) presuming of his great estate, and his friends, fortifies his Castles of Shrewsburie, Bridgenorth, Tickhill, and Arundel, with some other peeces in Wales belonging to him; and combines with the Welch, to oppose against the present State (out of a desire to set all in combustion, for his owne ends, that were altogether vncertaine) which put the King to much trauell and charge: but within thirty dayes, by employing great forces, and terrors mixt with promises, hee scattered his complices, and tooke all his Castles; except that of Arundell, which rendred vpon condition, that the Maister might bee permitted to retire safe into Normandie; which the King easily granted, seeing now hee was but the body of a silly naked Creature, that had lost both Feathers and wings. And it made well for the King, his going thi­ther. For, from the loosing of his owne estate in England, and thereby aduancing the Kings reuenues, hee goes to loose Normandy also, and brings it to this Crowne. For, as soone as he came thither, hee fastens amity with one of like condition, and fortunes as himself (an exiled man) whose insolency had likewise stript him out of all his estate in 1104. Anno. Reg. 5. England, and much wasted that in Normandy, which was William Earle of Mortaigne, sonne to Robert, halfe Brother to King William the first. Who being also Earle of Corne­wal, made sute likewise, to haue that of Kent: which his Vncle Odon lately held, but be­ing denied it, and also euicted by Law, of certaine other parcels of Land, which hee claimed, retires with great indignation into Normandy, where not only he assaults the Kings Castles, but also vsurpes vpon the State of Richard, the yong Earle of Chester, then the Kings Ward. These two Earles combine themselues, and with their Adherents committed many outragious actions, to the great spoile and displeasure of the Coun­trey, whereof, though they complained to Duke Robert, they found little remedy. For, he being now growne poore by his out-lauishing humour, began it seemes, to be little respected: or else falne from action, and those greatnesses his expectation had shewed him, was (as commonly great mindes dasht with ill fortunes are) falne likewise in spirit, and giuen ouer to his ease. Wherupon the the people of Normandy make their exclama­tions to the King of England, who sends for his Brother Robert, Reprehends him for the sufferance of these disorders; aduises him to act the part of a Prince, and not a Monke: and in conclusion, whither by detention of his pension, or drawing him, being of a [Page 53] facile Nature, to some act of releasing it: sends him home so much discontented, as hee 1105. Anno. Reg. 6. ioynes with these mutinous Earles, and by their instigation, was set into that flame, as he raised all his vtmost forces to be reuenged on his brother.

The King, touched in Conscience with the fowlenesse of a fraternall war (which the world would take he being the mightier to proceed out of his designes) stood douot­full what to doe, when Pope Paschall, by his Letters written with that eloquence (saith Malmesburie) wherein hee was quicke perswaded him, That herein hee should not make a ciuill Warre, but doe a Noble and memorable benefit vnto his Countrey. Whereby (paide for remitting the Inuestitures) hee held himselfe countenanced in this businesse. Whereon, now he sets with more alacrity and resolution. And after many difficulties, and losse of diuers worthy men, in a mighty battaile, neere the Castle of Tenechbray, his England wins Normandic. enemies with much adoe, were all defeated. Whereby England won Normandy, and on the same day, by Computation (wherein forty yeares before) Normandy ouer-came England, such are the turnings in the affaires of men.

And here Robert, who stood in a faire possibility of two Crownes, came to bee de­priued 1106. Anno. Reg. 7. of his Dutchy and all hee had, brought prisoner into England, and committed to the Castle of Cardiffe. Where, to adde to his misery, hee had the misfortune of a long life (suruiuing after he lost himselfe 26 yeares) whereof the most part he saw not, hauing his eyes put out, whereby he was onely left to his thoughts, a punishment barbarously Robert Duke of Normandy is imprisoned by King Hen. inflicted on him, for attempting an escape.

He was a Prince, that gaue out to the world, very few notes of his ill, but many of his Noblenesse and valour, especially in his great voyage, wherein hee had the second command, and was in election to haue beene the first preferred to the Crowne of Ie­rusalem, and missed it hardly. Onely the disobedience in his youth shewed to his Fa­ther (which yet might proceed from a rough hand borne ouer him, and the animation of others, rather then his owne Nature) sets a staine vpon him: and then, his profusion (which some would haue liberality) shewed his impotency, and put him into those courses that ouerthrew him. All the Reuenues of his Dutchy, which should serue for his maintenance, hee sold or engaged, and was vpon passing the City of Roan vnto the Cittizens, which made him held vnfit for the gouernment, and gaue occasion to his Brother to quarrell with him.

And thus came Henry sreed from this feare and absolute Duke of Normandy: had King Henry Duke of Nor­mandy. many yeares of quiet, gathered great Treasure, & entertained good intelligence with the Neighbour Princes. Scotland, by his Match, and doing their Princes good, hee held from doing him hurt; clearing them from vsurpations. Wales, though vnder his Title, yet not subiection, gaue him some exercise of action; which he ordered with great wis­dome. First he planted within the body of that Countrey, a Colony of Flemings, who at that time much pestred this Kingdome: being admitted heere in the raigne of King William the first, marrying their Country woman, and vsing their helpe in the action of England, where they dayly encreased, in such sort, as gaue great displeasure to the peo­ple. But by this meanes, both that grieuance was eased, and the vse of them made pro­fitable to the State: for being so great a number, and a strong people, they made roome for themselues, and held it in that sort, as they kept the Welch, all about them, in verie good awe. Besides, the King tooke for Ostages the chiefe mens sonnes of the Coun­try, and hereby quieted it. For France hee stood secure, so long as Phillip the first liued: who, wholly giuen ouer to his ease and Luxury, was not for other attempts, out of that course: but his sonne he was to looke vnto, whensoeuer he came to that Crowne.

With the Earle of Flanders he had some debate, but it was onely in words, and vpon 1107. Anno. Reg. 8. this occasion. King William the first, in retribution of the good his father in law, Bal­douin the fift had done, by ayding him in the action of England, gaue him yearely three hundred markes, and likewise continued it to his sonne after him. Now, Robert Earle of Flaunders, of a collaterall line, returning empty from the Holy warres, and finding this summe paide out of England to his Predecessors, demaunds the same of King Henrie, as his due; who not easie to part with money, sends him word; that it was not the custome of the Kings of England to pay tribute: If they gaue pensions they were [Page 54] temporary, and according to desert. Which answere so much displeased the Earle, that though himselfe liued not to shew his hatred, yet his Sonne did, and ayded after­ward William, the sonne of Robert Curtoys, in his attempts, for recouery of the Dutchy of Normandy, against King Henry.

Thus stood this King in the first part of his raigne: in the other, hee had more to doe abroad then at home, where hee had by his excellent wisdome so setled the go­uernment, as it held a steady course without interruption, all his time. But now Lewis le Grosse, succeeding his father Philip the first, gaue him warning to looke to his State of Normandy: and for that he would not attend a quarrell, he makes one; taking occasion about the City of Gisors, scituate on the Riuer Epre, in the confines of Nor­mandy, King Henry quarrels with the King of France. whilst Louys was trauailed with a stubborne Nobility, presuming vpon their Franchises, within their owne Signories, whereof there were many, at that time, about Paris, as the Contes of Crecy, Pissaux, Dammartin, Champaigne, and others, who by ex­ample, and emulation, would bee absolute Lords, without awe of a Maister, putting themselues vnder the protection of Henry, wo being neere to assist them, fostred those humors, which in sicke bodies most shew themselues. But after Louys, by yeares ga­thering strength, dissolued that compact, and made his meanes the more, by their con­fiscations.

Now to entertaine these two great Princes in worke, the quarrell betweene the Pope and the Emperour, ministred fresh occasion. The Emperor Henry the fift, ha­uing 1108. Anno. Reg. 9. (by the Popes instigation) banded against his Father, Henry the fourth, who asso­ciated him in the Empire, and held him prisoner in that distresse, as hee died, toucht af­terwards with remorse of this act, and reproach of the State, for abandoning the rights of the Empire, leauies sixty thousand foote, and thirty thousand horse, for Italy, con­straines the Pope and his Coledge to acknowledge the rights of the Empire, in that forme as Leo the fourth, had done to Otho the second, and before that, The Popes Oath to the Emperour. Adrian to Charlemaigne, according to the Decree of the Counsell of Rome, and made him take his Oath of fidelity betweene his hands, as to the true and lawfull Emperour. The Pope, so soone as Henry was departed home, as­sembles a Counsell, nullifies this acknowledgement, as done by force, and shortly after deceased. The Emperour, to make himselfe the stronger against his successors, enters in­to aliance with the King of England, takes to wife his daughter Maud, being but fiue The Emperor Hen. 5. marries Maud. yeares of age. After this, Calixte sonne of the Conte de Burgogne, comming to be Pope, and being French (vnto their great applause) assembles a Counsell at Reimes; were, by Ecclesiasticall sentence, Henry the fift is declared enemy of the Church, and degraded of his Imperiall Dignity. The King of England, seeing this Counsell was held in France, and composed chiefely of the Galicane Church, desirous to ouer-maister Louys, incenses his sonne in law the Emperour (stung with this disgrace) to set vpon him (as the Popes chiefe piller) on one side, and he would assaile him on the other. The Emperour easily wrought to such a businesse, prepares all his best forces: the King of England doth the like. The King of France seeing this storme comming so impetuously vpon him, wrought so with the Princes of Germany, as they, weighing the future mischiefe of a warre, vndertaken in a heate, with the importance of a kind Neighbour-hood, aduise the Emperour not to enter thereinto, till hee had signifyed to the King of France, the Historie of France. cause of his discontent. Whereupon an Embassage is dispatched: The King of Fraunce answers, That hee grieued much to see the two greatest Pillars of the Church, thus shaken with these dissentions, whereby might bee feared, the whole frame would bee ruined: that hee was friend to them both, and would gladly bee an inter-dealer for con­cord, rather then to carry wood to a fire too fierce already, which hee desired to extin­guish, for the good and quiet of Christendome. This Embaslage wrought so, as it disarmed the Emperour, glad to haue Louys a mediator of the accord betweene the The King of France ac­cords the Pope and Emperour. Pope and him: to the great displeasure of the King of England, who expected greater matters to haue risen by this businesse. The accord is concluded at Wormes, to the Popes aduantage, to whom the Emperor yeelds vp the right of inuestitures of Bishops and other Benefices. But this was onely to appease, not cure the malady.

[Page 55]The King of England disappointed thus of the Emperours assistance, proceeds not­withstanding in his intentions against Louys. And seeing he failed of outward forces, he sets vp a party in his Kingdome, to confront him: aiding Theobald, Conte de Cham­paigne, King Henry aides Conte Theobald a­gainst the king of France. with so great power, as he stood to do him much displeasure: besides, he ob­tained a strong side in that Kingdome, by his aliances: for Stephen, Earle of Blois, had married his sister Adela, to whom this Theobald was Brother, and had wonne Foulke, Earle of Aniou (an important neighbour, and euer an enemy to Normandy) to be his, by matching his sonne William to his daughter.

Louys on the other side, failes not to practise all meanes to vnder-worke Henries e­state The King of France com­bines with the Earle of Flan­ders, against King Henry. in Normandy, and combines with William, Earle of Flanders, for the restoring of William, the sonne of Robert Curtoys, to whom the same appertained by right of inheri­tance: and had the fairer shew of his actions, by taking hold on the side of Iustice.

Great, and many, were the conflicts betweene these two Princes, with the expence of much bloud and charge. But in the end, being both tyred, a peace was concluded, 1116. Anno. Reg. 17. by the mediation of the Earle of Aniou. And William, sonne to King Henry, did ho­mage to Louys for the Duchy of Normandy: And William, the sonne of Robert Curtoys, is left to himselfe, and desists from his claime.

Vpon the faire cloze of all these troubles, there followed presently an accident, which seasoned it with that sowernesse of griefe, as ouercame all the ioy of the successe. Wil­liam the young Prince, the onely hope of all the Norman race, at seuenteene yeares of Queene Maud liued not to see this disa­ster. age, returning into England, in a ship by himselfe, accompanied with Richard his base brother, Mary, Countesse of Perch, their sister, Richard, Earle of Chester, with his wife, the Kings Neece, and many other personages of honour, and their attendants, to the number of 140. besides 50. Marriners, setting out from Barbfleete, were all cast away at Sea, onely a Butcher escaped. The Prince had recouered a Cock-boat, and in possibility to haue bene saued, had not the compassion of his sisters cryes drawne him backe to the sinking ship to take her in, and perish with his company.

Which sudden clap of Gods iudgement, comming in a calme of glory, when all these bustlings seemed past ouer, might make a conscience shrinke with terror, to see oppres­sion and supplantation repayd with the extinction of that, for which so much had bin wrought, and the line Masculine of Normandy expired in the third inheritor (as if to beginne the fate layde on all the future succession hither vnto; wherein the third heire in a right discent, seldome or neuer inioyed the Crowne of England, but that either by vsurpation or extinction of the male bloud, it receiued an alteration) which may teach Princes to obserue the wayes of righteousnesse, and let men alone with their rights, and God with his prouidence.

After this heauy disaster, this King is sayd neuer to haue bene seene to laugh, though within fiue moneths after, in hope to restore his issue, he married Adalicia, a beautifull yong Lady, daughter to the Duke of Lovaine, and of the house of Loraine, but neuer had child by her, nor long rest from his troubles abroad. For this rent at home, crackt all the chaine of his courses in France. Normandy it selfe became wauering, and many Robert de Mel­lents conspira­cie. adhered to William the Nephew: his great confederates are most regayned to the King of France: Foulke, Earle of Aniou quarrels for his daughters dower: Robert de Mellent, his chiefe friend and Councellor, a man of great imployment, fell from him, conspired 1123. Anno. Reg. 25. with Hugh Earle of Monfort, and wrought him great trouble.

But such was his diligence and working spirit, that he soone made whole all those ruptures againe. The two Earles himselfe surprizes, and Aniou, death: which beeing so important a neighbour, as we may see, by matching a Prince of England there; the Maud the Em­presse maried to Geffery Plantagenet. King fastens vpon it with another aliance, and discends to marry his daughter (and now onely child, which had beene wife to an Emperour, and desired by the Princes of Lumbardy and Loraine) to the now Earle Geffery Plantagenet, the sonne of Foulke.

The King of Fraunce to fortifie his opposition, entertaines William the Nephew, 1126. Anno. Reg. 27. where now all the danger lay: and aides him in person, with great power to obtaine the Earledome of Flanders, whereunto he had a faire Title, by the defaillance of issue in the late Earle Baldouin, slaine in a battell in Fraunce against King Henry. But William, [Page 56] as if heire also of his fathers fortunes, admitted to the Earledome, miscarried in the rule, was deptiued, and slaine in battaile; and in him all of Robert Curtoys perished.

And now the whole care of King Henry, was the setling of the succession vpon Maude (of whom he liued to see two sonnes borne) for which he conuokes a Parlia­ment in England, wherein, an oath is ministred to the Lords of this Land, to bee true to her and her heires, and acknowledge them as the right inheritors of the Crowne. This oath was first taken by Dauid, King of Scots, Vncle to Maude, and by Stephen, 1133. Anno. Reg. 34. Earle of Bollogne, and Mortaine, Nephew to the King, on whom hee had bestowed great possessions in England, and aduanced his brother to the Bishopricke of Winchester. And to make all the more fast, this oath was afterward ministred againe at Northamp­ton in another Parliament.

So that now all seemes safe and quiet, but his owne sleepes, which are said to haue beene very tumultuous, and full of affrightments, wherein hee would often rise, take his sword, and be in act, as if hee defended himselfe against assaults of his person, which shewed, all was not well within.

His gouernment in peace, was such as rankes him in the list amongst our Kings of His gouern­ment in peace. the fairest marke: holding the Kingdome so well ordred, as during all his raigne, which was long, hee had euer the least to doe at home. At the first, the competition with his brother, after, the care to establish his succession, held him in, to obserue all the best courses, that might make for the good and quiet of the State; hauing an especiall re­garde to the due administration of Iustice, that no corruption or oppression might disease his people, whereby things were carried with that euennesse, betweene the Great men and the Commons, as gaue all, satisfaction. Hee made diuers progresses, into remote parts of the Land, to see how the State was ordred. And for that pur­pose, The first vse of Progresses. when so euer he was in England, hee kept no certaine residence, but solemnized the great festiuals in seuerall, and farre distant places of the Kingdome, that all might pertake of him.

And for that he would not wrest any thing by an Imperiall power from the King­dome (which might breed vlcers of dangerous nature) hee tooke a course to obtaine The begin­ning of Par­liaments. their free consents to serue his occasions, in their generall Assemblies of the three Estates of the Land, which hee first, conuoked at Salisbury, Anno Reg. 15. and which, He assembles the first Parli­ment, after the Conquest. had from his time the name of Parliament, according to manner of Normandie, and o­ther States, where Princes keepe within their circles to the good of their people, their owne glorie, and securitie of their posteritie. See Appen. His reforma­tions.

He was a Prince that liued formally himselfe, and repressed those excesses in his sub­iects which those times entertained, as the wearing of long haire, wich though it were a gayetie of no charge (like those sumptuous braueries, that waste Kingdomes in peace) yet for the vndecencie thereof, hee reformed it, and all other dissolutenesse. His great businesses, and his wants taught him frugalitie, and warinesse of expence, and His meanes to raise monies. his warres being seldome Inuasiue, and so not getting, put him often to vse hard cour­ses for his suppliments of treasure. Towards the marriage of his daughter with the Em­perour, and the charge of his warre, he obtained (as it might seeme at his first Parlia­ment at Salisbury) Anno. Reg. 15. three shillings vpon euery hide-land, but hee had no more in all his raigne, except one supply for his warres afterward in France. Hee kept Bishopricks and Abbayes voide in his hands, as that of Canterbury, fiue yeares to­gether. By an act of Parliament at London. Anno. Reg. 30. he had permission to punish Vide Append. marriage, and incontinencie of Priests, who (for fines notwithstanding) hee suffred to enioy their wiues, but hereby hee displeased the Clergie and disappointed that re­formation.

Punishments which were mutilation of member, hee made pecuniarie. And by reason of his often, and long being in Normandie, those prouisions for his house, which Tilburiensis de Scaccario. were vsed to bee paide in kinde, were rated to certaine prices and receiued in money, by the consent of the State, and to the great content of the subiect; who by reason that many dwelling farre off throughout all shires of England, were much molested with satisfying the same otherwise. He resumed the liberties of hunting in his Forests, [Page 57] which tooke vp much faire ground of the Kingdome; and besides renuing former pe­nalties, made an Edict, That if any man in his owne priuate woods, killed the Kings Deere, should forfeit his woods to the King. But he permitted them inclosures for Parkes, which vnder him seemes to haue had their originall, by the example of that of his at Wood­stocke, the multitude whereof grew to be afterward a disease in the Kingdome.

His expences were chiefly in his warres, and his many and great fortifications in His expences. Normandy. His buildings were the Abbey of Reading, the Mannor of Woodstocke, and the great inclosure of that Parke, with a stone wall seuen miles about.

The most eminent men of his Councell were, Roger Bishop of Sarum, and the Earle His Coun­cellors. of Mellent, both, men of great experience in the affaires of the world. Roger was euer as Viceroy, had the whole management of the Kingdome in his absence, which was sometimes three, and foure yeares together. He had managed the Kings money and other affaires of his house, when he was a poore Prince, and a priuate man; whereby he gained an especiall trust with him euer after, and discharged his part with great po­licy and vnderstanding; had the title of Iusticiarius totius Anglioe. Of whose magnifi­cence The magnifi­cent buil­dings of Roger Bishop of Sarum. and spacious mind, we haue more memorials left in notes of stone, then of any one Man, Prince, or other of this Kingdome. The ruines yet remaining of his stately structures, especially that of the Deuises in Wiltshire, shewes vs the carkasse of a most Roman-like Fabricke. Besides he built the Castles of Malmsbury and Shirburne, two strong and sumptuous peeces: new walled and repaired the Castle of Salisbury, and all these he liued to see rent from him, and seased into the next Kings hands, as being things done out of his part, and lye now deformed heapes of rubble. Besides, he wal­led old Salisbury, and repaired the Church there.

Robert Earle of Mellent, was the son of Roger Beaumont; who of all the great men which Robert Mellent an especiall Councellor to Hen. 1. followed William the first in his ciuill warres of Normandy, refused to attend him in his expedition for England, though with large promises inuited thereunto, saying: The inheritance left him by his predecessors, was sufficient to maintaine his estate at home; and he desi­red not to thrust himselfe into other mens possessions abroad. But his sonne Robert was of ano­ther mind, and had a mighty estate both in England and Normandy. Was a man of great direction in councell, and euer vsed in all the weighty affaires of the State. His The example of frugallitie in great men doth much good in a Kingdome. frugallity, both in apparell and diet, was of such example, being a man of eminent note, as did much good to the Kingdome in those dayes. But in the end he fell into disgrace, (the fate of Court, and eminency) opposed against the King, and died berest of his estate.

Besides these, this King was serued with a potent and martiall Nobility, whom his spirit led to affect those great designes of his in France, for the preseruation of his state in Normandy. Whither in the 32. yeare of his raigne, he makes his last voyage to dye there, and in his passage thither, happened an exceeding great Ecclips of the Sunne, King Henries death. which was taken to fore-signifie his death; for that it followed shortly after in the thirty fiue yeare of his raigne.

He was of a gracefull personage, quick-eyed, browne haire (a different complexion His personage from his brothers) and of a close compacted temperament, wherein dwelt a mind of a more solide constitution, with better ordered affections. He had, in his youth, some taste of learning; but onely, as if to set his stomake, not to ouer-charge it there­with. But this put many of his subiects into the fashion of the Booke, and diuers lear­ned men flourished in his time.

He had by Maude his wife the daughter of Malcolin the third, King of Scotland, none His issue. other children but Maude and William, of whom any certaine mention is made: but he is said to haue had of children illigitimate seuen sonnes, and as many daughters, which shewes vs his incontinencie: two of which sonnes of most especiall note, Robert and Raynold were Earles, the one of Glocester (a great Champion and defender of his Sister Maude the Empresse) the other Earle of Cornwall, and Baron of Castle-combe. His daughters were all married to Princes and Noble men of France and England, from whom discended many worthy families, as diuers writers report.

The Life, and Raigne, of King Stephen.

THE Line Masculine of the Norman extinct, and onely a daughter left, 1135. Anno. Reg. 1. and she married to a French-man, Stephen Earle of Bologne, and Mortagne, sonne of Stephen, Earle of Blois, and of Adela, daughter to William the first, was (notwithstanding the former oath taken for Maud) elected by the State, and inuested in the Crowne of England, within thirty daies after the death of Henry. Vpon what reasons of Councell, wee must gather out of the circumstances of the courses held in that time.

Some imagine, The state refused Maude, for not being then the custome, of any other King­dome Reasons why Maude was not crowned. Christian (whose Kings are annoynted) to admit women to inherit the Crowne; and there­fore they might pretend to bee freed from their oath, as being vnlawfull. But Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, one of the principall men then in councell, yeelded another rea­son for the discharge of this oath, which was, That seeing the late King had married his daughter out of the Realme, and without the consent thereof, they might lawfully refuse her. And so was Stephen, hauing no Title at all, but as one of the bloud, by meere election, ad­uanced to the Crowne. For if hee should claime any right in the Succession, as being the sonne of Adela, then must Theobald, Earle of Blois, his elder brother, haue beene preferred before him: and Henry Fitz Empresse (if they refused the mother) was neerer in bloud to the right Stem, then either. But they had other reasons that ruled that time. Stephen was a man, and of great possessions, both in England and France, had one Reasons why Stephen Earle of Bollogne was crowned King. brother, Earle of Blois, a Prince of great estate: another, Bishop of Winchester ( the Popes Legat in England, of power eminent) was popular for his affability, goodly personage, and actiue­nesse: and therefore acceptable to the Nobility, who, at that time, were altogether guided by the Clergy; and they (by the working of the Bishop of Winchester, induced to make choyce of him) hauing an opinion, that by preferring one, whose Title was least, would make his obligation the more to them: and so, they might stand (better secured of their liberties) then vnder such a one; as might presume of an hereditary succession. And to be the more sure thereof, before his admittance to the Crowne (he takes a priuate oath before the Bishop of Canterbury) To confirme the ancient liberties of the Church; and had his brother to vndertake, betwixt God and him, for the perfor­mance thereof.

But being now in possession of the Kingdome, and all the Treasure his Vncle had King Stephen possesses the Treasure of Hen. 2. in many yeares gathered, which amounted to one hundred thousand pounds of exquisite siluer, besides plate and iewels, of inestimable value. After the funerals performed at Read­ing, hee assembles a Parliament at Oxford, wherein, hee restored to the Clergie, all their His first Par­liament at Oxford. former liberties, and freed the Layetie from their tributes, exactions, or whatsoeuer grieuances opprest them, confirming the same by his Charter, which, faithfully to obserue, hee tooke a publique oath before all the Assembly: where, likewise the Bishops swore fealty vnto him, but with this condition; So long as hee obserued the Tenour of this Charter.

And now as one that was to make good the hold he had gotten, with power, and his sword, prepares for all assaults, which hee was sure to haue come vpon him. And first graunts licence, to all that would, to build Castles vpon their owne Lands, thereby to fortifie the Realme, and breake the force of any ouer-running inuasion, that should maister the field. Which in setled times might bee of good effect, but in a season of distraction, and part-takings very dangerous. And being to subsist by friends, hee makes all he could; Creates new Lords, giues to many, great possessions, and hauing a fullpurse spares for no cost to buy loue, and fidelitie: a purchase very vncertaine, when there may bee other conueyances made of more strength to carry it.

Two waies hee was to looke for blowes: from Scotland on one side, and France on the other: Scotland wanted no instigators: Dauid their King, mooued both by Nature and his oath to his Neece, turnes head vpon him: Stephen was presently there, with [Page 59] the show of a strong Army, and appeased him with the restitution of Cumberland, and his sonne Henry, Prince of Scotland with the Earledome of Huntingdon: which, with that of Northumberland (as the Scortish writers say) was to discend vnto him by the right of his mother Maude, who was daughter to Waltheof Earle of Huntingdon, and of Iudith Neece to William the first, by whose guift hee had that Earledome, and was the sonne of Syward Earle of Northumberland. And for this the Prince of Scotland, tooke his Oath of fealty to King Stephen which the father refused to doe as hauing first sworne to Maude the Empresse. Though otherwise hee might bee indifferent, in respect that Stephen had married likewise his Neece, which was Maude daughter to the Earle of Bologne, and of Mary Sister to this King Dauid, who by this meane was Vncle both to Maude the Queene, and Maude the Empresse.

The King, returning from this voyage, found some defection of his Nobilitie, which presently put him into another action, that intertayned him sometime: After which, hee falls daungerously sicke, in so much as hee was noysed to bee dead, by which sickenesse, hee lost more then his health: For his friends, put in daunger thereby, cast to seeke another partie to beare them vp: it wakended Aniou, and sets him on to surprize certaine peeces in Normandie, to prepare for the recouerie of his wiues right, and made all this Kingdome wauer. Thus was his first yeare spent, which shewed how the rest of eighteene would proue, wherein wee are to haue no o­ther representations, But of reuolts, beseeging of Castles, surprizings, recouerings, loosings againe, with great spoyles, and destruction; in briefe a most miserable face of a distracted State, that can yeeld vs no other notes of instruction, but such as are generall in all times of like disposition: and therefore herein wee may the better forbeate the rehersall of manie particulars, being all vnder one head of action, and like Nature.

The King, hauing recouered, would make the world know he was aliue, and pre­sently 1137. Anno. Reg. 2. passes with forces into Normandie, ouercame the Earle of Aniou in battaile: af­ter makes peace with him, and vpon renouncing of the claime of Maude, couenants to giue them 5000. markes per annum: he intertaines amitie with King Louys the seuenth, and causes his sonne Eustace to doe him homage for the Dutchy of Normandie, where­in he was inuested: besides to content his elder brother Theobald, Earle of Blois, hee giues him a pension of 2000 markes, and so returnes againe into England, to a warre a­gainst Scotland, which, in the meane time, made incursions on this Kingdome, where Robert Earle of Glocester the naturall sonne of Henry the first. whilst he was held busie in worke, Robert Earle of Glocester, base sonne to Henry the first, a man of high spirit, great direction and indefatigable industry (an especiall actor that performed the greatest part, in these times, for his sister Maude) had surprized the Castle of Bristow, and procured confederates to make good other peeces abroad in di­uers parts: as William Talbot the Castle of Hereford; Paynel the Castle of Ludlow; Louell that of Cary: Moone the Castle of Dunstor: Robert de Nichol, that of Warham, Eustace Fitz Iohn that of Walton, and William Fitz Allan the Castle of Shrewsbury.

Stephen leaues the prosecution of the Scottish warres to Thurstan Archbishop of Yorke, whom hee made his Lieutenant, and furnished with many valiant leaders, as Walter Earle of Albemarle, William Peuerell of Nottingham; Walter and Gilbert Lacies. Himselfe brauely attended, bends all his power to represse the conspirators, which King Stephen represses the conspirators. hee did in one expedition, recouers all the Castles (by reason of their distances, not able to succour one another) and draue the Earle of Glocester home to his sister into Aniou.

No lesse successe had his forces in the North, against the Scots, whom in a great bat­taile He defeited the Scots. they discomfeited and put to flight, which great fortunes meeting together in one yeare, broughter foorth occasion of bad, in that following: for now presuming 1138. Anno. Reg. 3. more of himselfe, he fell vpon those rockes that rent all his greatnesse. He calls a Coun­cell at Oxford, where occasion was giuen to put him out with the Clergie, that had one­ly set him into the State. The Bishops vpon the permission of building Castles, so out-went the Lords in magnificence, strength and number of their erections, and especially the Bishop of Salisbury that their greatnesse was much maligned [Page 60] by them, putting the King in head, that all these great Castles, especially of Salisbury, the Vies, Shirburne, Malmsbury, and Newarke, were onely to intertaine the partie of Maude, whereupon the King, whose feares were apt to take fire, sends for the Bishop of Salisbury (most suspected) to Oxford. The Bishop, as if foreseeing the mischiefe com­ming to him, would gladly haue put off this iourney, and excused it by the debilitie of 1140. Anno. Reg. 5. his age, but it would not serue his turne: thither he comes, where his seruants, about the taking vp of lodgings, quarrell with the seruants of the Earle of Brittaine, and from words fall to blowes, so that in the bickering, one of them was slaine, and the Nephew of the Earle dangerously wounded. Whereupon the King sends for the Bishop, to satisfie his Court, for the breach of peace, made by his seruants: The satis­faction required, was the yeelding vp the keyes of his Castles, as pledges of his fealtie, but that being stood vpon, the Bishop, with his Nephew, Alexander Bishop of Lincolne, were re­strayned of their libertie, and shortly after sent as prisoners to the Castle of the Deuises, The King feizes vpon the Bishops Castles, and Treasure. whither (the Bishop of Eley, another of his Nephewes) had retired himselfe before. The King seizes into his hands his Castles of Salisbury; Shyrburne, Malmesbury, and after three daies assault, the Deuises was likewise rendred, besides he tooke all his Treasure, which amounted to forty thousand markes.

This action, being of an extraordinary straine, gaue much occasion of rumor: some said: The King had done well in seizing vpon these Castles; it being vnfit, and against the Can­nons of the Church, that they who were men of religion, and peace, should raise fortresses for warre, and in that sort as might bee preiudiciall to the King. Against this, was the Bishop of The Popes Legat a Bi­shop, takes part with Bi­shops against the King his brother. Malmsburie. Winchester, the Popes Legat, taking rather the part of his function, then that of a bro­ther: saying: That if the Bishops had transgressed, it was not the King, but the Cannons, that must iudge it: that they ought not to bee depriued of their possessions, without a publique Ecclesi­asticall Counsell; that the King had not done it, out of the zeale of iustice, but for his owne benefit, taking away that which had beene built vpon the Lands, and by the charge of the Church, to put it into the hands of Lay men, little affected to religion: And therefore to the end, the power of the Cannons might bee examined, hee appoints a Counsell to bee called at Winchester, whither the King is summoned: and thither repaire most of all the Bishops of the Kingdome, where first is read the Commission of the Legatine power, granted by Pope Innocent to the Bishop of Winchester, who there openly vrges the indignitie offred to the Church, by the imprisoning of these Bishops: An act most haynous and shamefull for the King, that in the peace of his Court, through the instigation of euill ministers, would thus lay hands vpon such men, spoyle them of their estates. Which was a violence against God. And that seeing the King would yeeld to no admonitions, hee had at length called this Councell, where they were to consult what was to bee done: that for his part, neither the loue of the King, though his brother, nor the losse of his liuing, or danger of his life, should make him fayle in the execution of what they should decree.

The King, standing vpon his cause, sends certaine Earles to this Councell, to know why he was called thither: answere was made by the Legat: That the King, who was subiect to the faith of CHRIST, ought not to take it ill, if by the ministers of CHRIST, hee was called to make satisfaction, being conscious of such an offence as that age had not knowne: that it was for times of the Gentiles, for Bishops to bee imprisoned, and depriued of their possessions, and therefore they should tell the King, his brother, that if hee would voutsafe to yeeld consent to the Councell it should bee such, by the helpe of God, as neither the Roman Church, the Court of the King of France, nor the Earle Theobald, brother to them both (a manwise, and religious) should, in reason dislike it: that the King should doe aduisedly to render the reason of his act, and vndergoe a Canonicall iudgement: that hee ought in duetie to fauour the Church, into whose bosome being taken, hee was aduanced to the Crowne without any militarie hand.

With which aunswere the Earles departed, attended with Alberic de Ver, a man exercised in the Law, and hauing related the same, are returned with the Kings reply, which Alberic vtters, and vrges the iniuries Bishop Roger had done to the King: how hee sel­dome The Kings Reply. came to his Court: that his men, presuming vpon his power, had offred violence to the Ne­phew and seruants, of the Earle of Brittaine, and to the seruants of Herui de Lyons, a man of [Page 61] that Nobilitie and stoutnesse, as would neuer voutsafe to come vpon any request to the late King, and yet for the loue of this, was desirous to see England: where, to haue this violence offred was an iniury to the King, and dishonour to the Realme, that the Bishop of Lincolne, for the an­cient hatred to the Earle of Brittaine, was the author of his mens sedition: that the Bishop of Salisbury secretly fauoured the Kings enemies; and did but subtlely temporize, as the King had found by diuers circumstances: especially when Roger de Mortimer, sent with the Kings forces in the great daunger of Bristow, hee would not lodge him one night in Malmsbury: that it was, in euery mans mouth, as soone as the Empresse came, He and his Nephewes would render their Ca­stles vnto him. That he was arested, not as a Bishop, but a seruant to the King, and one that ad­ministred his procurations, and receiued his monies. That the King tooke not his Castles by vio­lence, but the Bishop voluntarily rendred them, to auoyd the calumnie of their tumult raysed in his Court: If the King found some money in his Castles, hee might lawfully seize on it, in regard Ro­ger had collected it out of the reuenues of the King his Vncle, and predecessor: and the Bishop willingly yeelded vp the same, as well as his Castles, through feare of his offences; and of this, wan­ted not witnesses of the Kings part, who desired that the couenants, made betweene him, and the Bishop, might remaine ratified.

Against this, Bishop Roger opposes: That he was neuer seruant to the King nor receiued his moneys; and withall added threatnings, as a man, not yet broken though bent with his fortunes: that if he found not iustice for his wrongs in that Councell, hee would bring it to the hearing of a greater Court.

The Legat, mildly, as he did other things, said: That all what was spoken against the Bi­shops, ought first to be examined in the Ecclesiasticall Councell, whether they were true or no, be­fore sentence should haue beene giuen against them contrary to the Canons: and therefore the King should (as it is lawfull in iudiciall trials) reuest the Bishops in their former Estates, otherwise, by the law of Nations being disseised, they shall not hold their Plea.

After much debate, the Kings cause was (vpon a motion) put off till the next day, to the end the Archbishop of Roan, an especiall instrument for the King, might bee there; who deliueting his opinion, said: That if the Bishops could rightly prooue by the Canons, they ought to haue Castles, they should hold them; but if they could not, it proceeded of great improbitie to striue to doe otherwise. And be it (said he) their right to haue them; yet in a suspected time, ac­cording to the manner of other Nations: all great men ought to deliuer the keyes of their Fortres­ses, to be at the Kings pleasure, who is to fight for the peace of all But it is not their right, by the decree of the Canons to haue Castles; and if by the Princes indulgence it bee tollerated, yet in a time of necessitie, they ought to deliuer the keyes.

The Lawier Alboric addes: That it was signified to the King, how the Bishops threatned, and had furnished some to go to Rome against him. But, said he, the King would haue you know, that none of you presume to doe it: for if any goe out of England, contrarie to his will, and the dignitie of the Kingdome, it will be hard returning. In conclusion the Councell brake vp, nothing was done. The Bishops durst not excommunicate the King, without the Popes The Legat and Archbi­shops submis­sion. priuitie: and besides, they saw the swords to busie about them, yet failed not the Le­gat, and the Archbishop to prosecute their parts, and from authority, fell to prayer; and (at the Kings feete, in his Chamber) besought him, that hee would pittie the Church, pit­tie his owne soule, and his fame; not to suffer dissention to bee, betweene the Kingdome, and the Priest-hood. The King returned thern faire words, but held what hee had gotten.

Shortly after, though griefe, died the Bishop of Salisbary, and (according to the fate of ouer-minent and greedy Officers) vnpittied. He was a man (in his latter time) noted of much corruption, and vnsatiable desire of hauing. For whom, the present King in the beginning of his reigue had done very much, makingone of his Nephewes Chancellor, the other Treasurer, and vpon his fute, gaue to himselfe the Borough of Malmesbury; insomuch as the King would say to his familiars about him: If this man will begge thus still; I will giue him halfe the Kingdome but I will please him: and first shall be weary of crauing, ere I of granting. And sure the King had great reason to sus­pect his adhering to Maude, whose part he beganne to fauour: onely, out of the hatred he bare to Winchester, who yet was content to forsake his owne brother, in regard, by [Page 62] his ingagement he was preferred to the Crowne, rather then to loose his good will, and the rest of the Clergie.

But yet this breaking of the King into the Church (which had made him) vtterly dissolued him. For presently hereupon all his power fell asunder: the Empresse found now away open to let her in, and the Earle of Glocester presuming of a sure side, Maude the Empresse con­ducted into England. conducted her into England onely with 150 men: puts her into the Castle of Arundell, and himselfe (attended but with twelue horse) passed away cleere through all the Coun­try to Bristow: and from thence to Glocester, where he had leisure without opposition, to raise all the Country to take part with the Empresse; who from Arundell Castle, was afterward (by the Legate himselfe, and the Kings permission) conueyed to Bristow: receiued with all obedience, grew daily in strength, as she went and came at length to her brother (who had taken in Hereford, made himselfe strong with the Welsh, and set­led those parts) to gather vp more of the Kingdome by shewing herselfe and her power in diuers places.

Stephen, hauing no part cleere (by reason the Castles, vpon which he spent both his time and meanes, lay so thicke blockes in his way) as he could not make that speed to stop this streame, as otherwise he would: holding it not safe to goe forward, and leaue dangers behinde, that might ouer-take him. And first hee layes siege to the Castle of Wallingford, which, Brian sonne to the Earle of Glocester, held against him: then to the Castle of Bristow and other places, working much, but effecting little: which seeing, to get time and stagger the swift proceeding of this new receiued Princesse, he causes a treatie of peace to be propounded at Bathe, where the Legat (who likewise earnestly solicited the same) with the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, were appointed Commissioners for the King; and the Earle of Glocester for the Empresse; but nothing was effected, both returne to make good their sides. The Empresse seekes to recouer more, the King what he had lost. And least the North parts might fall from him, and the King of Scots come on, hee repaires thitherward: and finding the Castle of Lincolne possest by Ralph Earle of Chester, who had married a daughter of the Earle of Glocester, and hol­ding it not safe to bee in the hands of such a maister, in such a time, seekes to take it in by force. The Earle of Chester, who held Newtall, attempting nothing against the King, tooke it ill, and stood vpon his defence: but being ouer-layd by power, conueyes himselfe out of the Castle, leaues his brother and wife within to defend it, and procures ayde of his father in law the Earle of Glocester, to succour him.

The Earle takes in hand this businesse, sets out of Glocester with an Army of Welshmen and others, attended with Hugh Bigod, and Robert de Morley, ioynes with the Earle of Chester, marches to Lincolne, where, in the battaile, King Stephen was taken, carried pri­soner to Glocester, presented to the Empresse, and by her sent to bee kept in the Castle of Bristow, but in all honourable fashion, till his attempts to escape layd fetters on him.

Hereupon the Empresse (as at the top of her fortune) labours the Legat to hee admit­ted She labours the Legat for the Crowne of England. to the Kingdome, as the daugher of the late King, to whom the Realme had taken an oath to accept for soueraigne in the succession; and wrought so, as a Parle was appointed for this purpose, on the Plaine neere to Winchester, where in a blustring sad day (like the fate of the businesse) they met: and the Empresse swore, and made affidation to the Legat, That all the great businesses, and especially the donation of Bishoprickes and Abbeys, should bee at his disposing, if he (with the Church) would receiue her as Queene of England, and hold per­petuall fidelitie vnto her. The same oath and affidation tooke likewise her brother Ro­bert, Earle of Glocester, Brian his sonne, Marquisse of Wallingford; Miles of Glocester (af­ter Earle of Hereford) with many others for her. Nor did the Bishop sticke to accept her as Queene (though she neuer came to bee so) and with some few other, make like­wise affidation for his part, that so long as shee infringed not her couenant, hee would also hold his fidelity to her.

The next day, shee was receiued with solemne procession into the Bishops Church at Winchester, the Bishop leading her on the right hand, and Bernard Bishop of Saint Dauids on the left. There were present many other Bishops, as Alexander Bishop of [Page 63] Lincolne, and Nigel Bishop of Ely ( the Nephewes of Roger, lately imprisoned) Robert Bishop of Bathe, and Robert Bishop of Worcester, with many Abbots.

Within a few dayes after came Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, to the Empresse, inuited by the Legat; but deferred to doe fealty vnto her, as holding it vnworthy his person and place, without hauing conferd first with the King. And therefore hee, with many Prelats, and some of the Layety (by permission obtained) went to the King to Bristow. The Councell brake vp, the Empresse keepes her Easter at Oxford, being her owne towne. Shortly vpon Easter a Councell of the Clergie is againe called to Winchester, where the first day the Legat had secret conference with euery Bishop a­part, and then with euery Abbot and other, which were called to the Councell. The next day hee makes a publicke speech, Shewing how the cause (of their Assembly) was to con­sult The Legats speech to the Clergie, to Crowne the Empresse. for the peace of their country, in great daunger of vtter ruine. Repeates the flourishing raigne of his Vncle, the peace, wealth, and honour of the Kingdome in his time: and how that renowned King, many yeares before his death, had receiued an oath both of England and Normandy, for the succession of his daughter Maude and her Issue. But, said he, after his decease, his daughter being then in Normandy, making delay to come into England, where (for that it seemed long to expect) order was to bee taken for the peace of the Countrey, and my brother was permit­ted to raigne. And although I interposed my selfe a surety betweene God and him, that hee should honour and exalt the holy Church, keepe and ordaine good Lawes; Yet, how hee hath be­haued himselfe in the Kingdome, it grieues mee to remember, and I am ashamed to repeate. And then recounts he all the Kings courses with the Bishops, and all his other misgouernments. And then, said hee, euerie man knowes I ought to loue my mortall brother, but much more the cause of my immortall Father: and therefore seeing God hath shewed his iudgement on my brother, and suffered him (without my knowledge) to fall into the hand of Power: that the Kingdome may not miscarie for want of a Ruler, I haue called you all hither by the power of my Legation. Yesterday the cause was mooued in secret, to the greatest part of the Clergie, to whom the right appertaines to elect and ordaine a Prince. And therefore after hauing inuoked (as it is meete, the Diuine aide) Wee elect for Queene of England the daughter of the peacefull, glorious, rich, good, and in our time the incomparable King: and to her, wee promise our faith and al­legiance.

When all, who were present, either modestly gaue their voyce, or by their silence contradicted it, the Legat addes: The Londoners, who are (in respect of the greatnesse of their City) as among the optimacie of England, we haue by our messengers summoned, and I trust they will not stay beyond this day, tomorrow we will expect them.

The Londoners came, were brought into the Councell, shewed How they were sent from the Communaltie of London, not to bring contention, but prayer, that the King their Lord might be freed from captiuitie, and the same did all the Barons (receiued within their Liberties) earnestly beseech of my Lord Legate, and all the Clergie there present. The Legat answeres them at large, and loftily, according to his speech the day before, and added, That the Londoners, who were held in that degree in England, ought not to take their parts, who had forsaken their Lord in the warre, by whose Councell the Church had beene dishonoured, and who fauoured the Londoners, but for their owne gaine.

Then stands there vp a Chaplaine to Queene Maude, wife to Stephen, and deliuers a letter to the Legat, which he silently read, and then said allowd, that it was not lawfull in the assembly of so many reuerend and religious persons the same should be publikely read, contai­ning matter retrehensible. The Chapline not to faile in his message, boldly reades the Letter himselfe, which was to this effect: That the Queene earnestly intreates all the Clergie there assembled, and namely the Bishop of Winchester, the brother of her Lord, to restore him vnto the Kingdome, whom wicked men, which were also his subiects, held prisoner.

To this the Legat answeres (as to the Londoners) and shortly after the Councel brake vp, wherein many of the Kings part were excommunicated: namely William Martell, an especiall man about the King, who had much displeased the Legat.

Hereupon a great part of England willingly accepted of Maude, in whose businesses her brother Robert imployes all his diligence and best care, reforming Iustice, restoring [Page 64] the Lawes of England, promising releeuements, and whatsoeuer might be to winne the people; the Legat seconding all his courses.

But now, shee being at the point of obtayning the whole Kingdome; all came so­dainly dasht by her ouer-hautie and proud carriage, and by the practise of the Londo­ners, who adhering to the other side, began openly to inueigh against her, who had dis­pleased them, and they had plotted to surprize her in their Citie, whereof she hauing notice, secretly withdrawes herselfe (accompained with her Vncle Dauid King of Scots who was come to visit her and her brother Robert) vnto Oxford, a place of more The Legat leaues the Empresse. securitie. The Leagat himselfe takes, or makes an occasion to bee slacke in her cause, vpon her denying him a sute for his Nephew Eustaee, the sonne of Stephen, about the inheritance of his Earledome of Mortaine in Normandie. Besides the Queene regnant, watchfull ouer all oportunities, found meanes to parle with the Legar, Sets vpon him with her teares, intreatie, promises, and assurance for the Kings reformation; in so much as shee Is intreated with teares by the Queene regnant. recalled him to the affections of Nature, brought him about againe to absolue such of the Kings part as he had lately excommunicated.

The Earle of Glocester seeing this sodaine and strange relaps of their affaires, striues by all meanes to hold vp Opinion, and re-quicken the Legats dispofition, which to keepe sound, was all. He brings the Empresse to Winchester, setles her, and her guard, in the Castle, where she desires to speake with the Legat, who first delayes, then denies The Empresse besieged at Oxford, the Earle of Glocester ta­ken prisoner. to come. Whereupon they call their best friends about them. Queene Maude and the Lords incompasse the Towne, and cut off all victuall from the Empresse, so that in the end, the Earle of Glocester wrought meanes to haue her conueyd from thence to the Vies, but himselfe was taken and in him most of her.

This sets the sides both euen againe into the Lists of ther triall: the two prisoners are to redeeme each other: The disproportion of the quality betweene them, shew­ed yet there was an euennesse of power, and the Earle would not consent to the Kings deliuery (who onely in that was to haue the precedence) but vpon most se­cure cautions. The Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Legate, vndertooke to yeeld themselues prisoners for him, if the King released him not, according to his promise: But that would not serue the turne, till they both had written their Briefes to the Pope, to intimate the course that was taken herein, and deliuered the same vnto him, vnder their hands and seales. So that, if the King should, as he might not care, to hold the Bi­shops in prison: yet the Pope, if hard measure were offred, might releeue them. Which shewes the aduantage of credit in the businesse, lay on this side, and the King was to haue his fetters, though at liberty.

The Queene and Eustace, her sonne the Prince, vpon the inlargement of Stephen, 1142. Anno. Reg. 7. remaine pledges in the Castle of Bristow till the Earle were released, which was done vpon the Kings comming to Winchester. Where the Earle in familiar conference, was, by all art possible, solicited to forsake the partie of Maude, with promise of all preferments of honour and estate: but nothing could mooue him being fixt to his courses, and rather would hee haue beene content to remaine a perpetuall prisoner, then that Stephen should haue beene released, had not his sister wrought him to this conclusion.

The Legat, after this, calls a Councell at London, where the Popes letters, written vnto him, are openly read, which argue him (but mildly) of some neglect of his bro­thers Vide Append. releasing, and exhort him to vse all meanes Ecclesiasticall, and Secular, to set him at libertie.

The King himselfe came into the councell, complaines, How his subiects, to whom King Stephens complaint. hee had neuer denied Iustice, had taken him, and reproachfully afflicted him euen to death. The Legate, with great eloquence, labours to excuse his owne courses: alledging, How hee receiued not the Empresse by his will, but necessitie: that presently vpon the Kings ouerthrow, whilest the Lords were either fled, or stood in suspence attending the euent, shee and her people came thundring to the walles of Winchester: and that, what pact soeuer hee had made with her for the right of the Church, shee obstinately brake all: besides, hee was certainely informed, that shoe and hers had plotted, both against his dignitie, and life: [Page 65] But God in his mercy, contrarie to her desire, had turned the businesse so, as hee escaped the daun­ger, and his brother was deliuered out of bands. And therefore hee, from the part of God, and the Pope, willed them, with all their vtmost power, to aide the King, annointed by the consent of the People, and the Sea Apostolique, and to Excommunicate all the disturbers of the peace that fauou­red the Countesse of Aniou.

There was in the Councell a Lay Agent for the Empresse, who openly charged the Legat, That in respect of the faith he had giuen the Empresse, to passe no act there, preiudi­ciall to her Honour: hauing sworne vnto her neuer to aide his brother with aboue twentie soul­diers: that her comming into England, was vpon his often Letters vnto her: and his cause it was, that the King was taken and held prisoner. This, and much more sayd the Agent with great austerity of words, wherewith the Legat seemed not to bee mooued at all, nor would stoope to reply.

Both parts thus set at libertie, were left to worke for themselues, holding the State broken betweene them; and no meanes made to interpose any barre to keepe them asunder. Their borders lay euery where, and then the ingagements of their Partakers, who (looke all to be sauers or to recouer their stakes when they were lost, which makes them neuer giue ouer) entertaine the contention. But the best was, they were rather troubles, then warres, and cost more labour then bloud. Euery one fought with Bucklers, and seldome came to the sharpe in the field, which would soone haue ended the businesse.

Some few moneths after these inlargements, stood both sides at some rest, but not idle, casting how to compasse their ends. The Empresse at the Vies with her Councell, resolues to send ouer her brother into Normandy to solicit her husband the Earle of The Earle of Glocester gets to Nor­mandie. Aniou, to come to aide her, with forces from thence: Her brother, the better to secure her in his absence, setles her in the Castle of Oxford, well furnished for all assaults: and takes with him the sonnes of the especiall men about her, as pledges to hold them to their fidelity. Stephen seekes to stop the Earles passage, but could not, and then layes siege to the Castle of Oxford; which held him all the time the Earle was abroad. Geffrey Earle of Aniou, desirous rather to haue Normandie, whereof, in this meane time, he had attained the most part, and in possibility of the rest, then to aduenture for Eng­land, which lay in danger, refused to come in person, but sends some small aide, and his eldest sonne Henry, being then but eleuen yeares of age, that he might looke vpon Eng­land, & be shewed to the people, to try if that would mooue them to a consideration of his right: which proned of more effect then an Army.

The Earle of Glocester safely returning, makes towards Oxford to releeue the Em­presse, The Earles retuine with the Empresses eldest sonne Henry. who had secretly conueyed her selfe disguised out at a posterne gate, onely with foure persons, got ouer the Thames, passed a foot to Abington, and from thence conuayd to Wallingford, where her brother and sonne met her, to her more comfort after hard distresses.

Stephen seeing his enemy thus supplied, and like to grow, labours to winne friends, 1143. Anno. Reg. 8. but money failes, which made diuers of his Lords, and especially his mercinaries, wher­of he had many out of Flanders, to fall to the rifling of Abbayes, which was of dange­rous consequence: And for Armies there was no meanes; onely about Castles, with small powers, lay all the businesse of these times, and they being so many were to small effect, but onely to hold them doing, which was for many yeares.

The Earle of Glocester, the chiefe pillar of the Empresse, within two yeares after his The Earle of Glocester dies. last comming out of Normandie died, and shortly after Miles Earle of Hereford, an espe­ciall man of hers, which had vtterly quasht her, but that in stead of a brother shee had a sonne grew vp to bee of more estimation with the Nobility, and shortly after of ablenesse to vndergoe the trauailes of warre. His first expedition at sixteene yeares of age was Northward to combine him with Dauid King of Scots his great Vncle, to whom his mother had giuen the Country of Northumberland. After him followes Stephen with an Army to Yorke, least hee should surprize that Citie, and to in­ter cept him in his returne: but according to his vsuall manner, and French-like, after the first heate of his vndertakings, which were quicke and braue, hee quailes: [Page 66] nothing was effected, and both returne without incountring.

Now to aduance the State and meanes of Henry, fortune, as if in loue with young Princes, presents this occasion. Louys the seuenth, King of France going in person to the Holy warres, and taking with him his wife Elenor, the onely daughter and heire of William Duke of Guien, grew into such an odious conceipt of her, vpon the notice of her lasciuious behauiour in those parts, as the first worke hee doth vpon his com­ming backe, hee repudiates, and turnes her home with all her great dowrie, rather content to loose the mightie estate she brought him then to marry her person. With this great Lady matches Henry, before he was twenty yeares of age (being now Duke of An. 1151. Normandie, his father deceased, who had recouered it for him) and had by her the pos­session of all those large and rich Countries, apertayning to the Dutchy of Guien, be­sides, the Earldome of Poictou. Whereupon Louys inraged to see him inlarged by this great accession of State, who was so neere, and like to be so dangerous and eminent a neighbour, combines with Stephen, and aydes Eustace his sonne (whom hee married to his Sister Constance) with maine power, for the recouery of Normandie, wherein hee was first possest. But this young Prince, furnished now with all this powerfull meanes, leaues the management of the affaires of England to his friends, defends Normandie, wrought so, as the King of France did him little hurt; and Eustace, his competitor, retur­ned home into England, where shortly after hee died, about 18 yeares of his age, borne neuer to see out of the calamities of warre, and was buried at Feuersham with his mo­ther, who deceased a little before, and had no other ioy nor glorie of a Crowne but what we see. Stephen, whilst Duke Henrie was in Normandie, recouers what hee could, and at length besieges Wallinford, which seemes in these times to haue beene a peece of great importance, and impregnable, and reduced the Defendants to that extremitie, as they sent to Duke Henrie for succour, who presently thereupon, in the middest of Win­ter, ariues in England with 3000 foot, and 140 horse. Where first, to draw the King from Wallingford, he layes siege to Malmesbury, and had most of all the great men in the West, and from other parts comming in vnto him. Stephen, now resolued to put it to the tryall of a day, brings thither all the power hee could make; and far ouer-went his enemy in number: but flouds and stormes, in an vnseasonable Winter, kept the Armies from incountring, till the Bishops, doubtfull of the successe, and seeing how daunge­rous it was for them, and the whole State, to haue a young Prince get the maistry by his sword, mediated a peace, which was after concluded in a Parliament at Winchester, vpon these conditions.

1 That King Stephen, during his naturall life, should remaine King of England, and Henrie inioy the Dukedome of Normandie, as discended vnto him from his mother, and bee proclaymed heire apparent to the Kingdome of England, as the adopted sonne of King Stephen.

2 That the partizans of either, should receiue no damage, but inioy their Estates according to their ancient Rights and Titles.

3 That the King should resume into his hands all such parcels of inheritance belonging Resumptions. to the Crowne, as had beene aliened by him, or vsurped in his time. And that all those posses­sions which by intrusion had beene violently taken from the owners since the dayes of King Henry, should bee vestored vnto them who were rightly possessed therein, when the said King raigned.

4 That all such Castles as had beene built by the permission of Stephen, and in his time (which were found to be 1117) should be demolished, &c.

There is a Charter of this agreement in our Annals, which hath other Articles of reseruation for the Estates of particular persons. And first for William, the second sonne Vide Append. of Stephen, to enioy all the possessions his father held before hee was King of England, and many other particulars of especiall note.

After this pacification, and all businesse here, setled, Duke Henry returnes into Nor­mandy, and likewise there concludes a peace with the King of France, and for that hee would be sure to haue it, buyes it, with twenty thousand markes.

And now King Stephen hauing attained (that hee neuer had) Peace (which yet, it [Page 67] seemes he enioyed not a yeare after) vses all the best meanes he could to repaire the ruines of the State, makes his progresses into most parts of the Kingdome, to reforme the mischiefes that had growne vp vnder the sword: and after his returne cals a Par­liament An. 1154. at London, to consult of the best meanes for the publicke good. After the Par­liament, He raigned 18 yeares, and 10 moneths. he goes to meete the Earle of Flanders at Douer, who desired conference with him, and hauing dispatcht him, fals presently sicke, dies within few dayes after, and was buried (in the Abbey he founded) at Feuersham, with the vnfortunate Princes.

A man so continually in motion, as we cannot take his dimension, but onely in pas­sing, and that but on one side, which was warre: on the other, we neuer saw but a glaunce of him, which yet, for the most part, was such, as shewed him to bee a very worthy Prince for the Gouernment. He kept his word with the State concerning the relieuement of Tributes, and neuer had Subsidy that we find.

But which is more remarkeable, hauing his sword continually out, and so many de­fections and rebellions against him, He neuer put any great man to death. Besides it is no­ted, that notwithstanding all these miseries of warre, There were more Abbeys built in his Raigne, then in an hundreth yeares before, which shewes, though the times were bad, they were not impious.

The Life, and Raigne, of Henry the Second; And first of the Line of Plantagenet.

THAT short time of peace, before the death of Stephen, had so allayed 1154. Anno. Reg. 1. the spirit of contention, and prepared the Kingdome (wearied and de­faced with warre) to that disposition of quietnesse: as Henry Plantage­net (though a French-man borne, and at that time, out of the Land: long detained with contrary winds, yet a Prince of so great possessions a­broad, as might make him feared, to be too mighty a maister at home; or doubt­full, where hee would set his seate: whither carry England thither, or bring those great States to this) was, notwithstanding generally admitted (without any op­position or capitulation, other then the vsuall oath) to the Crowne of England: which he receiued at the hands of Theobald, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, the twentieth day of December, Anno 1154, about the three and twentieth yeare of his age.

And though he where a Prince Yong, Actiue, Pawerfull, and had all that might make him high and presuming: yet the necessity of his owne affaires were so strong raines to hold him in, from all exorbitant courses: as made him wary to obserue at first, all meanes to get, and retaine the loue, and good opinion of this Kingdome, by a regular and easie Gouernment: being sure to haue the King of France perpetually awake, for all aduantages (both in regard of daily quarrels, commune to mighty neighbours, as also for matching with her that came out of his bed, and brought away those mighty Prouinces from that Crowne, whereby, he comes now to ouer-match him) being thus inuested in this powerfull Kingdome of England. Where, after hauing made a choice of graue Councellors, such as best vnderstood the state thereof; he began at a Coun­cell or Parliament held at Wallingford with an Act (that both serued his owne turne, and much eased the stomakes of his people) which was the expulsion of Strangers, where­with Expulsion of Strangers. the Land was much pestered, by reason of the late warres that had drawne great numbers of them, and especially of Flemings, and Picards, whom King Stephen especi­ally trusted in his greatest actions, after he grew doubtfull of the English fidelity, and had made their Leader Williamd' Ipres, Earle of Kent, who likewise was turned home, and his estate seized into the Kings hands.

Then, that he might subsist by his owne meanes, without pressure of his subiects Resumption of Crowne Lands. (whose voluntary seruices, and contributions, would yeeld him more in measure, then if exacted) He lookes to the State, and ordering of his reuenues, reformes the Exchequer, and reuokes all such Lands belonging to the Crowne, as had any way bene alienated, or vsurped. And though some of the great Lords stood out for the holding what they had in possession, [Page 68] as Hugh de Mortimer for his Castles of Clebury, Wigmore, and Bridgenorth: and Roger Fits Miles, Earle of Hereford for the City and Land of Glocester. Yet the King tooke them by force as appertaining to the Crowne. Besides, he resumed the Castle of Skar­borough, which William Earle of Albemarle held, and diuers other Lands and Castles in Yorkeshire, possessed by priuate men. Hugh Bigot resigned his Castles into the Kings hands. And more, he tooke from William Earle of Mortaine, and Warren, base sonne to King Stephen, the Castle of Pemsey, the City of Norwitch: with, other Townes and Ca­stles, notwithstanding himselfe graunted the same, in his agreement with Stephen; al­ledging, They were of the Demaynes of the Crowne, and could not be alie [...]ed Onely he suffe­red him to inioy such lands, as his father, King Stephen held in England, in the time of Henry the first.

Then goes he Northward, and recouers the Citty of Carlile, seizes all Cumberland, into his hands: and after takes the Towne of New-castle, with the Castle of Bamberge, and so resumed all Northumberland, which his Mother (the Empresse) had before gran­ted to Dauid King of Scets, her Vnkle (Grand-father to Malcolin, who now reigned) as being not in his Mothers power, nor his, to giue away any part of the Kingdome. Notwithstanding, he was content, Malcolin should inioy the Earledome of Huntingdon, which King Stephen had giuen to Henry, Prince of Scotland, father to Malcolin, as being a peece in the heart of England, whereof he could make no vse, but at the Kings plea­sure, and besides, was a meanes, to hold him his Homager, and to performe those ser­uices belonging to that Earledome.

And the same course tooke he with the Alienations, and vsurpations formerly made of the Demaines of the Duchy of Normandy, and forced Theobald Earle of Blois, to re­signe into his hands, two Castles, and Petroch Earle of Perch, other two. These reuoca­tions, whereby so many were indamaged in their estates, and Grants, both of his Prede­cessors, and his owne vtterly nullified; might seeme, to be an act of great iniustice, and in a new Gouernment, of little safety. But in regard, the Common-wealth had thereby a benefit: and but few (though great) interessed, it passed as a worke vniuersally neces­sary, seeing his Maintenance otherwise, must be made vp out of publicke taxations; which would turne to a generall grieuance. But the resuming of the Earledome of Aniou The King re­sumes the Earledome of Aniou. out of his brother Geffryes hands, contrary to his Oath, cannot but be held a strayne beyond conscience, and good nature. For his father Geffrey Plantagenet desirous to leaue some estate to his second sonne Geffrey, ordained by his Testament, That when Henry had re­couered the Kingdome of England, the other should haue the County of Aniou: and in the meane time, put Geffrey in possession of the Castles, and Townes of Chinon, Lodun, and Mirabel, whereby he might, both haue maintenance for his estate, and a readier meanes to come to the rest when occasion serued. And least his sonne Henry should not performe this Will, he got certaine Bishops, and other Nobles to sweare, that they would not suffer his body to be interred, till Henry, who was then absent, had sworne to fulfill his Testament: Henry, rather then to suffer his Fathers body to lye vnburied, With great vnwillingnesse takes this oath. But afterward being inuested in the Crowne of England, and Geffrey sea­zing vpon the Earledome of Aniou, he passes ouer into France, and not onely takes from him the Earledome, but also those three Townes he had in possession; alledging, It was no reason, a forced Oath (vpon such an occasion) should bind him to forgoe the inheritance of his Birth-right, being all the Patrimony, that was to discend vnto him from his Father:) and though he had recouered the Kingdome of England; that was not his Fathers worke, but by an o­ther right. And although he held his brother deere vnto him, yet hauing Children of his owne, he was to prouide, that what was his, should discend to them. But yet was content, to allowe his brother an honorable pension (of a thousand pounds English, and two thousand pounds of Aniouin money yearely) for the maintenance of his estate; and obtained of Pope Adrian the seuenth (an English man borne) a dispensation for his Oath, made in this case. 1156. Anno. Reg. 2.

And now the first occasion, that put him here into action of warre, was the rebel­lion of the Welsh, who, according to their vsuall manner, euer attempted some thing, in the beginning of the Raigne, of new Princes, as if to try their spirits, and their owne [Page 69] fortunes. Against whom hee goes so prepared, as if hee ment to goe through with his worke. Wherein at first, he had much to doe, passing a streight among the Moun­taines, His first expe­dition into Wales. where he lost (with many of his men) Eustace Fitz Iohn, and Robert Curcy, emi­nent persons: and himselfe noysed to be slaine (so much discouraged, that part of the Army, which had not passed the Streights) as Henry an Earle of Essex, threw downe the Kings Standard (which he bare by inheritance) and fled: but soone, the King made it knowne, hee was aliue, discomfited his enemies, and brought them, to seeke their peace with submission. The Earle of Essex was after accused, by Robert de Monfort The punish­ment of Corwar­dize. for this misdeed, had the Combat, was ouercome, pardoned yet of life, but con­demned to be shorne a Monke, put into the Abbay of Reading, and had his Lands sei­sed into the Kings hands.

It was now the fourth yeare of the raigne of this King; when, all his affaires were in 1158. Anno. Reg. 4. prosperous course, his State increasing, his Queene fruitefull, and had borne him three sonnes in England, Henry, Richard, and Geffrey: his eldst sonne William (to whom hee had cau­sed the Kingdom, to take an Oath of fealty) died shortly after his comming to the Crowne, so that now, the same Oath is tendred to Henry, and all is secure and well on this side.

The King of France, who would gladly haue impeached the mighty current of this Kings fortune, was held in, and fettered with his owne necessities: his iourney to the Holy Land, had all exhausted his Treasure, and since his comming home, the Pope had exacted great summes of him for dispensing with his second marriage, which was with Constantia daughter to Alphonso, King of Galicia, a feeble alliance, and farre off, so that all concurred to increase the greatnesse of this King of England; who The resigna­tion of Nants to the King of England. hauing now almost surrounded France (by possessing first all Normandie, with a great footing in Brittaine, by the resignation of Nants, with the Country there about, which Conan the Duke was forced lately to make vnto him; then the Earledome of Maine, Poictou, Touraine, Aniou with the Dutchy of Guien) he also laies claime to the rich Earle­dome of Tholouse vpon this Title:

William Duke of Aquitaine, granfather to Queene Elioner, married the daughter and King Henries claime to the Earldome of Tholouse. heire of the Earle of Tholouse, and going to the holy warres, ingaged that Earldome to Ray­mond Earle of Saint Gayles, and neuer returned to redeeme it. William his sonne, father to Queene Elionor, either through want of meanes, or neglect, delayed likewise the redemption thereof: so that the Earle of Saint Gyles continuning in possession whilst hee liued, left it to his sonne Raymond, of whom King Louys of France ( hauing married Elionor, the daughter and heire of the last William) demanded the restitution, with tender of the summe for which it was ingaged. Raymond refuses it, and stands to his possession, as of a thing absolutely sold or forfeited, but being too weake to contend with a King of France, fell to an accord, and mar­ried his sister Constans, widdow of Eustace sonne to King Stephen, and so continues the pos­session. Now King Henry hauing married this Elionor, and with her was to haue all the Rights shee had, tenders likewise (as the King of France had done, in the same case) the summe formerly disbursed, vpon the morgage of that Earledome. And with all makes ready his sword to recouer it, and first combines in league and amity, with such, whose Territories bordred vpon it: as with Raymond Earle of Barcelona, who had married the daughter and heire of the King of Arragon, a man of great Estate in those parts, intertayning him with conference of a match betweene his second sonne Richard, and his daughter: with couenant, that Richard should haue the inheritance of the Dutchy of Aquitaine, and the Earledome of Poictou. Besides, hee takes into his protection, William Lord of Trancheuille (possessing likewise) many great Signories in the Countrey: and one who held himselfe much wronged in his Estate, by the Earle of Tholouse.

These ay des prepared, he leauies an Army, and goes in person to besiege the Citie of Tholouse, and takes along with him Malcolin, King of Scots, who (comming to his 1159. Anno. Reg. 5. Court to doe him homage, for the Earledome of Huntingdon, and to make claime for those other peeces, taken from his Crowne) was entertayned, with so many faire words and promises of King Henry, as drew him along to this warre.

[Page 70]The Earle of Tholouse vnderstanding the intentions of the King of England, craues ayde of his brother in Law the King of France, who likewise with a strong Army, comes downe in person to succour Tholouse, and was there before the King of England could arriue with his forces, whereupon, seeing himselfe preuented, and in disaduan­tage, King Henry fell to spoyling the Countrey, and takes in Cahors in Quercy, where he places a strong Garrison to bridle the Tholousains, and so returnes into Normandy, gaue the order of Knight hood to King Malcolin at Tours: augments his forces, and enters the Countrey of Beauuoisin, where he destroyes many Castles, and commits great spoyles. And to adde more anoyance to the King of France, he obtained of the Earle de Auranches, the two strong Castles Rochfort, and Monfort, which furnished with Garrisons, impeached the passage twixt Orleance and Paris: in so much as the warre, and weather grew hote betwixt these two great Princes, and much effusion of bloud was like to follow; but that a mediation of peace was made, and in the end concluded, With a match betweene the young Prince Henry, not seuen yeares of age, and the 1160. Anno. Reg. 6. Lady Margaret eldest daughter to the King of France scarce three: weake linkes, to hold in so mighty Princes. The yong Lady was deliuered rather as an Ostage then a Bride, to Robert de Newburge, to be kept till her yeares would permit her to liue with her Husband. In the meane time, notwithstanding, many ruptures hapned betweene the Parents: The first where­of Prince Henry contracted to Margaret dau­ghter to the King of France. grew vpon the King of Englands getting into his owne hand the Castle of Gisors, with two other Castles vpon the Riuer Eata, in the confines of Normandy: deliuered vp before the due time By three Knights Templars, to whom they were committed in trust, till the marriage were consummated. And this cost some bloud: the Knights Templars are persecuted by the King of France, and the King of England receiues them.

But now the aduantage of power lying all on this side, and the King seeing him­selfe at large (and how much he was abroad) beganne to be more at home, and to The King seekes to abate the power of the Clergy & the cause ther­of. looke to the Prerogatiues of his Crowne, which as he was informed, grew much in­fringed by the Clergy: which, since the time of Henry the first, Were thought to haue in­larged their iurisdiction beyond their vocation: and himselfe had found their power, in the election of King Stephen, with whom they made their owne conditions, with all ad­uantages for themselues, whereby they depriued his Mother and her issue, of their suc­cession to the Crowne. And though afterwards by their mediation, the peace twixt him, and Stephen was concluded, and his succession ratified: yet for that, might he thanke his Sword, the Iustice of his cause, and strong party in the Kingdome. What they did therein shewed him rather their power, then their affection: and rather put him in mind of what they had done against him at first, then layed any obligation on him, for what they did afterward. And his owne example, seeing them apt to sur­prise, all aduantages for their owne aduancement, made him doubt how they might deale with his Posterity, if they found occasion: and therefore is he easily drawne to a­bate their power in what he could.

To this motion of the Kings dislike, the Lay Nobility (emulous of the others au­thority) layed more waights: alledging how the immunities of the Clergie tooke vp so much Complaints against the Clergie. from the Royalty, as his execution of Iustice, could haue no generall passage in the Kingdome: the Church held their Dominion apart, and free from any other authority then their owne: and being exempt from Secular punishments, many enormious acts were committed by Clergie-men, without any redresse to be had: and it was notified to the King, that since the beginning of his Raigne, There had beene aboue a hundreth Man-slaughters committed within the Realme of England by Priests, and men within Orders.

Now had the King, a little before (vpon the death of Theobald Arch-bishop of Can­terbury) 1161. Anno. Reg. 7. preferred Thomas Becket, a creature and seruant of his owne, to that Sea. A man whom first, from being Arch-deacon of Canterbury, he made his Chancelor, and fin­ding him Diligent, Trusty, and Wise, imployes him in all his greatest businesses of the State: by which tryall of his seruice and sidelity, he might expect to haue him euer the Thomas Becket preferred to the Sea of Can­terbury. readier to aduance his affaires, vpon all occasions. And besides, to shew how much he respected his worth, and integrity, he commits vnto him the education of the Prince, a charge of the greatest consequence in a Kingdome, which shall be euer sure to find their [Page 71] Kings as they are bred. At the beginning of this mans promotion, this reformation of Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction is set vpon, a worke (in regard of that time of deuotion) of great difficultie: the Bishops, hauing from the beginning of Christianitie, first vnder the Saxon Kings, principally swaded the State: and though at the entrance of the Nor­man, they were much abriged of their former liberties, they held themselues if not con­tent, yet quiet. For albeit they had not that power in temporall businesses as before; yet, within their owne circle, they held their owne iurisdiction, and immunities: and had since, both by the Law, ciuill warres, and the occasion of forraine affaires, much inlarged them. So that, any restriction, or diminution, of the powre they had, could not but touch vaines, that were very sensible in that part: especially, by reason of the vniuersall parti­cipation of the Spirit that fed them: and therefore could not bee but a businesse of much trouble,

The King conuokes a Councell at Westminster, and there first propounds to haue A Parliament at Westmin­ster. it enacted, That all such of the Clergie as should bee taken and conuicted for any heinous offence should loose the priuiledge of the Church, and bee deliuered to the ciuill Magestrate, to be punished 1163. Anno. Reg. 9. for their offences, as other the Kings subiects were. For, if after Spirituall punishment, no secular correction should bee vsed; there would bee no sufficient meanes to restraine them from doing mischiefe: seeing it was not likely, such men would much care for their degrading and losse of Order, whom the Conscience of their calling did not hold in awe.

The Archbishop and his suffragans, with the rest of the Bishops, shewed the King how they were not to yeeld to any such Act, being against the liberties of the Church, which him­selfe had sworne to defend, and maintaine: and therefore humbly besought him, that hee would not vrge auything to the preiudice of their iurisdiction, and such immunities as they had hither­to enioyed, both vnder him and his Noble Progenitors.

The King, not liking this aunswere, demaunds, Whether they would submit them­selues to the Lawes and Customes, which the Archbishops and Bishops, in the time of his grand­father Henry the first did obserue? they answered, they would; their Order, the honour of God; and holy Church, in all things saued, with which reseruation the King grew more dis­pleased, the Parliament brake vp, and nothing effected at that time, for hee saw the Bi­shops fast to themselues, and the more by the animation of the Archbishop of Can­terbury, whom hee thought (in regard of all those his graces bestowed on him) to haue found more yeelding to his courses, and therefore his indignation was most against him: and because hee would make him see what the displeasure of so mightie a King was, who could as well cast downe as aduance: First denies him accesse: then takes from him, what hee could possibly, countenances all such as were his opposites, his businesses in any the Kings Courts goe against him, the Earle of Clare is supported in a contestation hee had with him, about his homage for the Castle of Tun­bridge, and preuailes: nothing is left vndone, that might bee thought to humble him. And besides the King wrought so, As hee vnties the knot, gaines first the Arch­bishop of Yorke ( the ancient Competitor with Canterbury in dignity) and after, the Bishops of Lincolne, Hereford, and the especiall Prelates: and seperates them both from the counsell, and company of the Archbishop Becket.

Notice of this iarre being giuen abroad, a Messenger is sent from the Pope, and all the Cardinalls to reconcile it, and to charge the Archbishop to make peace with his Lord the King, and promise to obserue his Lawes without exception. The Archbishop pressed with this message, and the aduice of many great men, repaires to the King at Woodstooke, and there promises in good faith, without any euell meaning, to obserue the Kings Lawes so farre foorth as was required.

The King supposing now, things better prepared for his purpose then before, A Parliament at Clarendon. calls a generall Assembly of the Bishops and Nobilitie at Clarendon, where Iohn of Oxford, the Kings Clerke was President of the Councell: and a charge is 1164. Anno. Reg. 10. giuen from the King, That they should call to memorie the Lawes of his Grand-father Henrie the first, and to reduce them into writing: which beeing done, hee willed the Arch-bishoppe and Bishops, to set their Seales thereunto. Which when [Page 72] the rest were content to do, The Arch-bishop Becket refused. Yet at length, by the per­swasion of the Bishops (vrging him to satisfie the Kings pleasure, and appease his wrath, in regard of his present danger, which, by the rushing vp and downe of the Kings seruants with threatning countenances, they suspected themselues likely to fall The Arch-bi­shop Becket, takes his oath to obserue the Kings lawes. into) He tooke his Oath to obserue the Kings Lawes without any reseruation. And for the wri­ting desired to haue a copy, as if better to aduise thereof. And taking it into his hand, he turnes to the Clergie, and sayd: Brethren stand fast, you see the malice of the King, and of whom we are to beware.

So the Councell ended, but not the Kings displeasure against the Arch-bishop, whom onely he found, durst beare vp against his power, the rest all yeelding there­unto. The king vseth all meanes to vex the Arch­bishop. unto. And therefore proceedes he, by all meanes to vexe and disgrace him, and to aduance his Concurrent the Arch-bishop of Yorke, whom he solicites the Pope ( by his Agents Iohn of Oxford, and Geffery Riddle) to make his Legat of all England. Which the Pope (fore­warned acquainted with this busines) refused to do: yet at the petition of those Agents granted that Legation to the King himselfe, but so as he should do nothing to grieue the Arch­bishop, which the King tooke as a great indignity, and sent backe his Agents with the Popes Graunt.

The Arch-bishop Becket after his oath at Clarendon, so repented, as he suspended him­selfe, The Arch-bi­shop repents him of his oath. from the seruice of the Altar, and did sharpe penance till he had obtained absolution from the Pope, Which (vpon his information of the case) was sent him. After this, as some write, he attempts to depart out of the Kingdome, contrary to a law made at Clarendon ( for­bidding Arch-bishops, Bishops, and other Persons to depart out of the Realme without the Kings leaue. Which, although they obtained, yet were notwithstanding to secure the King, neither in their going, returning, or staying there, to practise any thing preiudicious to his State or Person) But being by contrary winds brought backe, he more exasperates the King against him.

After this, he is summoned to an Assembly at Northampton (holden about the rati­fication of the Acts of Clarendon) where (to dispight him the more) the Kings horses A Parliament at Northamp­ton. are placed in his Inne; And there, First had he a Case adiudged against him, concerning a Mannor, for which, one Iohn the Kings Marshall contended with him in Law, and besides the losse of the Mannor, was cast in arrerages fiue hundreth Markes, which the King was sayd to haue lent him, but he alledged how it was giuen: yet because he confessed the re­ceit, and could not prooue the gift, he was condemned to pay it. Then was he called to render an accompt to the King of all such receipts as in the time of his Chanceller ship he had recei­ued The Arch-bi­shop called to account. for the King, of certaine Bishopricks and Abbeys during their vacancies, which amounted to the summe of three thousand Markes. For these accounts, he alledged, How the King knew well, he was discharged before his election to the Sea of Canterbury, and how the Prince, the Ba­rons of the Exchequer, and Robert de Lucie, Chiefe Iustice of England, had made him his ac­quittance for all accounts, and Secular receipts, in the behalfe of the King: and so (free and cleered) was he chosen to the administration of that Office, and therefore would pleade the same no more.

The King, notwithstanding, vrging to haue iudgement passe against him, both for this, his late attempts, and disobedience, he was commanded the next day to attend his Censure. The morning before he was to appeare, he celebrates early with great de­uotion, the Masse of Saint Stephen Protomartir, which hath these words: Etenim sede­runt Principes, & aduersum me loquebantur: and so committing his cause to God, sets for­ward to the Court in his Stole, his blacke Canonicall hood, carrying the Crosse in his right hand, and guiding his horse with the left. The people seeing him come in this fashion, flocke all about him, he entring the great Chamber, sate downe amongst them, the King being within, in his Priuie Chamber with his Councell: from whom, first came forth the Bi­shop of London, and much blames him for comming so armed to the Court, and offered to pull the Crosse out of his hand, but the Arch-bishop held it so fast that he could not. Which the Bishop of Winchester seeing, sayd to London, Brother let him alone, he ought well to beare the Crosse, London replies, You speake brother against the King, and it will be ill for you. After this, comes forth the Arch-bishop of Yorke (the heate of whose antient hatred, saith Houeden, would not suffer him to speake in peace, and rebukes him very sharply, Roger Houeden. [Page 73] for comming in that fashion, as if to a Tyrant, or heathen Prince; and told him, that the King had a sword sharper then his Crosse, and if hee would bee aduised by him hee should take it from him. Canterbury replies, the Kings sword wounds carnally, but mine strikes Spi­ritually, and sends the soule to Hell.

After much debate, the Archbishoppe Becket inuayes against this violent pro­ceeding against him: How no age euer heard before, that an Archbishop of Canterbury had beene adiudged in any of the Kings Courts for anie cause whatsoeuer, in regard both of his Dignity and place: and for that hee is the Spirituall Father of the King, and all other his subiects. Then to the Bishops, you see the world rageth against mee, the enemy riseth vp, but I more lament, the Sonnes of my Mother fight against mee. If I should conceale it, the age to come will declare, how you leaue mee alone in the battaile, and haue iudged against mee, being your Father, though neuer so much a sinner. But I charge you by ver­tue of your obedience, and perill of your Order, that you bee not present in anie place of iudgement, where my person or cause comes to bee adiudged. And here I appeale to the Pope, charging you farther by vertue of your obedience, that if anie Temporall man laie handes on mee, you exercise the Sentence of the Church; as it becomes you for your Father the Archbishop, who will not shrinke howsoeuer, nor leaue the flock commit­mitted vnto him.

Then were all these great complaints of his contempt, Disobedience, and Periury, exhibited, and aggrauated against him before the Assembly, and they cried general­ly Complaints against the Archbishop. hee was a Traytor, that hauing receiued so many benefits at the Kings hands, would refuse to doe him all earthly honour, and obserue his Lawes as hee had sworne to doe. The Bishops likewise, seeing all thus bent against him, renounced their Eccle­siasticall obedience vnto him, cited him to Rome, and condemnes him as a periured man and a Traytor.

Then the Earle of Lecester accompayned with Reginald Earle of Cornwall came to the Archbishop, and charged him from the King to answere to what was obiected vnto him, or else to heare his iudgement. Nay, sonne Earle, sayd he, first heare you: It is not vnknowne to your selfe, how faithfully I haue serued the King, and how in regard thereof hee preferred mee to the place I haue (God is my witnesse) against my will. For I knew mine owne infermities, and was content to take it vpon mee, rather for his pleasure, then Gods cause; therefore now doth God withdraw himselfe, and the King from mee. At the time of my Electi­on hee made mee free from all Court bondage, and therefore touching those things from which I am deliuered, I am not bound to aunswere, nor will I. How much the soule is worthier then the bodie, so much are you bound to obay God and mee rather then any Earthly Crea­ture: neither will Law or Reason permit the Sonnes to condemne the Father: and I refuse to stand either to the Iudgement of the King or anie other person; appealing to the pre­sence of the Pope by whom onely on Earth I ought to bee adiudged, committing all I haue to Gods protection and his: and vnder that authority I depart out of this place. And so went hee out and tooke his Horse, not without some difficultie in passing, and many repro­ches of the Kings seruants. The Archbi­shop disguised sled out of the Kingdome.

Being gotten out of the Court, a great multitude of the common people (reioycing to see him deliuered) and diuers of the Clergie conuayed him honourably to the Abbay of Saint Andrewes, whence disguised (by the name of Dereman) hee escaped ouer into Flanders, and so into France.

This businesse of the Church, I haue the more particularly deliuered (accor­ding to the generall report of the Writers of that time) in regard it laie so chay­ned to the Temporall affaires of the State, and bewrayed so much of the face of that Age, with the constitution both of the Soueraignty, and the rest of the bo­die as it could not well bee omitted. Besides, the effects it wrought in the suc­ceeding raigne of this Prince, the vexation, charge; and burthen it layed vp­on him for manie yeares, is worthie of note, and shewes vs what spirit had pre­domination in that season of the World, and what Engines were vsed in this Op­pugnation.

Presently vpon the departure of this Great Prelate, the King sends ouer to [Page 74] the King of France, Gillebert Bishop of London, and William Earle of Arundell, to intreat him, not onely to forbid the Archbishop his Kingdome, but to bee a meanes to the Pope, that his The King sends Amba­ssadors to the Pope. cause might not bee fauoured by the Church, being so contumacious a rebell as he was against his Soueraigne Lord.

The King of France notwithstanding this intreaty sends Frier Francis his Amoyner vnder hand to the Pope, to beseech him, as he tendred the honour of holy Church, and the ayde of the Kingdome of France, to support the cause of Thomas of Canterbury, against the Tyrant of England.

King Henry sends likewise with all speed, Roger Archbishop of Yorke, the Bishop of Winchester, London, Chichester and Excester, Guido Rufus, Richard Iuechester, and Iohn of Oxford Clerkes: William Earle of Arundell, Hugh de Gundeuile, Bernard de Saint Walleric, and Henry Fitz Gerrard to informe the Pope of the whole cause, and preuent the Archbishoppes complaint. The multitude, and greatnesse of the Commissi­oners shewed the importance of the Ambassage, and the Kings earnest desire to haue his cause preuaile. They finde the Pope at the Citie of Sens, to whom, they shewed how peruers and disobedient the Archbishoppe had behaued himselfe to his Soueraigne Lord the King of England: how hee alone refused to obay his Lawes and Customes, which hee had sworne to doe: and that by his peeuish waywardnesse, the Church and Kingdome were like to bee disturbed, which otherwise would agree in the reformation thereof, as was fit and ne­cessary: and therefore they besought him, as hee tendred the peace of the Church of England, and the loue of the King their Soueraigne, not to giue credit or grace, to a man of so turbulent, and dangerous a spirit.

This Information (notwithstanding earnestly vrged) they found mooued not any disposition in the Pope to fauour the Kings cause, so that in the end, They besought him to send two Legats ouer into England, to examine the particulars of this businesse, and how it had beene carried: and in the meane time, to admit no other information of the cause, but referre it to their relation. The Pope refuses to send any Legat; the commissioners depart without any satisfaction. And with in foure dayes after, comes the Archbishop and prostrates himselfe at the Popes seete: deliuers him a coppie of those Lawes, which the King called his Grandfathers Lawes, which being openly read in the presence of all the Cardinals, Clergie, and many other people, the Pope condemned them for euer, and accursed those who obeyed or any way fauoured them.

Those Lawes among the Statutes of Clarendon, which the Archbishop so much op­pugned (and most offended the Clergie) were (as by his owne letter to the Bishop of London appeares) these especially: That there should bee no appeale to the Apostolike Sea without the Kings leaue. That no Archbishoppe or Bishoppe should goe out of the Realme but by the Kings permission. That no Bishoppe excommunicate any, who held of the King, in Capite; or interdict any officiall of his without the Kings leaue, &c. That Clergie men should bee drawne to secular iudgements. That Lay men (as the King and other should han­dle causes of the Church, Tythes, and such like. And these were daungerous incrochments vpon their liberties.

But now the King, seeing his Ambassage to take no effect, and withall, in a man­ner 1166. Anno. Reg. 12. contemned, presently makes his heauie displeasure, and the scorne hee tooke knowe by his seuere Edicts, both against the Pope, and the Archbishoppe, that they might see what edge his secular powre had in this case: ordayning, That if anie were found carrying Letter, or Mandat from the Pope, or Archbishoppe, contayning any The Kings Edicts against the Pope and his agents. interdiction of Christianity in England, should bee taken, and without delay executed as a Traytor, both to the King and Kingdome. That whatsoeuer Bishop, Priest, Monke, or Conuerser in anie Order, Clerke, or Layman should haue and retaine any such letters; should forfeit all their possessions, goods, and chattells to the King, and bee presently banished the Realme with their kinne. That no Clergie men, Monke or other should bee permitted to passe ouer Sea, or returne out of Normandie into England, without letters from the Iustices here, or from the King being there: vpon paine to bee taken as a Malefactor, and put in hold. That none should appeale to the Pope. That all Clerkes which had any reuenue in England should returne into the Realme within three monethes, vpon paine of forfeiting their estates to the King.

[Page 75]That Peter Pence should bee collected, and sequestred till the Kings pleasure were farther knowne.

Besides, this hee banishes all that were found to bee any way of kinne to the Arch­bishop, without exception of condition, sex, or yeres. And withall, takes occasion vpon the Scisme which was then in the Church to renounce Pope Alexander, and incline to the Emperors faction, which stood thus.

After the death of Adrian the fourth, Rouland a Geneuese, and a great enemy of the The Election of two Popes. Empire is by two and twenty Cardinalls elected Pope by the name of Alexander the third, to which election foure Cardinals opposed, and made choyce of Octauian a Citi­zen of Rome that would be called Victor the first. The Emperor Frederic Barbarossa sum­mons these two Popes to a Concel at Pauia, to vnderstand & determin their right. Alex­ander makes the old answere, that the Pope could not be iudged by any man liuing, refuses to appeare before the Emperour, and withdrawes into Anagnia. Victor consents to ap­peare there, or wheresoeuer the Emperour would appoint, so that, he was the man for that side. But all the other Princes of Christendom (except those of the Emperours fa­ction) acknowledge Alexander for Pope, as elected by most voyces. And especially by the King of France who called him thither: and at Cocy vpon Loyr, he and the King of England receiued him with all honour and reuerence, in so much, as they are sayd to haue attended vpon his Stirrop, the one, on the right hand, the other on the left: after this, he calls a Councell at Tours, whether the Kings of England, Spaine and Hungarie send their Ambassadors, and there, are the constitutions of the Councell of Pauia, and the Emperours confirmation of Victor nullified, so that Alexander hauing his party day­ly increasing in Italy was shortly after receiued into Rome.

Notwithstanding all this, the King of England finding him so auers in this bu­sinesse, Falls off from him, renounces his Authority, turnes to the Emperours faction, seekes to strength himselfe with the Princes of Germanie, consents to match his daughter Maude to the Duke of Saxony, at the motion of Reginald Archbishop of Collen, sent ouer by the Emperour for that purpose, and intertaines a motion for another daughter to bee matched with the Emperours sonne.

But now, by reason this contrary faction to Pope Alexander grew to bee but feeble, all this working did the King no good, but exasperates the Pope, and sets him on the more to support the cause of the Archbishop, who, sollicites the Clergie of Pope Alexan­ders letter to the Clergie of England. England threatnes, intreats, adiures them not to forsake their hold, nor giue way to the inuador of their liberties, which sought to confound the Priesthood and the Kingdome: and if they opposed not mainely at the first but suffered the least breach to bee made vpon them, they were vndone. Then excommunicates hee all the especiall Ministers of the King that adhered to the Teutonicque faction, or held intelligence with the Archbishop of Collen: As Iohn of Oxford, Richard Iuechester, Richard de Lucie, Iosslin Balliol, Alan de Neuile, and with these all such as had entred vpon the goods of the Church of Canter­bury, which hee called the patrimony of the Crusifex, and the foode of the poore: and these were Ralph de Brocke, Hugh Saint Clare, and Thomas Fitz Barnard. Thus are both sides busied in this drie warre, wherein, though there were no sword, yet it gaue vexation ynough.

And yet this was not all the worke that tooke vp the Kings time for during this dissention, the Welsh againe reuolt, and to supresse them he spent much labour, with The King re­presses the Welch. the losse of many great men, and was himselfe in that daunger, as had not Hubert Saint Clere receiued a wounde for him, by an Arrow aymed directly at his person, hee had there finished his part. In this expedition hee is sayd, to haue vsed extreame crueltie.

After this, hee passes into Normandie to bee neere his businesse, which now lay all on that side. And first to entertaine the opinion of Pictie (though hee were falne out with the Pope) hee obtaines at an Assembly of his Bishops and Barons of Nor­mandie, 1166. Anno. Reg. 13. two pence in the pound, of euery mans Lands and goods to beepayde that yeare 1166. and a penny of euery pound to be payde for foure yeares following, which was leuied for the reliefe of the Christians in the Holy warre, and sent vnto them.

[Page 76]Then hee raises forces and takes in certaine Castles in the Countrey of Maine, and Marches of Brittaine, from diuers Lords and Barons that had disobayed him. And whilst he was busie abroade, Mathew sonne to the Earle of Flanders (who had married the Lady Marie Abbesse of Ramsey, daughter to King Stephen, & had by her the Country of Bologne) attempted something on the Coast of England, either to try the affections of the people, or to make spoyle and booty, but without any effect at all, the King being to mighty for any such weake vndertaker.

And to distend his powre yet wider, falls out this occasion: Conan Earle of Britaine dies, and leaues one onely daughter (which hee had by his wife Constance daughter to the King of Scots) to succeed him in his State. The King of England being then in armes vpon the Marches of Brittaine, deales with the Guardians of the young Ladie to match her to his third sonne Geffry. The nobility of that Country being then of a rough, and haughty disposition (giuen to fewds, and perpetuall quarrelling one with another) were wrought vpon, and a side is wonne of such as could doe most in this businesse: which is effected to the great contentation of the King of England.

This fell out to be in the 13 yeare of his raigne, wherein, as some write, died his Mo­ther Maud the Empresse, a Lady of an high and actiue Spirit: illustrious by her birth, but more by her first match, and most by her sonne, whom she liued to see established in all these mighty States, in the glory of Greatnesse & Peace: Fertile in issue, hauing now The death of Maude the Empresse. had 4 sonnes and 3 daughters, linkes of loue and strength (oftentimes in priuate fami­lies) though seldome in Princes, and shee left him in the best time of his daies before any great tempest ouertooke him.

Three yeares after this, hee imployes most in France, about the ordering and clee­ring the bounds of his Dominions from vsurpation, or incrochments of neighbour Lords (whom his greatnesse held all in awe) and they must haue no more then hee would: especially hee settles and reformes the State of Brittaine, which was much out of order, and in muteny about the late Match: which being appeased, hee keepes a solemne Christmas at Nants, and Royally feasts the Nobilitie of the Countrey. 1169. Anno. Reg. 16.

Then returnes he into England, where, least Peace (by reason of his long and often absence) might afflict and corrupt his subiects, he lookes to that Diuine, and Almighty worke of Kings, the administration of Iustice, appoynting certaine commissioners as Syndicqs to examine the abuses and excesses committed by his Officers, and grieuously Extortion and Bribety pu­nished. punishes the Shriefes of the Land, for extortion and bribery.

His Easter, he keepes at Windsor whither, repaires vnto him William King of Scots who lately succeeded Malcom his brother, and brings with him his younger brother Dauid, both to congratulate the King of Englands returne, and also continue his claime to those peeces in the North which hee pretended to bee vniustly detained from that Crowne. The King entertaines him, as hee had done his brother with faire words, and tells him, How it was not in his powre, to doe any thing therein, without the consent of the State in Parliament; which if hee would attend, there should bee that course taken, as hee hoped might giue him satisfaction. In expectation whereof this King came often into England, and once attended the King in an expedition into France, as his Predeces­or had done.

But now all this while, the wrath of the Church continues, and the clowde hangs still ouer him, dayly threatning the great thunder-bolt. Although it seemes the Pope of himselfe, was not verie forward to proceede to that extremity but would gladly haue quieted the Archbishoppe otherwise; Who (hee sayd) had taken an ill time for this businesse, the King being mighty, and the Church in trouble: and therefore writes The Pope writes to the Bishops of England. he his letters to the Bishop of London, and Hereford, willing them to deale effectually with the King, and to admonish him to desist from intruding vpon the liberties of the Church, and to restore the Archbishop to his Sea and Dignity.

The Bishops wisely answere the Popes Letter, in substance thus: Wee haue ( sayd they) done your Holinesse message, and as much as was decent for the Ma­iestie The Bishops answere to the Popes Letter. if a King, instantly vrged him to satisfie your desire, made by vs: and if hee had [Page 77] erred from the way of truth and Iustice, that hee would not delay to returne thereunto: that hee would not inhibit such as were desirous to visit the Church of Rome, hinder Appeales, oppresso Churches and Churchmen, or suffer others so to doe: that hee would call home our Father the Archbishoppe, &c. and persist in the workes of Pietie; that hee by whom Kings raigne might preserue vnto him his temporall Kingdome, and giue him an eternall in Hea­uen: and that vnlesse hee would yeelde to your Holy admonitions, you, who had hi­therto indured, could in patience forbeare no longer. Besides we added this of our selues, how it was to bee feared, if hee amended not his errours, his Kingdome would not long stand, nor his prosper.

The King receiued your admonitions with manie thankes, much Temperance and Modestie, and answeres to euerie point. First hee protested that in no sort hee auerted his minde from your Holinesse, nor euer purposed so to doe, but so long as you shewed him fatherly Grace, hee would loue you as a Father; reuerence, and cherish the Church as his Mother. And humbly obay your sacred Decrees, sauing his owne Dignity, and that of his Kingdome: and if of late hee hath not respected you with any reuerence, the cause was that, hauing with all his affection, and all his powre stood to you in your necessitie, hee was not answered worthily to his deserts vpon his recourse to you by his Ambassadours, but in euery petition had the re­pulse. And for hindring any which are willing to visit your Holinesse hee answeres hee will not, nor hath hitherto done.

But for Appeales, by the ancient custome of the Kingdome, Hee chalenges that ho­nour, and cumber to himselfe: that no Clergie man for any ciuill cause shall goe out of the Land, till hee hath tried, whether hee may obtaine his right by his Royall Authority, and Iustice at home; which if hee cannot, hee may (without any hinderance) when hee will make his Appeale. Wherein, if any way hee doth preiudice Your Honour hee offers, by the helpe of God to correct it, as it shall bee ordred by the Councell of the whole Church of his Kingdome. And for the Emperour, though hee knew him a Scismatique, hee neuer vn­derstood hee was excommunicate. But if hee bee by vs informed thereof, or hath entred vn­lawfull league with him, or any other, hee promises likewise to redresse the same, by the sayd Ecclesiasticall Councell of his Kingdome. And for our Father, the Lord of Canter­bury (hee sayth) that hee neuer expelled him out of his Kingdome, but as hee went out of his owne accord, so that, at his pleasure it was free for him to returne to his Church in peace: prouided, that his Maiestie might bee satisfied concerning those complaints of his, and haue him to obserue his Royall Dignity. And if it can bee proued, that any Church, or Churchman, hath beene opprest by the King or any of his, hee is ready to make full satisfaction, as shall bee thought fit by the whole Councell of the Church of his Kingdome.

This ( say they) wee haue receiued in answere from our Lord the King, and wish wee could haue had it fully according to your desire: but these things wee thought good to notifie to your Highnesse, that your Discretion may perceiue what is like to bee the conclusion of this bu­sinesse. The King stands vpon the iustification of his owne cause, ready to obey the Councell and iudgement of the Church of England. Whereupon wee thought good to beseech your Highnesse, that you would moderate, for a time, that zeale (which by the fire of the deuine Spirit, is worthily inkindled, to reuenge any iniury done to the Church of God) and forbeare to pro­nounce any sentence of interdiction, or that last iudgement of abscision, whereby inumerable Churches may bee miserably subuerted, and both the King and an infinite number of people with him, irreuocably (which God forbid) auerted from your obedience.

Then they tell him, That better it were to haue a member bad, then cut off: absci­sion brought desperation: a skilfull Chirurgion might recouer an infected part, and how it were filter to imploy meanes to heale the wound, then by cutting off a most noble part of the Church of God, to bring more disturbance to the same that hath to much alreadie. Though the King were stiffe, they ought not dispare of the grace of God, that a Kings stomacke was then to bee wonne, when hee had wonne, and might not blush to yeelde, when hee had ouercome: Patience, and Meekenesse, must pacifie him, &c. And in­conclusion, wee speake foolishly ( say they) but yet withall Charitie: if it come to passe that the Lord of Canterbury loose both his goods; and liue besides in perpetuall [Page 78] exile; and England which (God forbid) fall away from your obedience, were it not better to forbeare for a time, then with such zeale of seuerity to foster vp a party? what if persecution can­not seperate many of vs from you, yet will not there want knees to bow to Baall, and receiue the Pall of Canterbury at the hands of an Idoll, without choyce of religion, or Iustice: neither will there want suppliers of our Chayres that will obey him with all deuotion, and already, many deuoure these hopes; wishing that scandalls may come, and streight waies bee made crooked.

Thus much out of their letters, which are the best peeces of History in the world, and shew vs more of the inside of affaires, then any relations else. And by this wee truely see what barres kept these two mighty powers back from their wills, and yet how lowde they threaten, and both a feard of each other.

But the King of England stood safe ynough, and was like to haue his businesses runne in a strong and intire course, when by casting to make things safer, then fast: he layes open a way both to disioynt his owne power, and imbroyle his people with diuision, which was by the association of his sonne Henry in the gouernment, an act without example in this Kingdome, and strange that a Parliament, an assembly of the State, Prince Henry crowned King conuoked for the same businesse, would in so wise times, consent to communicate the Crowne, and make the Common-wealth a Monster with two heads. But it seemes the 1170. Anno. Reg. 16. strong desire of the King was such, for the loue he bare his sonne, as he would not bee denied in this motion, nor hold it a sufficient Security, to haue twice before caused all the Kingdome to take an Oath of Fealty vnto him, & to haue designed, vnlesse he were Crowned King, as he was, with all vsuall solemnities the 14 day of Iune 1170. by Roger Archbishop of Yorke, and had homage done vnto him that day by the King of Scots, Dauid his brother, and all the Nobility of England. But now with what reserua­tions this was done, wee are not particularly informed: whether there was an equall participation of rule, or onely but of Title: and that the Father, not­withstanding this Act, was to haue the especiall manage of the Gouernment, and the Sonne, though a King, yet a Sonne, with a limited powre. Howsoeuer, this young King shewed shortly after, That a Crowne was no State to bee made ouer in trust, and layd much griefe, and repentance, vpon his Fathers forwardnesse.

What mooued the King with this precipitation (to be before hand with his Graue) may be deemed, the iealosie he had apprehended by his Mothers example, who for all the Oath of Fealtie sooften taken for her succession, was yet put by it, through the working of the Clergie, and now considering in what termes hee stood with them, and that al­though he had wonne some few Bishops vnto him, was sure they loued him not, and what they might worke with the people, if himselfe should faile, made him ouer doe his worke.

The King of France, vnderstanding that his daughter was not Crowned with her husband (which by reason of her tender age was deferred) tooke it ill, and threatnes King Henry the Father with warre, if it were not presently done, which causes him to make more haste backe againe into Normandy (leauing the young King in England) to satisfie or preuent this quarreling Prince.

And whilst he remained there, meanes was made that the Archbishop of Canterbu­ry (who had beene now sixe yeares in exile) was brought to haue conference with the King, by the mediation of the King of France, Theobald Earle of Bloys, and diuers great Bishops, which the King of England was the more willing to accept, in regard hee saw this breach with the Church might much preiudice his temporall businesses when­soeuer they should breake out: and how the Archbishop continually was working the Pope, and all the great Prelates of the Christian world against him: which, How much such a party as swayed the Empire of Soules might doe in a time of zeale, against a ruler of bodies, was to bee considered. And therefore discends he from the higth of his will to his necessity, and they meete at Montmiriall before the King of France, where the Archbishop kneeling at the feete of his Soueraigne Lord the King of England, sayd, Beckets submis­sion to the King. Hee would commit the whole cause in controuersie to his Royall Order, Gods honour onely re­serued.

[Page 79] The King (who had beene often vsed to that reseruation) grew into some choller, and sayd to the King of France and the rest: What soeuer displeaseth this man, hee would haue to be against Gods honour, and so by that shift, will challeng to himselfe all that belongs to mee: But because, you shall not thinke mee to goe about to resist Gods honour and him, in what shall bee The Kings offer to Becket. fit, looke what the greatest and most Holy of all his Predecessors haue done to the meanest of mine, let him doe the same to mee and it shall suffice. Which answere being beyond expectati­on, so reasonable, turn'd the opinion of all the company to the Kings cause, in so much as the King of France, sayd to the Archbishop, Will you bee greater then Saints? better than Saint Peter? what can you stand vpon? I see it is your fault, if your peace bee not made. The Archbishop replied to this effect: That as the authority of Kings had their beginning by Beckets reply: Degrees, so had that of the Church, which being now by the prouidence of God, come to that Estate it was, they were not to follow the example of any, that had beene faint or yeelding in their places. The Church had risen, and increased out of many violent oppressions, and they were now to hold what it had gotten. Our Fathers (sayd hee) suffred all manner of afflictions, because they would not forsake the name of Christ, and shall I, to be reconciled to any mans fauour liuing, dero­gate any thing from his honour?

This hauty reply of a subiect to so yeelding an offer of his Soueraigne, so much dis­tasted the hearers, as they held the maintenance of his cause, rather to proceed from obstinacy then zeale, and with that impression, the conference for that time, brake vp. But after this, were many other meetings and much debate about the businesse. And the King of France (at whose charge lay the Archbishop all this while) came to another conference with them, vpon the Confines of Normandie: Where, the King of England tooke the Archbishop apart, and had long speech with him; twice they alighted from their horses, twice remounted, and twice the King held the Archbishops bridell, and so a­gaine they part, prepared for an attonement, but not concluding any. In the end by media­tion The King and Becket accor­ded. of the Archbishop of Rouen, the matter is quietly ended before the Earle of Bloys, at Amboys. And thereupon Henry the father, writes to Henry the sonne, being then in England, in this wise, Know yee, that Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury hath made peace with me (to my will) and therefore I charge you, that hee and all his, haue peace: and that you cause to bee restored vnto him, and to all such (as for him) went out of England, all their substances, in as full and honourable manner, as they held it, three monethes before their going, &c. And thus by this letter we see, in which King, the command lay. Becket re­turnes into England.

The Archbishop returning into England (not as one who had sought his peace, but inforced it) with larger power to his resolution then before, Suspends by the Popes Bull, the Archbishop of Yorke from all Episcopall Office, for Crowning the young King within the Prouince of Canterbury, without his leaue, and against the Popes commandement: and without taking (according to the custome) the Cautionary Oath, for conseruation of the liberties of the Church. Hee brought also other letters to suspend in like manner, The Bishops of London, Salisbury, Oxford, Chester, Rochister, Saint Asaph, and Landaff, for doing seruice at the Coronation, and vphoulding the Kings cause against him. And by these Letters were they all to remaine suspended, till they had satisfied the Archbishop in so much, as he thought fit.

Thus to returne home, shewed that hee had the better of the time, and came all vn­tied, which so terrified the Bishops that presently (hauing no other refuge) they repaire to the King in Normandie, and shew him this violent proceeding of the Archbishop, How since his returne hee was growne so imperious as there was no liuing vnder him. Where­with the King was so much mooued, as hee is sayd in extreame passion to haue vtte­red these words. In what a miserable State am I, that cannot bee quiet, in mine owne King­dome, for one onely Priest? is there no man will ridde mee of this trouble. Whereupon (they report) foure Knights, Sir Hugh Moruille, Sir William Tracy. Sir Richard Brittaine, and Sir Raynold Fitz Vrs (then attending vpon the King, and gessing his desire by his words) depart presently into England, to bee the vnfortunate executioners of the same, but by some it seemes rather, these foure gentlemen were sent with Commission from the King to deale with the Archbishop in another manner. And first to wish him to take his Oath of Fealty to the young King: then to restore these Bishops to the execution of their [Page 80] function: and thirdly, to beare himselfe with more moderation in his place, whereby the Church might haue comfort vpon his returne, and the Kingdome quietnesse.

But they finding the Arch-bishop not answering their humor, but peremtory, & vn­tractable, without regarding their Masters message, grew into rage, & first from threat­ning The murthe­ring of Becket. force fell to commit it, and that in an execrable manner: putting on their armor (to make the matter more hideous) they entred into the Church, whither the Arch-bi­shop was with-drawn, the Monks at Diuine Seruice; and there calling him Traytor, and furiously reuiling him, gaue him many wounds, and at length strake out his braines, that with his bloud besprinkled the Altar. His behauiour in this act of death, his cou­rage to take it: his passionate committing the cause of the Church, with his soule to God, and his Saints: the place, the time, the manner, and all aggrauates the hatred, of the deed, and makes compassion, and opinion, to be on his side.

The vnfortunate Gentlemen (hauing effected this great seruice, rifled the Arch-bi­shops house; and after waighing the foulenesse of what they had committed, and doubt­full whether the King, though they had done him a great pleasure, would seeme so to acknowledge it) withdrew themselues into the North parts; and from thence pursued, The Murthe­rers miserable ende. fled into seuerall Countreys, where they all within foure yeares after (as is reported) died miserable Fugitiues.

Soone ranne the rumor of this deed, with full mouth ouer all the Christian world, euery pen, that had passion, was presently set on worke. The King of France (himselfe) The King of Fraunce in­formes the Pope of Bec­kets murther. informes the Pope of the whole manner, with aggrauation of the souienesse thereof, and incites him to vse the most exquesit punishment he could; To vnsheath Peters sword, to reuenge the death of the Martyr of Canterbury, whose bloud cries out for all the Church, and whose diuine glory was already reuealed in miracles.

Theobald Earle of Bloys, a great and graue Prince (elder brother to King Stephen) The Earle of Bloys informes likewise. sends likewise his information to the Pope, and shewes him, how he was at the peace­making betweene the King of England and this blessed Martyr: and with what a cheerefull countenance, with what willingnesse the King confirmed the agreement, granting him power to vse his authority as it should please the Pope and him against those Bishops, which had contrary to the right, and dignity of the Church of Canterbury presumed to intrude the new King into the Royallthrone. And this he would iustifie by his Oath, or howsoeuer: and in this peace ( saith he) the man of God doubting nothing, puts his necke vnder the sword: this innocent lambe the mor­row vpon Saint Innocents day, suffered Martyrdome: the iust bloud was shed, where the shot of our saluation, the bloud of Christ is offered. And then: how Court dogges, the Kings familiars and domesticks, were his ministers to execute this horrible act, concluding with an exhortation likewise of reuenge.

But William Arch-bishop of Sens comes with a more maine outcry, as if he would wake the Pope, were he neuer so dead asleepe: and tels him, how he was appointed ouer The Arch-bi­shop of Sens writes to the Pope. Nations, and Kingdomes, to bind their Kings in fetters, and their Nobles with manacles of iron: that all power both in Heauen and Earth was giuen to his Apostleship: bids him looke how the Bore of the wood had rooted vp the Vineyard of the Lord of Saboath, &c. and all, in that most powerfull phrase of holy writ. And after, hauing bitterly inueyed against the King, vses these words: It imports you, O most milde keeper of the walles of Ierusalem, to reuenge that which is past, and prouide for the future. What place shall be safe, if the rage of tyranny shall im­brew the Sancta Sanctorum with bloud, and teare in peeces the Vice-gerents of Christ, the foster children of the Church, without punishment? Arme therefore all the Ecclesiasticall power you may, &c.

Such and so great was the vprore of the Church, raised vpon these motiues, as not­withstanding The King de­clares his in­nocency by Embassage to the Pope. the King of England (then the greatest Prince of all the Christian world) imployed the most especiall men could be chosen in all his Dominions, for reputation, learning, and iudgement, to declare his innocencie to the Pope: to vowe and protest that he was so farre from willing such a deed to be done, as he was from doing it himselfe, and how grieuously hee Pope, & Car­dinals denied audience re­fused confe­rence. tooke the matter when he heard thereof; yet so deepe was the impression setled before hand, and his name made so odious at Rome, as not onely the Pope denied Audience to his Ambassadors, but euery Cardinall, and all other his Ministers refused to haue any con­ference [Page 81] with them. Which, with the hard passage they had in going thither, by the many dangers and restraints they indured, and now the contempt they found there, did (as they signified to the King) much discourage them. Yet for all this were there those braue Spirits among them (as great Princes haue alwaies great Ministers) that neuer gaue ouer working to cleere their maisters honour, by Apologies, remonstrances, and all whatsoeuer wit could deuise: and delt so, as they kept off the great confounding blow of the highest Censure, though it were euery day threatned and expected. And hauing (by grauely vrging the mischiefes, might follow in the Church; if a King of so great a State, and stomacke, should bee driuen to take desperate courses) giuen some pawse, and allay to the first heare; they timed it out all that Spring, and a great part of the next Sommer; when, although they could giue the King no great security, yet they aduertise him of hope. But the sending of two Cardinals a Latere Gratianus and Viuianus downe into Normandie did exceedingly vexe him. For they were rough against him, and would haue interdicted him, and his Dominions: but being forewarned of their comming and intention, hee appeales to the presence of the Pope, and so put off that trouble. Returning out of Normandie into England, hee giues strict commandement, That no briefe carrier of what condition or order soe­uer, without giuing good security for his behauieur to the King, and Kingdome, bee suffred to passe the Seas.

Notwithstanding all the vexation the Church put this King into, hee left nothing The Conquest of Ireland. vndone that concerned the aduancement of his affaires, but as if now the rather, to shew his powre and greatnesse, takes this time for an expedition into Ireland (hauing commanded a Nauie of foure hundred shippes to bee ready at Milford-Hauen for the transportation of Men, Victuals, and Armour) and sets soorth in the beginning of No­uember, an vnseasonable time, both for those Seas, and the inuasion of a Countrey not well knowne. But the businesse (it seemes) was well prepared for him, hauing had an intention thereof, euer since the second yeare of his raigne, in which hee sent a solemne Ambassage to Pope Adrian the fourth, to craue leaue for the subdument of that Countrey, vnder pretence of reducing those rude people from their vicious fashions to the fayth and way of truth. Which the Pope willingly graunted, and returnes the Ambassadours, with an autenticall concession thereof in writing, to this effect, First shewing how laudable a thing it was, and how fitting the magnificence of so mighty a King to propagate his glorious name on Earth, and heape vp reward of eternall felicity in Heauen, by extending the bounds of the Church, reducing rude and vnlettered people from their vicious manners, to the veritte of the Christian faith, and ciuilitie. And then giues him powre to inuade the same, and to execute whatsoeuer should bee to the Honour of God, and good of the Countrey, with re­seruation of Church-rights, and Peeter-pence (a penny of euery house yearely, which hee had promised by his Ambassadors) and so concluds with an exhortation to plant men of good and examplar life in the Clergie, &c.

But the King at that time, hauing other occasions, left off the purpose of this, which comes now of late to bee againe imbraced by this meanes: Dermot Mac Marrgh one Dermot com­plains against O Conor to King Henry. of the fiue Kings which then ruled that Island comes vnto him into Aquitaine to craue his ayde against Rodorick the Great, called O Conor Dun, King of Connaught who, contending for the Soueraigntie of the whole had chaced him out of his Dominion of Lemster.

The King of England (glad to finde a doore thus opened to his intention, that might yeeld passage of it selfe without being broken vp) intertaines this eiected King with promises of ayde: and though hee could not as then furnish him, being ingaged in other great affaires, he yet permits such of his subiects as would, to aduenture their fortunes with him. But the occasion of the dissention betweene these two Irish Kings was indeed fowle on the part of Dermot, who had corrupted, and stolne away the wife of Rodoricke and for that odious iniury, with his iniustice to his people (the common causes Dermots offen­ces. of ruininge and transferring Kingdomes) hee was by strong hand chaced out of his Domi­nion of Lemster; and thereupon makes out for forraine aide. And (hauing thus delt with the King of England) he betakes him into Wales, where first he wrought one Robert [Page 82] Fits Stephen, a man of a desperate fortune (yet able to draw many voluntaries) to con­tract with him: and afterward Richard (of the house of Clare) surnamed Strong-bow, Earle of Pembrooke commonly called (of his chiefe seate in Monmoth-shire) Earle of Chepstow, or Strigil, a Lord of high courage and worthinesse, which made him well fol­lowed, and of great possessions both in England and Normandy, which gaue him meanes for his entertainements. Fits Stephen was perswaded by promise of rich rewards. The Earle of marriage with Eua the daughter of Dermot, & the succession of the King­dome of Lemster.

Fits Stephen with Maurice Fits Gerard, his halfe brother by the mother, passed ouer The conqnest of Ireland. first with a small company, and landed at the place called by the Irish Bagg-bun, which in English signifies Holy, and therefore interpreted as presaging good successe, whereof this time retaines yet the memory, At the head of Bagge and Bun, Ireland was Triginta Mili tibus. lost, and wonne. And the next day after arriued at the same place, Maurice de Prendergast, with other men at armes, and many Archers in two ships, parcell of Fits Stephens for­ces, which from thence marched to the Citty of Weishford, with Banners displayed, The begin­ning of May. in so strange a forme and order (though their number were not foure hundreth) as the Irish vnacquainted with so vnusuall a face of warre, were ouercome with 1170. Anno. Reg. 16. feare, and rendred vp themselues to their mercy with their Citty of Wcishford, which with the Countrey about, was giuen by Dermot to Robert Fits Stephen, for an en­couragement to him and hope to others. And there was planted the first Colonie of the English, which euer since hath continued, retaining still in a sort our antient at­tire, and much of our language, proper onely to that Citty and Countrey about, and called by a distinct name, Weisford speech.

The next yeare are new supplies sent out of Wales, and after, vpon intelligence of 1171. Anno. Reg. 17. good successe the Earle of Pembrok ariues in the Bay of Waterford with two hundred men at armes and a thousand other souldiours, takes the towne, which was then called Porthlarge, puts the inhabitants to the sword (to giue terror to others, and make roome for his owne people) and there Dermot giues him his daughter in marriage, with the dowry of his Country, which, after his wickednesse had vndone, hee liued not to see more yeares (hauing had to many by this) and dies miserably, leauing the Stile of Nin­gal (which signifies) the strangers friend, added to his name, in memory of his vnnaturall forsaking his owne Nation.

Strongbow, after hauing secured the places gotten, marches with those small forces he had ouer the Island without resistance. Rodoricke the Great (shewing himselfe but a little Prince) kept in the Wildes and fastnesses of Connaught, and neuer came to appeare before the enemy; who passing through the Country at his pleasure, takes what pledges he would of the inhabitants to secure their obedience, and with as little labour possest himselfe of the Citie of Dublin the head of the Island.

Thus Wales got vs first the Realme of Ireland, and (which is most strange) without stroke of battaile: a thing scarce credible, that a Country so populous, a Nation of that disposition, should not lift vp a hand to defend it selfe: hauing, it seemes, either neg­lected the vse of Armes, or else neuer beene acquainted with them (other then in a na­ked manner of domesticke fight one with another) whereby, the terror of strange, and neuer before seene forces in order of warre, layd them prostrate to the mercy of the Ouer-runner.

But the King of England aduertised of the prosperous successe of these Aduenturers and the Estate of the Country grew in iealousie of them, thinking they presumed far­ther then their subiection would allow, and would make themselues that which they must bee made by him, and take away the glory of the worke that should bee onely his; causes proclamation to be made: That no vessell should carry any thing out of his Do­minions into Ireland, and that all his subiects should returne from thence, and leaue off their attempts, otherwise to forfeit their Estates at home. And withall sends ouer William Fitz. 1172. Anno. Reg. 18. Adelm, and Robert Fitz Bernard with some forces to prepare the way for him who fol­lowed shortly after, and lands eight miles from Waterford the Eue of Saint Luke Anno 1172. being the third yeare after the first Inuasion made by Fitz Stephen.

[Page 83]At his first landing a white Hare starting out of a bush was taken, and presented to him interpreted as a presage of a white victory. The next day hee marches to Wa­terford where he staied fifteene dayes; and thither came to him of their owne accord, the Kings of Corke, Limricke, Oxerie, Meth, and all of any powre in Ireland (except Rodo­ricke King of Connaught, who still kept himselfe in the fastnesse of his Countrey) and submitted themselues withall the Clergie, taking their Oath of Fealty to him, and the young King, The Irish kings submission. and their Successors for euer; so these deuided Princes holding no common Councell for the publique safty: rather then to ioyne those hands that had so often scratched each other, fell all from themselues, and with the same emulation they had in libertie, stroue for their seruitude who should be first to receiue a forraine maister.

From Waterford the King goes to Dublin, where, hee holds an Assembly of all these subiect Kings, with the Lords Spirituall, and Temporall of Ireland, for the further rati­fication of their allegiance, and the ordering and reformation of the State. Which done hee causes the Bishops with the Clergie there to assemble at Cassell, and appoints an especiall Chaplaine of his owne, with the Archdeacon of Landaff to bee assistants and aduisors vnto them for reformation of Church-businesses which seemes to haue beene Henries refor­mation of Ire­land. as disordred as the people, for though the Irish had beene long before Christians, it was after a wilde and mixt fashion, and therefore, according to his promise made to the late Pope, and to doe a worke pleasing to the present, it was decreed, That all Church-lands should be free from the exaction of secular men: and that from thence foorth, all Diuine things should bee ordered, and vsed in euerie part of Ireland according to the manner of the Church of England, being fit (as saith the Cannon) that as Ireland hath by Gods mercy obtained a Lord and King out of England, so from thence they should receiue a better forme of life, and manners then heretofore they vsed.

His Christmasse he keepes at Dublin, where he royally feasts all his Kings & great men of the Countrey, the rest of his being there he imployes in fortifying and planting Garnisons where most need required: he makes Hugh Lacy Iustice of all Ireland, giues him the keeping of Dublin, and besides confirmed vnto him and his heires, by his Charter, the Countrey of Meth to hold the same in Fee, for the seruice of a hundreth Knights: he bestowes on Robert Fits Bernard the keeping of the Townes of Waterford and Weisford (which he tooke from Fits Stephen the first inuador) with charge to build Castles in them: and to humble the Earle Strongbow, and leuell him with the rest of his subiects, he takes from him all his dependants, and makes them his.

So was it but his winters worke to get a Kingdome, which though thus easily won it proued more difficult, and costly in the keeping, by reason the prosequution of a full establishment thereof was neither by him or his successors (hauing other diuertments) euer throughly accomplished.

On Easter monday he sets out for England, where he makes no stay, but takes the young King along in his company, and passes ouer into Normandy to meete other two Legates ( Theodinus and Albertus) who were sent from Pope Alexander (but in milder fashion then the last) to examine the murther of the late Arch-bishop Becket. Foure moneths were spent in debating the matter, and in the end, the King by his Oath ta­ken vpon the Reliques of Saints, and the holy Euangelists, before the two Legates in the presence of King Henry the sonne, the Arch-bishop of Rouen, and all the Bishops, and Abbots of Normandy in the Citty of Auranches purged himselfe, of either comman­ding, or consenting to the murther. Yet for that he doubted least they who committed His purgation for Beckets murther. the same might be moued thereunto by seeing him disturbed, and in passion: he tooke the same Oath; that in satisfaction thereof, he would faithfully performe these Articles following: First, neuer to forsake Pope Alexander, nor his Catholicke Successors, so long as they vsed him as a Catholicke King. Secondly, That Appeales should freely be made to the Pope, in causes Ecclesiasticall. Prouided, that if any were suspected, to worke euill to him, or his Kingdome, they should then put in security before they departed. Thirdly, That he would (from Christmas next for three yeares to come) vndertake the Crosse, and the sommer fol lowing, in person go to Ierusalem, vnlesse he were stayed by the Pope, or his Successors, or imploied against the Sarasins in Spaine. Fourthly, That in the meane time, he should deliuer so much [Page 84] money into the Templars hands as by their opinion would entertaine two hundreth souldiers in the Holy warre for one yeare. Fiftly, call home all such as had endured banishment for the Arch-bi­shop. Sixtly. Restore his possessions. Seuenthly, and lastly, abolish all such customes as in his time had beene introduced to the preiudice of the Church. After himselfe had sworne, he caused Both Kings sweare to these Articles. King Henry his sonne to sweare to all these Articles, except such as concerned his owne person. And for a more Memory in the Roman Church, he caused his Seale to be set vnto them, with that of the two Cardinals. So ended this tedious businesse, that made more noyse in the world, then any he had, and bowed him more: beeing his ill fortune, to grapple with a man of that free resolution as made his sufferings, his glory: had his ambition, beyond this world; set vp his rest, not to yeeld to a King; was onely ingaged to his cause, had opinion, and beliefe, to take his part: Which so much preuailed, as the King seeking to maister him, aduanced him; and now is he faine to kneele, and pray to his Shrine, whom he had disgraced, in his person, and ha­uing had him aboue his will, whilest he liued, hath him now ouer his Faith, being dead. And yet 48. yeares after this, saith the French History, it was disputed among the Doctors of Paris, whether he were damned or saued: And one Roger a Norman maintained, he had iustly deserued death, for rebelling against his Soueraigne, the Minister of God.

To make the better way to the ending of this businesse, and content the King of Henry the sonne is again crowned with Margaret his wife. Fraunce; Henry the sonne is againe Crowned, and with him Margaret his wife, with permission shortly after, to goe visite Paris; where, this young King, apt inough (though not to know himselfe) yet to know his State, receiued those instructions as made his ambition quite turne off his obedience, and conceiue, How to be a King, was to be a power aboue, and vndeuideable.

And to further the birth of this apprehension, fell out this occasion. The Father euer awake to aduance his greatnesse, takes a iourney in person into Auergnia, and so to Monferrato; and there purchases a match for the price of fiue thousand Markes, for his yongest sonne Iohn, with Alice the eldest daughter of Hubert, Earle of Mauriena (then, as it seemes) Lord of Piemont and Sauoy, with condition to haue with her the inheri­tance of all those Countreys, containing many great Signories, Citties, and Castles, specified in Roger Houeden with all the circumstances, and couenants, very remarkeable, Vide Append. of the contract. So vnto greatnesse (that easier increases then begins) is added more meanes, and euery way opens to this actiue, and powrefull King aduantages of State, 1173. Anno. Reg. 19. in so much, as the King of France was euen surrownded with the powre, & dependan­ces of this mightie King of Eng. whose fortunes most of all the neighbor Princes (which subsist by other, then their owne powre) now follow. And being returned from con­cluding this Match in Piemont, there comes vnto him lying at Limoges, Raymond Earle of Saint Gyles (by whom was giuen the first affront he had in France) now to doe ho­mage vnto him for the Earledome of Tholouse: and there became the man of the King of England, and of his sonne Richard Earle of Poictou, to hold Tholouse from them (by hereditary right) for seruice of comming vnto them vpon their sommons, and re­mayning The homage of Raymond. Earle of Saint Gyles for the Earld. of Tho­louse. in their seruice fortie daies at his owne charge: and if they would intertaine him longer to allow him reasonable expenses. Besides the Earle should pay yearely, for Tholouse, and the appertinances a hundred markes of siluer, or ten Horses, worth ten Markes a peece.

About the same time also came the Earle Hubert to Limoges (to know what Land the King of England would assure his sonne Iohn) who resolued to giue vnto him the Castles of Chinon, Lodun and Mirabell. Where with King Henry the sonne grew much Henry the son takes displea­sure against his father. displeased, and here mooued his Father, either to resigne vnto him, the Dutchie of Normandie, the Earledome of Aniou, or the Kingdome of England for his maintenance: in which motion, hee was the more egar being incensed by the King of France, and the discontented Lords, both of England, and Normandie who were many, and falne, or wrought from the Father, vpon new hopes, and the aduantage of a deuided Soueraignty.

And though there were many other occasions, of this defection of the sonne, from [Page 93] the Father; yet, that this for these Castles should first bee taken (may seeme to bee the worke of Gods especiall iudgement) being those peeces, which himselfe had taken from his owne brother Geffrey, contrary to his Oath, made vnto his Fa­ther as is before related: so (as if to tell iniustice, that it must bee duely repayed) the same Castles are made to bring mischiefe vpon him, and to giue a beginning to the fowlest discorde that could bee: wherein hee had not onely the Children of his owne bodie, but the Wife of his bedde to conspire, and practise against him.

For, hereupon the sonne sodainely breaking away from the Father came to Paris, where, the King of France (who had no other meanes to preuent, the ouergrowing of a neighbour) but to deuide him; sommons and solicites, the Princes of France, and all the friends he could make to ayde King Henry the sonne against the father, and to take thir Oath, either to disposses him of his Estate, or bring him to their owne conditions. The young King likewise sweares vnto them, Neuer to haue peace with his father with­out their consents, and all sweares to giue vnto Philip Earle of Flanders for his ayde a thou­sand pounds English by the yeare with the County of Kent, Douer, and Rochester Castles: To Mathew Earle of Bologne brother to the sayd Earle for his seruice Kerton Soak in Lindsey, the Earldome of Morton with the Honour of Heize: to Theobald Earle of Bloys two hundred pounds by yeare in Aniou: the Castle of Amboys with all the right hee pretended in Tureine &c. and all these Donations with diuers other, he confirmed by his new Seale which, the King of France caused to be made. Besides, by the same Seale, He con­firmed to the King of Scots, for his ayde, all Northumberland vnto Tyne: and gaue, to the brother of the same King, for his seruice, the Earldomes of Huntingdon, and Cambridge. To the Earle Hugh Bigot the Castle of Norwich: other Earles of England, as Robert Earle of Leicester, Hugh Earle of Chester, Roger Mowbray &c. had likewise their rewards and promises of the Lions Skin, that was yet aliue.

Besides they draw into their partie Richard, and Geffrey: whose youths (apt to bee wrought on, for increase of their allowance) are easily intised; and with them their mother inraged with iealosie, and disdaine for her husbands conceiued abuses of her bed. So that, this great King in the middest of his glory, about the twentith yeare of his raigne, comes sodainely forsaken of his owne people, and is driuen through distrust to hire, and intertaine strange forces; procuring twenty thousand Brabansons (which were certaine Mercinaries commonly called the Routs or Costerels) for the recouery and holding of his Estate. And some few faithfull Ministers he had (notwithstanding this generall defection) who tooke firmly to him: as William Earle Mandeuile, Hugh de Lacy, Hugh de Beauchamp, &c.

But how soeuer we haue seene the best of this Kings glorie, and though he had after this good successes, hee had neuer happinesse: labour hee did by all meanes to haue qualified the heat of his distempered sonne, by many mediations of peace: offring all conuenient allowances for his Estate, but all would not preuaile: his sword is drawne, and with him the King of France with all his forces enters vpon his territories on that side the Sea; on this the King of Scots seizes vpon Northumberland; and makes great spoyles. The olde King complaines to the Emperour, and all the neighbour Princes his friends, of the vnnaturall courses of his sonne, and of his owne improuident aduan­cing him William King of Sicile, writes, and condoles his misfortunes, but lay too farre off to helpe him.

The King of France besieges Vernoul a place of great strength, and importance, which Hugh de Lacy, and Hugh de Beauchamp valiantly defended, and after a monthes siege, they of the towne (victualls fayling) obtained truce of the King of France and permission to send vnto their Soueraigne for succour, Which if it came not within three daies, they would render the Cittie, and in the meane time their Ostages. The pe­remptorie day was the Eue of Saint Laurence. The King of France with King Henry the sonne, and with diuers great Lords and Bishops swore, if they rendred the Citie at the day appointed, their Ostages should bee redeiiuered, and no dammage done to the Citie.

[Page 86]King Henry the Father with all the forces he could make came iust at the limitted day; disposes his Army to strike battaile with his enemies; but the King of France to auoyde the same, sends the Archbishoppe of Sens, and the Earle of Bloys to mediate a parle, which was appointed the morrow: this day lost, lost Vernoul. For, to the mor­row Parle, the King of France neither comes, nor sends; but had entrance into the Towne (according to couenants) which contrary to his Oath, hee sackes, takes with him the Ostages, and spoyle thereof: remoues his Campe, and leaues the King of England disappointed; who that night, after hauing persued the flying Army with some spoyle, enters into Vernoul, and the morrow surprises Danuile a Castle of his ene­mies, with many prisoners. Thence he goes to Rouen, whence, hee sent his Braban­sons into Brittaine against Hugh Earle of Chester, and Ralph Fulgiers, who had possest themselues almost of the whole Country, but being not able to resist the Kings for­ces in the field; they with all the great men in those parts, and that side of France recouered the Castle of Dole; where, they fortified and kept themselues, till King Henry the Father came in person besieged and tooke it: and with them, about foure score Lords, men of name and action. Whereupon all the rest of the Countrey yeelded themselues.

This ouerthrow being of such import so terrified the aduersaries; as they nego­tiate a Peace, and a Parle is appointed betweene Gisors and Try wherein the King of England (though hee had the better of the day) condiscended to make offer to his sonne of halfe the reuenues of the Crowne of England, with foure conuenient Castles therein; or if hee had rather remaine in Normandy, halfe the reuenues thereof, and all the reuenues of the Earledome of Aniou &c. To his sonne Richard hee offers halfe the reuenues of Aqui­taine and foure Castles in the same. To Geffrey, the Land that should come vnto him by the daughter of the Earle Conon. Besides, hee submitted himselfe to the arbitration of the Arch­bishop of Tarento, and the Popes Legates, to adde any allowance more as in their iudgements should be held fit, reseruing vnto himselfe his Iustice and royall powre: which yeelding grants shewed how much he desired this peace.

But it was not in the purpose of the King of France, that the same should take effect: for such peruersnesse and indignitie was offred to King Henry in this Treaty, as Robert Earle of Lecester is sayd to haue reproched him to his face, and offered to draw his sword vpon him, so that, they breake off in turbulent manner, and their troupes fell presently to bickering betweene Curteles, and Gisors, but the French had the worse.

The Earle of Leicester with an Army makes ouer into England, is receiued by Hugh Bygot into the Castle of Fremingham. Richard de Lucy chiefe Iustice of England, and Humfrey Bohun the Kings Constable, being vpon the borders of Scot­land, hearing thereof, make truce with the King of Scots. And haste to Saint Edmondsburie where the Earles of Cornwall, Glocester, and Arundell ioyne with them, they encounter the Earle of Leicester, at a place called Farnham, ouerthrew his Ar­my, slue tenne thousand Flemings, tooke him, his Wife, and diu [...]s great priso­ners; which were sent vnto the king in Normandie; who, with his Army was not thereidle, but dayly got Castles, and Forts from his Enemies, vntill Winter con­strained both kings to take truce till Easter following: and the like did the Bishop of Duresme with the king of Scots, for which hee gaue him three thousand Markes of siluer, to bee payed out of the Lands of the Barons of Northumberland.

The Spring come on, and the truce expired, king Henrie the Sonne, and Phillippe Earle of Flaunders are readie at Graueling with a great Armie for Eng­land. 1174. Anno. Reg. 20. The King of Scots is entred Norththumberland, and sends his brother Dauid with a powre to succour the remnant of the forces of the Earle of Leicester, which held the Towne of Leicester, but without successe: for Richard Lucy, and the Earle of Cornwall had before rased the Citie and taken Robert Moubray, comming likewise to ayde those of the Castle.

King Henry the Father vpon his Sonnes preparation for England drawes his forces Henry the fa­thers arriuall in England. from his other imployments, and brings them downe to Barbfleet, ariues at Southampton [Page 87] with his prisoners, Queene Elioner, Margueret the wife of his sonne Henry, the Earles of Leicester, and Chester, and from thence goes to Canterbury to visit the Sepulcher of his owne Martyre and performe his vowes for his victories. And they write how com­ming within sight of the Church, Hee alights, and went three miles on his bare feere, which King Henry visits Beckets Sepulcher. with the hard stones were forced to yeeld bloudie tokens of his deuotion on the way. And as, if to recompence (the merit of this worke) they note, How the verie daie when hee departed from Canterburie, the King of Scots to bee ouerthrowne and taken at Aln­wick, by the forces of the Knights of Yorkeshire, which are named to bee: Ro­bert de Stuteuile, Odonel de Humfreuile, William de Vescy, Ralph de Glanuile, Ralph de Tilly, and Bernard Baliol.

Lewis King of France, hearing of King Henries passage into England, and the ta­king of the King of Scots, calls backe Henrie the sonne, and the Earle of Flaunders from Grauelin, where, they stayed expecting the winde, and besieged Roan on all sides sauing that of the Riuer. The whilst King Henrie is quieting and settling the State of England, where hee had first the Castle of Huntingdon rendred vnto his mercie, sauing the liues, and members of the defendants: then the Castles of Fre­mingham and Bungaie which the Earle Bygot helde by force of Flemings, for whom (the Earles submission could hardly obtaine pardon) but in the ende they were sent The King of Scots his pri­soner. home. From thence hee goes to Northampton: where, hee receiues the King of Scots his prisoner, and the Castles of Duresme, Norham, and Aluerton rendred into his hands by the Bishoppe of Duresme; who, for all his seruice done in the North, stood not cleere in the Kings opinion. There came likewise thither Roger de Mowbray yeeld­ing vp himselfe with his Castle of Treske: the Earle Ferrers his Castles of Tutsburie and Duffield: Anketill, Mallory, and William Diue, Constables of the Earle of Leicester, the Castles of Leicester, Montsorill, and Groby, so that within three weekes, all England was quieted, and all without drawing of sword, which in those manly daies seemed only reserued for the field.

This done, and supplied with one thousand Welshmen; King Henry with his priso­ners the King of Scots, the Earles of Leicester and Chester, passes ouer into Normandie, to the releefe of Roan: where those thousand Welshmen sent ouer the riuer Siene entred, and made way through the Campe of the King of France; slue a hundred of his men, and recouered a wood without any losse of theirs. After which exploit, the King of England (causing the gates of the Citie, to be set open, the Barracadoes taken away, the trenches they had made, betweene the French Campe and the Cittie to bee filled King Henry fauours the French army. vp againe, with rubbish and timber) marched foorth with troupes, to prouoke the enemy, but without any answere at all. In the end the King of France, sends away the weakest of his people before, and followed after with the rest, vpon sufferance of the King of England by the mediation of the Archbishop of Sens, and the Earle of Bloys, who vndertooke that hee should the next day come to a parle of peace, which hee performed not.

But shortly after (seeing this action had so little aduantaged either him, or those, for whom hee pretented to haue vndertaken it) hee imployes the former Agents The King and his sonner re­conciled as the Charter of Peace shewes. Reg. Houed. againe to the King of England: and peace with a reconciliation is concluded be­tweene him, and his sonnes. But with more reseruation on his part, then had beene by the former treatie offered, as hauing now, more of powre, and the aduantage of fortune: and yet yeelding so much, as shewed, the goodnesse of his Nature was not ouer swayed by his ambition; all his proceeding in this warre witnessing, that necessity did euer worke more then his will.

And at the signing of the Charter of this Peace, when his sonne Henry would haue Vide Append. done him homage (which is personall seruice) he refused to take it, because hee was a King, but receiued it of Richard, and Geffrey. Yet after this, Henry the sonne to free his father of all scruple became his Liege-man, and swore Fealty vnto him against all men in the presence of the Archbishop of Rouen, the Bishop of Bayeux, the Earle Man­deuile, and a great Nobilitie.

At the concluding this Peace, the Earle of Flaunders yeelded vp to King [Page 88] Henrie the Father, the Charter made vnto him by the Sonne for his remunera­tion, and had another confirmed for the pension hee had yearely out of England before this warre, which was one thousand Markes out of the Eschequer afterward gran­ted vpon condition of Homage, and for finding the King of England yearely fiue hundred souldiours for the space of fortie daies vpon summons giuen.

This businesse ended, the Father and Sonne make their Progresses into all their Prouinces on that side to visit and reforme the disorders of Warre, and to settle their affaires there. Richard is sent into Aquitaine: and Geffrey into Brit­taine, vpon the same businesse, and there left with their Counsells to looke to their owne.

The two Kings, Father and Sonne shortly after returne into England, where re­formation 1175. Anno. Reg. 21. in the Gouernment needed as much as in France: and here had the Arch­bishoppe of Canterburie sommoned a Councell of the Clergie wherein were manie enormities of the Church reformed, as may bee seene in the Canons of that Synod. The King supplies all Vacancies, and giues to Iohn de Oxenford, that great Minister Vide Append. of his) the Bishopricke of Norwich, then takes hee into his hands all the Castles hee could seize on; amongst other the Towre of Bristoll, which was rendred by All Vacancies supplied by the King. the Earle of Glocester and was neuer in his hands before. Hee takes penalties both of Clerkes and Lay-men, who had trespassed his Forests in time of Hostility: for which hee is taxed of wrong, Richard Lucy Iustice of England, hauing warrant by the Kings pre­cept to discharge them for the same. But the profit which they yeelded him made him take the stricter regard therein. For after the death of Alain de Neuile which had beene chiefe Iustice of all the Forrests of England, hee deuides them into diuers parts, appointing to euerie part foure Iustices, whereof two to bee Clerkes, and two, Knights, and two, Seruants of his Houshold to bee Keepers of the Game ouer all other Forresters, either of the Kings, Knights, or Barons whatsoeuer, and gaue them power to implea, according to the Assiese of the Forrest.

The King beeing at Yorke, there came vnto them William King of Scots, with almost all the Bishoppes, Abbots, and Nobilitie of Scotland, and confirmed 1176. Anno. Reg. 22. the Peace and finall concorde which had formerly beene, in the time of his impri­sonment, at Faleise in Normandie: before all the greatest Estates of both King­domes; the Tenour whereof is to bee seene in Roger Houeden.

After this, a Councell is called at Windsor, whither repaire certaine Bishoppes Vide Append. of Ireland, and the Chauncelour of Rodoric King of Conaught, for whom a finall con­cord is concluded, vpon doing Homage, Fealty, and a tribute to bee paide, which was, of euerie tenne Beasts, one sufficient Hide, within his Kingdome, and those Prouinces that held thereof.

Within a while after, a Councell or Parliament is assembled at Nottingham, and by aduice and consent thereof, the King caused The Kingdome to bee deuided into sixe parts, and constitutes for euerie part three Iustices itinerants, causing them to The Kingdom deuided into sixe parts for Iustice. take an Oath vpon the Holie Euangelists, faithfullie for themselues to obserue, and cause inuiolablie to bee obserued of all his Subiectes of England, the Assises made at Cla­ringdone, and renued at Northamton, which Assises were chiefly for Murther, Vide Append. Theft, Roberie, and their receiuers: for deceipts, and burning of Houses, which facts if found by the Verdict of twelue men, the accused were to passe the tryall of Water Or­deil, Vide Append. whereby, if not acquitted, their punishment, was losse of a legge, or banishment, that Age seeming to hold it a greater example of a Malefactor miserably liuing, then of one dead, for as yet they came not so farre as bloud, in those cases.

And yet wee finde in the raigne of this King, that one Gilbert Plumton Knight, accused for a Rape, before Ranulph de Glanuile, chiefe Iustice of England (desirous, sayth Houeden by vniust sentence to condemne him) was adiuged, to bee hanged on a Gibbet, whereunto, when hee was brought, and in the hands of the Ex­ecutioner, the people ranne out crying, that an innocent and iust person ought not so to suffer. Balduin Bishoppe of Worcester, a religious man and fearing God, hearing the clamor of the people, and the iniury done to this miserable creature, came foorth, [Page 89] and forbad them, from the part of the Omnipotent God, and vnder paine of Excommunica­tion that they should not put him to death that day, being Holy, and the Feast of Saint Mary Magdelene, whereupon the excution was put off till the morrow. That night meanes was wrought to the King, who commanded a stay to bee made till other order were taken, being informed that for the enuie which Glanuile bare to this Plumton, hee was desirous to put him to death, in regard hee had married the danghter of Roger Gulwast an inheritrix, whom hee would haue had Reiner his Shriefe of Yorke­shire to haue had, which act leaues a foule staine of Iniustice vpon the memory of this Chiefe Iustice Glanuile: in the time of whose Office, a tract of the Lawes, and Customes of the Kingdome of England was composed, which now passes vnder his name.

The charge giuen for businesses in these Assises consisted but of very few points Vide Append. besides those felonies, and was especially for taking Homage, and Ligeancie of 1177. Anno. Reg. 13. all the Subiects of England: demolishing of Castles the Rights of the King, his Crowne and Eschequour. The multitude of actions which followed in succeeding times, grew out of new transgressions and the increase of Law and Litigation, which was then but in the Cradle.

William King of Sicile sends and craues to haue Ioan the Kings daughter in mar­riage. William King of Sicile matches with Ioan the Kings Daughter. Rog. Houed. Vide Append. Whereupon the King calls a Parliament, and by the vniuersall Councell of the Kingdome graunted his daughter to the King of Sicile; to whom shee was shortly after sent, and there honourably indowed with many Cities, and Castles, as may ap­peare by the Charter of that King.

But the great Match that was prouided for Earle Iohn became frustrate by the Vide Append. death of Alice, daughter to the Earle of Mauriana, and hee is married to the daughter of William Earle of Glocester by whom hee was to haue that Earldome. This William was sonne to Robert brother to Maude the Empresse.

The same yeare also hee marries Elionor another of his daughters to Alphonso King of Castile, and takes vp the controuersie betweene him, and his Vncle Sanctio King of Nauarre, about the detention of certaine bordering peeces, of each others Kingdome, both the Kings hauing referred the businesse to his arbi­tration.

Likewise the marriage which should haue beene betweene his sonne Richard, 1178. Anno. Reg. 24. and Alice daughter to the French King (committed heretofore to his custodie) was againe treated on, and vrged hard, by the Popes Legat to bee consumma­ted vpon paine of interdiction. But yet it was put off for that time, and both Kings notwithstanding concluded a perpetuall League, and amitie to ayde each other against all men, and to bee Enemies to each others Enemies. Besides they both vowed an expedition, to the Holy Land in person, which they liued not to per­forme.

The King of France vpon a daungerous sicknesse of his sonne Philip, vowes a visitation of the Sepulcher of Thomas the Martire of Canterbury: and vpon licence, and safe conduct of the King of England, performes the same with great deuotion, and Rich presents. First, offering vpon his Tombe, a massie Cup of Gold, and after, gaue, and confirmed by his Charter twenty eight Tunne and a halfe of wine for the Monkes an­nually to bee receiued at Possi, at the charge of the King of France: and beside, freed them from all Tolle, and Custome, for whatsoeuer they should buy in his Kingdome.

After hauing stayed there three dayes, hee returnes towardes France, conduct­ed 1179. Anno. Reg. 25. by the King of England to Douer. The Sonne recouers health, but the Father lost his in this iourney; for comming to Saint Denise, hee was taken with a Pal­sie, and liued not long after. The weaknesse of his Age, and disease mooued him presently to haue his sonne Philippe (beeing but fifteene yeares of Age) to bee 1180. Anno. Reg. 26. Crowned King in his life time, which was done at Reines, Anno 1179.

Henry Duke of Saxonie (who had married Maude daughter to King Henry) was ex­pelled his Dutchie, and banished by the Emperour Frederic the third for seuen yeares, [Page 90] for detayning the reuenues which the Archbishop of Cologne had out of Saxonie; and refusing to come vnto tryall at the Imperiall Chamber, according to his faith, and promise made to the Emperour, so that hee was driuen to come (for succour with his Wife and Children) to his Father in Law, into England, where hee re­mained three yeares, and vpon the comming of the Archbishoppe of Cologne to visit the Sepulcher of Thomas of Canterburie, meanes was wrought to restore him to his Dutchie: and a motion is made of marriage for Richard the Kings sonne, with the daughter of the Emperour Frederic (notwithstanding the contract made with Alice daughter to the King of France long before) but this last intention was made frustrate, by the death of the Emperours daughter.

King Henry sends his sonne Iohn to reside, in Ireland, to the end (that the Maiestie of a Court, and the number of attendants) which, the same would draw thither, might both a we, and ciuilise that Countrey: but hee being accompaned with many gal­lants, young as himselfe, who scorning, and deriding the Irish (in regard of their rude habits, and fashions) wrought an ill effect. For it turned out three of their greatest Kings (Limmeric, Conact, and Corke) into open act of rebellion: Gens enim haec, sicut & natio quauis barbara, quanquam honorem nesciant, honorari tamen, supra modum affectant. saith Giraldus Cambrensis.

Now this faire time of peace, which King Henry enioyed gaue him leasure to seeke out all meanes to supply his coffers, wherein hee was very vigilant: and hearing of the great summes (which Roger Archbishoppe of Yorke, had giuen by his Testa­ment to godly vses) sends Commissioners to finde out, and to seize the same to his owne vses, Alledging, that the Archbishop had giuen Iudgement in his life time, that it was against Law, any Ecclesiasticall person should dispose any thing by will (vnlesse before hee The King sends after monies giuen to pious vses by Testators of the Clergie. were sicke) and that himselfe had done contrary to his owne Decree. The Commissioners hauing found out, that Hugh Bishop of Durham had receiued of the Archbishop three hundred Markes of siluer to bee bestowed in those vses, demaund the same for the King. The Bishop replies, that hauing receiued it from the hands of the Archbishoppe hee had according to his will, distributed the same amongst the Leprous, Blinde, and Lame; in repayring Churches, Bridges, and Hospitalls: so that who would haue it, must gather it vp againe of them. Which answere so displeased the King, as (besides the seizing vpon the Castle of Dures'm) hee wrought this Bishop much ve­xation.

His meanes certaine (besides the reuenue of his Demesne, and the benefit of the Forests) were not then great in England; which caused him oftentimes in The Vacancie of Lincoln held 18 yeares to the Kings vse. his necessities to bee bould with the Church, and to hold their benifices vacant: as hee did the Bishopricke of Lincolne eighteene yeares. Hee made a new Coyne in England, which was round, decryed the Olde, and put all the Coyners to great ran­some for corrupting the olde money. And besides to saue his purse (in regard the continuall charge of Horse, and Armour was heauie vnto him) hee caused euerie mans Lands, and substance to bee rated for the furnishing thereof. And first be­ganne the same, in his Dominions beyond the Seas: ordayning, That whosoeuer had a hundredpounds Aniouin money in goods, and chattles, should finde (a Horse, and all Milita­rie furniture thereunto: and whosoeuer had in chattle fortie, thirtie, or twentie pounds An­iouin money, should finde a Corslet, Head-peece, Launce and Sword: or Bow and Arrowes, with a strict prohibitition, that no man should sell, or pawne this Armour, but bee bound to Vide Append. leaue it when hee died to his next heire. And this Order afterward, hee established in Eng­land, 1181. Anno. Reg. 17. by consent of the State. The King of France, and the Earle of Flaunders by his example did the like in their Countreys.

Great, and manifold were the expences of this mightie King, in respect of his entertainments, pensions, and rewards, hauing so wide an Estate and so many euer in his worke, both of his owne, and others who must alwaies be seed. And besides, oftentimes hee is faine to bribe the Popes Legates, in his businesse with the King of France, to haue them fauourable for his ends: to send many supplies, by their perswa­tions, and for his owne reputation to the Holy warre.

[Page 91] Auno 1182 (saith Walsingham) hee releeued the necessitie of the Ierosolomitans, with 1182. Anno. Reg. 28. two and forty thousand Markes of siluer, and fiue hundred Markes of gold, which was in money, seuen and forty thousand three hundred, thirty three pounds, sixe shillings eight pence. And when Pope Lucius distressed by the Romans, desired an ayde out of England. The King sent him a mighty summe of Gold and Siluer; in Vide Append. Henry 2. re­leeues Pope Lucius and the Ierosolomitans with great summes of gold & siluer. leauying whereof, the Clergie here delt very circumspectly: for when the Popes Nuncij came to desire the same, they aduised the King; that according to his will, and ho­nour hee himselfe should supplie the Popes occasion, as well for himselfe, as them: for that it was more tollerable, that their Lord, and King, should receiue from them, the returne of that ayde; then that the Popes Nuncij should; which might bee taken for a custome to the detriment of the Kingdome.

Now (about eight yeares) had the peace continued, betweene the two Kings, Fa­ther and Sonne, when, againe new flames of vnnaturall discord began to breake out; the occasion whereof as farre as can bee discouered (in the vncertaine passages of that time) we finde to be this.

Anno Reg. 29. After a great Christmas kept at Cane in Normandy, with his sonnes 1183. Anno. Reg. 29. Henry, Richard and Geffrey, the Duke of Saxony with his Wife and Children, besides a great Nobility of all parts: The King willed King Henry his Sonne to take the Ho­mages of his brother Richard Earle of Poictou, and Greffrey Earle of Brittaine. Rich­chard refuses to doe it (but vpon perswasion) being afterwards content; his brother Great festiuals oftentimes breake vp with great discon­tentments. refuses to take the same. Whereupon with great indignation Richard departs from his Fathers Court into Poictou: mans, and furnishes his Castles there. The King his brother followes by instigation of the Barons of Poictou, and Aquitaine who were fallen from Richard, and adhered to the young King (as men that vnderstood what would be­come of younger brothers Estates in such Dominions, where the elder brothers birth­right, and powre, would carry all) and Greffrey Earle of Brittaine takes the King his brothers part, comes with forces to aide him.

Richard sends for succour to his father, who with a powrefull Army (rather to con­straine them to a peace, then to make warre) came downe into Poictou, where againe his three sonnes after the debatement of their grieuances swore to obey, and serue their Father, and to hold perpetuall peace among themselues. And for the far­ther Henry and his sonnes accor­ded. ratification of this Concord, they meete all at Mirabell, where Henry the sonne, desires, that the Barons of Poictou, and Aquitane (whom he had sworne to defend a­gainst his brother Richard) might be there at the concluding this peace, and to be par­doned for any former act committed. Which request is granted, and Geffrey Earle of Brittaine sent to bring the Barons thither. But the Barons (holding this peace, either not safe, or not profitable) so worke, as they winne the messenger to take their part a­gainst the Father, and keepe him with them.

Henry the sonne notwithstanding, continues to mediate still for the Barons, and to get his Father, and brother Richard to receiue them into grace. And vndertaking to bring in both them, and his brother Geffrey; is permitted by the Father to go treat with them at Limoges, whither also, by another way, and with small company; it was agreed the Father should come, which he did; but his approach was met with arrowes so dangerously shot at his person, as the next man to him was slaine, and himselfe with his sonne Richard, forced to retire from the place. And yet afterwards desirous out of a fatherly affection to haue conference with his sonnes for the quiet ending of this bu­sinesse (vpon their assurance of his safety) he enters into the Citty: when againe from the Castle is short a barbed arrow, which had tooke him directly on the brest, had not his horse, by the sudden lifting up his head receiued it in the forehead. Which act his sonnes neuer sought to find out and punish, but still, vnderhand held amity with the Barons. At length, notwithstanding King Henry the sonne comes to the Father, and protests, that vnlesse the Barons would come and yeeld themselues at the Kings feete, he would vtterly renounce them. And after, hauing againe (vpon his Fathers promise of pardon and peace) dealt with them: and finding as he auowed their obstinacie, made shew to forsake their party, and returnes to his Father with great submission, de­liuering [Page 92] vp vnto him his horse and Armor in assurance thereof.

But many dayes he spent not with him, when againe (either for the intended re­uenge he found his Father meant to prosecute against the Barons) whose protection hauing vndertaken, he held himselfe in his honour, engaged to preserue: or by the working of some mutinous ministers about him, whose element was not peace: he a­gaine The incon­stancy of King Henry the son. enters Oath and League with them. But therein finding his power short of his will, and desperate of all successe in his courses; he suddenly breakes out into an ex­treame passion, before his Father, fals prostrate at the Shrine of Saint Martiall, and His vowe. vowes presently to take vpon him the Crosse, and to giue ouer all worldly businesse beside.

With which strange and sudden passion, the Father much moued, besought his son with teares to alter that rash resolution, and to tell him truly, whither indignation, or religion induced him thereunto. The Sonne protests, that it was meerely for the re­mission of his sinnes, committed against his person. And vnlesse his Father would now giue him leaue (without which he could not go) he would there instantly kill himselfe His resolution. in his presence. The Father (after hauing vsed all meanes to diswade him, and finding him still obstinate) sayd vnto him, Sonne, Gods will be done, and yours: for your furnishing I will take such order as shall befit your Estate.

The sonne (whilst the Fathers passion had made him tender) wrought thereupon, and besought him, that he would deale mercifully with those of the Castle of Limoges, the Barons of Aquitaine, and pardon them. To which, the Father in the end (though vnwillingly) yeelds, so that, they would put in their pledges for securing their fidelity, His request for the Barons of Aquitaine. and the peace, which they seemed content to do. But vpon the deliuery, and recei­uing of these pledges new ryots were committed by such as could not indure the peace (which is neuer faithfull, but where men are voluntarily pacified) and these young Princes againe take part with their Confederates, and are made the heads of rebellion, committing rapin, and sacrelidge to supply their necessities, & feed their fol­lowers. And in the end the young King hauing much strugled in vaine, through griefe, and vexation of spirit (which caused the distemprature of body) fell into a bur­ning His death. feuer with a fluxe, whereof, within few dayes he died. A Prince of excellent parts, who was first cast away by his Fathers indulgence, and after by his rigor; not suffering him to be what himselfe had made him, neither got he so much by his Co­ronation as to haue a name in the Catalogue of the Kings of England.

The sorrow of the Father (although it be sayd to be great) hindred not his reuenge vpon the Barons of Aquitaine; whom he now most eagerly persecuted, seazed on their Castles, and rased to the ground that of Limoges.

Geffrey vpon his submission, is receiued into grace, and the yeare after died at Paris: Earle Geffreys submission and death. hauing (in a conflict) bene troden vnder horses feete, and miserably crushed: so that, halfe the male issue wherein this King was vnfortunate, he saw extinct before him, and that by deaths as violent; as were their disposition. The other two, who suruiued him, were no lesse miserable in their ends.

Now the young King of France, Phillip the second (in whose fate it was, to do more then euer his father could effect, vpon the death of Henry the sonne) requires the deli­uery of the Countrey of Vexin, which was giuen in dowre with his Sister Margaret, but the King of England (not apt to let go any thing of what he had in possession) was 1184. Anno. Reg. 30. content to pay yearely to the Queene dowager 17050. pounds Aniouin. And the more to hold faire with this young King, whose spirit, he saw, grew great, and actiue, and with whom he was like to haue much to do, did homage vnto him, for all he held in Fraunce, which he neuer did to the Father, being the first discent of Maiestie, he euer Henry the se­cond doth ho­mage to Phillip King of France. made to any secular power. And beside, tooke his part against Phillip Earle of Flanders, who opposed against him, and was in those dayes a Prince of mighty power, and had euer stood fast vnto King Lewes the father. But now Phillip the sonne otherwise led, or affectioned, quarrels with him, and demaunds the Countrey of Vermendois, as ap­pertaining to the Crowne of Fraunce: and withall, vpon allegation of consanguinity, repudiates his wife, Neece to this Earle of Flanders, giuen vnto him by his Fathers [Page 93] choyce a little before his death. The Earle followed by Odo Earle of Borgogne, the Earles of Champague, Hainalt, Namur Saint Pol and others, warres vpon the King of The Earle of Flanders com­pels the King of France to compound. France, and commits great spoyles within his territories, so that hee was faine in the end to compound with him to his disaduantage. After this, the Kings of England, and France, meete betweene Gisors, and Tri; where the King of England sweares to deliuer Alise, vnto Richard his sonne. And the King of France her brother graunts her in dower, the Countrey of Velxin, which Margueret his other Sister had be­fore.

But these tyes held them not long together, for the yong King of France so wrought with Richard, as hee drew him from his Fathers obedience, and they liued together in 1185. Anno. Reg. 31. that amitie, as on bed and boord, is sayd, to haue serued them, both which so iniealosed the olde King, as he called home his sonne and before his Bishops and Nobility, caused him to sweare vpon the Euangelists, to obserue fealty vnto him, against all persons whatsoeuer, which hauing done; and ready to passe ouer into England, hee is informed of the great preparation made by the King of France, who gaue out that hee would spoyle, and ransacke both Normandie, and the rest of the Kings of Englands territories in France; vnlesse he would presently deliuer vp his Sister Alice vnto Richard, or render Gisors, and the Countrey of Velxin into his hands. Whereupon the King returnes backe, and comes againe to a parle betweene Gisors and Try. Where, the Archbishop of Tyre (sent from the East to call vp ayde, for the Holy warre) did with that powre of perswation so vrge his message, as it let out all the humour of priuate rancor and con­tention, The Kings of England and France ac­corded, and prepare for the holy war. betweene these two great Kings, altred their whole Councells, their preten­tions, their designes: turned them wholly to vndertake in person this laborious acti­on, and resolue to leaue their Kingdomes, their pleasures, and all the things of glorie they had at home, to prosecute the same, through all the distempratures of climes, and difficulties of passages, whereunto that voyage was obnoxious: so that now, no other thing was thought or talked on, but onely preparations, and furnishments for this businesse.

And to distinguish their people, and followers (who all stroue which should bee most forward) it was ordred that they who followed the King of England, should weare a white Crosse: France a red: and Flaunders a greene. And for a further in­gagement in the businesse, the King of England writes to the Patriarch of Antioch, a most comfortable and pious letter: in the end whereof he hath these words. Amongst other Princes I and my Sonne, reiecting the glory of this world, and dispising all the pleasures thereof in proper person, with all our strength, will, God willing visit you shortly.

Then to rayse money to defray this great enterprise, it was ordained by the two Kings, their Archbishops, Bishops Earles and others in France, that all whosoeuer as well Clerke as Lay (sauing such as went the voyage) should pay the tenth of all their reuenues of that yeare, and the tenth of all their Moueables and Chattles; as well in gold as filuer. And many excellent orders were made for restraynt of licentious­nesse both in apparell, and manners as was fitting for the vndertakers of so ciuile and deuout an action.

The King of England hauing layde this imposition vpon all his Dominions in France, comes ouer, calls a Councell of his Bishops, Abbors, Earles, Barons, both 1186. Anno. Reg. 33. of the Clergie, and Layty at Gayntington, and by their consents imposes the same taxa­tion vpon his Subiects of England. Sub Eleemosinae titulo vitium rapacitatis includens, sayth Walsingham, and presently sends foorth his Officers into euery Shire to collect the same according as it was done in France. But of euery Citie in England, he caused a choice to be made of the richest men: as in London of two hundred, in Yorke a hun­dred, and so according to the proportion of the rest: and caused all these, at a certaine time and place to appeare before him; of whom he tooke the tenth of all their Moue­ables, by the estimation of credible men which knew their Estates: such as refused hee imprisoned till they had payde it, of which example, and exaction, we must onely hold Pietie guilty, otherwise those times had not yeelded it.

The King sends likewise Hugh Bishop of Duresme, with other Commissioners, to [Page 94] William King of Scots to collect the tenthes in his Countrey, which he would not per­mit, Prouision by king Henry in England. but offered to giue the King of England fiue thousand Markes of siluer for those tenthes, and the Castle which he claimed, but the King of England refused the same.

Whilst these preparations were in hand, and the mony collecting, a quarrell arises betweene Richard Earle of Poictou, and Raymond Earle of Tholouse vpon this occasion. 1187. Anno. Reg. 33. The Earle of Tholouse by the perswasion of one Peter Suillar, had taken certaine Mer­chants of Aquitaine, and vsed them hardly. The Earle of Poictou surprises this Peter, im­prisons him, and would not suffer the Earle of Tholouse to redeeme him, vpon any con­dition. Whereupon, the Earle imprisons two Gentlemen seruants of the King of Eng­lands, Robert, and Raph Poer, trauelling through his Countrey (as Pilgrimes) from S. Iames de Compostella, which Earle Richard tooke so ill, as he enters into the Earles coun­trey with an Army (prepared for a better act) wastes it with fire and sword, besieges A meane qua­rell dashes and diuerts the great prepara­tion for the ho­ly warre, and layes it vpon the selfe king­domes. and takes his Castles about Tholouse. The King of France (vpon the lamentable com­plaint of the Tholousians) sends to the King of England to vnderstand, whether his son Richard did these things by his will and Councell. The King of England answers, That he neither willed, nor counselled him thereunto, and that his sonne sent him word (by the Arch­bishop of Dublin) that he did nothing, but by the consent of the King of France. Who (not sa­tisfied with this answer) enters presently into Bery with his Army, seases vpon the Countrey; takes in diuers Castles of the King of Englands, who makes himselfe ready to recouer the same. And thus that great intended enterprise, vndertaken with such feruor, became dasht, and ouerthrowne, at the very time, they appointed to haue set forward.

All the meanes the Pope could vse by his Legates, nor all the perswasions of o­ther Princes might preuaile, to reconsile these two inraged Kings, though diuerse en­teruiewes 1188. Anno. Reg. 34. were procured, diuerse ouertures propounded, yet none tooke effect; they euer depart more incensed then they met: in so much as at length, the King of France, in a rage, cut downe the great Elme (betweene Gisors and Try) vnder which, the Kings of France, and Dukes of Normandy were euer vsed to parle, and swore, There should be The King of France cuts downe the most eminent Elme of Prince­ly parley. no more meetings in that place. But yet after this, they were brought to another parle elsewhere, and therein the Popes Legate threatned to interdict the King of France, vnlesse he made peace with the King of England. The King of France told him, that he feared not his sentence, being grounded vpon no equity, and that it appertained not to the Church of Rome, by sentence, or otherwise, to chastice the Kingdome, or King of France, vndertaking to reuenge the demerits, of the rebellious, that dishonored his Crowne; and flatly told the Cardinall, That he smelled of the Sterlings of England.

This enteruiew, wrought a worse effect then all the rest: for here the King of Eng­land (absolutely) refuses to render Alice to his sonne Richard, but offered to the King Earle Richard (with the King of France) com bine against his father king Henry 2. of France, to giue her to his sonne Iohn, with larger conditions, then should be gran­ted with the other: which so much alienated the heart of his sonne Richard, as he be­comes wholly Liegeman to the King of France, did homage vnto him for Aquitaine, and they both ioyne their forces against the father.

And here now comes this mighty King of England (the greatest of all the Christian world in his time, or that the Kingdome euer saw) to fall quite asunder; forsaken both of his subiects, and himselfe, letting downe his heart, to yeeld to any conditions what­soeuer: he who neuer saw feare (but in the backe of his enemies) leaues now the de­fence of Mans, and flies away with seuen hundreth men (hauing promised the Citty, neuer to giue it ouer, in regard his Father was there buried, and himselfe borne) and afterward, comes to his last parle, with the King of France, betweene Turwin, and Arras: where at their first meeting (no man suspecting the wrath) a thunder-bolt, with so terrible a cracke lighted iust betweene them, as it parted their conference in a confused manner for that time.

Within a while after, they came together againe, when suddenly began as fearefull 1189. Anno. Reg. 35. a thunder as the former: which so amased the King of England (as he had falne off from his horse) had he not beene supported by those about him. And in this sort, beganne the Proem of that Treaty, wherein, the King of England yeelds to all whatsoeuer con­ditions, [Page 95] the King of France required, did him homage againe for all his dominions on that side (both kings hauing at the beginning of this warre, renounced their mutuall obligation in that kind) renders vp Alice for whom he had beene so much loden with scandall and turmoyle, vpon condition, she should be giuen in marriage to his sonne Richard at his returne from the holy warre; and in the meane time to remaine in the custody of any one of fiue whom Richard would nominate: grants that fealty be gi­uen vnto him of all his Dominions, and pardons all his partakers. Besides coue­nants to pay the King of France 20000 Markes of siluer for dammage done during these last warres. And that if he should not performe these Articles, his Barons should sweare to renounce him, and betake them to the part of the King of France, and Earle Richard. And for more caution, hee yeeldes to deliuer vp the Cities of Mans and Tureyn, with diuerse Castles into their Hands, &c.

And here was an end of this businesse, and within three daies after, of this kings life: whose heart, not made of that temper to bow, burst with the weight of a declining for­tune. Some few howers before he died he saw a list of their names who conspired with the King of France, and Earle Richard against him: and finding therein his sonne Iohn His death. to be the first, fals into a grieuous passion, both cursing his sonnes, and the day where­in himselfe was borne: and in that distemprature departs this world, which so often himselfe had distempered; hauing reigned 39. yeares, 7. moneths, and 5. dayes.

His sonne Richard approching the Corps, as it was carrying to be interred (adorned according to the manner of Kings with all royall ornaments open faced) the bloud 1189. Anno. Reg. 35. gushed out of the nostrils of the dead (a signe, vsually noted, of guiltinesse) as if Na­ture yet after death, retained some intelligence in the veines, to giue notice of wrong, and checke the malice of an vnnaturall offender: at which sight, Richard surprised with horror, is sayd to haue burst out into extreame lamentations.

He had issue by his wife Elianor, foure sonnes, Henry, Richard, Geffrey and Iohn, besides two other, William the eldest, and Phillip the youngest but His Issue. one, died young. Also three daughters; Maude married to Henry Duke of Saxony. Elianor, the wife of Alfonso the eighth of that name king of Castile. Ioan gi­uen Vide 10. Speed. in marriage vnto William king of Sicile. He had also two naturall sonnes, by Rosa­mund daughter of Walter Lord Clifford, William, surnamed Longespee, in English Long Sword, and Geffrey Arch-bishop of Yorke, who after fiue yeares banishment in his brother King Iohns time died, Anno 1213.

The first sonne William surnamed Longespee, Earle of Salisbury (in right of Ela his wife; daughter and heire of William Earle of that County, sonne of Earle Patricke) had issue William Earle of Salisbury, & Stephen Earle of Vlster. Ela Countisse of Warwick. Idae Lady Beuchampe of Bedford and Isabell Lady Vescy His Sonne, Earle William the second, had Earle William the third, Father of Margaret wife of Henry Lacie Earle of Lincolne.

It is said King Henry had also a third naturall Sonne called Morgan (by the wife of one Rodulph Bloeth or Blewet a Knight, hee liued to be Prouost of Beuerley, and to be ele­cted to the Bishopricke of Duresme: and comming to Rome for a dispensation (be­cause his basiardy made him otherwise vncapeable) the Pope willed him to professe him selfe Blewets lawfull sonne, and not the Kings Naturall, promising to consecrate him on that condition, but he (vsing the aduise of one William Lane his Clerke) told the Pope, that for no worldly promotion he would renounce his Father, or deny himselfe to be of blood Royall.

The Life, and raigne, of Richard the first.

RICHARD surnamed Coeure de Lion borne at Oxford succeeding his Fa­ther, He began his raigne the 6 [...] of Iuly, aged 35. first seizes vpon his Treasure in France, being in the hands of Ste­phan Thurnham Seneschall of Normandy, whom he imprisons with fet­ters, and manacles to extort the vttermost thereof. And then repayres to Roan, where, by Walter the Archbishop hee is guirt with the sword 1189. Anno. Reg. 1. of the Dutchy of Normandie, takes fealty both of the Clergie and Lay, and then goes to Parle and compose his bufinesse with the King of France, which hee did by money, and obtayned restitution of all such peeces as had beene gotten from his Father in the time of the late warres. Besides for his better strength hee giues in marriage Maude his Neece daughter of the Duke of Saxonie to Geffrey sonne to the Earle of Perch.

During this stay and setling of his affaires in France, Queene Elianor his Mother, freed from her imprisonment (which shee had endured twelue yeares) hath power to dispose of the businesse of England, which especially shee imployed in preparing the The slaughter of the lewes at the Coro­nation. affections of the people by pardons, and releeuement of oppressions, and then meetes her sonne at Winchester. Where (besides his Fathers treasure which was 900000 pounds in gold, and siluer: besides plate Iewels and pretious stones) there fell vnto him by the death of Geffrey Ridle Bishop of Ely dying intestate 3060 Markes of Siluer, and 205 of Gold, which came well to defray the charge of his Coronation, celebra­ted the third day of September 1189 at Westminster, and imbrued with the miserable slaughter of the Iewes inhabiting in, and about the Citie of London, who comming to offer their presents, as an afflicted people, in a strange Country, to a new King, in hope to get his fauour, were set vpon by the multitude, and many lost both their liues and substance. The example of London wrought the like mischiefe vpon the Iewes in the Townes of Norwich, Saint Edmondsbury, Lincoln, Stamford and Linne.

All this great Treasure left to this King, was not thought sufficient for this inten­ded action of the Holy warre (which was still on foote) but that all other waies were deuised to raise more money, and the King sells much Land of the Crowne, both to the Clergie and others. Godfrey de Lucy Bishoppe of Winchester bought two Mannors Weregraue, and Menes. The Abbot of Saint Edmondsbury the Mannor of Mildhall for one thousand Markes of siluer. The Bishop of Duresme the Mannor of Sadborough with the dignity pallitinate of his whole Prouince, which occasioned the King iestingly to say what a cunning workeman he was that could make of an olde Bishoppe a new Earle. Besides hee grants to William King of Scots the Castles of Berwike and Roxborough for 10000 Markes, and releaseth him of those couenants made and confirmed by his Charter vnto King Henry the second as extorted from him being then his prisoner, re­seruing vnto himselfe onely such rights, as had beene and were to bee performed, by his brother Malcolin to his Ancestors the kings of England.

Moreouer pretending to haue lost his Signet, made a new, and proclamation that whosoeuer would safely enioy, what vnder the former Signet was graunted, should come to haue it confirmed by the new, whereby hee raised great summes of money to the griefe of his subiects. Then procures he a power from the Pope, that whosoeuer himselfe pleased to dismisse from the iourney, and leaue at home, should bee free from taking the Crosse: and this likewise got him great Treasure which was leuied with much expedition by reason the king of France, in Nouember, after the Coronation sent the Earle of Perch, with other Commissioners to signifie to king Richard how in a generall Assembly at Paris, he had solemnly sworne vpon the Euangelists to bee rea­dy at Tours, with all the Princes and people of his kingdome, who had vndertaken the Crosse, presently vpon Easter next following, thence to set forward for the Holy Land. And for the assurance, and testimony thereof, hee sends the Charter of this Deede vnto the king of England, requiring him and his Nobilitie, vnder their hands [Page 98] to assure him in like sort, to be ready at the same time, and place, which was in like maner concluded at a generall Councell held at London. And in December (hauing onely stayed but foure monthes in England after his Coronation) this King departs into Nor­mandie, Vide Append. The Kings de­parture out of England to­ward the Holy warre. keepes his Christmas at Rouen, and presently after hath a parle with the King of France at Reimes, where by Oath and writing vnder their hands and seales, with the faith giuen by all their Nobility on both sides, is confirmed a most strict Peace and Vnion betwixt both Kings, for the preseruation of each other and their Estates, with the orders concluded for their iourney. Which done, the King of England sends for Queene Elionor his mother, his brother Iohn, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Winchester, Duresme, Norwich, Bath, Salisbury, Ely, Chester, and o­thers, which came vnto him to Rouen: where hee commits the especiall charge of this Kingdome to William Longshamp Bishoppe of Ely, vnder the Title of Chiefe Iu­stice of England, and giues him one of his Seales and the Custodie of the Towre of London: and confers vpon Hugh Bishop of Duresme the Iustice-ship of the North from Humber to Scotland, with the keeping of Windsor Castle, which after gaue oc­casion of dissention, to these two ambitious Prelates impatient of each others greatnesse, Hugh Bardolph, William Marshall, Geffrey Fitz Peter, and William Brewer are ioyned in commission with the Bishop of Ely.

And least his brother Iohn (whose spirit hee well vnderstood) might in Eng­land worke vpon the aduantage of his absence, hee first caused him to take an Oath not to come within this Kingdome for the space of three yeares next following. Which after, vpon better consideration, hee released, leauing him to his libertie and natu­rall respect. But hereby hauing giuen him first a wound by his distrust, his after regard could neuer heale it vp againe, nor all the Honours and State bestowed on him, keepe him within the limmits of obedience.

For, this suspition of his Faith shewed him rather the waie to breake, then retaine it; whensoeuer occasion were offered: and the greater meanes hee had bestowed on him to make him content, did but arme him with greater powre for his designes. For this Earle Iohn had conferred vpon him in England the The great Estate left to Earle Iohn. Earledomes of Corwnewall, Dorcet, Sommerset, Nottingham, Darby, Lancaster, and by the marriage with Isabell, Daughter to the Earle of Glocester, had like­wise that Earledome, moreouer the Castles of Marlborow and Lutgarsall, the Ho­nours of Wallingford, Tichill, and Eye; to the valew of foure thousand Markes per annum, besides the great commaunds hee held thereby: which mighty Estate was not a meanes to satisfie but increase his desires, and make him more daunge­rous at home.

Then the more to strengthen the reputation of his Viceroy the Bishop of Ely, the King gets the Pope to make him his Legate of all England and Scotland; and to the end his Gouernment might not bee disturbed through the emulation of another, hee confines the elect Archbishoppe of Yorke (his base brother, whose turbulency hee doubted) to remaine in Normandie till his returne, and takes his Oath to performe the same.

Hauing thus ordered his affaires hee sends backe into England this Great Bi­shop, furnished with as great and absolute a powre as hee could giue him, to prouide necessaries for his intended iourney. Wherein to please the King, hee offended the people, and committed great exactions, Clerum & populum opprime­bat, Exactions by the Viceroy. confundens fasque nefasque, saith Houeden. Hee tooke of euery Cittie in Eng­land two Palfryes, and two other Horses of seruice, and of euerie Abbay one of each, likewise of euery Mannor of the Kings, one of each for this seruice. And to shewe what hee would prooue, hee tooke the Castle of Windsor from the Bi­shoppe of Duresme, and confined him within his Towne of Howedon, questions his Authoritie, and workes him much vexation, and for all his meanes made to the King, ouertopt him.

The King takes order for a Nauie to conuay people and prouision to the Holy land, and commits the charge thereof to the Archbishop of Auxere, and the Bishop of [Page 98] Bayon, Robert de Sabul, Richard Canuile, which done, both Kings, the latter end of Iune, with their powres together, take their iourney to Lyons; where (their numbers growing so great, as bred many incomberments, and distemprings betweene the na­tions) they part companies: the King of France takes the way of Genoua by Land, the The Kings quarrell in the lsle of Sicile. King of England of Merseilles, where, after he had stayed eight daies, expecting in vaine the comming about of his Nauie withheld by tempest, hee was forced to hire twentie Gallies, and ten other great vessels, to transport him into the Isle of Sicilia. The King of France takes shipping at Genoua, and by tempest was driuen to land in the same Isle, and arriued there before the King of England: where, those mighty companies of both these powrefull Kings, fell fowle on each other, and themselues taking part with their people enter in quarrell and rancor, so that being of equall powre and stomacke, and a­like emulous of honour and reuenge, they began to shew what successe their enterprise was likelie to yeeld. The King of France repayring his wracked Nauie and the King of Englands long staying for his, forced them both to Winter in Sicilia, to the great pesture and disturbance of that people, themselues and theirs.

William late king of Sicile who had married Ioane, sister to the King of England, was dead (which made the intertaynment of the English there, the worse) and Taneredi base sonne of Roger, grandfather to that William, was inuested in the kingdome, contrary to the will of the late King (dying without yssue) and the fidelitie of the people sworne to Con­stantia the lawfull daughter of the sayd Roger, married to Henry King of Almaine, sonne to the Emperour Frederic Barbarossa, by which occasion Tancredi was forced to vse all meanes to hold what hee had gotten by strong hand, and had much to doe against the Emperour and his sonne Henry. The King of England after great contention with him, to make the conditions of his sisters dowre the better, enters into league with Tancredi against all men to preserue his Estate, and gets in conclusion 20000 Oun­ces of Gold for his Sisters dowre, and 20000 more, vpon a match to bee made be­tweene Arthur Earle of Brittaine, sonne to Geffrey his next brother (who was to suc­ceed him in the Crowne of England, if himselfe died without yssue) and the daughter of Tancredi.

At the opening of the Spring (both kings hauing beene reconciled, and new Ar­ticles The Kings reconciled. of Peace and concord signed, and sworne) the King of France sets first forward to the Holy Land: but the king of England stayes in Sicile vntill Whitsontide after. And during his abode (which might therefore bee the longer) his Mother Queene Elionor (who in her youth had well knowne the trauaile of the East) came vnto him, Berenguela fianced to King Richard. bringing with her Berenguela, daughter to the king of Nauarre, who has there fian­ced vnto him. Which done, Queene Elionor departs home by the way of Rome, and the young Lady with the Queene Dowager of Sicile take their iourney with the king; who sets forth with an hundred and thirty ships, and fifty Gallies, and was by tempest driuen to the Isle of Cyprus, where, being denied landing, he assailes the Isle on all sides, subdues it, palces his Granisons therein, and commits the custody of the same to Richard de Canuile, and Robert de Turnham, taking halfe the goods of the Inhabitants from them; in Lieu whereof hee confirmed the vse of their owne Lawes. And here our Histories say, hee married the Lady Berenguela, and caused her to bee Crowned Queene.

These mischiefes suffred these two famous Isles of Christendome in the passage of these mighty Princes against Pagans, who peraduenture would haue as well vsed them for their goods, and treasure as these did, but Armies and powre know no inferior friends; it was their Fate so to lie in the way of great attempters, who, though in the cause of Pie­ty, would not sticke to doe any iniustice.

From hence passes this famous king to the Holy Land, with the spoyles, and treasure of three noble rich Islands, England, Sicile, and Cyprus (besides what Normandy and Guien could furnish him with all) and there consumes that huge collected masse, euen as violently as it was gotten, though to the exceeding great renowne of him, & the na­tion. Heere for the better vnderstanding this businesse, it is not amisse to deli­uer in what sort stood the Estate of those affaires in Asia, which so much troubled [Page 99] these mighty Princes, and drew them from the vtmost bounds of Europe, thus to ad­uenture themselues and consume their Estates.

It was now foure score and eight yeares since Godsrey of Bologne, Prince of Lorraine, with his company recouered the Citie of Ierusalem, with the Countrey of Palestina, and a great part of Siria, out of the hands of the Sarazins, obtayned the Kingdome there­of, and was Crowned with a Crowne of Thornes in example of our Sauiour, raig­ned The State of Palestina. one yeare, died, and left to succeed him his brother Baldwin, who gouerned eigh­teene yeares, and left the Crowne to another of that name, Balwin de Burgo, who raig­ned thirteene yeares, and left a daughter, and his Kingdome in dissention. Fulke Earle of Aniou marries this daughter, and enioyes the Kingdome eleuen yeares, and left two young sonnes, Baldwin, and Almerique: Balwin raignes foure and twenty yeares, and after him his brother Almerique twelue, and leaues Baldwin his sonne to succeed him, who being sickly, and dispayring of yssue, made Baldwin his Nephew, sonne to the Marquesse of Monferrato and Sibilla his Sister, his successor: and com­mits the charge of him, with the administration of the Kingdome to Raymond Earle of Tripoly, whom Guy de Lusignan who had married Sibilla (the Widdow of Monferrato) put from that charge, and vsurped the Gouerment, and at length the Kingdome, not without suspition of poysoning the young King. Raymond making warre vpon him, Lusignan drawes in Sultan Saladin of Egipt to his ayde, who glad of that occasion, to augment his owne State destroyed them both, with their Kingdome, and wonne the Citie of Ptolomeide, Asoto, Berytho, Ascalon, and after one months siege, the Citie of Ierusalem foure score and eight yeares after it had beene conquered by Godfrey.

Now to recouer this confounded State, come these two Great Kings from a farre and a different clyme with an Army composed of seuerall Nations, and se­uerall humours, English, French, Italians and Germaines; against a mightie Prince of an vnited powre, within his owne ayre, neera at home, bred and made by the sword, inured to victories, acquainted with the fights, and forces of the Christians, and possessed almost of all the best peeces of that Countrey.

And heere they sit downe before the City of Acon, defended by the powre of Sala­din, The Kings of England and France be­siege Acon. which had beene before besieged by the Christians the space of three yeares; and had cost the liues of many worthy Princes, and great personages, whose names are deliuered by our Writers, amongst whom I will remember these few of espe­ciall note: Conradus Duke of Suenia, sonne of Frederic the Emperour (which Frederic was also drowned comming thither) with the Earles of Perch, Puntif, and olde Theobald Earle of Bloys, that famous Stickler betweene the Kings of England and France: Stephen Earle of Sancerre: the Earle of Vandosme, Bertoldus a Duke of Ger­many, Reoger and Ioselin Earles of Apulia &c. And lastly Phillip Earle of Flaunders: and of our Nation Baldwin Archbishoppe of Canterbury. Robert Earle of Leicester, Ralph de Glanuile, Chiefe Iustice of England, Richard de Clare; Walter de Kime, &c. And notwithstanding all the forces of these two kings, they held out foure monthes after, and then rendred themselues vpon composition.

At their entring into the Citie, the Ensignes of Leopold Duke of Austrich, bee­ing planted on the walles, were with great scorne taken downe by the comman­dement of King Richard, and those of the two Kings erected, which bred great rancour, and was afterward the occasion of much mischiefe to the king of England Besides, during this siege diuers stings, were ministred, or taken of displeasure, and malice betweene the two kings, apt to bee set on fire by the least touches of conceipt.

The king of France full of disdaine, for the reiection of his Sister, and the mar­riage of the king of England with Berenguela; besides competition of honour (which their equality was subiect vnto) made any iot of the least disproportion thereof, a wounde without cure: And daylie occasions in so great hearts fell out to worke the same. The Article of equall deuiding their gaines in this voyage, concluded between them is questioned. The king of France, claimes halfe the Isle of Cyprus, the king of England, [Page 100] halfe the Treasure and goods of the Earle of Flaunders, whereon the King of France had sei­sed, and therein, neither is satisfied. Then are there two pretenders to the Crowne of Ierusalem, Guy of Lusignan, and Conrade, Marquis of Monferrato: Guy pleads the posses­sion thereof, which he had by his wife Sibilla: the King of England takes part with Guy: the King of France, with Conrade: And with these differences are they kept in imbroyle­ments, and continually distempered, in so much, as by their owne heats, and the conta­gion The Kings of England and France dan­gerously sicke. of the Country, they fell into a most daungerous sicknesse, that cost them both, their haire, being more then they got by the voyage.

But being recouered, the King of France had no longer will to stay there, where hee saw no more likelihood of honour or profit: and at home, hee knew was better good to be done with lesse danger, and the rather by the death of the Earle of Flaunders, whose state lay so neere, as it tooke vp part of his; whereof he had a purpose to abridge his successor, and therefore, craues leaue of the King of England ( for without leaue of each other it was couenanted, neither of them should depart) to returne home, which King Richard was hardly wonne to grant, in respect he knew the daunger, it might worke him, in his absence, to let such an offended Lyon loose.

But in the end through the earnest sollicitation of the King of France, and his assu­rance) The King of France de­parts from the Holy warre. confirmed by Oath not to doe anything offensiue to his Dominions in France, during his absence, he yeelds thereunto. And so departs this great Prince leauing the Earle of Borgogne Lieutenant of his forces: And King Richard betakes him to the siege of Ascalon: writes inuectiue letters against the King of France for leauing him: who likewise defames King Richard, amongst his neighbours at home. And it may be doubted whether the periurie of these two Kings, did not adde more to their sinne, then the action they vndertooke for the remission thereof could take away, for that a good worke impiously managed, meretts no more then an ill.

Ten moneths the King of England stayes behind in these parts, consuming both his men and treasure without any great successe, though with much noble valor and ex­ceeding courage, finding euer great peruersuesse in the Earle of Borgogne, who accor­ding to his maisters instructions shewed no great desire to aduance the action, where another must carry the honour: but willing alwaies to returne home (pretending his want) drew backe when any businesse of importance was to bee done; and at length falls sicke, and dies at Acon.

Conrade, who was so much fauoured by the King of France, in his title for that King­dome, Conrade mur­thered. was murthered by two Assassini whereof the King of England was (but very wrongfullie) taxed, and the Earle of Champagne, martying his Widdow, Sister to Queene Sibilla, was by King Richard preferred to the Crowne of Ierusalem and Guy of Lusignan (the other pretender) made King of Ciprus, and so both contented. During this businesse abroade in the East, the state of England suffred much at home vnder the go­uernment of Lonshamp, who vsurping the whole authority to himselfe without com­municating Longshamps traine and pompe. any thing either with the Nobility, or the rest of the Commissioners ioy­ned with him, did what hee listed, and with that insolencie carried himselfe, as hee in­curred the hatred of the whole Kingdome, both Clergie and Lay. His traine was said to be so great, and the pompe of attendants such, as where hee lay in any religious house but one night, 3 yeares reuenues would scarce suffice to recouer the charge. Be­sides being a stranger himselfe, and vsing only French men about him made his courses the more intollerable to the English: in so much, as at length the whole Clergie, and Nobility oppose against his proceedings, and the Earle Iohn taking aduantage vpon these discontentments (to make himselfe more popular, and prepare the way to his in­tended vsurpation) ioynes with the state against this B. being the man that had euer crossed his courses hauing an especially eye vnto him, as the most dangerous person of the Kingdome, both in respect of the kings charge, and his owne saftie.

And now there fell out a fit occasion to ruine the Chancellor by this meanes: Gef­frey 1191. Anno. Reg. 3. the Elect Archbishop of Yorke, base sonne to Henry the 2. to whose preferment, in Eng. King Richard was auerse (& therfore had confin'd him within Normandy during his absence) had by great labour to Pope Celestine, obtained a powre to bee inuested in [Page 101] that Sea: whose comming into England being aduertised to the Chancellor Long shamp, Geffrey the E­lect of Yorke taken and im­prisoned by the Chancel­or. he was at his landing at Doner apprehended, and drawne by force out of the Church which hee had recouered, and from the Altar in his Pontificall habit trailed into the Castle in most vile manner. Of which violence the Earle Iohn, and the Bishop taking notice, they command the Chancellor not only to release him but also to answere the matter, before the assembly of the Bishops, and Nobilite at Pauls: where, they Article, and vrge against him many hainous actions committed, contrarie to the Comission gi­uen him, and the Weale of the King, and Kingdome.

The Archbishop of Roan, and William Marshall Earle of Striguile shewed openly the Kings Letters pattents, dated at Messena in Sicile, whereby they were made Commissi­oners with him in the gouernment of the Kingdome; which notwithstanding, hee would neuer suffer them to deale in any businesse of the same: but by his owne vio­lent, Longshamp the Chancellor deposed from his office. and headlong will, doe all himselfe: wherefore in the end hee was by the Assem­bly deposed from his Office: and the Archbishop of Rouen (who would doe nothing without the Councell of the State) instituted therein. The Towre of London, and the Castle of Windsor are taken from him, and deliuered to the Archbishop. And so this great Officer presuming to much in his place (hauing enuie so neere him, and a maister so sarre off) was throwne downe from his State, faine to resigne his Legan­tine Crosse at Canterbury, and to take vp that for the Holy warre: and priuily seeke­ing to escape ouer Sea, was in the habit of a woman, with a webbe of Linnin cloth vnder his arme, taken vpon the shore at Douer, and most opprobriouslie made a spectacle to the people, and conducted with all derision to the Castle; whence after He flies and is taken. eight daies hee was by the Earle Iohn released, and suffered to goe on his iourney; wherein, being the messenger of his owne misusage he had the aduantage of his aduer­saries, and preuailed against them with the Pope, who tooke very tenderly the powre Legantine should be so vilified.

The Earle Iohn, the Archbishop of Rouen, and the other Iustices of the King, grant vnto the Citie of London their Common (or liberties) and the Citizens Swore fealtie to King Richard and his haire: and that if he died without issue, they would receiue the Earle Iohn for their Lord and King, and likewise swore fealty vnto him against all men, reseruing their faith to King Richard.

In this forwardnesse was the Earle Iohn for his brothers Crowne, whilst hee is be­leagaring Ascalon, and grapling with Saladin Sultan in the East. But hauing notice of this proceeding in England, and how the King of France had taken in Gisors, and King Richards departure from Palestina. the Country of Vexin, contrarie to his Oath, hee takes the oportunity of an offer made by Saladin of a truce for three yeares, vpon condition that hee should restore Ascalon to the same State wherein hee found it before the siege: which hee did by the Coun­cell of the Templars, and the whole Armie. And presently leauing Wife, Sister, and people to come after him (as they could prouide) takes a shippe with some few followers, and returnes from this action, with as great precipitation as hee vndertooke it: hauing consumed therein all that mightie Treasure left him by his father, and all that otherwise hee could teare from his subiects, and others, by violent extor­tion, or cunning practises.

Pardon vs Antiquitie, if we miscensure your actions which are euer (as those of men) according to the vogue, and sway of times, and haue onely their vpholding by the opinion of the pre­sent. wee deale with you but as posteritie will with vs (which euer thinkes it selfe the wiser) that will iudge likewise of our errors according to the cast of their imaginations. But for a King of England to returne in this fashion, cannot bee but a note of much inconsidera­tion, and had as pittifull an euent. For hauing taken vp by the way three Gallies to conduct him to Ragusa for three hundred Markes of Siluer (disguised vnder the names of Pilgtimes) hee was by his lauish expences discouered to bee the His discouery. King of England which note once taken, it was impossible for him to lay a­nie couering thereon, that could euer hide him more: though vpon warning thereof, he presently left all his company, and with one man onely takes horse, and through all the daungers of a wilde desart, and rocky Country, trauayling day, and night, passes [Page 102] into Austrich, where Fame, that was a speedier post then himselfe, was before him. And comming to a Village nere to Viena, and reposing himselfe in a poore hosterie, was taken a sleepe, by meanes of his companion going forth to prouide necessaries for him, King Richard taken prisoner who as hee was changing money was knowne, taken, and brought before the Duke of Austrich, and vpon examination confessed where his maister was, of which prise the Duke was most ioyfull, in respect of his reuenge for the disgrace hee did him at the en­tring of Acon, and presently sends him to the Emperour Henry the sixt, whom likewise he had offended for ayding Tancredi the base sonne of Roger in the vsurpation of the Crowne of Sicilia, against Constantia the lawfull daughter of the same Roger whom this Emperour had married.

Newes hereof is presently sent by the Emperour to the King of France that he might likewise reioyce at this fortune, and hee tells him, That now the Enemy of his Em­pire, and the disturber of the Kingdome of France, was fast in holde, and all the manner how. The State of England is likewise soone certified of this heauie disaster, and great meanes is made to redeeme their King out of captiuitie, who is sayd to haue borne his fortune with that magnanimitie, and so cleered himselfe of the scandalls layd on him for the death of Conrade the Emperours kinsman, & other his actions in the East, in such sort, as he won the affection of the Emperor, so that he professed a great desire to restore him, and reconcile him to the King of France. But yet wee finde, That King Richard depo­sed King Richard deposed him­selfe of the kingdome of England. himselfe of the Kingdome of England, and deliuered the same to the Emperour as his su­preame Lord, and inuested him therein by the deliuering vp his hat, whch the Emperour returned vnto him in the presence of the Nobility of Germany and England to hold this Kingdom from him for 50 thousand pounds sterling to be payed as an annuall tribute.

And yet notwithstanding all this the King of France, combining with the Earle Iohn, preuailed so much with the Emperour as hee held him his prisoner; a whole yeare and sixe weekes through their offer of mighty summes they made vnto him. For he, and the Earle Iohn fully accounted that he should haue beene held a perpetuall prisoner, and vpon that reckning the Earle Iohn did his homage to the King of France for the Dutchy Earle Iohn doth homage to the King of France for Normandy. of Normandy, and all the rest of those transmarine territories, and for England as it is sayd, and besides resignes vnto him Gisors, with the Country of Vexin, sweares to mar­ry his sister Alice, and to bee diuorsed from his other Wise the Daughter of the Earle of Glocester. The King of France couenants to giue him with his sister that part of Flanders which hee had taken from that Eareldome, and sweares to ayde him in the attayning both of England and whatsoeuer else the Lands of his brother.

Then goes the Earle Iohn ouer into England carrying many strangers with him, and presently the Castles of Wallingford and Windsor are rendred vnto him: then comes hee to London and requires of the Archbishop of Rouen, and other the Commis­sioners, the Kingdome of England and that fealty bee made vnto him, affirming his bro­ther was dead, but they not giuing credit vnto him, and denying his desire; with rage and strong hand, hee fortifies his Castles, and in hostile manner inuades the Lands of his brother, finding many partakers to ioyne with him.

The Queene mother, the Iustices of England, and all the faithfull seruants of the King, guard and defend the ports, against the inuasion of the French, and Flemings, who in great numbers seeke to ayde the Earle Iohn, and also they labour the redemption of the King, whose ransome the Emperour rates at 100 thousand Marks, with the finding of fiftie Gallies ready furnished, and two hundred souldiers to attend his seruice in the holy warres for one yeare.

In Normandie the Officers and Seruants of the King of England defend with no lesse faith, and courage the right of their Maister against the King of France, who withall his powre labours to subdue them, and by his large offers to the Empe­rour prolongs his redemption and inhaunces his ransome. This toyle and charge is the world put into through the misfortune and weakenesse of their hardy King who, onely in respect of his valour (being otherwise not worth so much) and the Holy worke hee vndertooke, whereby hee obliged the Clergie, which then ma­naged all, got the opinion and loue of his subiects, in such sort, as they straine [Page 103] euen beyond their ability to recouer and preserue him, and so wrought in the end that the Emperour compounds with King Richard in this manner: that hee should send his Commissioners to London, and receaue an hundred thousand Markes of pure siluer of Cologne The Emperors composition with King Richard. waight, to be sealed vp and safely conducted to the bounds of the Empire at the perile of the King of England, and other fifty thousand Markes of siluer (whereof twenty thousand for the Duke of Austrich and thirty thousand for the Emperour, to be payd at seauen monethes after, and pledges to be giuen: three score to the Emperor, and seauen to the Duke. Besides the King of England, sweares to send his Neece, the sister of Arthur Earle of Brittaine to be married to the Duke of Austrich, &c.

And the Emperour granted to the King of England by his Charter the Soueraignty of the Prouince Vienne, and Viennoys Merseilles, Narbona, Arls, Lyons, and whatsoeuer hee had in Burgogne, with the Homages of the King of Arragon, the Earles of Dijon, and Saint Giles. In which countries were fiue Archbishop-ricks, thirty three Bishopricks, but the Emperour could neuer haue domination ouer them, nor they receaue any Lord that hee presented them. So that this great gift consisted but in title, which yet pleased King Richard that hee might not seeme to part with all his substance for nothing. And the same wind he sends to Hubert the new Archbishop of Canterbury, lately made his Vice­gerent in England to be blowne ouet all the Kingdome, by a letter he wrote vnto him wherein he hath these words. For that sure I am, you much desire our deliuerance and greatly reioyce therein, we will that you be partaker of our ioy, and thought fit to signifie to your be louednesse, that the Lord the Emperour hath prefixd the day thereof to be vpon Munday after the Feast of King Richards letters into England. the Natiuity, and the Sunday after we shall receiue theCrowne of the Kingdome of Prouince, which he hath giuen vs, whereof we send his Letters Patents vnto you, and other our friends, and well willers, and doe you in the meane time, as much as in you lyeth, comfort those you know loue vs; and desire our promotion. Teste me ipso apud Spiram 22. Sep. The Emperour likewise writes to the Bishops, Earles, Barons, and other the Subiects of England, how he purposed to ad­uance and magnificently to honour his especiall friend their King, and in this Coyne are they payd at home for what they were to lay out.

King Richard sends after this, for his mother Queene Elionor (who is still a trauailer) and for the Archbishop of Rouen with many others to come vnto him, about the time and businesse of his deliuerance, for which, There is imposed vpon euery Knights Fee twenty shillings, the fourth part of all lay mens reuenues, and the fourth part of all the reuenues of the Clergie, with a tenth of their goods is inioyned to be payd. The Chalices and treasure of all Churches are taken to make vp the summe, the like is done in all his territories beyond the Seas, so dearely cost the returne of this King from his Easterne voyage.

And this Queene Berenguela had likewise her part of affliction in this iourney for shee with her sister in law the Queene Dowager of Sicilia, fearing the Emperours malice were a whole yeare in trauayling from Palestina, and at length were conducted vnto Poictou The King of France hearing of this conclusion made betwixt King Richard and The King of France and Earle Iohn proffer great sums to hold King Richard prisoner. the Emperour writes to the Earle Iohn how the Diuell was got loose, willing him now to looke to himselfe; and it vexed them exceedingly both being disappointed thus of their hopes. And there vpon, the Earle Iohn leauing his Castles in England well defended, and incouraging his Soldiers to hold out, and credit no reports, departes into Normandy, where he with the King of France whilest King Richard is yet in the Emperours hands solicites him, with the proffer of a hundred and fifty thousand Markes or else a thousand pounds a moneth, so long as he held him his prisoner. But it preuayled not, though it staggered the Emperour for a time, who in the end shewed this letter to King Richard (that he might see what care was taken for him) and then deliuers him to his mother Elionor receiuing the pledges for obseruation of peace, (and the rest of the ransome vnpayd) The Archbishop of Rouen, the Bishop of Bath, with the sonnes of many principall Earles and Barons. And so in February King Richards returne into England. one yeare, and sixe weekes after his Captiuity, in the fourth yeare of his raigne he re­turnes into England, where the Bishops (in whose grace especially he was) had excom­municated the Earle Iohn, and all his adherents, and taken in his Castles of Marleborow, Lancaster, and a fortresse at Saint Michels mount in Cornewall defended by Henry de Pumeroy. But his Castle of Nottingham, though strongly assailed by Ralph Earle of Chester [Page 104] and the Earle Ferrers, and the Castle of Tichill by the Bishop of Duresme, held out for the Earle Iohn, and found the King some worke to doe vpon his returne; who present­ly without any stay otherwhere, came before Nottingham Castle withall the shew of state and greatnesse he could make; which yet could not so terrifie the defen dants, as to make them yeeld, confident either in their owne strength, or in opinion that there 1193. Anno. Reg. 5. was no King euer to returne to assault them, and supposiing it but a meere shew, resol­ued to hould out for their maister; which put the King to much trauayle, and great ex­pence of blood before they rendred themselues, which was also vpon pardon. Those of the Castell of Tichill yeelded to the Bishop of Duresme, their persons, and goods saued.

The King assembles a Parlement at Nottingham where Queene Elionor was present, and sat on his right hand. The first day of the Session, he disserseth Girard de Canuile of A Parlament at Notingham. the Castle of Lincoln, and the Shriefwike of that Shire: from Hugh Bardolph hee takes the Shriefwicke of Yorkshire, the Castles of Yorke, Scarborow, and the custody of Westmerland, and exposes them all to Sale. The Archbishop of Yorke giues for the Shriefwicke of Yorkeshire three thousand Markes, with one hundred Markes of annuall rent.

The second day of the Session the King requires iudgement vpon the Earle Iohn, for hauing contrary to his Oath of fealty, vsurped his Castles, &c. and contracted confederacy with the King of France against him. And likewise iudgement against Hugh de Nauant Bishop of Couentry for adhering to the Earle Iohn, and the Kings enemies. And it was adiudged, they should both appeare at a peremptory day to stand to the law. Which if they did not, the Earle Iohn to deserue banishment, and the Bishop to vnder goe the iudgement, both of the Clergie, as being a Bishop, and of the Layety being the Kings Shriefe, But this Bishop two years after, was re­stored to the Kings fauour, and his Bishopricke, for fiue thousand Markes. The third day of this Session was graunted to the King, of euery ploughland, through out England, two shillings, besides the King required the third part of the seruice, of euery Knights Fee, for his attendance in Normandy: and all the Wooll that yeare of the Monkes Cisteaux. Which for that it was grieuous and insupportable vnto them, they fine for money.

The fourth and last day, was for the hearing of grieuances and accusations, and so this as­sembly brake vp. But here either to adde more Maiesty after calamity, or else to nul­lifie his act done to the Eemperour is appointed the Kings recoronation to be solem­nised Richard againe crowned at Winchester. at Winchester, presently vpon the Feast of Easter next following. Whilest the king was in these parts, William King of Scots, repaires to him, and required the dignities and honours his predesessors of right had in England, and with all, the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmerland, and Lancaster. To whom the King of England first an­swered, that he would satisfie him by the aduice of his Councell, with shortly after was assem­bled at Northampton, where, after deliberation, he told him that his petition, ought not in reason, to be graunted at that time, when almost all the Princes of France were his enemies, for it would be thought rather an act of feare, then any true affection, and so put it off for that time with faire promises: yet graunts he by the aduice, and consent of the Councell, vnder his Charter, to William King of Scotts and his heires for euer: that when by sommons they should come to the Court of the king of England, the Bishop of Duresme, and the Shriefe of Nor­thumberland should receaue them at the riuer of Tweed, and bring them vnder safe conduct to the riuer of Teis, and there the Archbishop of Yorke, and the Shriefe of Yorkshire should receiue and conduct them to the bounds of that county: and so the Bishops, and Shriefes of other Shires till they came to the Court of the King of England, and from the time that the King of Scots first entred into this Realme, hee should haue an hundred shillings a day allowed of guift for his charge, and after he came to the Court, thirty shillings a day, and twelue Wastells, and twelue Simnells of the Kings, foure quartes of the Kings best wine and six of ordinary wine, two pounds of pepper, and foure pounds of Cinamon; two pounds of Waxe, or foure Wax lights, forty great long perchers of the Kings best candles, and twenty foure of other ordinary, and at his returne to be safely conducted as he came, and with the same allowance.

From Northampton, both the Kings go to Woodstock and thence to Winchester, where the Coronation is sumptuously solemnised. And there King Richard resumes the two Resumptions. Mannors he sold to the Bishop of Winchester, at his going to the holy Warre, and like­wise the Castle of Winchester and that county, with whatsoeuer sales he had made else [Page 105] of the Demaynes of the Crowne, alledging that it was not in his power to aliene any thing ap­pertayning to the same whereby his State was to subsist. The Bishop of Duresme seeing these reuocations, did voluntarily, deliuer vp the Castle of Duresme, with the County of Northumberland, which the King willed to be deliuered to Hugh Bardolph. Hugh Bi­shop of Lincoln gaue for the liberty of his Church one thousand Markes of siluer, re­deeming thereby the custome of giuing to the King of England euery yeare a cloke fur­red with Sabells.

Here all such who had taken part with the Earle Iohn and defended his Castles, were sommoned to appeare, and all the rich were put to their ransome, the poorer sort let go at liberty, but under sureties of an hundred Markes a peece, to answere in the Kings Court whensoeuer they should be called. The King of Scots, seeing the King of Eng­land vse all meanes for money, offers fifteene thousand Markes for Northumberland, with the appurtenances, alledging how King Henry the second gaue the same to Henry his Father, and that after him, King Malcom inioyed it fiue yeares. This large offer of money tempted King Richard so, as againe hee consulted with his Councell about the matter, and in conclusion was willing to yeeld the same to the King of Scots, reseruing to him­selfe the Castles, but that, the King of Scots would not accept, and so with much dis­content departs into Scotland; yet two yeares after this, King Richard sends Hubert Walter Archbishop of Canterbury to Yorke, there to treate with the King of Scots of a marriage betweene Otho his Nephew, and Margaret daughter to the said king, to haue for her dowre all Lynox, and he would giue with his Nephew, Northumberland and the Earl­dome of Carlile, with all the Castles, but the Queene of Scots in the time of this treaty, be­ing knowne to be with Childe, it tooke no effect.

From Winchester, king Richard departs into Normandy with an hundred ships, so that his stay in England was but from the latter end of February to the tenth of May, and that time onely spent in gleaning out what possible this kingdome could yeeld, to con­sume King Richord departs into Normandy with 100 ships the same in his businesses of France, which tooke vp all the rest of his raigne, be­ing in the whole but nine yeares, and nine months whereof he was neuer aboue eight moneths in England. Nor doe wee finde that euer his wife Berenguela was here, or had any dowry or honour of a Queene of England, or otherwise of any regard with him, how much souer she had deserued.

And now all affaires that either concerned the state in generall, or any mannes par­ticular, was (to the great charge and trauayle of the Subiects of England, to be dispatch­ed in Normandy: and that game we had by our large dominions abrode. The first acti­on that king Richard vndertooke vpon his comming ouer, was, the relieuing of Vernoul, beseiged by the king of France and there his brother Iohn, by the mediation of their mother Queene Elionor is reconciled vnto him, and abiures the part of the king of France. And to make his party, the stronger in those countries hee first giues his sister Ioane, Queene Dowager of Sicile to Raymond Earle of Toulouse, being the neerest neigh­bour of power to his Dutchy of Guien, and might most offend him. Then enters league with Balduine Earle of Flanders from whom the king of France had taken Artois, and Vermandois, and on all sides seekes to imbroyle his enemy. Foure yeares at least, held this miserable turmoyle betwixt these two kings, surprising, recouering, ruyning and spoy­ling each others Estate, often deceuing both the world, and themselues with shew of couenants reconciliatorie (which were euer more broken againe vpon all aduantages according to the mistery of war and ambition.

King Phillip of France to strengthen himselfe with shipping to oppose the English, marries Botilda the sister of Knut king of, Denmark, but this match made for his ends, and not affection turned to his more trouble, for the next day after his wedding hee put her away, pretending (besides other things) propinquity of bloud, and for this had he long and great contention with the Church and the king of Denmarke. The Emperor sends to the king of England a massie Crowne of gold, and offers to come and ayde him against the king of France, and to inuade his kingdome, but the king returnes him one­ly thankes, not willing to haue him stire in this busines and in regard hee suspected the Emperour affected to adde France to the Empire, which would not be safe for him: or [Page 106] that the King of France dealing with the Emperour might win him with mony, and so in the end, ioyne both together against him. Now to supply the charge of this great 1194. Anno. Reg. 6. worke, England was sure still to beare the heauiest part: and no shift is leaft vnsought, that might any way rayse meanes to the King from hence. Witnesse the Commission giuen to the Iustices Itnerants sent into euery Shire of England for exaction vpon pleas of the Crowne, for Escheats, wardships, marriages, &c. with the improuement of the Demaynes, and the order ta­ken for the exact knowing of the Estates of men, and especially of the Iewes, on whom the King Vide Append. would haue none to prey but himselfe: Then the raysing an imposition vpon allowance of Turne­ments, which was for euery Earle twenty Markes of siluer: euery Baron, ten, euery Kinght hauing Meanes vsed for money. lands, foure: and for such as had none, two Markes for a licence. The Collection whereof the Archbishop of Canterbury commits to his brother Theobald Walter. Besides an­other new seale, the old being lost by the Vice-Chancelor at the taking of Cirpus brings in a new exaction.

But the proceeding in the pleas of the Crowne and extorting of penalties Anno Reg. 9. By Hugh Bardolph, Roger Arundle and Geffrey Hatchet Iustices Itenerants for Lyn­colnshire, Nottinghamshire, Darbyshire, Yorkeshire, Northumberland, Cumberland, and Lan­caster, was of a higher straine of exaction, and more profound, as hauing more of time, and presumption vpon the peoples sufferance, of whom, when once trial was made that they would beare, were sure to haue more layd on them then they were able to vnder goe. And with these vexations (saith Houeden) all England from Sea to Sea was redu­ced to extreame pouerty, and yet it ended not heare: another torment is added to the confusion of the Subiects by the Iustices of the Forests, Hugh Neuile, chiefe Iustice, Hugh Wac, and Ernise de Neuile, who not onely execute those hidious lawes introduced by the Norman, but impose other of more tyranicall seuerity, as the memory thereof being odious, deserues to be vtterly forgotten, hauing afterwards by the hard labour of our noble ancestors, and the goodnes of more regular Princes, beene assuaged and now out of vse.

Besides in the same yeare, this King imposes 5 shil. vpon euery Hide or Plough-land, (which contayned an hundred Acres) for the leuying whereof a most strict course was taken: Like­wise he required by his Vicegerent the Archbishop of Canterbury, that the people of Eng­land should finde three hundred Knights for one yeare to remaine in his seruice, or so much money, allowing for euery Knight, three shillings per diem. Against which Hugh Bishop of Lyncoln opposes, and saies, that he would neuer yeeld to the Kings will in this, for the detriment it might be to the Church, and example to posterity, that should not complaine thereof, and say: our Fathers haue eaten sowre grapes, and the childrens teeth are set on edge, and turning to the Archbishop, wished him, that he would doe nothing whereof he might be a shamed.

This Archbishop so husbanded the Kings businesse that in Anno Reg. 7. he yeelded Vudecies cente­na millia Marc. Houed. an accompt vnto him, that hee had Ieuied of the Kingdome within the space of two yeares eleuen hundred thousand Markes of siluer; which, considering that time is a most remarkeable summe. And now as the first act of this King was his violent violent proceeding in a businesse of Treasore with Stephen Thurstan Seneshall of Normandy, so was it likewise the last, and the cause of his distruction: for, Widomare, Viscont of Li­moges, hauing found a great treasure of siluer, and gold in the ground, sends a good part thereof to the King, which he refuses, laying clayme to the whole: Widomare deny­ing the same, the King layes fiege to his Castle where he imagined the treasure was hid; they of the Castle being but weake, offered to render the same, their liues members, and Armor saued, which the King would not yeeld vnto, but swore that hee would sack the Castle, and hang them all. Wherevpon desperatly they resolue to stand to their defence. King Richard with Marchard, generall of the Brabanzons going about the Castle to view what place was sitiest for an assault; Bertramd: Gurdun, from the walls shot a barbed arrow that hit the King in the arme, with such a deadly blow, as he was presently sent to his lodging: notwithstanding commands he his forces to prose­cute the assault without intermission which they did, and tooke the Castle putting to execution all the defendants except Bartram, who by the Kings command was reserued.

[Page 107]But the arrow drawne out with great torture, left the head behinde, which being by a rude Chirurgion, after much mangling the flesh hardly cut out, brought the King to dispaire of life, and to dispose of his Estate, leauing to his brother Iohn three parts of his treasure, and the fourth to his seruants.

Which done, he willed Bertram Gurdun to be brought vnto him, of whom he deman­ded, what hurt he had done him, that prouoked him to doe this mischiefe, to whom Bertram replies: thou hast killed my father and my two brothers with thine owne hand, and now wouldest haue slaine mee, take what reuenge thou wilt. I willingly indure what soeuer torture thou canst in flict vpon mee, iu respect I haue slaine thee, who hast done such and so great mischiefe to the world. The King notwithstanding this rough and desperate answere, caused him to be let loose, and not onely forgaue him his death, but commanded 100 shillings The death of King Richard. sterling to be giuen vnto him, but Marchard after the King was dead caused him to be hanged and flayed.

This was the end of this Lyon-like King, when he had raigned nine yeares, and 9 monthes, wherein hee exacted, and consumed more of this Kingdome, then all his pre­decessors 1599. Anno. Reg. 10. from the Norman had done before him, and yet lesse deserued then any, hauing neither liued here, neither left behinde him monument of Pietie, or of any o­ther publique worke, or euer shewed loue or care to this Common-wealth, but one­ly to get what hee could from it. Neuer had Prince more giuen with lesse a doe and lesse noyes then hee. The reason whereof, as I haue said, was his vndertaking the Holy warre, and the cause of Christ, with his suffring therein; & that made the Clergie, which then might doe all, to deny him nothing: and the people, fed with the report of his miraculous valour, horrible incounters in his voyage abroade (and then some victories in France) were brought to beare more thē euer otherwise they wold haue don.

Then had he such Ministers here to serue his turne as preferred his, before the ser­uice of God, and did more for him in his absence, then euer peraduenture hee would, or could haue done for himselfe by being here present. For, both, to hold their places, and his good opinion, they deuise more shifts of rapine, then had euer bin practised before in this Kingdom, & cared not so he were satisfied, what burthen they layd on the Sub­iect; which rent, & torne by continuall exactions was made the more miserable, in that they came betrayed with the shew of Religion & Law, the maine supporters of humane societie, ordayned to preserue the state of a people, & not to confound it. But the inso­lent ouercharging the state in these times gaue occasion to the future, to prouide for themselues; Excesses euer procute alterations. And the Successors of this King were but little beholding vnto him; for out of his irregularitie, their boundlessnes came to bee broght within some limits. Yet what this King wold haue proued, had his daies allowed him other then this rough part of warre, we know not; but by the operation of a poore Hermits speech made vnto him, we are shewed that he was conuertible. For being by him vehemently vrged to be mindefull of the subuersion of Sodome, and to abstaine from things vnlawfull, therby, to auoyd the vengeance of God, he vpon an insuing sicknes (a sounder Counsailor then health) remembring this aduertisment, vowes a reformation of his life: and did afterward vpon his recouery, euery morning rise early to heare deuine seruice. For which Houeden hath this note: how glorious it is for a Prince to begin and end his actions in him, who is beginning without beginning, and iudges the ends of the Earth. Besides he growes hospitable to the poore, and made restitution of much Church ves­sell, that had beene taken and sold for his ransome.

Though this King had no issue, yet was hee told by a Priest in France that he had three euill His yssue. daughters, and admonished to put them away and bestow them abroad to auoyde the punishment of God. The King gaue him the lie and sayd, he knew none he had, Yes Sir, replied the Priest, three daughters you haue, and they are these, Pride, Couetousnesse, and Lecherie. The King calling those who were present about him, and relating what the Priest had said, willed them to be witnesses how he would bestow these his 3 daughters which the Priest charged him withall. The 1. which is Pride, I giue to the Templars and Hospitallers, Couetuousnesse, to the Monkes of Cisteaux Order, and Lecherie to the Clergie, this sodaine retortion shewes vs his quicknesse, and what kinde of men were then muligned, and out of his grace.

The Life, and raigne of King Iohn.

IOHN hauing his brothers Army in the field, with all his Seruants and followers, intertaines them generally with promises of large rewards, 1199. Anno. Reg. 1. and thereby had the aduantages of time, power, and opinion to help him on to his desires. Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury being vpon busines in those parts, and the most potent minister he could wish, for so migh­ty a worke, he presently dispatches for England, with William Marshall Earle of Striguil, Geffery Fitz Peter, &c. to prepare the people to receiue him for their King: who, espe­cially dealing with those were most doubted would oppose him, and vndertaking for him that he should restore vnto them their rights, and gouerne the Kingdome, as hee ought, with moderation; wrought so as they were all content vpon those conditi­ons, to sweare Fealte vnto him against all men. These vndertakers, likewise, send word to William King of Scots (to hold him in, from any attempt) that hee should also haue full satisfaction for what hee claymed in England, vpon the returne of their new Maister. And so were all things made cleare on this fide. But on the other, the right of succession, which was in Arthur the Elder brothers Sonne, stirred affections of an­other nature, the nobility of Aniou, Maine and Tureine, maintayning the vsuall custome of inheritance, adhere to Arthur, whom his mother Constance puts vnder the Protection of the King of France, who receiues him and vndertakes the defence of his right.

Iohn hauing his chiese ayme at the Crowne of England could haue no time of stay to close those ruptures that so violently brake out there, but hauing receiued the inuesti­ture King Iohns Coronation. of the Dutchy of Normandy, and performed all those rites, he speedily, with his mo­ther Elionor (who must haue her part in euery act of her Sonnes) passes ouer into Eng­land, and by way of election receues the crowne vpon the Assention day, at the hands of Hubert Archbish. of Canterbury, who in his Oration, (as it is recorded in Mat. Pa.) be­fore the whole Assembly of the state shewed, that by all reason, deuine & humaine, none ought to succeed in the Kingdome, but who should be for the worthynesse of his vertues, vniuersally chosen by the state, as was this man, &c. which then, seemes especially vrged, in respect his title of succession would not carry it. And the Archbishop afterward, vpon this poynt, being questioned, confessed to his friends, that he foresaw this man would, (what bloud and mis­chiefe soeuer it should cost) in the end obtayne the crowne. And therefore the safer way was, to pre­uent confusion, that the land should rather make him King, then he make himselfe; and that this e­lection would be some tye vpon him.

So came Iohn to the crowne of England which he gouerned with as great iniustice as he gat it, and imbraked the state, and himselfe, in those miserable incombrances, thorow his violences and oppression, as produced desperat effects, and made way to those great alterations in the gouernment which followed. The Queene Mother, a woman of an high and working spirit, was an especiall agent in this preferment of her Sonne Iohn, in respect of her owne greatnesse, knowing how shee should be more by him, then shee could be by her grand-childe Arthur, who had a mother would looke to become Re­gent here, and so ouer-shaddow her estate, which was a thing not to be indured. Be­sides Arthur was a child, borne and bred a stranger, and neuer shewed vnto the King­dome, so that he had nothing but his right to draw a party, which could not be such (in regard of the daunger of the aduenture, things standing as they did) that could doe him any great good. Men being content rather to embrace the present, though wrong, with saftie, then seeke to establish anothers right, with the hazard of their own confusion.

The state of England secured; King Iohn returnes into Normandy vpon intelligence giuen England secu­red to King Iohn. of the defection wrought in those parts by Phillip the French King, who had giuen the order of Knighthood to Arthur, and taken his homage for Aniou Poctou, Main, Turein, and also for Normandy (in regard as he pretended) that King Iohn had neglected to come, and doe him homage for the same, as members held of the crowne of France. King [Page 109] Iohn, not willing vpon his new and doubtfull admission to the gouernment to ingulph 1200. Anno. Reg. 2. himselfe into a sodaine warre, mediates a Parle with the King of France, who well vn­derstanding the time, and his owne aduantages, requires so vnreasonable conditions, as King Iohn could not, without great dishonor yeeld vnto, and so they fall to the sword. The King of France vnder pretence of working for Arthur gets for himselfe, which be­ing discouered, Arthur with his mother Constance are brought (by the perswasion of their chiefe Minister William de la Roche) to commit themselues to the protection of King Iohn; of whom likewise conceiuing a sodaine iealofie (or else informed of his pur­pose Prince Arthur and his mo­ther flie to Angiers. to imprison them) the next night after their comming, got secretly away & fled to Angiers. So this yong Prince, borne to be crusht betweene these two potent Kings (in­tending only their owne ends) gaue occasion by leauing them both, to make both his enemies. After many attempts, and little gaine on either side, another treaty is media­ted by the Popes Legats, wherein King Iohn buyes his peace vpon these yeelding con­ditions: That Louys, eldest sonne to King Philip should marry his Ncece Blanch daughter of Alphonso King of Castile, and haue with her in Dowre, the Citie and County of Eureux, with sundry Castles in Normandy, and 30 thousand Markes of Siluer. Besides, promises if hee died without issue, to leaue vnto him all his territories in France. And that he would not ayde his Ne­phew Otho ( lately elected Emperor) against Philip brother to the late Emperor Hen. 6. whom the K. of France fauored, in opposition of Pope Innocentius who tooke the part of Otho.

After this Peace made, Otho taking it vnkindly to bee thus forsaken by his Vncle Iohn, sends his two brothers Henry Duke of Saxony and William Winton (so titled, for ha­uing been born at Winchester) to require the City of Eureux and the County of Poictou, and two parts of the treasure which his Vncle King Richard had bequeathed vnto him, besides other moueables; but they come to late. the obligation of bloud, and rendring of dues is held to be of an inferior nature to the present interests of State. To this vn­kind, and vnnaturall act he presently addes another: Repudiats his wife (daughter to 1201. Anno. Reg. 3. the Earle of Glocester, alleadging consanguinity in the third degree) and marries Isabell daughter and inheretrix to the Earle of Anglosme fianced before to Hugh le Brun Earle of March (a Peere of great Estate and alliance in France) by consent of King Richard, in whose custodie she then was. And hauing finished these distastfull businesses he re­turnes, to giue as little contentment, into Eng. where he imposes 3 shillings vpon euery An imposition of 3 shillings vpon euery Plough land. Plough-land, to discharge the great dowry of 30 thousand Marks he was to giue with his Neece Blanch the collection whereof, Geffrey Archb. of Yorke opposes within his Prouice. For which, and for refusing, vpon summons to come vnto this late treaty in France, the King causes his Shriefe Iames Potern, to seise vpon all his temporalties. The Archb. interdicts the whole Prouince of Yorke, and excommunicats the Shriefe. K. Iohn shortly after, makes a progresse with his wife Queen Isabel ouer all the North parts vn­to Scotland & exacts great fines of offenders in his forests. In his passing through Yorke­shire, his brother the Archb. refused him wine and the honour of the Bells at Beuerley, but by the mediation of 4 B B. and 4 Barons, and a great sum of mony a reconciliation is made betweene them with promise of reformation of excesses on either part.

Vpon Easter day (after his returne from the North) the King againe is Crowned at His second Coronation. Canterbury, and with him Isabel his Queene, by the Archb Hubert. And there are the Earls and Barons of Eng. surnmoned to be ready with horse & armor to passe the Seas with him presently vpon Whitsontide, but they holding a conference together at Leice­ster by a generall consent send him word, that vnlesse he would render them their Rights and Liberties, they would not attend him out of the Kingdome. The King, saith Houeden, vsing ill counsell, required of them their Castles, & beginning with William de Aubenie demanded to haue his Castle of Beauoyr, William deliuers his sonne in pledge, but kept his Castle. Notwithstanding this refusall of the Lords, hauing taken order for the gouernment, he passes ouer with his Queene into Normandy, where his presence, with the great shew of his preparations, caused the reuolters to forbeare their enterprises for that time, and a 1202. Anno. Reg. 4. father ratisication, with as strong couenants, and cautions as could be deuised, is made of the Agreements with King Phillip of France, who feasts the King of England and his Queene at Paris with all complements of amitie. [Page 110] And here both Kings, solicited by the Popes Legat, grant a Subsidy of the fortith part of all their Subiects reuenues for one yeare (by way of Almes) to succor the Holy Land. Vide Append. For the leauying whereof in England, Geffrey Fitz Peter Chiefe Iusticiar sends out his Writs by way of request and perswasion, and not as of due or coaction to auoyde example.

But many months passed not, ere a new conspiracy brake out by the instigation of Hughle Brun, who stung with the rapture of his wife (a wrong of the most sensible touch in nature) combines with Arthur, the Barons of Poictou and Brittatne, and raised a strong side, which the King of France (notwithstanding all those tyes wherein hee stood ingaged to the King of England) betakes himselfe vnto, in regard of his owne in­terests and aduantages from which no bands could withhold him, and againe both these Kings are in Armes. The King of France declares himselfe for Arthur, to whom he marries his yongest daughter: requires King Iohn to deliuer vp vnto him all his ter­ritories in France, and by a peremptorie day summons him to appeare personally at Pa­ris, to answere what should bee layde to his charge, and abide the Arest of his Court, which King Iohn refusing, was by sentence adiudged to loose all he held of that Crown.

Then is he assailed on one side by the King of France in Normandy, on the other by He takes his Nephew Ar­thur prisoner. Arthur, and the Barons in Aniou who lay siege to Mirabel, defended by Elionor the Queene mother, and were vpon the point of taking it; when King Iohn, with greater expedition and force then was expected, came and defeited the whole army of the assayliants, tooke prisoner the Earle Arthur, Hugh le Brun with the Barons of Poictou and aboue 200 Knights, and men of command, all which hee carried away bound in Carts, and dispersed into diuers Castles both of Normandie and England.

This victorie, which might seeme ynough to haue established his Estate, vndid him, for by the ill vsing thereof he lost himselfe and his reputation for euer. Arthur is shortly after murthered in prison, and the deed layde to his charge, which, with the Arthur mur. thered. cruell execution of many his prisoners and Ostages so exasperates the Nobilitie of Brittaine, Aniou and Poictou as they all take Armes against him, and summoned he is to answere in the Court of Iustice of the King of France to whom they appeale, which, he, refusing is condemned both to loose the Dutchy of Normandie (which his Ancestors 1203. Anno. Reg. 5. had held by the space of 300 yeares) and all his other Prouinces in France, whereof the next yeare after, either through his negligence being (as they write) giuen ouer to the pleasures of his yong wife, or by the reuolt of his owne Ministers (incensed likewise against him) he became wholy dispossessed.

And in this disastrous Estate, he returnes into England, and charges the Earles and King Iohn fines the Ba­rons. Barons with the reproach of his losses in France and fines them to pay the seuenth part of all their goods for refusing him ayde. Neither spared hee the Church, or the Com­mons in this imposition. Of which rapin (saith Mat. Par.) were executors, Hubert Arch­bishop of Canterbury for the Clergie, and Geffrey Fitz Peter Iusticiar of Eng. for the Layetie.

But all this treasure collected, amounted not to answere his wants, or the furnish­ing of fresh supplies for the recouery of his losses (for which he vrges the same to bee raised) and therefore againe in lesse then the space of an yeare, another leauie (but by 1205. Anno. Reg. 7. A Parliament at Oxford. a fairer way) is made. A Parliament is conuoked at Oxford, wherein is granted two Markes and an halfe of euery Knights fee for militarie ayde, neither departed the Cler­gie from thence till they had likewise promised their part. No sooner is this money gathered but a way is opened, into that all-deuouring Gulph of France to issue it, through a reuolt begunne in Brittaine, by Guido (now husband to Constance, mother of Arthur) Sauari de Malleon, and Almeric Lusignian, consederats with many others; who receiuing not that satisfaction, expected from their new Maister, call in, their olde a­gaine, to shew vs, that mens priuat interests, howsoeuer Honour and Iustice are pre­tended, onely sway their affections, in such actions as these.

And ouer hastes King Iohn, and by the powre he brought, and what he found there, won the strong Castle of Mont Alban, and after the Citie of Angiers; and was in a faire way to haue recouered more; but that the King of France, by the fortune of one day (wherein he ouerthrew and tooke prisoners the chiefe confedrats, Guido, Almeric, & Sa­ueri) forced him to take truce for two yeares, and returne into Eng. for more supplies.

[Page 111]And here another imposition is layde of the thirteenth part of all moueables, and o­ther 1206. Anno. Reg. 8. goods both of the Clergie and Layetie: who now seeing their substances thus consumed without successe, and likely euer to bee made liable to the Kings desperat courses, begin to cast for the recouery of their ancient immunites, which vpon their former suffrance had bn vsurped by their late Kings, & to ease themselues of these bur­thens The cause of the breach be­tween the King & his people. indirectly layd vpon them. And the first man that opposed the collection of this imposition, was againe the Archb. of Yorke, who solemnly accursed the receiuers ther­of within his Prouince, and secretly conuayed himself out of the Kingd. desirous rather to liue as an exile abroad then to indure the miserie of oppression at home: men accoun­ting themselues lesse iniuriously rifled in a wood, then in a place where they presume of saftie.

And hence grew the beginning of a miserable breach betweene a King and his people, being both, out of proportion, and disioynted in those iust Ligaments of Com­mand 1207. Anno. Reg. 9. and Obedience that should hold them together, the reducing whereof into due forme and order againe, cost more adoe, and more noble bloud then all the warres for­raigne had done since the Conquest. For this contention ceased not (though it often Vide Append, had some faire intermissions, till the great Charter made to keepe the beame right be­twixt Soueraingtie, and Subiection) first obtayned of this King Iohn, after, of his sonne Hen. 3. (though obserued truely of neither) was in the maturity of a iudiciall Prince, Edward the first, freely ratifyed An. Reg. 27. which was aboue foure score yeares. And was the first ciuill dissention that euer we finde, since the establishing of the Eng­lish Kingdom, betweene the King, and his Nobles of this nature. For the better know­ledge whereof, we are to take a view of the face of those times, the better to iudge of the occasions giuen and taken of these turbulencies.

It was this time, about 140. yeares since William the first had here planted the Noro man Nobility, whose yssue being now become meere English, were growne to bee of great numbers, of great meanes, and great spirits, euer exercised in the warres of France, where most of them were Commanders of Castles, or owners of other Estates, besides what they held in England: and being by this violent, and vnsuccesfull King shut out from action, and their meanes abroad, they practise to preserue what was left, and to make themselues as much as they could at home. Which, by their martiall freedome, and the priuiledges of the Kingdom (necessity now driuing them to looke into it) they more boldly presume to attempt, in regard they saw themselues, & the Kingdome brought to be perpetually harassed at the Kings will, & that violence and corruption hath no facul­ty to prescribe vpon them: wherin their cause was much better then their prosecution. For whilst they striue to recouer what they had lost, and the King to keepe what he by aduantage of time and sufference had gotten, many vniust and insolent courses are vsed on either side, which leaue their staine to posterity, & make foule the memory of those times. We can excuse no part herein, all was ill; and out of order. A diseased Head first made a distempred body, which being not to be recouered a part, rendred the sicknesse so long and teadious as it was. Besides, the strange corruption of the season concurred, to adde to this mischiefe: An ambitious Clergy polluted with auarice, brought Piety in shew to be a presumptiue party herein, & takes aduantages vpon the weakenesses they found, for which, the Roman Church heares ill to this day. And the occasion of their in­terposition in this busines, began about the Election of a new Archb. of Canterbury ( Hubert being lately dead) which the Monkes of that Couent had made secretly in the Reginald first chosen Atehb. by the Monks. night, of one Reginald their Subprior; to preuent the King whom they wold not, should haue a hand in the busines, which they pretended to appertaine freely to themselues by their ancient priuiledeges. And this Riginald (thus elected) they instantly dispatch to­wards Rome taking his Oath of secresie before hand. But the fulnesse of his ioy burst open that locke and out comes the report of his aduancement, vpon his landing in Flanders, which the Monkes hearing, and fearing what would follow, send to the king to craue leaue to Elect a fit man for that Sea. The King nominates vnto them Iohn Gray Bishop of Norwich whom hee especially fauoured, and perswaded them (vpon great promises of their good) to preferre: the Kings desire is propounded to the Co­uent, and after much debate, is Iohn Gray aduanced to the Chayre.

[Page 112]Wherein their last error ( sayth Mat. Par.) was worse then their first, and began that discord which after proued an irreparable dammage to the Kingdome.

The King sends to Rome certaine of the Monkes of Canterbury (amongst whom was one Helias de Brandfield a most trusty seruant of his) with bountifull allowance, to obtaine the Popes confirmation of this Election. And about the same time like­wise send the Bishops suffragans (of the Church of Canterbury) their complaynts to the Pope against the Monkes for presuming to make election without their assistance, as by Right and Custome they ought: allegation, examples of three Archbishops so elected. The Monkes, oppose this allegation, offering to bring proofe that they onely, by the speciall priuiledge of the Roman Bishops were accustomed to make this Electi­on. The Pope appoints a peremptorie day for deciding this Controuersie, wherein the first Election for being made in the night, out of due time, and without solemne ce­remony is oppugned by the Kings procurators: the last was argued by some of the Monkes to be ill, by reason there was no cassation of the first, which iust or vniust ought to haue beene, before any other Election, could iuridically be made.

The Pope seeing the procurators not to agree vpon one person, by the Councell of Innotent. the ninth. the Cardinalls adiudged both Elections voyde, and presents vnto them a third man, which was Stephan de Lancton a Cardinall of great spirit, and an Englishman borne, who had all the voyces of those Monkes which were there, through the perswasion of the Pope, alledging it was in their powre by his prerogatiue to make good this choyce.

Stephan Lancton thus elected, and after consecrated at Viterbo, the Pope dismisses Stephan Lan­cton elected Archbishop of Canterbury. the Monkes and the rest of the Agents with letters to King Iohn, exhorting him, benignly to receiue this Archbishop Canonically elected, natiue of his Kingdome, learned in all the Sciences, a Doctor in Theologie, and, which exceeded his learning, of a good life and con­uersation: a man fit, both for his bodie, and his soule, &c. withall he writes to the Prior, and Monkes, of Canterbury, charging them by the vertue of Holy obedience to receiue the Archbishop to their Pastor, and humbly to obay him in all Spirituall and Temporall matters.

These letters, with the notice of what was done at Rome, so inraged the King, as with all precipitation he sends Foulke de Cantlo, and Henry de Cornhill, two fierce knights, with armed men, to expell the Monkes of Canterbury, as Traytors, out of the King­dome, and to seize vpon all they had, which presently was as violently executed as commanded, and away packe the Prior and all the Monkes into Flanders (except such as were sicke and not able to goe) and all their goods confiscated.

Here withall, he writes a sharpe letter to the Pope, accusing him of the wrong hee did in King Iohn of­fended with this Election writes to the Pope. cassing the election of Norwich whom he especiall fauoured, and aduancing Stephan Lanction, a man vnknowne vnto him, bred euer in the Kingdome of France & among his enemies; and, what was more, to his preiudice, and subuersion of the liberties appertayning to his Crowne, without his consent (giuen to the Monkes,) which should first haue beene required, hee had presumed rashly to prefer him; so that he much meruailed that the Pope, and the vniuersall court of Rome, would not call to minde how necessary his friendship had hitherto beene to that sea: and consider, that the Kingdome of England yeelded the same greater profit, and commoditie, then all the King­domes else on this side the Alpes. Besides, that he wouldstand to the liberties of his Crowne to the death: constantly affirming, that he could not be reuoked from the Election and prefer­ment of the Bishop of Norwich, whom he knew euery way fit for the place. And in conclusion threatens, that if he be not righted in the Premises, hee would stop vp the passages of his people to Rome; and that if necessity required, he had in the Kingdome of England, and other his Dominions, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates of so sufficient learning, as they needed not goe to begge iustice, and iudgement of strangers. The Pope returnes answere to the Kings letter, and begins with these words, when about the business of the Church of Can­terbury, we wrote vnto you, exhorting and requesting you humbly, earnestly, and benign­ly, you againe wrote backe to vs (as I may say, by your leaue) in a fashion threat­ning, reprouing, contumacious, aud stubbornely, and whilstwee tooke care, to giue you aboue your right, you regarde not to giue vs according to our right, respecting vs lesse then becomes you. And if your deuotion bee most necessary for vs, so is ours no lesse fit for you. When wee, in such a case haue honoured no Prince so much as you, you sticke not [Page 113] to derogate from our honour, more then any Prince in such a case would haue done: pretending certaine friuolous occasions, wherein you alledge that you cannot consent to the Election of our be­loued sonne Maister Stephan Praesbiter by the title of Saint Chrysogonus Cardinall, celebra­ted by the Monkes of Canterbury for that hee hath beene bred among your Enemies, and his person is altogether vnknowne vnto you. Then argues hee; that it was not to bee imputed vnto him for a fault, but was his glory to haue liued long at Paris, where hee so profited in study as hee deserued to bee Doctor, not onely in the liberall Sciences, but also in Theologie: and his life a­greeable to his learning was thought fit to obtaine a Prebend in Paris. Wherefore hee held it a maruaile if a man of so great note natiue of England could be vnknowne vnto him, at least in fame, since ( saith hee) you wrote thrice vnto him after hee was, by vs preferred to bee Cardinall: that though you had a desire to call him to your familiar attendance, yet you reioyced that hee was exalted to a higher Office, &c.

Then excuses hee the point that the Kings consent was not required, in regard that they who should haue required the same affirmed how their letters neuer came to his hands, &c. Although ( saith hee) in elections celebrated at the Apostolique Sea, the consent of Princes is not to bee expected. Yet were two Monkes deputed to come to require your consent, who were stayed at Douer, so that they could not performe their message in­ioyned them: with other allegations to this effect, so that at length, saith hee, wee were disposed to doe what the Canonicall Sanctions ordayned to bee done, without declyning either to the right hand, or the left, that there might bee no delay or difficultie in right inten­tions, least the Lords flocke should bee long without pastorall cure: and therefore reuoked it cannot bee. In conclusion hee vseth these words, As wee haue had care of your Ho­nour beyond right, endeauour to giue vs ours according vnto right, that you may more plentifully deserue Gods grace, and ours, least if you doe otherwise you cast your selfe into those difficulties whence you cannot easily get out. Since hee, in the ende must ouer­come, to whom all knees bow in Heauen, Earth, and Hell; whose Vicegerencie heere be­low (though vnworthie) Wee exercise. Yeelde not therefore to their Councells, who desire your disturbance, that themselues might fish in troubled Waters; but commit your selfe to our pleasure, which will redound to your praise, Glorie and Honour, Neither is it safe for you to repugne against God, and the Church, for which, the blessed Martyre and glorious Bishoppe Thomas lately shedde his bloud, especially since your father, and brother of cleere memory late Kings of England, haue in the hands of the Legats of the Apostolique Sea abiureá that impious Custome. Wee, if you acquite your selfe, will sufficiently take care for you and yours that no preiudice shall arise vnto you hereby. Dated at Lateran the 10 yeare of our Pontificat.

Thus we see how these two mighty powers striue to make good each other pre­rogatiue, and defend their interests with words. But when the Pope vnderstood how the King of England had proceeded against the Church of Canterbury, hee sends presently his Mandate to the Bishop of London, Ely and Worcester, to deale with the The Popes Mandat to the B B. King, by way of exhortation, to reforme himselfe; and if they found him still contu­macious, they should interdict the whole Kingdome of England. If that would not correct him, then himselfe would lay a seuerer hand vpon him, and withall charged the Bishops suffragans of the Church of Canterbury by vertue of their obedience to receiue for father the Archbishop Stephan, and to obay him withall respect. The Bi­shops as they were inioyned, repaire to the King. Shew the Popes Mandat, and with teares besought him, as hee had God before his eyes to call home the Archbishop, and the Monkes of Canterbury to their Church, and voutsafe to vse them with Honour and Charity, thereby to auoyde the scandall of interdiction, &c.

The King interrupting the Bishops speech, breakes out into violent rage against the Pope, and the Cardinall, swearing by the teeth of God, That if they or any other King Iohns answere to the B B. should dare to put his Kingdome vnder interdiction, he would presently send all the Clergie of Eng­land to the Pope, and confiscat their goods. Besides, if any of Rome were found within any part of his Land, he would cause their eyes to bee put out their noses cut, and so sent home, that by these markes they might be knowne of other Nations. Charging moreouer the Bishop plresently to auoyde his presence, as they would auoyde their owne daunger.

[Page 114]Of this their ill satisfaction the Bishop certifies the Pope; and shortly after the 1208. Anno. Reg. 11. whole Kingdome of England is interdicted: all Ecclesiasticall Sacraments cease, except Confession, Extreame Vnction, and Baptisme of Children: the dead are carried out, and put into the earth without Priest or prayer. The Bishops of London, Ely, Worcester, Bathe and Hereford secretly get out of the Kingdome.

To answere this violence with the like, the King sends presently his Shriefes, and o­ther his ministers to command all Prelates and their seruants forth-with to depart out of the Kingdome, deputes the Bishopricks, Abbayes and Priories into the hands of Lay men confiscating all theis reuenues, but the Prelates themselues get into Monaste­ties, and would not out, except expelled by force, which the officers would not doe, ha­uing no Commission for the same, but they seize on all their goods to the Kings vse.

Here the Monasticall Writers of that time (of whom onely we haue notice of these proceedings, aggrauate the rigorous course taken in this businesse) telling vs that re­ligious men, of what Order soeuer, found trauayling, were pulled from their horses, robb'd, and vily treated by the Kings seruants, and none to doe them Iustice. And how the seruants of a Shriefe bringing bound vnto the King a theese, who had robbed and killed a Priest) to know what should be done with him: the King said, loose him and let him goe, he hath killed our enemy. But howsoeuer this were, there were Excesses to many committed in a time so vntied as this was.

The King to preuent the defection of his subiects which hee dayly doubted would The King takes pledges of his Nobles for their fide­litie. follow vpon this his breach with the Church; sends with a militarie powre, to all the Potent men of the Kingdome, to require pledges for the assurance of their fidelitie; wherein many of them satisfied the Kings will, sending, some their sonnes, some their Nephewes, other the nearest of their kinne. William de Brause a Noble man bee­ing required to deliuer his pledge, his wife preuenting her husbands answere, tells the Commissioners, that the King should haue none of her sonnes to keepe, that was so ill a keeper of his owne brothers sonne, Arthur: For which sodaine, and intemperat speech, the Baron sharply reprehending his wife before the Kings seruants, told them he was rea­dy, if he had offended, to satisfie the King, without any pledge, according to the iudge­ment of his Court, or that of his Peeres, at any time, or place wheresoeuer.

Vpon the report of this answere the King sends downe priuely to apprehend the His crueltie she wed to the wife and chil­dren of W. Brause. Baron, but he hauing notice, or doubting what would follow fled with his Wife, and Children into Ireland, where, afterward this afflicted Lady to recouer mercy of the King, is said, to haue sent Queene Isabel foure hundred kine, and a Bull, which yet could not mediate her pardon, or pacifie his wrath. But in the end she was there taken with her 2 sons (the husband escaping into France) and sent prisoner to the Castle of Windsor, where she with her innocent children were famished to death: so deerely payed she, for the offence of her rash tongue.

The King displeased with the Londoners remoued his Eschequer to Northampton, and The Esche­quer remoo­ued to North­ampton. with a great army marches towards Scotland to make warre vpon that King for recei­uing his enemies, and ayding them against him. But by mediation an accord is made, in this sort, that the King of Scots should pay eleuen thousand markes of siluer, and deli­uer vp his two daughters pledges for securing the peace. Returning backe, hee caused all inclosures within his forests to be layde open, a worke of great griefe to his sub­iects, whom, though in nothing hee sought to satisfie, yet seeks he what he may to fa­sten them in their obedience (whereof loue, and not rigour is the surest bond) and takes homage of all free Tenants, yea euen of Children of twelue yeares of age throughout the Kingdome.

Two yeares, to the great distraction of the State, the interdiction held, when the King Iohn ex­communica­ted. Pope, seeing no yeelding in the King, proceeds to the excommunication of his person, that extreame course of abscicion, which his Predicessor Alexander, better aduised, for­bare to take, vpon suggestion of a more hainous act committed by Henry the second, vpon the person of Thomas Becket, and by this violence, thinking to quaile the heart of a most vnmaisterable King, put him into more desperate rage with the Clergie, who, notwithstanding the Popes mandate, durst not execute the same for many dayes after. [Page 115] And first one Geffery, Archdeacon of Norwich, seruing in the Kings Exchequer confer­ring with the rest of his assistants, about this Sentence, affirmed, it was not safe for men beneficed to remaine in the obedience of an excommunicated King; and so without The Archd. of Norw forsakes the kings ser­uice, his tor­ture, & death. leaue retired himselfe home; and was the first subiect of his maisters wrath. Who pre­sently sent Sir William Talbot with force to apprehend him, and lay him fast in fetters in a most straight prison, and afterward, vpon the kings commandement, he was put into a sheete of lead, wherein, with the waight, and want of victualls he soone perished.

This excommunication of the King of England, was accompained the same yeare with that of the Emperour Otho his Nephew, and are noted to be straines of an vniust na­ture, especially for being both done in cases of the Popes owne particular interrest, seeking to ex­tend The Emperor Otho excom. a predomination, beyond the bounds allowed vnto piety, which was onely to deale with means soules, and not their Estates. For in the aduancement of this Emperour Otho the third, the Pope had an especiall hand, opposing, for his owne ends the Election of Phillip Sonne to the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa. And in the vancancy of the Empire had seised vp­on certaine peeces in Italy appertayning therevnto; which, Otho seeking to reuoke, procured vndeseruedly the Popes displeasure, who sent vnto him diuers messages wil­ling him to desist both from the prosecution of this recouery, as also from that which Frederick King of Sicile (who was vnder the tuition of the Apostolike Sea) had seised vpon.

The Emperour, is said to haue answered the Popes Nuncij, in this manner: If the Pope vniustly desires to vsurp what apertaines to the Empire, let him absolue me from the Oath he caused me to take at my Coronation, Which was; that I should reuoke whatsoeuer rights were distra­cted from the same; and I will desist. But the Pope refusing the one, and the Emperour not yeelding vnto the other, the sentence of excommunication is pronounced against him. And all the states, as well of Germany as the rest of the Roman Empire, are ab­solued of their fealty vnto him. Thus were these two mighty Princes, the greatest of all the Christian world, leaft to the mercy of their subiects, who, though they were, by this meanes, all vntyed from obedience, yet many were not so from their affections, or other obligations that held them firme vnto their Souraignes. For there are so many ligaments in a state that tye it together, as it is a hard thing to dissolue them altogether, vnlesse it is by an vniuersall concurrency of causes that pro­duce a generall alteration thereof. And it is seldome seene of what temper soeuer Kings are, but they finde an eminent party in the greatest defections of their people. As this King (the first of England, we finde put to this straight) had yet many noble mem­bers of power, besides the chiefe officers of the kingdome (whom their places confirme) that stuck vnto him. Whose names are recorded in Mat. Par. and other writers.

And the better to hold his reputation, and his people in action, hauing now no im­ployment abrode, hee seekes to secure all other members of the Crowne of England, 1210. Anno. Reg. 12. which were vnder his dominion. And hauing ransackt great treasure from the Iewes, makes an expedition into Ireland, vpon intelligence of some reuolt and disorder there. And at his first ariuall, all the great men which held the maritime Castles and the Cham­pion countries came in, and did homage and fealty vnto him at Wublin: such as inhabi­ted the remote partes, and fastnesses of the Kingdome kept them selues away, and re­fused King Iohn re­formes Ireland to come. Here to reduce the country into better order, he ordaines the same to be gouerned by the lawes and customes of England, causes English money to be coy­ned there, and to be of equall valew with that of this Kingdome, and currant alike in both. With many other orders, which had they beene with that care continued, as they were aduisedly begun, would (as wise men deeme) haue setled that Kingdome in an intire obedience, and saued all that great toyle, and expence which the neglect thereof cost this state, in succeeding ages. And now hauing deputed Iohn Gray Bishop of Norwich Iusticiar there, after onely three moneths stay, hee returnes into England The Clergy pay to the K. 100000. ster. where presuming now vpon his new gathered strength, hee summons all the Prelates of the kingdome to appeare before him at London; of whom saith Mat. Par. he extorted for their redemption the summe of an hundred thousand pounds sterling.

And the next yeare, being the twelfe of his raigne, with this treasure hee reduces [Page 116] Wales (that had rebelled) to his obedience, and takes eight and twentie children of 1211. Anno. Reg. 13. the best famelies for pledges of their future subiection. Returning thence exacts of eue­ry Knight, that attended not his Army in that expedition two marks, and at Northamp­ton is pleased to receiue the Popes Agents, Pandolphus and Durandus (sent to make peace betweene the Kingdome and Priesthood) by whose exhortation, and the con­sideration of the State of his Kingdome, hee consented that the Archbishop and the Monkes of Canterbury with all the exiled Bishops should in peace returne to their owne. But refusing to make satisfaction for their goods confiscated, the Agents de­part vnsatisfied, to the greater preiudice of the King, whom now the Pope finding to be yeelding in any thing, falls to bee more imperious to constraine him to all whatso­euer he desired. And absolues all the Kings subiects of what condition soeuer from their obedience, strictly forbidding them, vnder paine of excommunication, his Board, 1212. Anno. Reg. 14. Councell, and Conference. Which notwithstanding preuayled not to diuert the sub­iect from the seruice of their King. Who about this time takes occasion, vpon the breaking out of certaine poore Mountainers of Wales that make pillage vpon the Bor­ders, to raise another Army to inuade the whole Countrey. And being at Notting­ham, prepared for this action (before he would sit downe to dinner) caused those eight and twenty children, the innocent pledges of the Welsh, to be all hanged in his presence. But before hee had dyned, letters came that gaue him intelligence of a conspiracie in­tended for his owne distruction; and that if he went forward in this warre he would be either slaine of his owne people, or betrayed to the enemy. Whereupon he returnes to London, againe requires, and hath pledges of those Nobles he suspected, and here Eustace de Vescy, and Robert Fitz Walter are accused of the conspiracie, who fled, the one into Scotland, the other into France.

But now the Pope, for the last, and greatest sentence that euer yet was giuen against 1213. Anno. Reg. 15. any Soueraigne King of this Kingdome, pronounces his absolute deposition from the Royall gouernment thereof; and writes to the King of France, that as hee looked to haue remission of his sinnes hee should take the charge vpon him, and expell King Iohn out of the King­dome of England, and possesse the same for him, and his heires for euer. To the same effect The Pope giues the Kingdome of England to the King of France. sends he likewise his letters to the Princes, and great men of other Nations, That they should ayde the King of France in the deiection of this contumacious King of England, in re­uenge of the iniuries done to the Vniuersall Church; granting like remission of their sinnes as if they vndertocke the Holy warre.

And with this Commission is the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the other exiled Bishop of England with Pandolphus dispatched to the King of France for the executi­on thereof. Which, notwithstanding, seemes rather done to terrefie King Iohn, then any way to aduance the King of France, whom the Pope desired not to make greater then he was, howsoeuer, to amuse the world, hee made shew to ingage him in this bu­sinesse. For he gaue a secret charge to Pandolphus a part, that if vpon the preparation, and forces gathered by the King of France for this deiection, hee could worke the King of England to such conditions as hee should propound; absolution, and restorement should bee graunted vn­to him.

The King of France, vpon this act of the Pope, and the sollicitation of his Ministers, The King of France assem­bles his forces for England. commaunds all the Princes and Nobilitie within his Dominions to assemble their forces with Horse, Armor, and all Munition to assist him in this businesse, and bee rea­die, vnder paine of exheredation, at the Spring of the yeare; preparing, likewise a great Nauie for the transportation of these forces into England. King Iohn, vpon in­telligence hereof sends to all the Ports of his Kingdome commandement, to haue all shipping whatsoeuer possible to bee made readie with all expedition: summoning likewise all Earles, Barons, Knights, and who else could beare Armes of any condition, to bee ready at Douer, presently vpon Easter, furnished with horse, armour, and all military prouision to King Iohns preparations for defence. defend him, themselues, and the Kingdome of England against this intended Inuasion, vnder paine of Culuertage, and perpetuall seruitude.

Whereupon so great numbers resorted to Douer, Feuersham, Ipswich, and to other places suspected, as exceeded the meanes both of furnishment, and prouision to in­tertaine [Page 117] them, So that multitudes were sent home againe of vnnecessarie men, and onely a choyce reserued of the abler sort, which arose to the number of sixty thousand well appointed for battaile. Besides so mighty a nauy was made ready, as exceeded that of France.

And thus prepared King Iohn expects his enemies, when secretly, two Knights, Templars, sent by Pandolphus so wrought with him, as notwithstanding all this great power of his, he discends to accept of a treatie with him. whereof Pandolphus is pre­sently aduertised, and withdrawes himselfe out of the French Kings army, comes ouer, and so terrifies King Iohn with the mighty forces bent against him, and the eminent daunger wherein he stood, as he yeelds to any conditions whatsoeuer propounded vn­to him. And not onely graunts restitution and satisfaction of what euer had beene taken from the Archbishop, and the Monks of Canterbury; the Bishops of London, Ely, Bath, and Lincoln (who were sled to the Archbishop.) But also laies downe his Crowne, K. Iohn deliuers vp the king­dome of Eng­land with his Crowne to Pandolphus. Scepter, Mantle, Sword, and Rring, the ensignes of his royalty, at the feet of Pandolphus deliuering vp there with all the Kingdome of England to the Pope, and submits himselfe to the iudgement and mercy of the Church.

Two daies (some wright sixe) it was before the Legat restored him his Crowne: at the receiuing whereof, he swore (and his Earles vndertaking for him) that hee and his successors should hold the Kingdome of England, and Lordship of Ireland from the Sea of Vide Append. Rome, at the annuall tribute of a thousand Markes of siluer. And this, with his homage and fealty, he confirmed by his Charter at a house of the Templars neere Douer. The The causes that moued K. Iohn to this act especiall waights that moued King Iohn to this extreame lowenes, they of those times note to be. First, the consideration of his offences to God, hauing liued fiue yeares excommunicated, to the great deformity of his Kingdome. Secondly, the greatnesse of his enemy the King of France, and his adherence. Thirdly, the doubtfull fayth of his Nobilities, whom he had offended. Fourthly, for that the Assencion day was at hand; after which, one Peter, an Hermit and Southsayer had prohesied, he should be no more King of England. Which though mistaken in the manner, was fulfilled in a sort by this resignation, and a new condition of Estate. But the Southsayer with his Sonne, suffered shortly after the penalty of death, for his otherwise interpreted diuination.

Now, notwithstanding this act and submission of King Iohn, the interdiction of the Pandolplus for­bids the French Kings procee­dings. Kingdome continues, and his owne absolution deferred, till restitution, and full satis­faction were performed to the Clergy; of which, eight thousand markes of siluer was presently deliuered to Pandolphus; who at the receiuing thereof tramples it vnder his feete, as contemning that base matter, in respect of the grace conferred vpon the transgressor; and returnes with the same into France. Where hee declares what had passed in England: and forbids the King of France vpon paine of excommuication, to proceed any farther in this enterprise, seeing King Iohn had thus submitted himselfe to the Church.

The King of France, now all in readinesse for this great inuasion, inuasion, and full, with hope of victory, receiuing this sodaine, and vnexpected Message grew into great rage, and was, in regard of his honour, and infinite charge, hardly diuerted from this enterprise. Yet in the end, seeing his confederates, and followers quailed with this menace of the Church, extreamely discontent, he giuesit ouer.

Notwithstanding, for his owne reputation and desire of reuenge hauing all these great forces on foote, & his nauie ready in the mouth of Seine, would vndertake some­thing The French K. sets vpon Flan. to giue satisfaction both to the aduenturers, and his owne people interressed in this action. And for that, Ferrand Earle of Flanders, adhering to king Iohn, refused to follow him in this expedition, on him he falls (as being next him) enters into his port of Dam, vowing that flanders should either be Erance, or France Flanders. Ferrand, seeing this tempest come to light vpon him, sends for ayd to king Iohn; who glad, hauing es­caped at home the occasion of a defensiue War, to enter into an offensiue abroad, both to imploy this great collected Nauie of his, and also put his people in action, whose dismission, without some satsfaction, he knew would breed no safe humor; dispatches fiue hundred sayle, with seauen hundred knights into Flanders, vnder the conduct of his base brother William Long-sword Earle of Salisbury, Reginald Earle of Bologn, whom [Page 118] he had lately intertayned with a pension, being for some demerit driuen out of France. And these ariuing at the Port of Dam, where they found the French Nauie vnorderly dispersed, and without defence (their forces going out to inuade the Country) set vp­on, and vtterly defeited the same, and afterward ioyning their powre with that of Ferrand, draue the King of France home with great dishonour, and exceeding losse.

King Iohn, raised with this victorie, and his peace with the Church, sets vpon great designes, taking oportunitie of this disaster of the King of France, whom, in reuenge of his iniurie, and hope of recouering his transmarine Dominions, he plots to assaile on all sides: stirring vp his Nephew Otho to ayde the Earle of Flanders, for an Inuasion on the East part, whilst himselfe withall his powre should enter vpon the West. For execution whereof, first hee sends supplies of treasure to his Chieftaines in Flaun­ders, then assembles a great Army at Portsmouth, wherewith, hee resolues to passe the Seas.

But his designe contrarie to his desire and haste, came to be delayed by the with­drawing The Nobility refuse to ayde King Iohn. of his Nobilitie, who refused to ayde or attend him, vntill hee were absolued, and had confirmed vnto them their liberties: wherewith much inraged, seeing no o­ther remedie, he speedily sends for the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the other Bi­shops, which were yet in France, promising them present restitution, and satisfaction vnder the hands and seales of foure and twenty Earles, and Barons vndertaking for the performance thereof, according to the forme of his Charter graunted in this be­halfe. Pandolphus with the Bishop and the rest of the exiled Clergie, forth-with come ouer, and finde the King at Winchester, where hee goeth forth to meere them, and on his knees, with teares, receiues them, beseeching them to haue compassion on him, and the Kingdome of England. Absolued he is with great penitence, and compassion exprest with teares of all the beholders, and sweares vpon the Euangelists, to loue, defend, and maintaine Holy Church, and the Ministers thereof, against all their aduersaries to the vt­termost of his powre: That hee would reuoke the good Lawes of his Predecessors, and espe­cially those of King Edward, abrogating such as were uniust: Iudge all his subiects according to the iust iudgement of his Court: That presently vpon Easter next following hee would make plenarie satisfaction of whatsoeuer had beene taken from the Church.

Which done, he returnes to Portsmouth, with intention to passe ouer into France, 1214. Anno. Reg. 16. committing the gouernment of the Kingdome to Geffrey Fitz Peter, and the Bishop of Winchester, with charge that they should order all businesses, together with the Coun­cell of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

And here a numerous company of souldiers repayring to him, complayned that by The Arch­bishop threa­tens to ex­communicate the King. their long attendance their mony was spent, so that they could not follow him vnlesse they might be supplied out of his Eschequer, which the king refusing to doe, in a great rage, with his priuate family, takes ship, and puts forth to the Isle of Iersey, but seeing none of his Nobles or other to follow him, was forced (hauing lost the opor­tunity of the season) to returne into England; where he gathers an Army, with in­tention to chastise the Lords who had thus forsaken him, But the Archbishop of Canterbury followes him to Northampton, Vrging that it was against his Oath taken at his absolution, to proceed in that maner against any man; without the iudgement of his Court. To whom the King in great passion replyed; That hee would not deferre the businesse of the Kingdome, for his pleasure, seeing Lay iudgements appertained not vnto him: and so in fury marches to Notingham.

The Archbishop followes him, and plainely told him, that vnlesse hee would desist from this businesse, hee would excommunicate all such, as should take armes against any, be­fore the releasing of the interdiction, and would not leaue him, vntill hee had obtayned a con­uenient day for the Lords to come to his Court, which shortly after they did, and a Par­liament is assembled in Pauls, wherein the Archbishop of Canterbury produces a Charter of King Henry the first, whereby hee graunted the ancient liberties of the Kingdome of England (which had by his Predecessors beene opprest with vniust This Charter is recorded in Mat. Par. with restes of the Subscribers. exactions) according to the Lawes of king Edward, with those emendations which his father, by the Councell of his Barons did ratefie. And this Charter being read [Page 119] before the Barons they much reioyced, and swore in the presence of the Archbishop, that Lagam regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emcndationibus quibus pater mcus eam amen­dauit. for these liberties, they would, if neede required, spend their bloud. And there withall, conclu­ding a confederation with the Archbishop; the Parlament brake vp.

Shortly after dies, Geffery Fitz Peter Iusticiar of England, a man of a generous spirit, learned in the lawes, and skilfull in gouernment. Who in that broken time, onely held vncrased, performing the part of an euen Consellour and officer betweene the King and Kingdome, whom though the King most vsed, he most feared, and least loued, as ill Princes doe their worthiest ministers; whose grauity and iudgment may seeme to Vide Append. keepe them in awe. And hearing of his death, reioycing said: now when he comes into hell, let him salute the Archoishop Hubert, whom assuredly he shall finde there. And tur­ning to those about him, swore by the feet of God, that now at length he was King, and Lord of England, hauing a freer power to vnty himselfe from those knots which his oath had made to this great man against his will, and to break all the bands of the late concluded peace, vnto which he repented to haue euer condiscended. And to shew the desperate malice of this king (who, rather then not to haue an absolute domination ouer his peo­ple, to doe what he listed, would be any thing himselfe vnder any other that would but support him in his violences) there is recorded an Ambassage (the most base & impious that euer yet was sent by any free and Christian Prince) vnto Miramumalim the Moore, intitled the great King of Affrica, Morocco and Spaine, wherein he offred to render vn­to him his kingdom, and to hold the same by tribute from him, as his Souraigne Lord: To forgoe the Christian faith (which he held vayne) and receiue that of Mahomet. In which negotiation, the Commissioners are named to be, Thomas Hardington, Raph Fitz Mat. Par. Nichols, knights, and Robert of London Clearke, the manner of their accesse to this great King is related with the deliuery of their message, and King Iohns Charter to that effect: and how Miramumalim hauing heard at large their message, and the discription both of the King and Kingdome with the nature and disposition of the people, so much Miramumalim scornes the Message of K. Iohn. disdayned the basenesse, and impiety of the offerer, as with skorne hee commanded his ministers to depart instantly out of his presence, and court. Yet afterward, to vnder­stand some more particulars of the madnes of this King of England, he called for Robert the Clearke, and had priuat conference with him apart about many particulars which hee himselfe reuealed to many in the hearing of Mathew the monke of Saint Albons, who wrot and declared these things, discribing the person of this Robert, to be of a low stature, blacke, one arme shorter then another, two fingers vnnaturally growing toge­ther, of visage like a Iew, &c. which relation we are not vtterly to contemne, proceeding from an Author of that grauity and credit, and liuing so neere those times, though to vs that are so farre off both in fashion and faith, it may seeme improbable in some part; yet if we consider whereto the desperat violence of this King, (who had made vtter wracke of conscience, and all humane respect) might carry him, seeing himselfe in that Estate he was, we may not thinke it voyd of likelihood, to haue had this dealing with an heathen king (who, in that time, was formidable to all Christendome, and had on foot the mightiest army that euer the Moores had in Spaine) which might either be to hold amity with him, or intertayne him otherwise for his owne ends. Though for the point of offring to forgoe the Christian fayth, we may in charity forbeare to make it a part of ours. Although this relator giues vs a note (amongst other which hee supprest) that poynted at the irreligion of this King who at the opening of a fat Stag, iestingly said: see how prosperously this beast hath liued, and yet neuer heard Masse. Which skoff, in regard of the zeale then professed, sauored of an impiety, vnsitting the mouth of a re­ligious A note of the Kings irreli­gion. King, and gaue scandall to the hearers, who tooke it according to their appre­hension, apt to censure whatsocuer comes from the mouth of Princes; which may warne them to be wary what they vtter in publique.

But this Embassage, either neglected by Miramumalim, or disappointed by the ouer throw of his great army with the death of his Sonne, which shortly after followed) King Iohn sets vpon another course, assayles Pope Innocentius (prone to be wrought by guifts to doe any thing) with great summes of money, and a reassurance of his tribu­tary subiection, which shortly after he confirmes by a new oath, and a new Charter [Page 120] before the Popes Legat the Bishop of Tusculum sent ouer for the same purpose, and King Iohn bribes the Pope and renewes his oath. with full autority to compose the dissentions betweene the Kingdome and Priesthood. Which at many Assemblies in diuers places was after debated, and in the end order was taken for a plenary satisfaction to be made for the damages done to the Church. For which the King vpon account already, had payd twenty seauen thousand Markes, and thirteene thousand more were vndertaken by Suerties to be answered by a certaine daie.

And herevpon is the interdiction released, hauing continued sixe yeares three moneths and fourteene dayes, to the inestimable losse of the Church, and Churchmen, The interdi­ction released. whereof an innumerable multitude of all orders now repayre to the Legat for satisfa­ction of damages receiued by the Kings ministers during this interdiction. To whom 1214. Anno. Reg. 16. the Legat answeres: that it was not in his commission to deale for restititution to be made vnto them all, but aduises them to complaine to the Pope, and craue of him plena­ry iustice. Wherevpon they depart much discontented, holding the Legats proceeding (for that he pleased not them) inclining onely to please the King: Who now is recom­mended to Rome for a most tractable obedient, and indulgent Sonne of the Church, and the Clergy heares of blame for their obstinacy vsed towards him.

The King hauing referred the ending of all this controuersie to the Legat, and some other of his owne ministers (being assured of the Popes fauour) was now gone into Poictou, to assayle (according to his former designe) the King of France on that side: whilest his forces with those of the Emperour Otho, by the way of Flanders, inuaded him on the other. And being with his Queene, landed at Rochel, many principall Ba­rons of Poictou (apter to promise then performe their faith) came and swore fealty vnto him: With whom he marches forward into the Country, recouers many Castles and peeces of importance. Whereof particularly by his owne letters from Parthenai he certifies his Iustices of the Eschecquer. And withall shewes them how hee had Vide Append. graunted to the Sonne of the Earle of March, his daughter Ioan in mariage (though said he the King of France desired her for his Sonne, but fraudulently, &c.

After this he goes into Brittaine, takes in the city of Nantes, prepares to incounter with Louys the French Kings Sonne, who was come downe with a mighty army to op­pose his proceeding. But the Poictouins distrusting his power, or he them (hauing dis­couered the forces of the Enemy) refused to fight: Wherevpon the King of England to his extreame griefe, forsooke the field, and made a dishonorable truce with the King The famous battaile of Bouines. of France; and this was the last of his transmarine attempts. His forces in Flanders had far worse successe, for the King of France with all the power he could possibly make in­counters them at the bridge of Bouines, and ouerthrew the Emperour Otho, and the whole army of the confederates, wherein are reported to haue beene an hundred and fifty thousand foote besides horse, and in the battaile slaine a thousand fiue hundred Knights and taken prisoners, Ferrand the Earle of Flaunders the Earles of Salisbury, and Bologne. And (as report the Annales of Flanders,) the Earle of Sauoy, the Dukes of Bra­bant and Lamburg, and the Earle of Luxemburg: the Emperour Otho 4. hardly escaped, The death of the Emp. Otho. and liued not long after.

Vpon these misfortunes, and fearing the outrage of a necessitous and distempred King, the Barons of England assemble themselues at S. Edmondsbury, where they con­fer of the late produced Charter of Henry the first, and swore vpon the high Altar that if King Iohn refused to confirme and restore vnto them those liberties (the rights of the Kingdome) they would make war vpon him vntill he had satisfied them therein: and further agreed that after Christmas next they would petition him for the same, and in the meane time prouide themselues of horse and furniture, to be ready if the King should start from his Oath made at Winchester at the time of his absolution for the con­firmation of these liberties, and compell him to satisfie their demand. After Christmas K. Iohn takes vpon him the crosse to se­cure himselfe from the Ba­rons. they repaire in a military manner to the King lying in the new Temple, vrging their desire with great vehemency: the king, seeing their resolution, and inclination to war, made answere that for the matter they required hee would take consideration till after Easter next: and in the meane time, he tooke vpon him the crosse (rather as is said, through feare then [Page 121] deuotion) supposing himselfe to bee more safe vnder that protection. But the Lords continuing their resolution, foreseeing nothing was to bee obtayned but by strong The resoluti­on of the Ba­rons assem­bling their army at Stam­ford. hand, assemble an Army at Stamford, wherein are said to bee two thousand Knights, besides Esquires with those that serued on foot: and from thence marched towards Oxford where the King then expected their comming, according to the appoynted time, for answere to their demands. And being come to Brackly with their Army, the King sends the Archbishop of Canterbury and William Earle of Pembrooke Mareschall, with other graue Councellors, to demaund of them, what were those Lawes, and Li­berties A Schedule of the Demands of the Lords. they required, to whom they shewed a schedule of them, which the Commissio­ners deliuer to the King, who hauing heard them read, in great indignation asked why the Barons did not likewise demaund the Kingdome, and swore that hee would neuer grant those liberties whereby himselfe should bee made a seruant. So harsh a thing is it to a powre that hath once gotten out into the wide libertie of his will, to heare againe of any re­ducing within his circle: not considering how they who inheret Offices succeed in the obligation of them, and that the most certaine meanes to preserue vnto a King his Kingdomes, is to possesse them with the same conditions that he hath inherited them.

The Barons vpon this answere, being as hasty as hee was auers, resolue to seize on The Lords seize on the Kings Castles. his Castles, and presently march towards Northampton, which they besiege, constitu­ting Robert Fitz Walter their General, intituling him the Mareschall of the Army of God, and holy Church. And after they assaile the Castle of Bedford, where William de Beauchamp rendring his charge, receiues them: and the Londoners send thither priuy message to ioyne with them, and deliuer vp the Citie to be garded by their direction.

And thither they repaire, and are ioyfully receiued, vnder pact of their indemnity, The Lords re­paire to Lon­don. where dayly increasing in number of new Confederats, they make their protesta­tion, neuer to giue ouer the prosecution of their desire, till they had constrayned the King (whom they held periured) to grant them their Rights.

King Iohn seeing himselfe, in a manner generally forsaken, hauing scarce seuen King Iohn for­saken of his people. Knights faithfull vnto him, counterfeits the Seales of the B B. and writes in their names to all nations that the English were all Apostats, and whosoeuer would come to inuade them, he, by the Popes consent, would confer vpon them all their Lands, and possessi­ons. The Earle Mareschall & other mediate a reconciliati­on. But this deuise working no effect, in regard of the little confidence they had in the King, and the powre of the Kingdome: a new mediation is made to the Barons by the Earle Mareschall and others, and a Parle is had betweene Windsor, and Stanes in a Meadow called Running-mead (a place anciently vsed for such Conferences) where af­ter many meetings, and much debate, the King freely consented, for the glory of God, A Parliament for restoring the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdome. and emendation of the Kingdome, to confirme those Lawes, and Liberties formerly re­stored, and in part ordayned by Hen. 1.

And to the end that all discord should vtterly cease, hee grants for the intire and firme enioying these Lawes and Liberties, Securitie in this manner. That there should be fiue and twenty Barons chosen of the Kingdome, such as they would, who should, to their vt­most power cause the same to bee held, and obserued. And that, if either the King or his Chiefe Articles of the Agree­ment confir­med by King Iohn. Iusticiar should transgresse in any Article of those Lawes, and the offence shewed, Foure Ba­rons of the fiue and twenty should come to the King, or in his absence out of the Kingdome, to his Chiefe Iusticiar, and declare the excesse, requiring without delay, redresse for the same: which if not made, within the space of fortie daies after such declaration; those Foure Barons should referre the cause to the rest of the fiue and twenty, who with the Commons of the Land might distraine, and inforce him by all meanes they could ( viz. by seizing vp­on his Castles, Lands and Possessions, or other goods (his person excepted, and that of his Queene and Children) till amends should bee made, according to their arbitration. And that whosoeuer would; should take their Oath for the execution hereof, and obay the com­mandement of the fiue and twenty Barons herein without prohibition. And if any of them dissented, or could not assemble, the maior part to haue the same powre of proceeding. Besides for Vide Append. more caution, the foure Chatelaines of the Castles of Northampton, Kenelworth, Noting­ham, and Skarbrough, should be sworne to obay the commandement of the Fiue and twenty Ba­rons; or the maior part of them, in whatsoeuer they thought good concerning those Castles. [Page 122] Wherein none should bee placed but such as were faithfull, and would obserue their Oath, &c. That all strangers, whereof diuers are expresly nominated should bee remoued out of the King­dome. And a generall pardon is graunted for all transgressions committed, through the oc­casion of this discord, from the beginning thereof to this present time. And mutuall Oathes taken of both sides, in solemne manner, for the inuiolable obseruing all these Articles. The King likewise sends his letters Pattents to all the Shriefes of the Kingdome, to cause all men of what degree soeuer, within their seuerall Shires, to sweare to obserue those Lawes and Liber­ties thus granted by his Charter.

And in this manner (though it were to be wished it had not beene in this manner) 1215. Anno. Reg. 17. were recouered the rights of the Kingdome. Whereof, though they seeme to haue now the Liuerie they had not the Seisin. For presently the King being loose from the doing, which he pretends to be by force, vnlooses the Deed, and there wanted not those about him, who obseruing which way his will bent, to turne him more violently vpon that King Iohn by euill councell frustrates his owne Grants. side; not in regard of his good, but their owne interests, making more profit by his ir­regularity then otherwise they could, of his orderly courses: telling him, he was now a King without a Kingdom, a Lord without a Dominion, and a subiect to his Subiects. Wicked counsel­lors, as if it were not enough, to be aboue men, but to bee aboue mankinde, as those Princes would be, that would be vnder no Law; considering the preseruation of Kings and Kingdoms is to haue the ballance of satisfaction, both of the one and other, equall. But by such Counsailors is he confirmed in his refractory humor. And worthily that Prince deserues to bee deceiued in his executions, who vnderstands not, as well the Counsailors, as the Councell.

Resolued he is (giuen ouer to confusion, and reuenge) to dissolue this tye, and priuily withdrawes himselfe into the Isle of Wight, from whence hee sends his Agents to Rome Retires into the Isle of Wight & writes to the Pope. (where now he could doe any thing) to complaine of this inforced act to the Pope, who by a definitiue Sentence, first condemnes and nullifies what was done, and after excommunicates the Barons: who during this absence and retire of their King, know­ing the violence of his nature, and doubting their owne danger, keepe in, and about the The Pope ex­communicates the Barons. Citie of London; and there vnder collour of Turnements and exercise of armes, inuite those who were abroad to resort vnto them, and so retaine themselues together in a combination for their owne defence, without seeking farther to interrupt their Kings courses, either by surprise of his person, which they, being of so great strength, might easily haue done, or vsing meanes to intercept his Agents, and take from him those Limbes of his powre that might worke to offend them.

But this must either argue that their end was onely to haue (but what they had ob­tayned) The error of the Barons. the restitution of the Liberties of the Kingdome (which though thus recouered by violence they seemed desirous to hold with peace) or els their negligence; which may be thought strange in those wakefull and actiue times, to be such, as to leaue a dis­pleased King alone to his owne working, especially remoued to a place, where the sea being open vnto him, his outsendings might bee without view or noting: vnlesse ei­ther they presumed of his little credit abroad, or their owne powre at home.

But during this his retyre in the Isle, which was three monthes, he slacks no time to put his desires in execution, and besides his dispatch to Rome, sends the Bishop of Wor­cester, Chancellor of England the Bishop of Norwich and others with his seale to pro­cure The King sends to leauy forraine for­ces. him forraine forces out of such parts beyond the seas, as held correspondency with him, appoynting them to make their repaire to Douer about Michaelmas next. In the mean time, without any royall shew or stir (attended with some borrowed seruants of the Bishop of Norwich, & marriners of the Cink-ports, whom he intertayned) he, as they write, fell to piracy & exercised himself at sea: whiles various reports are made of him here on land: some giuing out, that he was turned Fisher, some a Merchant, others a Pi­rate: But at the time appoynted he meetes at Douer with those forraine forces, drawne He meetes with them at Douer. together, out of Poictou and Gascony, vnder the Conduct of Sauarie de Malleon, Geffrey and Oliuer Buteuile brothers: with others out of Louayne, and Brabant, vnder Walter Buck, Gerrard Sotin, and Godshall, all desperate aduenturers, leading an excecrable sort of people, whose miserable fortunes at home easily drew thē to any mischiefes abroade; & [Page 123] with these is King Iohn furnished to set vpon his owne people. And, had not Hugh Hugh de Boues with forty thousand men &c. comming out of Flan­ders drowned. de Boues (to whom the Countries of Suffolke, & Norfolk were allotted for seruice to be done) setting foorth from Calice with 40 thousand more (men women and children) beene by sodaine tempest drowned in the Sea, hee had made an vniuersall Conquest of the Kingdome, far more miserable then the Norman; considering that with those hee had, he wrought so much as we shall heare presently he did.

For, after he had recouered the Castle of Rochester which William de Albinet, with memorable courage, held out three monthes against all that mighty powre of his (the The King in halfe a yeare recouers all his Castles. Barons not able or not aduenturing to succour him) hee marched ouer the most of the Kingdome, and within halfe a yeare got in all the Castles of the Barons euen to the borders of Scotland, and was absolute Maister of all England except the Citie of London, on which he forbare to aduenture, in regard of the close vnited powre of the 1216. Anno. Reg. 18. Barons that resolutely held and vowed to die together: and seperate them hee could not, and therefore from Rochester he marches to Saint Albones, where the first publica­tion of the Popes excommunication of the Barons is pronounced.

And here hee deuides his Army (consisting most of rauenous strangers) in two King Iohn at Saint Albons deuides his armie in two parts. parts: appoynting his brother William Earle of Salisbury, with Falcasius, Sauarie de Malleon leader of the Poictouins, Briwer, and Buc of the Flemings and Brabantines, to gard the Countries and Castles about the Citie of London, to cut off all prouisions, and anoy the Barons by all meanes possible: himself with the other part of his forces drawes Northward, and layes waste all the Countries before him, and both these Armies set onely vpon distruction, inflict all those calamities, that the rage of a disorderly war could commit, vpon a miserable people that made no head at all against them.

All Countries suffer in this affliction, and King Iohn marching as farte as Berwike, had purposed to haue carried it farther (threatning Alexander King of Scots that hee would hunt the Foxe to his hole, alluding to his red haire) had hee not beene called from that attempt to come backe to these parts vpon discouerie of new designes practised by the Barons, who seeing themselues depriued of their Estates (giuen away to Stran­gers) The Barons sollicit Louys the French Kings sonne, to take vpon him the Crowne of England. their wiues and daughters violated, all their substance consumed, desperatly fall vpon another extreme, making out for succour to Louys the French Kings sonne solli­citing him to take vpon him the Crowne of England, wherein they promised by their free Election to inuest him, and to send pledges for the performance thereof, being perswaded that those forces of the French, which King Iohn had intertayned, would vpon the comming of those aides from the King of France, being their Soueraigne, for­sake him. This message is intertayned, a Parliament is called at Lions by King Philip the father of Louys, the businesse consulted, and resolued vpon. Louys, besides the assu­rance made of this proffered election, relies vpon a title which he claymes by his wife Blanch, daughter to the Sister of King Iohn, and writes to the Barons that hee would shortly send them succour, and not be long behinde to be with them in person.

The intelligence of this designe is soone intimated to the Pope who presently sends The Pope writes to di­uert Louys from the en­terprise. his Agent to the King of France with letters to intreat him, not to suffer his sonne to in­uade or disquiet the King of England, but to defend him, in regard he was a vassall of the Roman Church, and the Kingdome, by reason of Dominion, appertayning there­unto. The King of France answeres, that the Kingdome of England, neuer was, nor is, or euer shalbe the patrimonie of Saint Peter, and that King Iohn was neuer lawfull King thereof, and if hee were, he had forfeited the same by the murther of Arthur, forwhich he was condemned in his Court, neither could he giue away the Kingdome without the consent of the Barons who are bound to defend the same. And if the Pope would maintaine this error, it would bee a pernici­ous example to all Kingdomes.

Herewith the Popes Agent departs vnsatisfied, Louys hauing first dispatched Com­mission Quater Vigint. Coggis. to Rome to declare his right & iustifie his vndertaking, sets forth from Calice with 600 ships, and 80 other vessell, and Lands with his Army at Sandwich. King Iohn attends him at Douer with purpose to incounter him at his landing, but vpon notice Louys lands in Kent 21 of May. of his great powre, and distrusting the faith of his mercinaries, hauing committed the keeping of the Castle of Douer to Hubert de Burg, forsakes the field (and with it [Page 124] himselfe) retyres first to Winchester, after to Glocester, and leaues all to the will of his enemy Louys: who after he had obtayned the submission of all Kent (except the Castle of Douer which he neuer could get) he comes to London, where he is ioyfully receiued of the Barons, and vpon his Oath taken to restore their Lawes, and recouer their rights, hath homage and fealty done him as their Soueraigne Lord: thither came likewise the Earles Warrein, Arundle, Salisbury, William Mareschall the yonger with many other (for­saking King Iohn) and rendred themselues vnto him.

Guallo the Popes Agent (notwithstanding the sword was out in all the way of his passage) got to Glocester, shewes King Iohn the Popes care of him, and in solemne man­ner The little ef­fect the Popes Exmunication wrought. pronounces the sentence of Excommunication against Louys and all that tooke part with him, which though it brought him some comfort for the time, yet it tooke little or nothing from the enemy: neither could it so confirme his mercinaries, but that most of them left him, and either returned home into their Countries with such spoyles as they had, or betooke themselues to this new commer. King Iohn was not yet so for­saken, but that he had powre enough remayning, to infest, though not incounter his enemies, and faith he found abroad amongst many of his Ministers that well defended their charge. Douer Castle with a small company holds out, against all the force that Louys could bring against it. Windsor Castle garded but with 60 men could not be won with all the powre of the Barons; some other peeces, as Nottingham and Lincoln Castles made very resolute resistance. But nothing is effected, saue the ruine of the Country.

The most-yeelding and fertill parts of the Kingdome as about Glocester, the marches of Wales, Lincolnshire, Cambridgshire, Norfolke, Suffolke, Essex, Kent, and all about London, are the Stages of this warre, and here they act their mischiefes, which continued all that Sommer: And about the later end of October, a burning feuer makes an end of this fiery King, which tooke him vpon an extreme griefe conceiued for the losse of his carriages sunke in the Sands, passing the Washes betweene Lin and Boston; and was augmented by a surfeit of Peaches, & new Ale taken at the Abbay of Swineshead, from whence, in The death of King Iohn. great weakenesse he is conuayed to Newarke, where, after he had receiued the Eucha­rist, and taken order for the succession of his sonne Henry, hee departs this life, hauing raigned 18 yeares, fiue monthes, and foure daies.

The Abbot of Crockeston, a man skilfull in physique and at that time the Kings Phy­sition disbowelled his body, who, no doubt would haue giuen notice, to the world had his Maister (as it was in after ages vainely bruted) beene poysoned by a Monke of Mat. Par. Swinshead Abbay, but the Writers of those times report no such matter. Howsoeuer his death takes not away the reproch of his life, nor the infamy that followes him, whereunto ill Princes are as subiect as their euill Subiects, and cannot escape the brute ofa clamarous Pen. witnesse this Disticque.

He had issue by his wife Isabel (daughter to Aymer Earle of Angolesme) two sonnes Henry and Richard, also three daughters Ioane, Eleanor, and Isabel.

Henry succeeded him in the Kingdome, Richard was Earle of Cornewall, and Crow­ned His issue. King of the Romans, and had issue Henry, and Iohn that died without issue, also Ed­mond Iohn speed. Earle of Cornewall and others.

Ioane the eldest daughter (married to Alexander the second, King of Scots) died without issue.

Elianor the second daughter (married to Simon Earle of Leicester) had issue Henry, Symon, Almaricke, Guy, Richard, and Elianor. Henry slaine without issue. Simon Earle of Bigorre, and Ancestor to a Famely of the Mountfords, in France. Almarick first a Priest, after a Knight. Guy Earle of Angleria, in Italy, and Progenitor of the Mountfords in Tuscaine: and of the Earles of the Campo Bacchi in the Kingdome of Naples. Richard remayning priuily in England, and changing his name from Mountford, to Wellesborne, was Ancester of the Wellesbornes in England. Elianor borne in England, brought vp in France, married into Wales to Prince Lewin ap Griffith.

[Page 125] Isabel their youngest daughter (married to the Emperour Frederic the 2) had issue, Henry, appointed to be King of Sicile, and Margaret wife of Albert, Landgraue Thurine. She died in child-bed after she had beene Empresse sixe yeares. He had also two natu­rall sonnes. Geffrey Fitz Roy, that transported souldiers into France, when Hubert forbad his father to goe thither: Richard (that married the daughter and Heire of Fulbert de Douer (who built Childham Castle) had issue by her, of which some famelies of good esteeme are descended.

Likewise one naturall Daughter Ioane married to Lewin Prince of Wales.

The Life, and Raigne of Henry the third.

THE death of King Iohn, though it much altered, yet it ended not the miserable businesses of the Kingdome: for Louys, notwithstanding held 1216. Anno. Reg. 1. his hopes, and his party though much shaken by the sodaine Corona­tion of Henry, eldest sonne to King Iohn, solemnized in a great Assem­blie of State at Glocester the 28 of October, and committed to the tute­lage of the great Marshall, William Earle of Pembrooke; the maine Pillar of the father, and now the preseruer of the Crowne to his sonne, a man eminent both in courage Henry the 3 Crowned at Glocester. and Councell, who with Guallo the Popes Legat, the Bishops of Winchester, Bathe, and Worcester worke all meanes to draw the Barons, and as many of powre as they could to their new and naturall King from this excommunicate stranger, and his adherents. And bred great fluctuation in the mindes of most of them doubtfull what to resolue vpon, in regard of the tender youth of Henry, and their Oath made to Louys.

But such was the insolence of the French, making spoyle and prey of whatsoeuer they could fasten on (and now inuested by Louys, contrarie to his Oath, in all those places of importance they had recouered) as made many of the English to relinquish The confessi­on of the Vis­cont Melun at his death. their sworne fidelitie, and forsake his part. Which more of them would haue done, but for the shame of inconstancie, and the daunger of their pledges, remayning in France, which were great tyes vpon them. Besides, the popular bruit generally divulg­ed concerning the confession of the Viscont Melun a Frenchman, who, lying at the point of death, toucht with compunction, is said to reueale the intention, & vow of Lo­uys (which was vtterly to extinguish the English nation, whom he held vile, & neuer to be trusted, hauing forsaken their own Soueraign Lord) wrought a great auersion in the hearts of the English, which whither it were indeed vttered, or giuen out of purpose, it was so to be expected, according to the precedents of all in-brought farreiners vpon the deuisions of a distracted people.

And first William Earle of Salisbury, mooued in bloud to succour his Nephew, tooke Diuers Lords reuolt from Louys. away a maine peece from the side of Louys, and with him the Earles of Arundle, Warren; William, sonne and heire to the great Marshall, returne to the fidelity of Henry, after 6 months they had reuolted to the seruice of Louys, which now may be thought was don but to temporise, and try the hazard of a doubtfull game, otherwise a brother would not haue forsaken a brother, nor so Noble a father, and sonne haue deuided their starres.

Notwithstanding Louys found hands enow to hold London, withall the Countries about it a whole yeare after, so that the young King was constrained to remaine about Glocester, Worcester, and Bristow, where his wakefull Ministers faile not to imploy all means to gather vpon whatsoeuer aduantages could be espied, & at length so wrought as they draw the enemy from the head of the kingdome downe into the body, first into Leceister-shire to releeue the Castle of Montsorell, a peece apertayning to Saer de Quincy Earle of Winchester, a great partisan of Louys, and after by degrees, to Lincoln, where, a Noble Lady, called Phillippa (but of what famely, time hath iniuriously bereft vs the knowledge) had, more then with feminine courage defended the Castle, the space of a whole yere, against Gilbert de Gant, & the French forces which were possest of the town.

[Page 126]The Earle Marshall Protector of the King and kingdom, with his sonne William: the Bishops of Winchester, Salisbury and Chester, the Earles of Salisbury, Ferrers, and Al­bemarle. William de Albinet, Iohn Marshall, William de Cantelupe. Falcasius, Tho­mas Basset, Robert Veypont, Brent de Lisle, Geffrey Lucy, Philip de Albinet, and many other Barons, and marshall men, being with all the powre of the young king (whose forces as he marched, grew dayly greater) come to a place called Stow within 8 miles of Lincoln, the Legat Guallo (to adde courage & resolution to the army) caused vpon confession of their sinnes, the Eucharist to be ministred and giues them a plenary absolution, solemnly The forces of Louys ouer­throwne. accursing Louys with all his adherents, as seperated from the vnity of the Church, which done, they set forth, and with such violence assaile the City on all sides, as the defen­dants (after the Earle of Perch, valiantly fighting was slaine) were soone defeited, and all the principall men taken prisoners, whereof these are nominated: Saer Earle of Winchester, Henry de Bohun, Earle of Hereford, Gilbert de Gant, lately made Earle of Lincoln by Louys. Robert Fitz Walter, Richard Monfichet, William Moubray, William Beauchamp, william Maudit, Oliuer Harcort, Roger de Cressy, William de Coleuile, William de Ros, Robert de Ropsley, Ralph Chandnit Barons, besides foure hundred Knights or men at Armes, with their seruants, horse and foot. The number, and quality of the persons taken, shew the importance of the place, and the greatnesse of the victorie, which gaue Louys his maine blow, and was the last of his battailes in England.

The spoyles were very great being of a City, at that time rich in Marchandize, The spoyle of Lincolne. whereupon the winners (in derision) tearmed it Louys his Faire. Many of those who escaped, and fled from this ouerthrow; were slaine by the Country people in their disor­derly passing towards London, vnto Louys, who vpon notice of this great defeat, sends presently ouer for succours into France, and drawes all the powre he had in England, to the Citie of London; whether the Earle Marshall with the young King bend their course, with purpose either to assaile Louys vpon this fresh dismay of his losse, and the distraction of his partakers, or induce him by agreement to relinquish the Kingdome. The first being found difficult, the last is propounded, whereunto Louys would not The Peace was concluded the 11 of Sep. be brought to yeeld, vntill hearing how his succors comming out of France, were by Phillip de Albenie, and Hubert de Burgh with the forces of the Cinke-ports all van­quished at sea; he then hoplesse of any longer subsisting with safty, condiscendes to an accord: takes fifteene thousand markes for his voyage: abiures his claime to the Kingdome: promises by Oath to worke his father, as farre as in him lay, for the resti­tution 1218. Anno. Reg. 3. of such Prouinces in France, as appertayned to this Crowne; and that when himselfe should be King, to resigne them in peaceable manner.

On the other part King Henry takes his Oath, and for him, the Legat, and the Pro­tector, to restore vnto the Barons of this Realme, and other his Subiects, all their rights and heritages, with those liberties for which the discorde beganne betweene the late King, and his people. Generall pardon is granted, and all prisoners freed on both fides: Louys is honorably attended to Douer, and departs out of England about Michelmas: aboue two yeares after his first atiuall, hauing beene here, in the greatest part, a recei­ued King, and was more likely to haue established himselfe, and made a Conquest of this Kingdome (being thus pulled in by others armes) then the Norman that made way with his owne, had not the All-disposer otherwise diuerted it.

Such effects wrought the violence of an vnruly King, and the desperation of an op­pressed people, which now notwithstanding the fathers iniquitie, most willingly im­brace the sonne, as naturally inclyned to loue, and obey their Princes.

And in this recouery, the industrie of Guallo the Legate wrought much, though what he did therein was for his owne ends, & the pretended interest of the Pope, whose ambi­tion 1219. Anno. Reg. 4. had beene first an especiall cause of this great combustion in the Kingdom, but as they who worke the greatest mischiefes, are oftentimes the men that can best repaire them, so was it in this, and therefore the lesse worthy of thankes. The Legat was well payed for his paynes, and, notwithstanding the great distresse of the Kingdome carries away twelue thousand Markes with him to Rome.

But thus the long afflicted state began to haue some peace, and yet with many [Page 127] distemp ratures at the first, ere those virulent humors which the warre had bred were otherwise diuerted. For many of the Nobles who had taken part with the King, ei­ther vnsatisfied in their expectations, or knowing not how to maintaine themselues and theirs, but by rapine; fall to mutinie, surprizing of Castles, and making spoyles in the Country, as the Earle of Albemarle, Robert de Veypont, Foulke de Brent, Brian de Liste, Hugh de Bailioll with many other, but at length, they are likewise appeased. And see­ing the warre must nurse whom it had bred, an Action is vndertaken for the Holy Land, whither Ralph Earle of Chester, Saer de Quincy Earle of Winchester, William de Albeny Earle of Arundle, Robert Fitz Walter, William de Harcort with many other, are sent with great forces: Besides to vnburthen the Kingdome, all strangers, vnlesse such as came with Merchandize, are commanded to auoyde the Land, and all meanes vsed for the regayning the ability it had lost.

And no sooner had this prouident Protector the Earle of Pembrooke setled the The death of the Protector Earle Mar­shall. Kings affaires, but he dies, to the great regrate of the Kingdome; leauing behinde him a most Noble memorie of his actiue worth, and is to bee numbred amongst the exam­ples of the best of men, to shew how much the Wisdome, and Valour of a potent Sub­iect may steed a distracted State in times of danger.

The Bishop of Winchester (imparting the charge with many other great Councel­lors) is made Protector of the young King, who in An. Reg. 4. is againe Crowned, and the next yeare after hath by Parliament graunted for Elcuage two Markes of Siluer of euery Knights fee, for the affaires of the Kingdome, and recouery of his transmarine The King a­gaine crowned 1. Parliament. Dominions, which now is designed, and Malleon de Sauerie the Poictouine with William Long sword Earle of Salsburie sent ouer into Guien to try the affections of that people, whom they finde, for the most part inclinable to the obedience of this Crowne. The King of France is required to make restitution of what hee had vsurped, but returnes answere; that what hee had gotten both by forfeiture, and Law of Armes hee would holde.

To retayne amitie with Scotland, and peace at home, Ioan, the Kings Sister is gi­uen 1220. Anno. Reg. 5. in marriage to Alexander King of Scots, and Margueret, sister to the same King, to Hubert de Burgh, now made Iusticiar of England, and the especiall man who guided the greatest affaires of the Kingdome. Wales, reuolting vnder their Prince Lewelin, gaue occasion of great charge and trouble to this State in the beginning of this Kings raigne and long after, till it was wholy subdued. And a commotion in Ireland, made by Hugh Lacy, is appeased by William Earle of Pembrooke sonne to the late great Mar­shall, 1221. Anno. Reg. 6. and some few yeares after hath the Kingdome a kinde of quietnesse, sauing that Falcasius (or Foulke de Brent) with certaine Chatelaynes (the dregs of war) fortifying the Castle of Belford with some other peeces of strength, and committing many outrages, gaue occasion of businesse till they were gotten by hard assault.

But now, the King being come to some yeares of vnderstanding, was, in a Parlia­ment holden at London, put in minde by the Archbishop of Canterbury, in behalfe of the State, of his Oath made, and taken by others for him, vpon the peace with Louys for confirmation of the liberties of the Kingdome, for which the warre began with his fa­ther, and being the mainebase wheron his owne good, and that of his people must sub­sist, without which the whole State would againe fall a sunder; they would haue him to know it betime, to auoyde those miserable inconueniences which the disvnion of 1222. Anno. Reg. 7. Rule and Obedience might bring vpon them all, which though it were impiously there oppugned (as Princes shall euer finde mouthes to expresse their pleasures in what course soeuer they take) by some ministers of his (amongst whom one William Brewer a Councellor is named) who vrged it to haue beene an act of constraint, and therefore 2. Parliament. not to be performed; was, notwithstanding promised at that time by the King to bee ratifyed, and twelue knights, or other Legall men of euery shire, by writs charged to examen what were the Lawes and Liberties which the Kingdome enioyed vnder his Grand­father, and returne the same by a certaine day, and so by that vsuall shift of Prolongation the businesse was put off for that time, to the greater vexation of that following. For during all his raigne of sixe and fifty yeares (the Longest of any King of England) this [Page 128] put him to the greatest imbroylement, made him ill beloued of his paople (euer crost in his intendements) and farre a lesse King, onely by striuing to be more then he was: the iust reward of violations. And euen this first pause, vpon the lawfull requisition thereof, turnd the bloud, & shew'd how sensible the state was, in the least stoppage of that ten­der vaine: For, presently the Earles of Chester, & Albimarle with many other great men assemble at Lecester with intent to remoue from the K. Hugh de Burgh chiefe Iusticiar, and other officers supposed to hinder this motion. But the Archbishop of Canterbury by his spirituall power, and the rest of the nobility, more carefull to preserue the peace of the Kingdome, stood to the King, and would not suffer any proceeding in this kind, so as the Lords effected nothing at that time, but were constrained to come in, and submit Resumptions. themselues. And here the king by parliament resumes such alienations as had bin made by his Ancesters, of what had apertayned to the Crowne, whereby he might haue the 1223. Anno. Reg. 8. more meanes of his owne without pressing his subiect; but this serued not his turne.

The next yeare after another Parliament is held at Westminster, wherein is required the fiftieth part of all moueables both of the Clergy and Layetie, for the recouery of those parts in France withheld from this crowne by Louys now King, contrary to his 3 Parliament. oath and promise made here in England at his departure. Which motion, though it con­cerned the honour and dignity of this Kingdome, (being the inheritance of the King, and the Estates of most of the Nobility, and other the subiects, who had lands and pos­sessions in those parts, which no doubt, they desired to recouer with their vtmost means; yet would they not yeeld to the graunt of this subsidy but vpon confirmation of their liberties; which in the end they obtayned, in the same words and forme as King Iohn had graunted them in the two Charters before.

And twelue Knights or Legall men are chosen in euery shire, vpon their Oath, to disparte the old forests from the new: and all such as were found to haue Disforresta­tions. beene inforested since the first coronation of Henry the second to be disafforested, and disposed at their pleasure, who were to posses them. wherevpon they were layd open, plowed, and improued to the exceeding comfort, and benefit of the subiect, whereby men, in steed of wild beasts, were sustayned and more roome made for them to vse their industry.

Two yeares with great quietnesse, and generall content (the blessing of a state) 1225. Anno. Reg. 10. these liberties were inioyed, when the King at a Parliament at Oxford, declaring him­selfe to be oflawfull age, and free from custody, to dispose of the affayres of the King­dome; cancells, and anulles the Charter of Forests, as graunted in his Nonage, hauing no power of himselfe, or of his Seale, and therefore of no validitie: and causes Procla­mation to be made, that both the Clergy, and all others, if they would inioy those li­berties, 4. Parliament. should renew their Charters, and haue them confirmed vnder his new Seale: for which, they were constrayned to pay, not according to their ability, but the will of the chiefe Iusticiar, Hugh de Burgh, to whome is layd the blame of this mischiefe, which procured him the generall hatred of the Kingdome; and bread a new insurrection of The reuoking the Charters of Forrests which bred a new insurre­ction. the nobility, who, taking aduantage vpon a breach lately falen our, betweene the king and his brother Richard Earle of Cornwell (about the Castle of Barkhamsted apper­tayning to that Earledome, which the king had committed to the keeping of on Walle­ran a Dutchman) ioyne with the Earle, and put themselues in armes. For the king mayntayning the cause of Walleran commands his brother to render the Castle which he had taken from him; or else to depart the kingdome.

The Earle answeres that he would neither doe the one or the other: without the iudg­ment of his Peeres; and so departes to his lodging, leauing the king much displeased with this answere. The chiefe Iusticiar fearing the disturbance of the peace, aduises the king sodainly to apprehend the Earle, and commit him to close custodie, but the Earle either through notice, or doubt therof, flies presently to Marleborough, where he findes William Earle Mareshall, his friend, and consedrate by Oath, with whom hee hastes to Stamford, and there meets with the Earles of Chester, Gloster, Waren, Hereford, Ferrers, Warwicke, with diuers Barons, and men at armes: from whence they send to the King aduising him to right the iniurie done to his brother. The cause whereof, they impute [Page 129] to Hugh de Burgh, and not to himself, besides they require restitution to be made with­out delay, of the liberties of the Forrests lately cancelled at Oxford, otherwise they 1226. Anno. Reg. 11. would compell him therevnto by the sword.

The King, to anoyd this daunger, appoints them & day to come to an assembly at Northampton, where a concord is concluded: and to satisfie his brother, (besides the rendring vnto him his Castle) he grauntes him all that his mother had in dowre, and s. Parliament. whatsoeuer lands the Earle of Brittaine held in England, with those of the Earle of Bologn lately deceased, and so the Parliament brake vp. After this the generall motion 1227. Anno. Reg. 12. for the holy warres intertaines some time. Which so strongly wrought in that credelous world as sixty thousand sufficient men, are reported to haue vndertaken that voyage: of whom Peter Bishop of Winchester, and William Bishop of Excester are the leaders.

The King is sollicited by Hugh le Brun Earle of March, who had marryed his Mo­ther, and by other great men of Normandy, to come ouer into France to recouer his right, vpon the great alterations happening in those parts by this occassion.

Louys the eight (who succeeded Phillip the second,) being lately dead after his great siege of Auignon, and his warres made against the Heretickes Albegeois in Prouince, leaues the Kingdome to his Sonne Louys of the age of twelue yeares, in whose minority his Mother Blanch, taking vpon her the regency, so discontented the Princes of the French Hist. bloud, as they oppose themselues against her, holding it both dishonorable and daun­gerous, that a woman and a stranger by the Councell of Spaniards (whom she aduan­ced aboue the Naturalls of the Kingdome) should gouerne all according to her plea­sure, and therefore enter league against her. The chiefe of whom were Phillip Earle of Bologne, vncle, by the Father, to the King: Robert Earle of Champaigne, Peter de Dreux Duke of Britagne, and Robert Earle of Dreux his brother, and with these Hugh the Earle of March takes part, in regard the Queen Regent had erected the Country of Poi­ctou to a Conty, and made Earle there of Alphonso her Sonne, brother to the young king, whereby finding himselfe inclosed within that County, he refuses to acknowledge Al­phonso for Lord: instigated therevnto by his wife, a Queene Dowager of England, who could not comport a superior so neere her doore, in so much as they likewise draw in the Earle of Lusignan, brother to the Earle of March, who also, presuming vpon the greatnesse of his house discended of kings, was apt to take their part; and these with the Earle of Britagne call in the King of England. Who after he hed exacted great sums of the Clergy, of the Citie of London for redemption of their liberties, and taken the third part of al the goods of the Iewes, passes ouer with an Army, lands at Saint Mallos, is met by many Nobles of Poictou, who with the Earle of Britagne doe homage vnto him, and great preparations are made to recouer such peeces as had beene obtayned by the late King of France.

The Queene Regent sets out a powerfull army to stop the proceeding of the King of England, and much mischiefe is wrought on both sides in Pocitou, Xaintonges, Angou­mois, where their friends and enemies suffer all a like. At length, seeing no great good to arise by their trauaile, both weary of the busines, either a peace, or truce is concluded.

The King of England besides an infinite expence of treasure hauing lost diuers of his Nobles and other valiant men in the iourny, without any glory returnes home, bringging with him the Earle of Britagne and many Poictouins to receiue their promised rewards, which, notwithstanding all the former expence must be wrung out of the sub­stance of the poore subiect of England.

Vpon his returne hee intertaines a purpose of Marriage with a sister of the King of Scots, against which, the Earles, and Barons of England generally oppose; alledg­ing it to be vnfit that he should haue the younger Sister, when Hubert his chiefe Iusti­ciar, had maryed the eldest: and the Earle of Britagne, by whose Councell he was now much directed, disswades him likewise from it. To this Earle (after supplies obtained to­wards his expences, and debts in France) he giues fiue thousand markes, as if remay­ning The King calls his officers to accoumpt. of the summe hee had promised. And for the rest of the Poictouins, their prefer­ments and rewards were to be had by the displacing and spoyles of his Officers, Receiuors, and others whom now hee calles to accoumpt, and castes for defrauding him [Page 130] in their offices, of whom Ralph Breton treasorer of his Chamber is first, who was commit­ted to prison and grieuoulsy fined: then Hubert de Burgh his chiese lusticiar, (a man who 1228. Anno. Reg. 13. had long ruled all vnder him in a place euer obnoxious to detraction and enuy) is cal­led to accoumpt for such treasure as passed his office (which was then for all reliefes, and subsidies whatsoeuer raysed on the subiect) and, notwithstanding he had the kings Charter for it during life, yet is he thrust out of his office, and besides accused of hay­nous crymes of treason.

No sooner was this great officer, and inward councellor falne into the Kings dis­pleasure, but presently a whole volly of accusations (which feare in time of fauour held in) were discharged vpon him, and euery act of his examined, and vrged according to the passion of the complainers. The city of London laies to his charge the execution of their citizen Constantine (in the time of a ryot committed betweene their people and those of Westminster at a wrastling in Saint lames feilds, Anno. Reg. 4.) as done with­out warrant and law, and craue Iustice for his bloud. Hubert, to auoyd this sodaine storme comming vpon him, fled to the Church of Merton for Santuary, whence, by ar­med men sent to pursue him, he is drawne out by force, and committed to prison. Of which violence done contrary to the priuiledge of that sacred place, the Bishop of Lon­don, in whose dioses it was, complaines, and so wrought that he is brought back againe to the same chappell. But yet all that could not shelter him from the Kings wrath, who giues strict commandement to the Shriefes of Hartford and Sussex to set a guard about the place, that no sustenance be brought him. Hunger inforces him to commit himselfe to the Kings mercy, and away is he sent prisoner to the Vize, his money, left in the cu­stody The King re­moues his offi­cers. of the templars, is brought forth, and seazed into the Kings hands; clayming that, and much more as stolne out of his exchequer. Stephen de Segraue is put into his office, a worse minister for the common-wealth (which seldome gaynes by such shif­tings) and who must shortly runne the same fortune. Walter Bishop of Carliel is like­wise thrust out of his office of Treasorer, and William Rodon Knight, of his place of Marshall of the kings house, and all the chiefe Councellors, Bishops, Earles and Ba­rons of the Kingdome, are remoued, as distrusted, and onely strangers preferred to their roomes. Peter Bishop of Winchester, lately returned from the holy warres to be the author of most vnholy discord at home, is charged to be the cause hereof, and with him, one Peter de Riuallis, now the sepeciall minion about the King.

These straines of so strange and insufferably violences so exasperate the Nobility, as many (whereof Richard, now Earle Marshall vpon the death of his brother William was chiefe) do combine themselues for defence of the publique, and boldly do shew the King his error, and ill aduised course, in preferring strangers about him, to the disgrace and oppre­ssion The Lords combine for the publike defence a­gainst the K. of his naturall liege people, contrary to their lawes and liberties, and that vnlesse he would re­forme this excesse, whereby his crowne and Kingdome was in eminent daunger, he and the rest of the nobility would withdraw themselues from his councell, whervnto the Bishop of Winche­ster replies: that it was lawfull for the King to callwhat strangers he listed about him for defence of his crowne and Kingdome, thereby to compell his proud, and rebellious subiects to their due obedience. With which answere the Earle, and the rest, depart with more indigna­tion: vowing that in this cause, which concerned them ail, they would spend their liues.

Herevpon the King sodenly sends ouer for whole legions of Poictouins, and withall sommons a Parliament at Oxford whether the Lords refused to come, both in regard they found themselues dispised, and holding it not safe by reason of those multitudes The Lords re­fuse to come to Parliament vpon summons of strangers. Then was it decreed by the Kings Councell that they should be the se­cond and third time sommoned, to try whether they would come or not. And here, from the Pulpit, whence the voyce of GOD and the people is vttered, the King is bold­ly shewed the way to redresse this mischiefe of the Kingdome, by one Robert Bacon a Fryer Predicant: but more comically by Roger Bacon, (in pleasant discourse) asking the king: my Lord, what is most nocent to Sea-men, and what feared they most, the King replies: Seamen know that best themselues; then, my Lord I will tell you: Petrae et Rupes, alledging to Petrus de Rupibus Bishop of Winchester.

[Page 131]After this, the Lords were summoned to a Parliament at Westminster: whether likewise they refused to come, vnles the King would remoue the Bishop of Winchester, 1232. Anno. Reg. 17. and the Poictouines from the court: otherwise, by the Common-councell of the Kingdome they send him expresse word, they would expell him, and his euill councellors out of the land and deale for the creation of a new King.

Vpon this threatning, pledges are required of the nobility to be deliuered by a cer­teine day for security of their alleagiance. But no act passed in this Parliament though 6. Parliament. though diuers Lords came thither, as the Earle of Cornewall, Chester, Lincoln, Ferrers, and others, in regard the Earle Marshall, the Lord Gilbert Basset, and other Nobles were not pre­sent, Then are Writs sent out to all who held by knights seruice to repaire to the King at Glocester by a certaine day: which the Earles Mareschall and his associates refusing, the King without the iudgement of his court, and their Peeres, cause to be proclaimed outlawes, seizes vpon all their lands, which he giues to his Poictouines, and directs out Writs to attach their bodies wheresoeuer in the kingdome.

The Bishop of Winchester to weaken the party of the Mareschall, wonne the Eatles of Chester and Lincoln with a thousand markes, and the King had so pleased his brother the Earle of Cornewall, as hee likewise left them. Wherevpon they withdraw them into Wales, and confederat with Lewelin and other great men in that country, (whither also came Hubert de Burgh escaping out of the Vize Castle, and ioynes with them) ta­king their oath intermutually, that no one without other should make their accord.

The King goes himselfe in person with an Army, against these revolted Lords, into Wales, Where he had the worst of the busines, and much dishonour, returnes to Glo­cester, The K. with an army against the Lords. imployes new forces of strangers, but all without successe. Wherevpon a Fryer of the Order of Minors is imployed to confer with the Earle Mareschall, and to per­swade him to come in, and submit himselfe to the kings mercy, whom he had heard to say, that notwithstanding his great offences, he would pardon, and restore to his estate vpon submission; and besides giues him so much of Herefordshire, as should conueni­ently mayntaine him. Besides the Fryer told him what he heard of other Councellors about the King, concerning the wishing of his submission, and in what forme they de­sired Vide Appond. it should be imparted in priuat. And then, as of himselfe, he vses all inducements. possible to draw him therevnto, shewing how it was his duty, his profit, and safty so to doe. Wherewithall the Earle nothing moued, told the Fryer what iniuries hee had receiued, and that hee could not trust the King so long as hee had such Councellors about him: who onely sought the distruction of him, and his associats, who euer had beene his loyall subiects. And after many obiections made by the Fryer with vrging the Kings power, his owne weaknes, and the danger hee was in: the Earle concludes that he feared no danger: that he would neuer yeeld to the Kings Will, that was gui­ded by no reason: that he should giue an ill Example to relinquish the iustice of his cause to obay that Will which wrought all iniustice, whereby it might appeare, they loued wordly possessions more then right and honor, &c.

So nothing was done, the war continues with much effusion of bloud, all the bor­ders of Wales vnto Shrowesbury, are miserable wasted, and made desolate. At length meanes is vsed to draw the Earle Mareschall ouer into Ireland to defend his estate there, which was likewise seized vpon, by authority giuen vnder the Kings hand and Seale, and all those great possessions discended vnto him from his Ancestor the Earle Strong­bow (the first conquerors of that country) spoyled, and taken from him. And here, seeking to recouer his liuelihood hee lost his life circumuented by treachery: his death gaue occasion of griefe both to his friends and enemies. The king disauowes the send­ing 1234. Anno. Reg. 19. of this commission into Ireland protesting hee neuer knew thereof, and discharges himselfe vpon his councellor. A poore shift of weake Princes.

After two yeares his affliction, a Parliament is assembled at Westminster, wherein the Bishops grauely admonish the King (by his Fathers example, and his owne experiene, 7 Parliament. of the mischiefe of dissention betweene him, and his Kingdome, occasioned through the ill councell of his ministers) to be at vnion with his people, to remoue from him strangers, and others, by whose instigation, for their owne ends, these disturbances are [Page 132] fostered, and his naturall Subiects estranged from him, to the great alienation of their affections, which was of dangerous consequence. Wherefore (after recitall of the Greeuances of the State, and the abuses of his Ministers, which were such as all corrupted times produce) they humbly besought him to gouerne his, according to the example of other Kingdomes, by the natiues of the same, and their Lawes: other­wise they would proceed by Ecclesiasticall censure, both against his Councellors, and himselfe.

The King seeing no way to subsist, and get to his ends but by temporizing, con­sents to call home these Lords out of Wales, restores them to their places and posses­sions, amoues those strangers from about him, and calls his new Officers to accompt. The Bishop of Winchesler. Peter de Riuallis and Stephan Segraue thereupon take Sanctu­arie, but afterward, vpon mediation they obtayned, with great fines, their Liberty, dearely paying for their two yeares eminency and grace.

Things thus appeased the King giues his sister Isabel in marriage to the Emperour Frederic the second (successor to Otho, and grand-child to Frederic Barbarossa) the Archbishop of Cologne and the Duke of Louaine were sent for her. Shee is conducted Isabel the Kings Sister married to the Emperor. by the King her brother to Sandwich with three thousand horse. The marriage is so­lemnised at Wormes. She was the third wife of this Emperour, an alliance that yeelded neither strength or benefit (though that were both their ends) to either Prince. The continuall broyle which this Emperour held with all the Popes of his time, Innocent the third, Honorius, Innocent the fourth Gregorie the ninth) was such and so great as all hee could doe, was not enough for himselfe. For not to let goe that hold of the Em­pire he had in Italie, with his hereditarie Kingdomes of Naples and Sicil which the Popes wrought to draw to the Church, he was put to be perpetually in conflict, ne­uer free from vexations, thrust from his owne courses, enioyned to vndertake the Holy warres, to waste him abroade, weakened at home by excommunications, and fines for absolutions, for which, at one time hee payde eleuen thousand markes of Gold. And in the end the Popes so preuayled that in the Graue of this Frederic was buried the Imperiall Authority in Italy, after hee had thus raigned foure and thirty yeares, leauing his sonne Conrad successour rather of his miseries then his inheri­tance. Hee had a sonne by Isabel named Henrie, to whom hee bequeathed the Kingdome of Sicile, and a hundred thousand ounces of Gold, but hee liued not to en­ioy it.

To the marriage of this Sister, the King qiues thirty thousand markes, besides an Imperiall Crowne and other ornaments of great value: towards which, is raysed two 1236. Anno. Reg. 20. Markes vpon euery Hide Land. And the next yeare after, himselfe marries Elianor daughter to Raymond Earle of Prouince, a match in regard of the distance of the place, with the meanes and degree of Estate, little aduantagious either to him, or his King­dom, but the circumstance of alliance drew it on, with some other promises which were not obserued. So, that hee is neither greater, nor richer by these alliances but ra­ther lessened in his meanes, hauing no dowre with his wife, full of poore kindred, that must draw meanes from this Kingdome.

After the solemnization of this marriage (which was extraordinarily sumptuous) a Parliament is assembled at London, which the King would haue held in the Towre, whither the Lords refusing to come, another place, of more freedome, is appoynted: where, after many things propounded for the good of the Kingdome order is taken that all Shriefes are remooued from their Offices vpon complaint of corruption; and Shriefes re­moued for corruption. others of more integritie, and abler meanes (to auoyde briberie) put in their roomes, taking their Oathes to receiue no guifts, but in victualls, and those without excesse.

Here the King displaces his Steward, and some other Councellors, and offers to take from the Bishop of Chichester, then Chancellor, the great Seale, but the Bishop refuses to deliuer it, alledging, how hee had it by the common Councell of the king­dome, and without assent of the same, would not resigne it, and hauing carried him­selfe irreprehensible in his Office, is much fauoured by the people. Peter de Riuallis, and Stephan Segraus, are againe receiued into grace: an argument of the kings leuitie, [Page 133] and irresolution, moued, it seemes, with any Engine to doe and vndoe, and all out of time and order, wherein he euer looses ground.

And now faine would he haue reuoked, by the Popes Authority, some grants of his made heretofore, as being don beyond his powre, & without the cōsent of the Church, which harsh intention addes more to the already conceiued displeasure of the people.

Anno Reg. 21. another Parliament, or the same adiourned is held at London, where, in regard of the great expence for his Sisters marriage, and his owne, hee requires the 9 Parliament thirtith part of all moueables, as well of the Clergie as Layetie. Whereunto great 1237. Anno. Reg. 21. opposition is made, and recitall of the many Leuies had beene exacted of the King­dome, now of the twentith, now of the thirtith, and fortith parts: and that it was a thing vnworthy and iniurious, to permit a King, who was so lightly seduceble, and ne­uer did good to the Kingdome, either in expelling, or repressing enemy, or amplyfing the bounds thereof, but rather lessening and subiugating the same to Strangers, that he should extort by so many pretences, so great summes from his naturall people (as from slaues of the basest condition) to their detriment, and benefit of Aliens. Which when the King heard, desirous to stop this generall murmur, promised by Oath that he would neuer more iniurie the Nobles of the Kingdome, so that they would benignly releeue him at that present, with this supply: in regard he had exhausted his treasure, in the ma­riage of his Sister, and his owne: whereunto they plainely answere, that the same was done without their Councell, neither ought they to be partakers of the punishment, who were free from the fault. After 4 daies consultation, the King promising to vse only the Councell of his naturall Subiects, disauowing and protesting against the reuocation lately propoun­ded, and freely granting the inuiolable obseruation of the Liberties, vnder paine of ex­communication, hath yeelded vnto him the thirtith part of all moueables (reseruing yet to euery man his ready coyne, horse, and armour to be imployed for the Common­wealth. For the collection of this subsidy, it was ordayned that 4 Knights of euery Foure knights of euery shire ordained to take charge of the subsidy. Shire, and one Clerke of the Kings should vpon their Oath receiue and deliuer the same, either vnto some Abbay or Castle, to be reserued there, that if the King fayle in performance of his Grants, it might be restored to the Country whence it was collect­ed: with this condition often annexed, that the King should leaue the Councell of Ali­ens, and onely vse that of his naturall Subiects. Wherein to make shew of his part, he so­dainly causes the Earles Warren and Ferrers, with Iohn Fitz Geffrey to be sworne his Councellors. And so the Parliament ended, but not the businesse for which it was cal­led, the King not giuing that satisfaction to his subiects as he had promised concerning Strangers, and besides, that order concluded in Parliament was not obserued in the leauying and disposing of the susidie, but stricter courses taken in the valewing of mens Estates then was held conuenient. Moreouer William Valentine Vncle to the young Queene, is growne the onely inward man with the King, and possesses him so, as no­thing is done without his Councell: the Earle of Prouince, the father; a poore Prince, is inuited to come ouer to participat of this Treasure, which seemes was disposed be­fore The comming of Simon Monford into into England. it came in. Simon de Monford a French man borne (banished out of France by Queene Blanch) is intertayned in England, and preferred secretly in marriage to Elianor the Kings Sister (widow of William Earle of Pembroke Great Mareschall) and made Earle of Leicester by right of his mother Amice daughter to Blanchman Earle of Lei­cester. Which courses (with other) so incense the Nobility, and generally all the Sub­iects, as put them out into a new commotion. and Richard the Kings brother (whose youth and ambition apt to be wrought vpon, is made the head thereof; who being as yet Heire apparant of the Kingdome (the Queen being yong and child-lesse) the preser­uation of the good thereof, is argued to concerne him, and hee is the man imployed The Gree­uances of the Kingdome. to the King to impart the publike greeuances, and to reprehend, first the profusion of his Treasure (gotten by exaction from the subiect.) and cast away vpon Stran­gers who onely guide him, then the infinite summes hee had raised in his time: How there was no Archbishopricke or Bishopricke, except Yorke, Lincolne & Bathe, but he had made benefit by their Vacancies: besides what fell by Abbayes, Earl­domes, Baronies, Wardships and other Escheates, and yet his treasure, which should [Page 134] be the strength of the State, was nothing increased. Moreouer how hee as if both dis­pising his, and the Councell of his naturall Subiects, was so obsequious to the will of the Romans, and especially of the Legat whom he had inconsiderately called in, as hee seemed to adore his footsteps, and would doe nothing either in publique or priuate, 1238. Anno. Reg. 22. but by his consent, so that he seemed absolutely the Popes Feudarie, which wounded the hearts of his people. The King vpon this harsh remonstrance of his brother, and the feare of a present commotion, after he had sounded the affections of the Londoners, whom he found resolued to take part against him, hee againe (by the aduice of the Le­gat, who had earnestly delt with the Earle of Cornwall to reconcile himselfe to his bro­ther, but without effect) calls a Parliament at London. Whither the Lords came ar­med 10 Parliament both for their owne saftie, and to constraine the King (if he refused to the obser­uation of the premices, and reformation of his courses.

Here, after many debatements the King (taking his Oath) to referre the businesse to the order of certaine graue men of the Kingdome, Articles are drawne, sealed, and pub­likely set vp to the view of all, with the seales of the Legat, and diuers great men. But before it came to effect, Simon Monford working his peace with the Earle of Cornwall, and the Earle of Lincolne likewise (with whom he and the State were displeased) the Earle growes cold in the businesse. The Lords perceiuing the staffe of their strength to faile them, failed themselues, so that nothing is effected, and the miseries of the King­dome continue as they did.

Shortly after, the King takes displeasure against Gilbert Earle of Pembrooke (the third sonne of William the great Mareschall) and caused his gates to bee shut against 1239. Anno. Reg. 23. him at Winchester, whereupon the Earle retyres into the North. And to shew how inconstant this King was in his fauours, Simon Norman (intituled Maister of the Kings Seale, and not onely so, but said to be Maister of the Kingdome; yea of the King, the Rector, and Disposer of Court) is throwne out with disgrace, the Seale taken from him, and giuen to the Abbot of Euesham. In like sort, his brother Geffrey a Knight Templar is put out of the Councell, both of them much maligned by the No­bilitie; who had often before laboured their amouement, as held to be corrupt Councellors, and wrongers of the State, and now are they falne off themselues. But the cause of this their deiection may shew, that oftentimes Officers vnder weake Princes are not so much faulty, as the World holds them to be: for not yeeld­ing to passe a Grant from the King made vnto Thomas Earle of Flaunders (the Queenes Thomas of Sa­uoy marrieth the inheretrix of the Earle­dome of Flan­ders, which he held but du­ring her life. Vncle) of 4 pence vpon euery sacke of Wooll (an enormious act then accompted) they both lost their places, though not their reputations in this; their fall discouering what the Enuie that attended their fortune, hindred men to see. To this Earle of Flanders the next yeare after the King grants (notwithstanding) 300 Markes (to bee payd out of his Eschequer annually, for his homage.

Now, besides the great exactions of the King, and his wastes. The Sea of Rome extorts huge summes, as if one Gulph sufficed not to swallow vp the substance of the Kingdome, which opened the mouthes of our Clergie so wide; as they let out many exclamations against the auarice of the Popes of that time: and the Roman Factors, who by permission of the King, or by his negligence, presumed so farre vpon the easi-yeeldingnesse of the State, as they wrung out what they listed. In so much, as besides the fleece, they would now haue the bodies of their possessions. And the Pope sends his Mandat to haue three hundred Romans preferred to the bene­fices which should bee first vacant in England, which so amazed the Clergie, and espe­cially Edmond Archbishop of Canterburie, as hee; seeing no end of these concussions of the State, and Liberties of the Church: and himselfe (on whom the Scandall of all must light, vnable by reason of the Kings remissnesse to withstand it, tyred with the va­nity of worldly actions) giues ouer all; and betakes himselfe to a voluntarie exile in the Edmond Arch­bishop of Can­terbury giues ouer his Sea. Abbay of Pontiniac in France; and there applies him to the contemplation of a better life. But before his departure, he yeelds, as a ransom for his Church, 800 Markes to the Pope.

The Clergie, although thus left by their head, generally oppose what they could, [Page 135] against the Popes rapine, who to get money for his wars with the Emperor vsed dayly Pope Gregory the 9. new and insolent pressures vpon them, in so much as they repaire to the King, declare how preiudiciall, and detogatory it was to his royaltie, and the liberty of the Kingdom to suffer this proceeding, which none of his Predecessors heretofore euct did: and of how dangerous consequence it was to his successors. The King, either not apprehen­siue of the mischiefe, or content to ioyne with the Pope to punish and awe the King­dome, not onely refers them to the Legat, but offers to deliuer the chiefe opposers vp vnto him. Whereupon they seeing themselues forsaken, and no powre to succor them but their owne, did what they could to withstand the Legats proceeding, who now by the Kings animation presumes more peremptorily to vrge them to supply the Popes present occasion, and holds a Conuocation at London for effecting the same. Wherein the Clergie declare how this contribution now required by the Pope for the destructi­on of the Emperor, and effusion of Christian bloud was vnlawfull, hee being not an Heretike, nor condemned by the iudgement of the Church although excommunicated: That it was against the Liberties of the Church of England, being required vnder paine of Ecclesiasticall censure, as a thing of seruitude and compulsion: That they had heretofore giuen a Tenth to the Pope, on condition, that neuer any such exaction should againe be made, least it might be drawne to a Custome, for as much as binus Cod. de Episco­pal. L. Nemo. actus inducat consuetudinem: That for their businesse in the Court of Rome, they were to passe through the Emperours Countries, and the daunger they might haue there­by: That it was not safe for the Kingdome to impouerish the King, who had many enemies, against whom hee must haue to sustaine warre: And besides how for the furnishing of diuers Noble men, vndertaking of late the businesse of the Crosse, great contributions had beene made: That the Church of England was poore, and hard­ly able to sustaine it selfe. That a generall contribution was to bee made by a generall Councell, &c.

Notwithstanding these reasons, though at first they staggered the Legat, yet such course was taken by winning some of them, vpon hope of preferment, as the rest could not without the note of contumacie but yeeld perforce, so, by this treason of deuision, the body of the Councell is entred into, and the Pope preuailes in this businesse.

The King hath now a sonne lately borne, and Richard his brother Earle of Cornwall Edward eldest sonne to King Hen. hauing likewise issue (by permission of the State which, heretofore hee could not ob­taine) vndertakes the Crosse, and with him his Vncle William Longsword Earle of Salibu­ry, and many other Noblemen. These departing out of England, Peter of Sauoy, another Richard Earle of Cornwall vndertakes the Crosse. Vncle to the Queene, comes in, and hath the Earledom of Richmond bestowed on him, with many other gifts, he is knighted and feasted suptuously, for which the poore Iewes by way of redemption, pay 20 thousand Markes at two tearmes of that yeare. Boniface, the sonne of Peter of Sauoy, Nephew to the Queen is preferred to the Archbishoprick of Canterbury. After this the King makes an expedition into Wales, which had often put him to great charge and trouble, hauing beene very vnfortunate, in his many attempts 1241. Anno. Reg. 25. against Lewellin, intituled Prince, or King of North-Wales; who being lately dead, had left his two sonnes Dauid, and Griffin by deuision of State to bee at discord betweene themselues, whereby hee came to make an easier end of that businesse, and now onely but with the shew of his powre, got that, which, heretofore hee could not with much bloud; hath submission, and fealty rendred vnto him by Dauid, withall his charges for that iourney, but now this ended, another attempt of greater expence, but lesse be­nefit is in hand.

The Earle of March with his wife, the Queene Mother, and many other Great Lords of Poictou, so worke by their earnest solieitation, with assurance of suc­cesse, as the King is induced to vndertake another expedition into France. The 11 Parliament matter is mooued in Parliament, generall opposition made against it, the great expence, and the ill it last brought to the Kingdome, vehemently vrged, How it was vnlawfull to breake the truce made with the King of France, who was now too strong for them to doe any good, &c.

Notwithstanding many of the greatest Peeres drawne by faire promises, and their [Page 136] owne hopes for recouerie of their Estates so preuaile as the action is resolued on, and an Ayde demaunded for the same. The very motion for money was so distaste­full, as presently all the Kings supplies made from the beginning of his raigne, are par­ticulerly againe, & opprobriously rehersed, as the 13. 15. 16 and 40 part of all mens mo­ueables, besides Carucage, Hydage, Escuage, Escheates, Amercements, and such like, A repetitiō of the Kings sup­plies formerly made. which could not but fill his Coffers. Then the Popes continuall exactions, with the infinite charge for those who vndertooke the Holy warre, are likewise repeated. Besides they declare, how the 30 leuied about foure yeares past (in regard it was to bee layde vp in certaine Castles and not to bee issued but by the allowance of foure of the Peeres) was, as they held it yet vnspent: the King, to their knowledge, ha­uing had no necessarie occasion to imploy the same for the vse of the Common­wealth, for which it was graunted, and therefore resolutely they denyed to yeeld him any more. Whereupon the King comes himselfe to the Parliament and, in most submissiue manner craues their ayde at this time, vrging the Popes letter, which hee had procured to sollicite and perswade them thereunto. But all preuailed not, their vow made to each other not to disseuer their voyces, or to be drawne to a dis­vnion held them fast together. In so much as the King is driuen to get what hee could of particular men, either by guift or loane, and vses such meanes, as notwith­standing, The King car­ries ouer 30 Barrells of siluer into France. he carries ouer with him thirty Barrells of sterling coyne, and taking with him his Queene, leaues the gouernment of the Kingdome to the Archbishop of Yorke, hauing first, for his better quiet at home, contracted a match betweene his daughter Margueret (yet an infant) and Alexander eldest sonne to Alexander 3 King of Scots to whom he commits the gouernment of the Marches.

This second expedition into France, had no better successe then the first. For there­in The Kings se­cond expedi­tion into France. he likewise consumed his treasure vpon strangers, discontented the English No­bility, was deceiued in his trust by the Poictouines, who failed him with his money, and after more then a whole yeares stay (the Lords of England leauing him) was driuen to make a dishonorable truce with the King of France. And after hauing beene releeued with much prouision out of England, and another imposition of Escuage, hee returnes, puts the Iewes to another redemption; exacts of the Londoners; is visited by his An imposition of Escuage with another redemption of the Iewes. wiues mother, the Countesse of Prouince, who, bringing with her Zanchia her daugh­ter, is (to adde to his other expencesses) sumptuously feasted, & a marriage solemnized betweene the young Lady and Richard Earle of Cornewall, whose wife was late dead, and he returned from the Holy warres.

The olde Countesse at her returne is presented with many rich guifts, hauing be­sides, The Coun­tesse of Pro­uince mother to the Queen comes ouer into England to the great charge of the Kingdome. receiued an annuall pension of 4000 Markes out of England for fiue yeares pas­sed, in consideration of a pact made, that King Henry should, after her discease haue the Earledome of Prouince. But shortly after her returne home, she disappoints him of that hope; and bestowes the same with her youngest daughter Beautrix, on Charles the French Kings brother, who was after King of Naples, and Sicile. So that she liued to see all her foure daughters Queenes; Richard Earle of Cornwall comming af­terward to be elected King of the Romans.

Meanes now, vpon these profusions, to haue fresh supplie of Treasure, was 1244. Anno. Reg. 28. onely by way of Parliament which is againe in Anno Reg. 28. assembled at Westmin­ster, and therein the Kings wants, and the present occasions vrged for the necessarie de­fence of the Kingdome, hauing now to doe with Wales and Scotland, whose Princes lately reuolting, ioyne together to annoy the same; but nothing could bee effected 12 Parliament without the assurance of reformation, and the due execution of the Lawes, not­withstanding the King comes againe himselfe in person, as before, and pleades his owne necessities. Here they desire to haue ordayned that foure of the most graue and discreet Peeres should be chosen as Conseruators of the Kingdome, and sworne of the Kings Councell, both to see Iustice obserued, and the Treasure issued, and these should euer attend about the King or at least 3, or 2 of them. Besides that the Lord Chiefe Iusticiar, and the Lord Chancellor should bee chosen by the gene­rall voyces of the States assembled, or else bee one of the number of those foure. [Page 137] Besides they propound that there might bee two Iustices of the Benches, two Barons of the Eschequer: and one Iustice for the Iewes, and those likewise to bee chosen by Parliament. That as their function was publike, so should also be their Election.

But whilst these things were in debating, the enemy of mankind and disturber of Peace, the Deuill, saith Mat. Paris, hindred the proceeding, by the comming of Martin a new Legat sent from the Pope with a larger powre then euer any be­fore, to exact vpon the State; which hee supposed now to haue beene so wrought, and ready, as the Kings turne being seru'd, his likewise should bee presently sup­plied. But making too much haste before the first had passage, hee frustrates his owne desire, and receiues a most peremptory repulse of the whole Kingdome, in so much as his Agent was disgracefully returned home with this displeasing message. That the Kingdome was poore: had great warres, the Church in debt, not able to yeeld any more. Besides this course was of daungerous consequence to this State, which alone seemed exposed to the Popes will, and therefore seeing a generall Councell was shortly to bee held at Ly­ons, if the Church would bee relieued, it were fit the same should bee done by a generall consent in that Councell.

Besides, at this time the Emperour Frederic, by his Letters which were openly read Vide Append. The Empetor Fredericks let­ters to the King. in this Assembly, first intreates, as before he had oftentimes done, that the Pope might haue no supplies out of England, which (he sayd) were only required to ruine him, whom contrarie to all Pietie and Iustice hee had oppressed, by seizing vpon his Cities, and Castles appertayning to the Empire. And for many yeares (notwithstanding his often submission and desire of Peace) pro­ceeded in all foule and Hostile manner against him, both by the sword, and vniust excommu­nications. And seeing hee could obtaine no due hearing, hee had referred his cause to bee ar­bitrated by the Kings of France, and England, and the Baronage of both Kingdomes. And therefore desires, hee might not receiue detriment, whence hee expected fauour, as a brother and friend. Adding in the end, that if the King would be aduised by him hee would by powre free this Kingdome from that vniust tribute which Innocentius the 3, and other Popes had layde vpon it. These letters pleased the Assembly and animated them the ra­ther to deny the Popes Mandate.

The interposition of this businesse tooke vp so much time, as nothing else was done in this Parliament, onely they granted an Ayde to the King, for the marriage of his daughter, twenty shillings of euery Knights fee, and that with much adoe and repeti­tion of all former Aydes.

After this, vpon a light occasion, the King vndertakes an expedition of great charge against Alexander King of Scots, for which euery Baron which held in Capite, Spiri­tuall and Lay, were commanded to bee ready withall Military prouision due for that seruice. Whereunto, likewise repaires Thomas Earle of Flaunders with three score Knights and a hundred other seruants (thirsting for the Kings money) whose vnne­cessarie Another Greeuanees of the Ba­rons. comming was ill taken by the Barons of Eng. as if the strength of the King­dome without him, were not sufficient for that Action, which was as sodainely ended as vndertaken, by a faire conclusion of Peace with King Alexander; a Prince highly commended for his vertues, by the Writers of that time.

Vpon his returne, againe that Winter he assembles another Parliament, wherein hee moues for an Ayde, vpon a designe he had for Wales, and to supply his wants, and pay 13 Parliament his debts, which were vrged to be so great, as he could not appeare out of his chamber for the infinite clamor of such to whom he owed for his Wine, Wax, and other neces­saries of House. But they all to his face, with one voyce, refused to grant him any thing. Wherevpon other violent courses are taken. An ancient quarrell is found out against the city of London for which they are commanded to pay fifteene thousand Markes. And Passeleise the Kings Clerke is imployed with others in a most peremptory com­mission, to inquire of all such lands, as had beene inforrested, and either to fine the oc­cupiers An inquirie a­bout Lands inforested which bred great gree­uances. thereof, at their pleasure, or take it from them and sell the same to others. Wherein such rigor was vsed, as multitudes of people were vndone. So vnsafe are pri­uate mens estates, where Princes fall into so great wants. Passeleue for his good seruice in this businesse should haue beene prefeired to the Bishopricke of Chichester, but the Bi­shop [Page 138] withstood the king therein.

Now, in regard to shew the King the Estate of his kingdome, and the oppression of Popes; Inquiry was made of the reuenues which the Romans and Italians had in Eng­land, which was found to be annually, sixty thousand Markes, being more then the An inquiry of the Popes re­uenues in Eng yearely reuenues of the Crowne of England: which so moued the King, as hee caused the same to be notified, withall other exactions, by his procurators to the general coun­cell now assembled at Lyons; Which (with the ill vsage of Martin) so vexed the Pope, as he is said to haue vttered these words: It is fit that wee make an end with the Emperor that 1245. Anno. Reg. 29. we may crush these Petty Kings, for the Dragon once appeased or distroyed, these lesser snakes wilbe soone troden downe. Which impious speech proceeding from such a mouth, whence the Oracles of peace, and charity ought to be vttered, was as ill taken, bred great scan­dall, and gaue warning to Princes of preuention; who, though they maligned the cor­ruptions of the Court of Rome, they were yet euer at one with the Church.

And the Clergy of England were most forward to vindicate the State from that miserable oppression which of late by degrees they were drawne vnto, through the humility of their zeale: For, such is the nature of Domination, wheresoeuer it sits, that finding an yeeldingnes to indure, it neuer thinkes it hath power sufficient, vnles it hath more then enough: for, if the Popes (the professed souraignes of piety) vpon the ad­uantage of mens zeale, and beliefe, grew to make their will, and their power equall (so that to question their sanctions was taught to be sinne against the Holy Ghost) no meruaile if secular Princes, whose consciences are vntyed, striue to breake out into the wildnesse of their wills from those bounds wherein by the law of the state they are placed.

But vpon the Popes reiecting the consideration of these greeuances of England (which were particularly deliuered in this councell at Lyons) and dispising the Kings Vide Append. message (who, he said began to Frederize) it was absolutly here ordayned, vnder great penalty, that no contribution of money should be giuen to the Pope by any subiect of 1246. Anno. Reg. 30. England: and the King, for a time, bustles against these forraine exactions, in such sort as it gaue some hope of redresse. But being of an irresolute, and wauering nature, and a feard of threats, soone womanlike giues ouer what hee manfully vndertooke: so that the Pope continues his former rapine, though hauing by the continuall exclamations of the Clergy, bene brought to promise neuer to send any more Legats into England, yet imployes he other ministers, vnder the the title of Clarkes, who had the same power, as had his former Agents, and effected vnderhand his desires.

Now the other part of the state haue new occasions of complaynt offered. Peter of Sauoy Earle of Richmond brings ouer certaine maydes to be married to young noble 1247. Anno. Reg. 31. men of England the Kings Wards, of which Edmond Earle of Lincoln hath one, and Richard de Burgh another. And the same yeare, 3. of the Kings brothers by the mo­ther Guy de Lusignan, William de Valence, and Athelmar Clarke are sent for ouer to be prouided of Estates in England. Thomas of Sauoy (sometimes Earle of Flanders by right of his wife) comes with his sister Beatrix Countes of Prouince the Queenes Mother: 1248. Anno. Reg. 32. and they are againe feasted, and guifted: for which the King is taxed in the next Par­liament conuoked at London in Candlemas Tearme: and besides sharply reprehended for his breach of promise (vpon his requiring of another ayde) hauing vowed and declared (vpon his last supply) by his Charter, neuer more to iniury the state in that kinde. Besides 14 Parliament they blame him for his violent taking vp of prouisions for dyet, Wax, Silkes, robes, &c. and es­pecially for wine, contrary to the will of the sellers, whereby Merchants both of this, and other That he tooke from his sub­iects, quicquid habuerlint in es­culentis, & po­culentis. Rusti­corum enim E­quos, Bigas, Vi­na Victualia ad libitum capit. Rishanger. Kingdomes withdraw their commo [...]ities, in so much as all traffique and commerce vtterly cease, to the detriment and infamy of the Kingdome. That his Iudges were sent in circuit vn­der pretext of Iustice to fleece the people. That Robert de Passeleue had wrung from the borderers of Forests, for incroachments or assarts, great summes of money, and therefore they wonder hee should now demaund reliefe from the impouerished commons: and aduised (him since his needlesse expences (posquam Regni caepit esse dilapidator) amounted to bee aboue 800 thousand pounds) that he should pull from his fauourites inriched with this treasure of the King­dome, and reuoke the old Lands of the Crowne.

[Page 139] Then they reproue him for keeping vacant in his hands Bishoprickes, and Abbayes, con­trarie to the liberties of the Church, and his Oath made at his Coronation. Lastly they all ge­nerally complaine for that the Chiefe Iusticiar, Chancellor, and Treasorer, were not made by the Common Councell of the Kingdome, according as they were in the time of his Magnificent Pre­decessors, and as it was fit and expedient; but such aduanced, as followed his will, in what­soeuer tended to his gaine, and sought not promotion for the good of the Kingdome but their owne.

The King patiently indures this reprehension, in hope to obtaine his desire and giues them promises of redresse, but nothing is effected; after many meetings and much debate the Parliament is proroged till Midsommet following, during which time, they would with Patience expect how the King would beare himselfe towards them; that accordingly they might obay, and satisfie his desire.

But this delay wrought no good, the King through ill Councell growes more ob­durate, and harsh to his people, in so much as at the next Session he makes this speech: Would you curbe the King your Lord, at your vnciuile pleasure, and impose a seruile condition The Kings speech in Par­liament. vpon him? will you deny vnto him what euery one of you, as you list, may doe? It is lawfull for euery one of you to vse what counsell hee will, and euery maister of a famely to preferre to any office in his house whom he pleases, and displace againe when he list, and will you rashly deny your Lord, and King to doe the like? Whereas seruants ought not to iudge their Maister, nor Sub­iects their Prince, or hold them to their conditions. For the seruant is not aboue his Lord, nor the Disciple aboue his Maister. Neither should hee bee your King, but as your seruant who should so incline to your pleasures: wherefore hee will neither remooue his Chiefe Iusti­ciar, Chancellor, nor Treasorer, according to their motion. In like manner findes hee answeres to the rest of their Articles, and for the ayde he required, it concern'd (hee said) their Right as well as his. And so the Parliament brake vp in discontent.

The King is aduised to furnish his wants with the sale of his Plate, and Iewells of the Calus, An. 48. & 49. Hen. 3. Beginneth first with sale of Land, then of Iewels, pawneth Gas­coyne, and af­ter his crowne when hauing neither credit nor pawnes of his owne, he layeth the or­naments and lewels of Saint Edwards Shrine, giues ouer house­keeping. Crowne, being told that as all riuers haue reflux to the sea, so all these things though sold, and disperced would reuert againe vnto him, and therfore it should not moue him, and hauing with great losse receiued money for this ware, hee inquires who had bought it, answere was made, the Citie of London, that City, said he, is an vnexhaustible Gulph. if Octauius treasure were to be sold they would surely buy it, and therewithall inueighes against the City which had so oftne serued his turne, and deuises all meanes to vexe the same, causing shortly after a new faire to be kept at Westminister, forbidding vnder great penaltie all exercise of Merchandize within London for 15 dayes, and all other Faires in England, and namely that of Ely. This noueltie came to nothing, the inconue­nience of the place, as it was then, and the foulenesse of the weather brought more af­fliction then benefit to the Traders.

That Christmas also (without respect of Royall Magnificence) hee requires new yeares guifts of the Londoners, and shortly after writes vnto them his letters imperi­ously deprecatorie, to ayde him with money, which, with much grudging they doe, to the summe of 20000 pounds, for which, the next yeare after he craues pardon of the City, sending for them to Westminster Hall. And not with standing his continuall ta­king vp of all prouisions for his house, he so much lessens his hospitallity (introducing, 1249 Anno. Reg. 33. say they, the Roman Custome of diet) as was held very dishonourable, and vnvsuall to the English Magnificence of Court.

Then, whereas he could obtaine nothing of the States together, he calls vnto him, or writes to euery Noble man a part, declaring his pouertie and how hee was bound The King re­quires New­yeares guifts. by Charter in a debt of 30 thousand pounds to those of Burdeaux, and the Gascogines (who otherwise would not suffer him to depart home) at his last being in France. notwithstanding he required nothing but of fauour, which where he found, hee would returne with the like. And fayling likewise herein, hee addresses his letters to the Prelates, where he findes as little reliefe. By much importunitie, and his owne presence he got of the Abbot of Ramsey 100 pounds: but the Abbot of Borough had a face to refuse him the like sum. Though the King, told him it was more almes to giue vnto him, then to a beggar that went from doore to doore: the Abbot of Saint Albones [Page 140] yet was more kinde, and gaue him 60 Markes. To this lownesse, did the necessity of this indigent King (through his profusion) decline him. The Iewes euer exposed to his will, feele the weight of these his wants, and their Estates are continually ransackt. One Abraham, found a delinquent, redeemes himselfe for 700 Markes. Aron another Iew, protests, the King had since his last being in France, taken from him by times, 30 thousand Markes of Siluar, besides hee had giuen 200 Markes in Gold to the Queene.

The Lords assemble againe at London, and presse him with his promise made vnto 1250. Anno. Reg. 34. them, that the Chiefe Iusticiar, Chancellor, and Treasorer might bee constituted by the generall Councell of the Kingdome; but by reason of the absence of Richard Earle of Cornewall, which was thought to bee of purpose, they returne frustrate of their desire. So that discontentment still gos on, and neither side get any thing but by hard wrestings, which became them both ill, and shew vs the miseries of a disioynted time.

The King labors the Couent of Duresme to prefer his brother Athelmar to the Bi­shoprick the Couent refuses him, in regard of his youth and insufficiency: the King an­sweres, that then he would keepe the Bishopricke 8. or 9. yeares more in his hand, till his bro­ther were of more maturity. Shortly after the Bishopricke of Winchester falles voyd; and thither hee sends presently his solicitors to prepare the Monkes of the Cathedrall The Kings speach to the Chapter at Winchester. Church, to elect his brother, and for that he would not haue also their repulse; he so­dainly goes thither himselfe in Person, enters the Chapter house as a Bishop or Prior, gets vp into the Presidents Chayre, begins a Sermon, and takes this text: Iustice and Peace haue kissed each other, and therevpon vses these words: To mee, and other Kings, and to our Princes and Iusticiars, who are to gouerne the people, belong the rigor of Iudgement, and Iustice: to you, who are men of quiet, and religion; peace and tranquillity: and this day I heare, you haue (for your owne good) beene fauorable to my request. Iustice and Peace haue kissed each other. Once I was offended with you for withstanding me in the election of William Rale your late Bishop, a man I liked not, but now I am friends with you for this, and will both remem­ber and reward your kindnesse, As by a woman came distruction to the world, so by a woman came the remedy. I to satisfie my wife, desirous to prefer her vnkle William Valentine, disqui­eted, and damnified you, so now, willing to aduance my brother, by the Mother will reconcile my selfe vnto you, &c. And you are to consider how in this citty I was borne, and in this Church Baptised. Wherefore you are bound vnto me in a straighter bond of affection, &c. Then com­mends he the high birth and good parts of his Brother, and what honor and benefit they should haue by electing him, but concludes with some threatning. So that the Monkes, seeing him thus to require the Bishopricke, held it in vaine to deny him: and Athelmar is elected though with this reseruation; if the Pope allowed thereof. Shortly after followes the memorable cause of The cause of Sir H. Bath. Sir Henry de Bath a Iusticiar of the Kingdome, and an especiall Councellor to the King, who by corruption had attayned to a mighty Estate, and is said in one circuit to haue gotten 200. pound land per annum. he is accused by Sir Phillip Darcy of falsehood in the 1251. Anno. Reg. 35. Kings Court, and the King so incenced against him, as in the Parliament about this time holden in London Proclamation is made that whosoeuer had any action or complaint against Henry de Bath, should come and be heard: one of his fellow Iustici­ciats accused him of acquitting a malefactor for a bribe. The King seeing the friends of the accused strong, breakes out into rage protesting that whosoeuer would kill Hugh de Bath should be acquitted for the deed: but afterward he comes pacified by the Earle of Cormwale, and the Bishop of London, who vrged the daunger of the time, the dis­contentment 15 Parliament of the Kingdome; aud how the proceeding in such a manner with one of his coun­cell, whom hee had vsed in so great businesse, would discourage others to serue such a maister, who vpon malicious accusations should so for sake them, whose places were euer exposed to enuy and detraction. And thereupon Sir Henry is released paying, 2000 Markes and after restored to his former place and fauour. The mariage of Margueret with Alexander K. of Scots so­lemnizedat at Yorke.

The King keeping his Christmas at Yorke, the marriage is solemnised betweene Alexander King of Scots and Margaret his Daughter, the ryot of which feast with the vaine expences of apparell (the note of a diseased time) is discribed by our author, who amongst other things, reports how the Archbishop gaue 60. fat Oxen which were spent [Page 141] at one meale; besides that feast cost him 4000. Markes, which shewes, the pouerty of the Church, was not so great as it was pretended to be, seeing when they would shew their glory, they could finde what they denyed at other times.

The Pope Sollicites the King to vndertake the Crosse, and so doth Alphonsus King of Castile; Offering to accompany him in Person to reskue the King of France. Who The King of France priso­ner with the Soldian. hauing euen emptied his country both of Treasure and nobility, was now taken pri­soner by the Soldan, and held in miserable captiuity. A ransome collected for him in France, with great vexation, is by tempest cast away on the Sea, other meanes are made for treasure, which could not easely be had: the captiue king offers to restore Norman­dy to the King of England so he would come to his rescue. Which, the nobility of France takes ill and disdaine the weakenesse of their King: vpon the Popes sollicitation The King of England vn­der takes the Crosse. & the grant of a Tenth of the Clergy and Laytie for 3. yeares to come, the king of Eng­land vndertakes the Grosse, rather, it seemes to get the money then with any purpose to persorme the iourny. Which, had it beene collected, would, saith Paris, haue amoun­ted to 600. thousand pound, to the vtter impourishing of the Kingdome, which was that, they both sought, but by seuerall waies, for many now began to discouer, that the Pope, by this imbarking the Princes of Christendome in this remote, and consu­ming warre, to wast them, their nobility and Kingdome, was onely but to extend his owne power, and domination.

The king by Proclamation calls the Londoners to Westminster, and there causes 1252. Anno. Reg. 36. the Bishops of Worcester, and Chichester, to declare his intention; and exhort the people to vndertake the crosse and attend him: but few are moued by their perswation, onely 3. knights (and they of no great note) are nominated: whom the king presently, in open view, imbraces, kisses, and calls bretheren, checking the Londoners, as ignoble mercenaries for that few of them were forward in this action, notwithstanding hee there takes his Oath for performing of the same and to set forth presently vpon Mid­sommer day next. In taking this oath, hee layes his right hand on his brest (accor­ding to the manner of a Priest) and after on the booke, and kist it, as a lay man.

A parliament about this tenth (graunted by the Pope but not the people) is called at London, the Bishops are first delt withall (as being a worke of piety) to induce the rest, they absolutely refuse the same, then the Lords are set vpon, they answere: The Bishops and Lords de­ny the K. the Tenth gran­ted by the Pope. what the Bishops (who were first to giue their voyce consented vnto) they would allow the same. this shufling put the King into so great rage as hee draue out all that were in his cham­ber, as he had beene mad. Then falls he to his former course, to preswade them a parte, sends first for the Bishop of Ely, deales with him in all milde and kind manner, recoun­ting the many fauours he had receiued at his hands: how forward hee had found him heretofore to supply his occasions: and intreats him now to giue good example to others, &c. The Bishop replies: he was glad, at any time to haue done him acceptable seruice, but in this, for himselfe, to goe from that forme, the vniuersality of the state had determined, he held it a dishonest act; and therefore be sought his highnesse he would not vrge him therevnto, disswading him from that iourny by the example of the King of France, on whom, he might see the punishment of God to be The speech of Isabel Coun­tes of Arundel to the king. falen, for his rapine made on his peoples substance, wrerewith hee had now inriched his enemies, who were growne fat with the infinite treasure of the Christians transported into those parts.

The King, seeing the resolution of this graue Bishop, in great passion commanded his seruants to thrust him out of doore, perceiuing by this what was to be expected of the rest; and so falls to his former violent courses. During this Parliament (an ill time for sutors) Isabel Countesse of Arundel (widdow) comes vnto him a bout a Ward de­tayned from her, in regard of a smale parcell of land held in Capite (which drew away all the rest) the King giuing her a harsh answere and turning away she said vnto him. My Lord, why turne you away your face from Iustice, that we can obtaine no right in your Court you are constituted in the middest betwixt God and vs: but neither gourne your selfe nor vs discrectely as you ought, you shamefuliy vex both the Church, and Nobles of the Kingdome by all meanes you may. To which speech the King disdainefully replies: Lady Countesse hath the Lords made you a Charter and sent you (for that you are an Eloquent speaker) to be their aduocate and prolocutrix? No Sir, saith she, they haue not made any Charter to mee. But [Page 142] the Charter which your father and you made, and sworne so often to obserue, and so often ex­torted from your subiects their money for the same, you vaworthily transgresse, as a manifest breaker of your faith. Where are the Liberties of England, so often written, so often graun­ted, so often bought? I (though a woman) and with mee, all your naturall, and faithfull people, appeale against you to the tribunall of that High Iudge aboue, and Heauen, and Earth shalbe our witnesse, that you haue most vniustly delt with vs, and the Lord God of reuenge, auenge vs. Here with the King disturbed, asked her if shee expected no grace from him being his kinswoman: How shall I hope for grace, said the, when you deny mee right? and I appeale be­fore the face of Christ against those Councellors of yours, who, onely greedy of their owne gaine, haue bewitched, and infatuated you.

As boldly, though in fewer words, is he reproued by the Maister of the Hospitall of The King re­proued by the Maister of the Hospitall of Ierusalem. Ierusalem in Clerken-well, who comming to complaine of an iniurie committed a­gainst their Charter, the King told him; The Prelats, and especially the Templars and Hos­pitalars, had so many liberties and Charters that their riches made them proud, and their pride mad, and that those things which were vnaduisedly granted, were with discreation to be reuoked; and alledges how the Pope had often recalled his owne grants, with the clause non ob­stante, and why should not he cassat those Charters inconsiderately granted by him, and his Pre­decessors. What say you Sir, (Said the Prior, God forbid so ill a word should proceed out of your mouth. So long as you obserue Iustice you may bee a King, and as soone as you violate the same you shall leaue to be a King.

The Fryers Minors, to whom he had sent a load of Frees to cloath them, returned the same with this message: That hee ought not to giue Almes of what hee had rent from the poore, neither would they accept of that abhominable guift. With these and many such like bold incounters (ill becomming the obedience of Subiects) is this King af­fronted: to shew vs the ill complexion of the time, and how miserable a thing it is for a Prince to loose his reputation, and the loue of his people, whereby they both haue their vexations.

And dayly more and more hardned hee is against the English: whereby Strangers Strangers cō ­mit ryots. are made so insolent, as they commit many ryots and oppressions in the Kingdome. William de Valence (whose youth and presumption went which way his will led him) goes from his Castle of Hartford to a Parke of the Bishop of Ely, lying neere his man­ner of Hatfield, where after hauing spoyled much game hee enters into the Bishops house and finding no drinke but Ale, causes the Cellar doore being strongly barred, to be broken open by his people, who after they had drunke their fill, let out the rest on the floore. But a greater violence then this was offred to an Officiall of the Arch­bisnop of Canterbury by the commandement of the Elect of Winchester (the one bro­ther to the Queene, the other to the King) which troubled them both, and gaue them much to doe before it was appeased. Guy de Lusignan, the other brother of the King comming as a guest to the Abbot of Saint Albones violates the Rights of Hospitality, and many other iniuties, are reported by our Authour to haue beene committed by strangers, and much complaint is made of that time, wherein, this was sayed to bee the vsuall exclamation. Our inheritance is giuen to Aliens, and our houses to Strangers, which notwithstanding the King seekes still to preferre.

A daughter of Guy de Lusignan Earle of Angolesme is married to Richard (or Gilbere de Clare Earle of Glocester a man eminent, and deerely loued of the Nobility: Learned in the Lawes of the Land; and held a great Patriot: which manacle of alliance lockt not yet his hands from defending the liberties of his Country, the King promises her a dower of fiue thousand Markes, which hee sought to borow of diuers, but could not.

The City of London is againe compelled to the contribution of 1000 Markes: and the Gascoyns being vpon revolt (vnlesse speedy remedy were taken) generall musters are made, and commandement giuen that whosoeuer could dispend 13 pound per an­num, should furnish out a horse-man. This with the extreame wants of the King occasions another Parliament, wherein the State began, it seemes wisely to consider that all their opposition did no good, the Kings turne must bee serued one way or [Page 143] other, some must pay for it; and where it lighted on particulars it was far more heauy, then it could be in generall: and therefore they agreed to relieue him rather by the v­suall way, then force him to those extrauagant courses which he tooke. But so, as the reformation of the gouernment and ratification of their lawes might be once againe so­lemly confirmed.

And after fifteene daies consultation to satisfie the Kings desire, for his holy expe­dition A Tenth, and Scutage gran­ted by Parl. (a Tenth is granted by the Clergy) which yet by view of the Lords should, vpon his setting forth, be destributed for 3. yeares; and Scntage, (3. Markes of euery knights Fee) by the Laytie for that yeare. And now againe those often confirmed Charters are ratified, and that in the most solemne and ceremonicall manner, as Religion and State, could euer deuise to doe.

The King with all the great Nobility of England, all the Bishops and chiefe Prelates 1253. Anno. Reg. 37. in their reuerent Ornaments, with burning candles in their hands assemble to heare the terrible sentence of Excommunications against the infringers of the same. And, at the lighting of those Candles, the King hauing receiued one in his hand, giues it to a Prelate that stood by, saying, it becomes not me being no Priest to hold this candle, my heart shalbe a greater testimony. and withall, layd his hand spread on his brest the whole time the sentence was read, which was thus pronounced: Autoritate dei omnipotratis, &c. which done he caused the Charter of K. Iohn his Father granted by his free consent to be Vide Append. likewise openly red. In the end, hauing throwne away their candles (which lay smoa­king on the ground) they cryed out: So let them who incurre this Sentence be extinct, and stincke in hell. And the King with a loud voyce said: As God me helpe, I will, as I am a Man, a Christian, a Knight, a King crowned, and anoynted, inuiolably obserue all these things. And therewithall the Bells rung out, and all the people shouted with ioy.

Neuer were lawes amongst men (except those holy commandements from the mount) established with more maiesty of Ceremony to make them reuerend, and res­pected then were these: they wanted but thunder and lightning from heauen (which if prayers could haue procured, they would likewise haue had) to make the sentence gastly, and hydeous to the infringers thereof. The greatest security that could begiuen was an oath (the onely chaine on earth, besides loue, to tye the conscience of man, and humaine society together) which, should it not hold vs, all the frame of gouernment and order must needs fall quite a sunder.

Now the busines of Gascoigne (that required present care) is in hand, which the The K. resumes Gasoigny from his brother Richard, giues it to his sonne Prince Edward better to know, we must returne to the head whence it sprung. 27. yeares past, the King, by the councell of his Lords, freely granted to his brother Richard all that Prouince, who is there receiued as their Lord with their oathes of Fealty made vnto him; and so continues, vntill the King (hauing issue of his owne, by motion of the Queene) reuokes his guift, & confers it vpon his eldest sonne Edward. Richard, though he were depriued of the possession would not yeeld to forgoe his right, and at the Kings last being in Gascoigny, many of them stand doubtfull whom to attend; the King in great displea­sure commanded his brother to resigne his Charter, and renounce his right; which, hee refusing to doe, the King commands those of Burdeax to take, and imprison him: but they (in regard of his high bloud, the homage they had made him, and the kings mutabi­lity, who might resent his owne commandement) would not aduenture there on. Then he assayles them with mony which effected more then his commandement: the Earle is indaunger to be surprised, escapes out of Bnrdeaux, and comes ouer into England.

The King assembles the nobility of Gasconie at Burdeaux; invaighs against his brother: a man, hee saide was couetous, and a great oppressor, a large promiser, but a spare payer; and that hee would prouide them of a better gouernour: with all, promises them thirty thousand Markes (as a price of their obedience) and so nullifies the Charter of his former donation, with their homage, and takes their oath of Fealty to himselfe. Which yet they would not make vnto him, till hee had inwrapt himselfe Simon Monford Earle of Lei­cester sent in­to Gascony. both by his Charter and Oath for this promised summe: wherevnto they so held him, as thereby, afterward they lost his loue. And to be reuenged on them, he sends Simon Monford Earle of Leceister, a rough and Martiall man to Maister their pride: makes him [Page 144] a Charter for 6. yeares to come, and furnishes him with 10000. markes the better to effect his command. Monfort by his sterne gouernment so discontents the Gascoins, as after three yeares suffring, they send the Archbishop of Burdeaux with other great men, to complaine of his hard dealing, and accuse him of haynous crimes: their gree­uences are heard before the King and his councell. Monfort is sent for ouer, to an­swere for himselfe, the Earle of Cornwall for his receiued wrong in those parts, and, the Lords of England for their loue to him, take Monforts part; and that so egarly, as the King comes about to fauour and countenance the Gascons against Monfort; not for his loue to them, but to awe, and abate the other. Wherevpon Montfort enters into vndutifull contestation with the King, vpraydes him with his expencefull seruice: wherein, he saies, he had vtterly consumed his Estate: and how the King had broken his word with him: and requires him either to make it good, according to his Charter, or render him his expences. The King in great rage told him, no promise was to be Monforts con­testation with the K. obserued with an vnworthy traytor: Wherewith Monfort ryses vp protesting that he lyed in that word, and were he not protected by his royall dignity, hee would make him repent it. The King commands his seruants to lay hold on him, which the Lords would not permit. Monfort therevpon, grew more audacious saying, who will beleiue you are a Christian? were you euer confessed? if you were, it was without repentance, and satissaction. The King told him he neuer repented him of any thing so much, as to haue permitted him to enter into this Kingdome, and to haue honored, and it stated him, as he had done.

The Gascoignes, after this, are priuatly sent for by the king, who giues them all comfort, and incourages them against Monfort, whom yet he would againe send ouer to his charge, but with clipt winges, whereby both himselfe and they might the better be re­uenged on him, and withall confirmes the state of Gascoigne to his sonne Edward whom he promised them shortly to send ouer, wherwith they are much pleased, and after they had done their homage to the Prince, depart. The effect of this confused, and ill-packt Monfort re­turned to his charge. businesse was such, as all indirect courses produce. Monfort returnes in flames to plague the Gascoignes, and they in like manner him, but he by his great alliance in France drawes together such a power, as beyond expectation, hee ouer matches the Gascoigne whose Estates he exposes to spoyle, and therewithall intertaines his great collected army. They againe send ouer their complaints, and vnlesse they were speedely relieued, they of force must put their country into some other hand that would protect them.

And in this state stood Gascoigne now at the time of this last Parliament, whither the King, vpon this late supply granted (omitting his Easterne enterprise) goes with The K. goes o­uer into Gasc. with 300. great ships. 300. Sayle of great ships and lands at Burdeux in August, Anno Reg. 38. hauing first de­posed Simon M. from the gouernment there, and makes voyde his Charter by Procla­mation. Monfort retyres from thence, and is offred intertaynment by the French, but refuses it. Before Winter the King had in some fort appeased the Gascoignes, and taken in such Castles, as had long held out against him, and the late gouernour. For they hauing put themselues vnder the protection of the King of Spaine; who being so Alliance with the King of Spaine. neere a neighbour, and the discontents and factions of the country strong, caused the King of England with more hast, and care to looke to his worke, and the rather for that the King of Spaine pretended title to Aquitaine; of whom, that King Henry might be the more secure, he sends to treate with him of a mariage betwixt Prince Edward, 1254. Anno. Reg. 38. and his Sister Elionor, wherevnto the King of Spaine willingly consents.

The King of England keeps his Christmas at Burdeux. The Queene sends him a New­yeares guift of 500. Markes, and the next Sommer, with the Prince, goes ouer vnto him. The marriage is solemnised at Burgos, where the king of Spain knights the Prince, Prince Ed. marries Elio­nor sister to the King of Spaine. and by his Charter quits his claime to Aquitaine, for him, and his successors for euer. The king of England inuestes the Prince, and his Wife therein, and besides giues vnto him Ireland, Wales, Bristow, Stanford, and Grantham. This businesse dispatched, the king prepares to returne, hauing consumed all whatsoeuer hee could get in this iourny, which, with the other two hee had before made, was reckned to haue cost him 27. [Page 145] hundred thousand pounds, and was said to be more then all the Lands he had there (should they be sold) were worth, which, when he was told, he willed it might not be reuealed in publike to his disgrace.

Now in regard of danger by sea hee obtaines leaue of the King of France (lately re­turned King Henry comes to Pa­ris with 1000 horse, is teast­ed by the K. of France. from Captiuity) to passe through his Country, and comes to Paris with a 1000 horse, besides Sumpters, and Carts, where he stayes 8 daies, is sumptuously feasted, and with as great magnificence feasts the King of France. This meeting, in regard of the two Queens, Sisters, and their other two Sisters the Countesse of Cornwall, and Prouince (who were likewise afterward, Queenes) was made the more triumphant, and splendi­dous. The King about Christmas ariues in England, and the first that payde for his comming home, were the Londoners, and the Iewes. The Londoners presenting him with He returnes into England fines the Lon­doners. 100 pounds were returned without thanks: then being perswaded that plate would be better welcome, they bestow 200 pounds in a faire vessell: that had some thankes, but yet serued not the turne. An offence is found, about the escaping of a prisoner for which they pay 3000 Marks. Now complaines hee of his debts, which hee saies to bee 300 thousand Marks, and how his owne meanes was deminished by the preferment of the Prince, who carried away 15 thousand Marks per annum, and mony must be had how­soeuer. First he begins to serue his present turne with loanes, and borowes great sums of the Earle of Cornwall, vpon pawne, & after the King had wrung what he could from the Iewes, he lets them out to farme to this rich Earle to make the best of them.

Then a Parliament is called in Easter Terme, which yeelds nothing but returnes of 1257. Anno. Reg. 41. greeuances, and complaints of breach of Charter, with requiting their former preten­ded rights in electing the Iusticiar, Chancellor and Treasurer. After much debate to no purpose, the Parliament is prorogued til Michelmas after, whē likewise the Kings moti­on for money is disappointed, by reason of the absence of many Peeres being not, as 16. Parliament adiourned. was alledged, sommoned according to the Tenor of Magna Charta. New occasions of charge, and dislike arise. Thomas Earle of Sauoy, the Queenes brother, hath warres with the City of Thuren, and must be supplied by the King, and Queene, and his brother Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury. The elect Bishop of Toledo brother to the King of Spaine with other great men, come ouer, lie at the Kings charge, and are presented with great gifts. Shortly after, Elionor the Princes wife ariues with a multitude of Spaniards, and she must be met, and receiued by the Londoners in sumptuous manner; and her Pope Alexan­der 4. people after many feastings returned home with presents. The Pope sends the Bi­shop of Bononia with a Ring of inuestiture, to Edmond the Kings second sonne for the Kingdome of Sicile (with the hope of which Kingdome his Predicessor Innocent the 4 Edmond the Kings second sonne is pro­mised the Kingdome of Sicile. had before deluded the King himselfe) and hee is returned with a great reward. Then comes Rustandus with powre to collect the Tenth of England, Scotland and Ireland, to the vse of the Pope and the King, and also to absolue him from his Oath for the Holy Warre: so that hee would come to distroy Manfred sonne to the Emperot Frederick, now in possession of the Kingdome of Sicile and Apulia. And this man likewise hath great guifts bestowed on him, besides a rich prebend in Yorke: but yet hee obtained not, what he came for, of the Clergie, who protested rather to loose their liues and li­uings, then to yeeld either to the will of the Pope or the King, who they said, were as the Shepheard, and the Wolfe combined to macerat the flocke.

The Pope sent likewise to borow of the Earle of Cornwall 500 Marks, in regard of his Nephewes preferment to the Kingdom of Sicile, but the Earle refused it, saying, he would not lend his mony to one on whom hee could not distraine. So this proiect came to nothing, though all meanes were vsed to draw it on. Newes was spred that Manfreds forces were vrterly defeated, and himselfe either slaine or taken prisoner: wherewith the King is so much ioyed as he presently vowes with all speed to make an expedition thi­ther, and giues his sonne Edmond no other title but King of Sicile. This vaine hope had already, by the cunning of the Popes inwrapt him in obligations, of a hundred and fifty thousand Markes. But shortly after this newes prooues false, and the con­trarie is notified. Manfred is victorious, and the Popes powre defeated by those of Apulia, who tooke such indignation that the Pope should giue awaie their Country [Page 146] (without their consent) to an vnknowne Stranger, as with all their maine powre they ioyne to establish Manfred, who is now found to bee the legitimate sonne of Frederick, and confirmed in his right, which a strong sword will make howsoeuer.

The King keepes his Christmas at Winchester, where the Merchants of Gascoigne The com­plaint of the Merchants of Gascoigne. hauing their wines taken from them, by the Kings Officers, without due satisfaction, complaine to the Prince, being now their Lord, and shew him, How they were better to trade with Sarazins and Infidels then thus to be vsed here, as they were. The Prince ad­dresses him to his father, and craues redresse herein. but the Officers hauing beene with An ill Office of Officers. the K. before to preuent the clamors of the Gascoignes, and telling him, how they falsely exclayme, relying wholly vpon the Princes fauor, who tooke vpon him their vniust cause (and that there ought to be but one in England, to whom the ordring of Iustice appertayned) put him into so great a rage with the Prince, as he breakes out into these words. See now my bloud, and mine owne bowells impugne mee, behold my sonne, as my brother hath done, is bent to afflict mee, the times of my grandfather Henry the second are againe renued, what will become of vs? but this passion being allayed by Councell, he dissembles the matter, and giues order that these iniuries should bee redressed. But yet the Prince for more caution, amplyfing his trayne rode with 200 horse. So easily are iealosies, by euill Mi­nisters infused into Kings, who are of themselues too apprehensiue in that kinde, being a thing that soone turnes the bloud.

And now to adde to the misery of these times, there are new mischiefes commit­ted by the insolence of the Seruants of the Prince, who being himselfe young, was attended by many youthfull and violent spirits, many strangers, and men without meanes, who, wheresoeuer he went, made spoyle, and tooke for their owne, what­soeuer Insolencies committed by the Princes seruants. they could fasten on, to the extreame vexation of the subiect. And they re­port how this Prince meeting a young man trauayling on the way caused one of his eares to bee cut off, and one of his eyes put out: which foule act, made many to suspect his disposition, and what hee would proue here after. And indeed, had hee not beene indued with an innated Noblenesse of Nature (which, with his long expe­rience in trauaile and great actions ouercame the Vices, the loosenesse of the time, and his owne breeding contracted) hee might haue prooued as bad, as any other. For vnlesse Princes of themselues, by instinction from aboue bee not indued with a na­turall goodnesse, they shall gaine little by their education, wherein they are rather shewed what they are, then what they should be: and are apter to learne to know their greatnesse, then themselues: being euer soothed in all whatsoeuer they doe.

These youthfull actions of this Prince, with his ryotous trayne (which are said to be more rauenous, then those which Louys brought out of France with him) put out the Welsh (of whom he had now the gouernment) into open act of rebellion, and to make spoyle of the English, as his did ofthem: whereupon he craues meanes of his father, the Queene, and his Vncle Richard to suppresse them. But all was vented already, the Kings treasure was gone ouer the Alpes, Earle Richard had lent more then hee could get in, and the Earle of Sauoy in his warres had spent that of the Queenes.

The King is still at his shifts to supply his euerlasting necessities. Now he comes himselfe into his Exschequer, and, with his owne voyce pronounced That euery Shriefe, which appeared not yearely in the Octaues of Saint Michel, with his money, as well of his Farmes as amercements and other dues: for the first day should be amerced fiue Markes for the second, ten, for the third fifteene, for the fourth, to bee redeemed at the Kings pleasure. In like sort, that all Cities and Freedoms which answere by their Bayliffes, vpon the same default should bee amerced, and the fourth day to loose their freedomes. Besides euery Shriefe, through out England is amerced in fiue Markes for that they did not distraine within their Counties vpon whomso­euer held 10 pound land per annum, and came not to be made knight, or freed by the King. Then falls he to the examination of measures for Wine and Ale, for Bushels and Weights, which likewise brought in some small thing, and euery yeare commonly hath one quar­rell or other to the Londoners, and gets some thing of them.

But now there fell out 2 businesse that intertayned some time, and gaue occasion to amuze the world with conceipts of some great aduantage and honor to the Kingd. by [Page 147] the Election of Richard Earle of Cornewall to bee King of Romans, which was (as our The Earle of Cornwall Elected King of the Ro­mans. Writers say) by the generall consent of all the Electors, and by them is he sent for to re­ceiue that Crowne: the matter is here debated in Councell. Some, who thought his pre­sence, necessary to sway businesses in the Kingdome, were vnwilling, and diswade him by example of the miserable distruction of two lately elected to that dignity, Henry the Lantgraue of Turing, and William Earle of Holland: but others, and especially the King (who was willing to be rid of him, as one he had often found too great for a subiect: and being a King abroad hee might make vse of him) perswades him to take it vpon him, which he is easily (though seeming otherwise) induced to doe.

But the Germaine Writers (who are best witnesses of their owne affaires) declare how after the murther of the Earle of Holland, the Electors were deuided about the choyce of a successor. Some stiffe to vphold their auncient Custome in Electing one of their owne Country, which was more naturall. Others, of a stranger, who might better support their declyning State; which was more politike. Long were the conflicts of their Councells: hereupon in the end, their voyces who stood for strangers were most, but they likewise disagreed among themselues, some would haue Richard, brother to the King of England, others Alphonsus King of Spain, both of them not only contending who should haue it, but who should giue most to buy it: in the end Richard being nerest at Richard Crow­ned at Aquis­graue. hand, & his mony the redier, is preferred by the Bishop of Metz, the Bishop of Cologne, and the Palsgraue, whose voyces he is said to haue bought, and afterward is crowned at Aquisgrane. Now to confirme himselfe, say they, in his State, he proceeds in all violent, and hostile manner (according as he was set on) against those who opposed his Electi­on, and hauing consumed himselfe both by his excessiue guifts, in purchasing the suf­frages he had, and by this prosecution, he came to bee dispossessed, forsaken, and for­ced to returne into England to his brother Henry, then in warre with his Nobles. Thus they deliuer it.

But before the Earle departed out of England, the Earle of Glocester, and Sir Iohn Mansel, were sent into Germany to sound their affections, and how they stood dispo­sed towards him. They returne well perswaded of the businesse, and shortly after the Archbishop of Cologne comes to conduct him ouer, on whom, the Earle bestowes 500 Markes towards his charges, and a rich Miter set with precious stones. This Prince the Earle of Cornwall is reported able to dispend 100 Markes a day for tenne yeares, besides his reuenues in England.

The French, and especially the King of Spaine are much displeased with this aduancement, complayning to the Pope and the King of England of the supplanta­tion of the Earle of Cornewal. Spaine pretending to haue beene first elected, but being, it seemes a Philosopher, and studious in the Mathematikes (which he first reuiude in Europe) he was drawing Lines, when he should haue drawne out his purse, and so came preuented of his hopes.

About the time of the departure of Earle Richard (in the iollity of the Kingdome 1257. Anno. Reg. 41. vpon this new promotion, & to set forward another) the King calls a Parliament, wher­in (bringing forth his sonne Edmond, clad in an Apulian habit) he vses these words: Be­hold my good Subiects, here my sonne Edmond whom God of his grace hath called to the digni­tie of regall excellencie, how fitting and worthy is he the fauour of you all, and how inhumane, and 15. Parliament tyranous were he who (in so important a necessity) would deny him Councell, and ayde? And then shewes them, how by the aduice and benignity of the Pope, & the Church of England, he had for attayning the Kingdom of Sicile bound himselfe, vnder Couenant of loosing his Kingdom of England, in the sum of 140 thousand Markes. Moreouer, how he had obtayned the Tenth of the Clergy, for 3 yeares to come, of all their benefices to be esti­mated according to the new rate, without deduction of expences vnlesse very necessa­rie: besides their first fruits likewise for 3 yeares. Which declaration, how pleasing it 52 thousand Markes, vpon conditions promised by the Clergie. was to the Clergie, may be iudged by their former grudgings. Notwithstanding, after they had made their pittifull excuses, in regard of their pouerty, they promised vpon the vsuall condition of Magna Charta &c. so often sworne, bought and redeemed, to giue him 52 thousand Markes, but this satisfied him not.

[Page 148]The next yeare after is another Parliament at London wherin, vpon the Kings pres­sing 1258. Anno. Reg. 42. them again, for means to pay his debts to the Pope, the Lords tell him plainly: they will not yeeld to pay him any thing. And if vnaduisedly he without their consents, and councell bought the Kingdome of Sicile, and had been deceiued, he should impute it to his owne imbecillity, & been instructed by the example of his prouidēt brother, who, when the same Kingdom was offred vnto him by Albert the Popes Agent, absolutely refused it in regard it lay so farre off; So ma­ny Nations betweene: the cauills of the Popes: the infidelitie of the people: and the powre of the pretender &c. Then repeate they their owne greeuances, the breach of his promises contemning both the keyes of the Church, and the Charter he had solemnly sworne to obserue: the insolence of his brethren, and other Strangers, against whom, by his order, no Writ was to passe out of the Chancerie, for any cause what soeuer: How their pride was intolle­able especially that of William de Valence, who, most reproachfully had giuen the lie to the Earle of Leicester, for which he could not be righted vpon his complaint: How they abounded all in riches, and himselfe was so poore, as hee could not represse the small forces of the Welsh that wasted his Country, but going the last yeare against them, and effecting nothing, returned with dishonour. The King hearing this (as he was apt vpon rebukes soundly vrged to be sen­sible, and his owne necessities constrayning him thereunto) humbles himselfe, and tells them: how he had often by ill councell beene seduced, and promises by his oath, which he takes on the tombe of Saint Edward, to reforme all these errors. But the Lords not knowing how to hold their euer-changing Proteus (saith Paris) in regard the businesse was difficult, get the Parliament to be adiourned till Saint Barnabas day, and then to assemble at Ox­ford. In the meane time the Earles Glocester, Leicester, Hereford, the Earle Mareschall Bigod, Spencer and other great men confederate, and prouide by strength to effect their desires. Whilst the King put to his shifts to obtaine money, gets the Abbot of West­minster, vpon promise of high preferment to put his Seale and that of his Couent to a deed obligatorie, as a surety sor three hundred Markes, that by his example hee might draw on others to doe the like. Sending his trustie Counsaylors, and Clerke Simon Passeleue abroade with his Letters, and this Deede vnto other Monasteries. But Passeleue, notwithstanding all the dilligence and skill hee could vse, by threates or otherwise: telling them, how all they had came from the benignitie of Kings, and how their Soueraigne was Lord of all they had, they flatly refuse to yeelde to any such Deede. Saying, they acknowledged the King to bee Lord of all they had, but so, as to defend, not to distroy the same. And thus he comes likewise disappoynted in this proiect.

The Prince, who likewise must participate in the wants of his father, was dri­uien Prince Ed­ward mor­gages Stam­ford, and other townes to William de Va­lence. to morgage the Towne of Stamford, Braham and many other things, to Willi­am de Valence, who out of his store, supplied him with money, which after turned to the good of neither, for it layde a recentement on the necessity of the one, which made him breake through his bands, and Enuie on the other whose superfluitie made him odious.

But now comes assembled the Parliament at Oxford, and in a hot season (the worst time for consultation) and here burst out that great impostume of discontent so long in gathering. The trayne which the Lords brought with them, was pretended to bee for some exploit against the Welsh, vpon the end of the Parliament: and their securing the ports, to preuent forrainers, but the taking order for keeping of the Gates of Lon­don, and their Oathes and Hands giuen to each other, shewed that they were prepared to make the day theirs. Here they beginne with the expostulation of the former Liberties, and require the obseruation thereof according vnto the Oathes, The Barons expostulate for their for­mer Liberties. and Orders formerly made. The Chiefe Iusticiar, Chancellor, and Treasorer to be ordayned by publike choice: The 24 Conseruators, of the Kingdome to bee confir­med, 12 by the Election of the Lords, and 12 by the King, with whatsoeuer else made for their owne imagined security. The King seeing their strength, and in what man­ner they required these things, sweares againe solemnly to the confirmation of them, and causes the Prince to take the same Oath.

But the Lords left not here, the Kings brethren, the Poictouines and other Strangers [Page 149] must be presently removed, and the Kingdome cleered of them, and this they would haue all the Peeres of the Land sworne to see done. Heere they found some oppo­sition in the Prince, the Earle Warrein and Henry eldest sonne to Richard now King of Romanes, the last refusing to take his Oath without leaue of his father; they plainely Cron. Lichfield, Henry eldest sonne to the King of Romans refuseth to take his Oath. told him that if his father would not consent with the Baronage in this case, hee should not bold a Furrow of Land in England. In the end, the Kings brethren and their followers are dispoyled of all their fortunes, and exiled by proscription vnder the Kings owne hand directed to the Earles of Hereford, and Surrey, with charge not to passe either their Money, Armes, or Ornaments but in such sort as the Lords appointed: and after their departure, Claus 49. hee enioyneth the Citie of Bristow, and other ports not to permit any strangers or Hen. 3. kinsmen of his to ariue, vnlesse they did so behaue themselues, as both hee and the Lords should like.

The Poictouines retyring to Bolongne in France, send to King Louys to craue safe pas­sage Mat. Par. through his Countrie into Poictou, which (in regard the Queene of France had been informed how they had defamed her Sister of England) was, by her meanes de­nyed at that time, and Henry sonne to the Earle of Leicester (whose estimation was great in France) followes them with all eagernesse thither, to incense the French a­gainst them. And as they whom Enuie tumbles downe from high places, shall be sure euer to haue all the thrusts possible to set them headlong into disgrace with the world, so now the death and sicknesse of diuerse great men and others, happening in England soone after this fatall Parlement, is imputed to poysons supposed to haue been prepa­red by those Gentlemen. The Earle of Glocester in a sicknesse sodainely lost his haire, his teeth, his nailes: And his brother hardly escaped death, which made many to sus­pect their nearest seruants and their Cookes. Walter Scotny the Earles Steward being one, is strictly examined, committed to prison, and after without confession executed (vpon presumptions) at Winchester. Elias a conuerted Iew, is said to haue confessed, that in his house the poyson was confected, but it was when he was a Diuell, not a Christi­an. Any thing in the prosecution of malice serues the turne. Euery man that had recei­ued any wrong by those great men, now put vp their complaints, and are heard to the agrauation of their insolence and iniustice. Guido de Rochfort a Poictouin; to whom the King had giuen the Castle of Rochester, is banished, and all his goods confiscat. Willi­am Bussey Steward to William de Valence is committed to the Towre of London, & most reprochfully vsed, as an especiall minister of his Maisters insolencies. Richard Gray whom the Lords had made Captain of the Castle of Douer, is set to intercept whatsoe­uer the Poictouines conuayed that way out of England, and much treasure of theirs, and the elect of Winchester is by him there taken: besides great sums committed to the new Temple are found out, and seised into the kings hands. And as vsually in such heates much wrong is committed in these prosecutions of wrongs. But now (as an amuza­tory to make the ill gouerned people thinke they are not forgotten) the new chiefe Iusticiar Hugh Bigod brother to the Earle Mareschall (chosen this last Parlement by publique voyce) procures that foure Knights in euery shire should enquire of the op­pressions of the poore done by great men, & vnder their hands, and seales certifie the same, by a certaine day to the Baronage, that redresse might be made. Moreouer, or­der was taken that from thence forth, no man should giue any thing (besides prouisions) for iustice, or to hinder the same, and both the corrupter and corrupted to bee grieuously punished. Notwithstanding this pretended care of the publike it is noted by the writers and re­cords of that time, how the Lords inforced the seruices of the Kings tenants which dwelt neare them, and were totidem tyranni: how they furnished the especiall fortresses of the kingdom with Regist. in Scace. William Rish­angar. Guardians of their owne, sworne to the Common state, and tooke the like assurance of all Shirifs, Baylifes, Coroners, & other publike ministers, searching the behauiour of many by strict commis­sion vpon oath. And to make their cause the more popular, it was rumored that the Kings necessitie must be repayred out of the Estates of his people, and how he must not want whilst they had it, whereupon the King sends forth proclamation: How certain malicious persons had falsly and seditionsly reported, that he ment vnlawfully to charge his Subiects, and subuert the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdom, and by these subtile suggestions altogether false, auerted [Page 150] the hearts of his people from him; and therefore desires them not to giue credit to such pertur­bers, for that hee was ready to defend all Rights an Customes due vnto them, and that they might rest of this secured, he caused of his freewill his letters to be made Patents.

But now Monfort, Glocester and Spencer, who had by the late institution of the 24 Conservators, drawne the intire managing of the Kingdome into their hands, inforce 1258. Anno. Reg. 42. the King to call the Parliament at London, where the Authority of the 24 is delivered vnto themselues, and order taken that three at the least, should attend in the Court, to dispose of the custodie of Castles, and other businesses of the Kingdome, of the 18. Parlement at London. Ordinat. inter Record. Civil. Lond. Chancellor, Chiefe Iusticiar, and Treasorer, and of all Officers great and small. And heere they binde the King to loose to them their Legall obedience whensoever he in­fringed his Charter.

In this State stood the Kingdome, when intelligence was given to the Lords that Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos in­surgere, & ad gravamen no­strum open & operam dare, ac si nobis in nullo tenerentur Chart. Orig. sub Sigillo. Richard King of Romans had a purpose to come ouer into England, which made them greatly to suspect (being ignorant of the occasion) least he were sent for by the King to come with power to subvert them, by the example of King Iohn. Whereupon they send to know the cause of his comming, and to require of him an Oath before hee should land, not to preiudice the now established orders of the Kingdome: which he sternely refuses to do, saying: Hee had no Peere in England, being the sonne and brother of a King, and was aboue their power: and if they would haue reformed the Kingdom, they ought first to haue sent for him, and not so presumptuously attempted a businesse of so high a Nature. The Lords vpon returne of this answere sends presently to guard the Ports, and come strongly to the Coast, prepared to incounter him if occasion were offered. But finding The Lords re­quire an oath of him. his traine small, accompanyed onely with his Queene, two German Earles, and eight Knights, they vpon his promise to take their propounded oath receiue him to land: but would neither permit the King (who came thither likewise to meete him) nor himselfe to enter into Dover Castle. At Canterbury they bring him into the Chapter house, where the Earle of Glocester standing forth in the middest, calls out the Earle, not by the name of King, but Richard Earle of Cornewall, who in reverent manner comming forth, takes his Oath ministred in this manner.

Heare all men, that I Kichard Earle of Cornewall do heere sweare vpon the Holy Evan­gelists The Oath of the King of Romanes. that I shall bee faithfull, and dilligent to reforme with you the Kingdome of England, hitherto by the Councell of wicked persons overmuch disorded, bee an ef­fectuall coadiutor to expell the rebels and disturbers of the same, and this Oath will inviolably obserue vnder paine of loosing all the Land I haue in England: so helpe mee God.

In this manner deale the Lords to binde this great Earle vnto them, supposing his power to haue beene more then it was, which at length they found to be nothing but an Ayrie Title: for having consumed all that mighty substance abroad, in two yeares (which with great frugality, had beene many in gathering) he returnes in this manner home, poore and forsaken by the Germans, without any other meanes to trust vnto, but onely what he had in England.

Notwithstanding vpon his returne the King takes heart, and seekes all meanes to vindicate his power, dispatching first messengers secretly to Rome, to be absolued from 1259. Anno. Reg. 44. his inforced Oath, then sends into Scotland to the King, and the Queene his daughter for aydes to be ready vpon his occasions. And to haue the more assurance of the King of France, and be freed from forraine businesse, he makes an absolute resignation of whatsoever right he had to the Duchy of Normandie, and the Earledomes of Aniou, King Henry re­signes his right to Normandy, &c. Poictou, Tourene, and Maine, in regard whereof the King of France giues him three hundred thousand pounds (some say crownes) of Aniouine money, and grants him to enioy all Guien beyond the river Garoune, all the Country of Xantonge to the river of 1261. An. Reg. 45. Charentè, the Countries of Limosin, and Quercy for him and his successors, doing their Homage, and Fealty to the Crowne of France, as a Duke of Aquitayne, and a Peere of that kingdome,

The Lords likewise on the other side seeke to strengthen their association, and hold in each other to their Oathes, and observation of their orders, which was hard to do: [Page 151] for consisting of manifold dispositions there was daily wauering, sometimes Pikes a­mong themselues, in so much as the Earle of Leicester (the chiefe man that kept the fire of that saction in) told the Earle of Glocester finding him staggering, that hee cared not to liue with such men, whom he found so mutable and vncertaine, for said he, my Lord of Glo­cester, The Lords combine a­gainst the K. as you are more eminent, so are you more bound to what you haue vndertaken for the good of the kingdome. And as he incensed others, so had he those that animated him, as Wal­ter Bishop of Worcester, and Kobert, Bishop of Lincolne who inioyned him vpon remis­sion W. Rishenger. of his sinnes to prosecute the cause vnto death, affirming how the peace of the Church of England could neuer be established but by the materiall, sword.

But now many being the temptations, many are drawne away from their side, es­pecially after the sentence giuen against them by the King of France (made Arbitor of the quarrell) who yet though hee condemned the prouisions of Oxford, allowed the 1262. An. Reg. 46. confirmatiō of King Iohns Charter, by which distinction he left the matter as he found it, for those prouisions (as the Lords pretended) were grounded vpon that Charter. Howsoeuer, his sentence much aduantaged the King of England, & made many to dis­pence with their Oath, and leaue their party. Amongst whom was Henry Sonne to the Earle of Cornewall (on whom the Prince had bestowed the Honour of Tyckhill) who comming to the Earle of Leicester told him, hee would not be against his Father, the King, nor his allyes: but said he, my Lord, I will neuer beare Armes against you, and 1263. Anno. Reg. 47. therefore I craue leaue to depart. The Earle cheerfully replies: my Lord Henry, I am not sorry for your departure, but for your inconstancie, go, returne with your armes, I feare them not at all. About the same time Roger de Clifford, Roger de Leiborn, Hamo I Strange, and many other (wonne with gifts) depart from the Barons.

Shortly after Roger de Mortimer of the Kings part breakes into open act of hostility, makes spoyle of the lands of the Earle of Leicester, who had now combined himselfe with Llewellin Prince of Wales, and had sent forces to inuade the lands of Mortimer in The begin­ning of the warres. those parts. And here the sword is first drawne in this quarrell, about three yeares after the Parlement at Oxford. The Prince takes part with Mortimer, surprises the Castle of Brecknock with other places of strength which hee deliuers to his custodie. The Earle of Leicester, recouers the towne and Castle of Glocester, constraines the Citizens to pay a thousand pounds for their redemption, goes with an Army to Worcester possesses him of the Castle, thence to Shrewsbury and so comes about to the Isle of Ely, subdues the same, and growes very powerfull.

The King, doubting his approch to London (being not yet ready for him) workes so as a mediation of peace is made and agreed vpon these conditions. That all the Castles 1264. Anno. Reg. 48. of the King should be deliuered the keeping of the Barons, the Prouisions of Oxford should bee inuiolably obserued. All strangers by a certaine time should auoide the Kingdome, except such as by a generall consent should be held faithfull, and profitable for the same. Here was a little pause, which seemes was but a breathing for a greater rage. The Prince had fortified Windsor Castle, victualled, and therein placed strangers to defend it, and himselfe marches to the towne of Bristow, where, in a contention between the Cittizens, and his people being put to the worse, hee seends for the Bishop of Worcester (an especiall partaker of the Barons) to protect, & conduct him back. When he comes neare Wind­sor, he gets into the Castle which the Earle of Leicester was going to besiege, & being a­bout Kingston, the Prince meets him to treat of peace, which the Earle refuses and laies siege to the Castle which was rendred vnto him, the strangers turned out & sent home into France,

The King to get time conuokes another Parlement at London, wherein hee wonne many Lords to take his part, & with them (the Prince, Richard Earle of Cornwall, Henry 19 Parlement held at Lon­don. his sonne, William Valence with the rest of his brethren lately returned) hee marches to Oxford whither diuerse Lords of Scotland repaire to him: as Iohn Comin, Iohn Baliol, Lord of Galloway, Robert Bruce, and others, with many Barons of the North, Clifford, Per­cy, Scottish Lords come to aide the King of England. Basset, &c. From Oxford withall his forces he marches to Northampton, where he took prisoners, Simon Monfort the younger, with 14. other principall men, thence to Not­tingham making spoyle of such possessions, as appertained to the Barons in those parts.

[Page 152]The Earle of Leicester in the meane time, drawes towards London to recouer and make good that part, as of chiefest importance, and seekes to secure Kent with the Ports. Which hastes the King to stop his proceeding, & succour the Castle of Rochester besieged.

Successe, and authority now growes strong on this side, in so much as the Earles of Leicester, and Glocester in behalfe of themselues, and their party write to the King, hum­bly protesting their loyalty, and how they opposed onely against such as were enemies to him and the Kingdome, and had belyed them. The King returnes answere, how themselues were the perturbers of him and his siate: enemies to his person, and sought his and the Kingdomes destruction, and therefore defies them. The Prince, and the Earle of Cornewall send like wise The Barons mediate a peace. their letters of defiance vnto them. The Barons notwithstanding doubtfull of their strength, or vnwilling to put it to the hazard of a Battaile, mediate a peace, & send the Bishops of London, and Worcester with an offer of 30 thousand Markes to the King, for damages done in these warres, So that the statutes of Oxford might bee obserued: which yeeldingnes, the other side supposing to argue their debility, made them the more neglectiue, and securer of their power, which commonly brings the weaker side (more watchfull of aduantages) to haue the better.

The Earle, seeing no other meanes but to put it to a day (being a man skilfull in his worke) takes his time to be earlier ready then was expected, and supplies his want of hands with his wit, placing on the side of a hill nere Lewys, where this battaile was The battaile of Lewys. fought, certaine ensignes without men in such sort, as they might seeme a farre of to be squadrons of succors, to second those he brought to the incounter, whom he caused all to weare white-crosses, both for their owne notice, and the signification of his cause, which he would haue to be for Iustice. Here the fortune of the day was his, the King, the Prince, the Earle of Cornewall and his sonne Henry, the Earles of Arundell, Hereford, and all the Scottish Lords are his prisoners. The Earle Warrein, William de Valence, Guy The K. Prince and others ta­ken prisoners. de Lusignian the Kings brethren, with Hugh Bigod Earle Mareschall saue themselues by flight. Fiue thousand are slaine in this defeit, which yet was not all the blood, and de­struction this businesse cost.

All this yeare, and halfe of the other, is Simon Monfort in possession of his prisoners: the King he carries about with him to countenance his actions, till he had gotten in all 1265. An. Reg. 46. the strongest Castles of the Kingdome. And now (as it vsually falls out in considera­tions where all must be pleased or else the knot will dissolue) debate arises betweene the Earles of Leicester, & Glocester about their diuidend, according to their agreement. Leicester (as fortune makes men to forget themselues) is taxed to doe more for his owne particular, then the common good: to take to himselfe the benifit and disposition of the Kings Monsort taxed of wrong. Castles: to vsurpe the redemption of prisoners at his pleasure: to prolong the businesse, and not to vse the meanes of a parlement to end it. His Sonnes also presuming vpon his greatnesse The Earle of Glocester leaues him. grow insolent, which made Glocester to forsake that side, & betake him to the Prince, who lately escaping out of the Castle of Hereford, had gotten, a power about him of such as attended the opportunity of a turning fortune, and to reuenge the dishonour of one Battaile by another.

The reuolt of this Earle brought many hands to the Prince, whereby many peeces of strength are regained both in England and Wales, The Earle of Leicester to stop the proceeding of this mighty growing Prince (being now with his Army about Worcester) imbattailes in a plaine neere Euesham to encounter him: and noting the manner of the approch of his Army, said to those about him: these men come brauely on, they learnt it not of themselues, but of me. And seeing himselfe likely to be beset, and ouer-laid with numbers, aduised his friends Hugh Spencer, Ralph Basser, and others to shift for themselues, which when he saw they refused to doe: then said he, let vs commit our soules to God, for our bo­dies The Earle Monsort slaine. are theirs, and so vndertaking the mayne waight of the Battaile, perished vnder it. And with him are slaine his Sonne Henry, eleuen other Barons with many thousands of common souldiers. At the instant of his death, there hapned so terrible a thunder, lightning, and darknesse, as it gaue them as much horror as their hideous work.

And so ends Monfort this great Earle of Leicester, too great for a subiect, which had [Page 153] hee not beene, he might haue beene numbred amongst the worthiest of his time. How­soeuer, the people which honored, and followed him in his life, would (vpon the fame of his miracles) haue worshipped him for a Saint after his death, but it would not be per­mitted by Kings.

And here this Battaile deliuers the Captiue King, (but yet with the losse of some of his owne as well as his subiects bloud, by a wound casually receiued therein) and rid him of his Iaylor Monfort, whom he hated & had long feared more then any man liuing, as himselfe confessed vpon this accident: passing one day (shortly after the Parliament at Oxford) vpon Thames, there hapned a sodaine clap of thunder, wherewith the King was much affrighted and willed presently to be set on shore at the next landing, 1266. Anno. Reg. 50. which was at Duresme house, where Monfort then lay, who seeing the King ariuing hastes downe to meete him, and perceiuing him to be troubled at the storme, said, that hee needed not now to feare, the daunger was past. No, Monfort, said the King, I feare thee, more then I doe all the Thunder and tempest of the World. And now the King with the vi­ctorious Prince, the redeemer of him, and the Kingdome, repaires to Winchester, 18 Parliament held at Win­chester. where a Parliament is conuoked, and all who adhered to Simon Monfort, are disinheri­ted, and their estates conferred on others, at the Kings pleasure. The Londoners haue their liberties taken from them, Simon and Guy de Monfort, Sonnes of the Earle of Leicester, with the disinherited Barons and others who escaped the Battaile of Euesham All who tooke part with Monfort disin­herited. take, and defend the Isle of Ely. The Castle of Killing worth defended by the seruants of the late Earle, although it were in the heart of the Kingdome, endured the Seige of halfe a yeare against the King and his Army: in the end their victualls fayling they yeeld vpon condition to depart, their liues, members, and goods saued. And it is worthy the note that we find no exccution of bloud, except in open Battaile, in all these combustions, or any noble man to dye on a Skaffold, either in this Kings raigne, or any other since William the first, which is now almost 300 yeares. Onely in Anno 26. of this King, William Marisc, the Sonne of Geffrey Marsc a Nobleman of Ireland, being condcmned of Piracie, and treason was hanged, beheaded, and quartered: and is the first example of that kind of punishment we finde in our Histories.

After the Parliament at Winchester the King goes with an army against the disin­herited Barons, and their partakers, which were many resolute, and desperate persons strongly fastned together. And being at Northampton, Simon and Guy de Monfort, by mediation of friends, and promises of fauor came in and submitted themselues to the King, who, at the earnest suite of the Earle of Cornwall their Vnkle and the Lord Phillip Basset, had restored them to their Estates, but for Glocester, and others who (doubting their spirits) wrought to hold them downe where their fortune had layd them. In so much as they were faine in the end to flye the Kingdome, and worke their fortunes other where, which they did, the younger in Italy, the Elder in France: where they were propagators of two great Famelies. Their mother was banished shortly after the battaile of Euesham. A Lady of eminent note, the daughter and sister to a King, nocent onely by her fortune, who from the Coronet of miserable glory, betooke her to the vaile of quiet piety, and dyed a Nun at Montarges in France.

Three yeares after this, the disinherited Barons held out in those fastnesses of the Kingdom where they could best defend themselues, made many excursions, and spoyles Motions of peace made to the disinheri­ted Lords. to the great charge and vexation of the King, at length motions, and conditions of render are proposed, wherein the Councell are deuided. Mortimer now an eminent man in grace, with others stated in the possessions of the disinhereted, are auers to any restoration, alledging it a great act of iniustice, for them to be forced to forgoe what the King 1267. Anno. Reg. 51. had for their paines, and fidelity bestowed on them, and the others iustly forfeited, and therefore would hold what they had. Glocester with the 12. ordayned to deale for the peace of the state, and other his friends whch were many, stand mainely for restoration. This cau­sed new pikes of displeasure, in so much as Glocester, who, conceiuing his turning, not so to serue his turne, as he expected, taking his time, againe changed foote: retires from the Court, refuses to come to the Kings Fcast on Saint Edwards day: sends messengers The Earle of Glocest. revolt [...] to warne the King, to remoue strangers from his Councell, and obserue the prouisions of Oxford, [Page 154] according to his last promise made at Euesham; otherwise that he should not meruaile, if him­selfe did what he thought fit. Thus had victory no peace, the distemprature of the time was such, as no sword could cure it: recourse is had to Parliament (the best way if any would serue, for remedy) and at Bury is the state conuoked, where likewise all who 19 Parliament held by Kinghts seruice are sommoned to assemble, with sufficient horse and armor for the vanquishing of those disherited persons, which, contrary to the peace of the King­dome held the Isle of Ely.

Iohn de Warreine Earle of Surrey, and William de Valentia, are sent to perswade the Earle of Glocester ( who had now leuied an army vpon the borders of Wales) to come, in faire manner to this Parliament, which he refuses to do, but yet thus much the Earles had of him vnder his hand, and seale: neuer to beare armes against the King, or his Sonne Edward, but to defend himselfe, and pursue Roger Mortimer, and other his enemies, for which he pretended to haue taken armes. The first demand in the Parliament was made by the King and the Legat; for a graunt of a Tenth of the Clergie for three yeares to come, and for the yeare past, so much as they gaue to the Barons for defending the Coasts against the lan­ding of strangers. Whereto they answere, that the warre was begun by vniust desires, which yet continues, and necessary it were to let passe so euill demands, and to treat of the peace of the Kingdome; to conuert the Parliament to the benefit thereof, and not to extort mony, conside­ring the land had beene so much distroyed by this warre, as it could hardly be euer recouered. 2. Then was it required, that the Clergie might be taxed by lay men, according to the iust valew of what appertayned vnto them. They answere: it was no reason, but against all Iu­stice, that Lay men should inter meddle in collecting Tenths, which they would neuer consent vnto, but would haue the ancient taxation to stand. 3. Then was it required, they should giue the Tenth of their Baronies and Lay Fee, according to the vtmost valew. They answere: themselues were impourished by attending the King in his expeditions, and their lands lay vntilld by reason of the warres.

4. Then it was required, that the Clergie should in lieu of a Tenth, giue amongst them 30. thousand Markes to discharge the Kings debts contracted for Sicilia, Calabria, and Apulia, They answere; they would giue nothing in regard all those taxations, and extorsions formerly made by the King were neuer conuerted to his owne, or the benefit of the Kingdome. 5. All this being denied, demand is made, that all Clergie men that held Baronies, or other Lay Fee should personally serue in the Kings warres. They answere, they were not to fight with the materiall, but the spirituall sword, &c. that their Baronies were giuen of meere almes, &c. 6. Then was it re­quired, the whole Clergie should discharge the 9000. pounds, which the Bishops of Rochester, Bath, and the Abbot of westminster stood bound to the Popes Merchants for the Kings seruice at their being at the Court of Rome. They answere: they neuer consented to any such lone, and therefore were not bound to discharge it. 7. Then the Legat, from the part of the Pope re­quired, that without delay predication should be made throughout the kingdome to incite men to take the Crosse for the Holy warre, wherevnto answere was made, that the grea­test part of the people of the Land were already consumed, by the sword, and that if they should vndertake this action, few or none would be leaft to defend the Kingdome, and that the Legat hereby shewed a desire to extirpat the natiues thereof and introduce strangers. 8. Lastly it was vrged, that the Prelates were bound to yeeld to all the Kings demands by their oath at Coven­trie; where they swore to ayd him by all meanes possible they could. They answere, that when they tooke that oath, they vnderstood no other ayd, then spirituall, and holesome councell, So nothing was obtained but denyalls in this Parliament.

The Legat, likewise imploies sollicitors to perswade the disherited LL. which held the Isle of Ely, to returne to the faith, and vnity of the Church, the peace of the King, according to the forme prouided at Couentry, for redeeming their inheritances from such as held them by guift from the King for 7. yeares profits, and to leaue of their robberies. The disherited returne answer to the Legat. First, that they held the faith, they receiued from their Catholicke Fathers, and their obedience to the Roman Church, as the head of all Christianity; but not to the auarice and willfull exaction of those who ought to gouerne the same. And how (their Predicessors whose heyres they were, hauing conquered this land by the sword) they held themselues vniustly dishe­rited. that it was against the Popes Mandat, they should be so delt withall.

[Page 155]That they had formerly taken their Oath to defend the Kingdome and Holy Church, all the Prelats thundring the sentence of excommunication against such as withstood the same and ac­cording to that Oath they were prepared to spend their liues. And seeing they warred for the benefit of the Kingdome, and Holy Church, they were to sustaine their liues by the goods of their Enemies, who detained their Lands, which the Legat ought to cause to bee restored vnto them, that they might not be driuen to make depradation in that manner, which yet was not so great as was reported: for that many of the Kings and Princes followers made rodes, and committed great robberies which, to make them odious, were imputed, and giuen out to bee done by them, wherefore they wish the Legat to giue no credit to such reports: for if they should finde any such amongst them, they would themselues doe Iustice vpon them without delay.

Besides they declare to the Legat, that hee had irreuerently eiected out of the Kingdome the Bishops, of Winchester, London and Chichester, men circumspect and of deepe iudgement, whereby the Councell of the Kingdom was in great part weakned to the daunger therof, and there­fore willed him to looke to the reformation of the same: and that they might bee restored to their Lands without redemption. That the proutsions of Oxford might bee obserued. That they might haue Ostages deliuered them into the Island to hold the same peaceably for fiue yeares to come, untill they might perceiue how the King would performe his promises.

Thus they treat, not like men whom their fortunes had layde on the ground, but as they had beene still standing: so much wrought either the opinion of their cause, or the hope of their party. But this stubbornesse so exasperates the King as the next yeare following, hee prepares a mighty Army, besets the Isle so that he shuts them vp, and Prince Edward, with bridges made on Boates enters the same in diuers places, and con­straines them to yeeld. In the meane time the Earle of Glocester, with his army col­lected on the borders of Wales to ayde them, marched to London where, by the Citi­zens he was receiued: but the Legat who kept his residence in the Towre so preuay­led The Earle of Glocester re­conciled. with him, as he againe renders himselfe to the King to whom hee was afterward reconciled, by the mediation of the King of Romans, and the Lord Philip Basset vpon forfeiture of twelue thousand Markes, if euer after he should raise any commotion.

This effected, the King goes with an Army into Wales, against Lewellin, for ayding Simon Monfort and the Earle of Glocester, in their late attempts against him, but his wrath being by the guift of 32 thousand pounds sterling, appeased, peace is con­cluded betwixt them, and foure Cantreds, which had by right of war, been taken from him, restored.

And here was an end of the first Barons Warres of England, wherein wee see what effects it wrought, how no side got but misery and vexation, whilst the one struggled to doe more then it should, and the other to doe lesse then it ought, they both had the worst, according to the usuall euents of such imbroylements.

The next yeare after this appeasement, the Legat Ottobon signes with the 1269. Anno. Reg. 53. Croissado both the Kings sonnes Edward, and Edmond, the Earle of Glocester, and di­uers Noblemen induced to vndertake the Holy Warre by the sollicitation of him: and the King of France, who notwithstanding his former calamities indured in that action, would againe aduenture therein. So much either the desire of reuenge, with the Prince Edw. his brother and others vndertake the Holy Warre. recouery of his fame and honour, or the hope of enioying another World prouoked him to forgo this, and haste to his finall distruction. And for that Prince Edward wan­ted meanes for his present furnishment, this King of France lent him 30 thousand Markes, for which hee morgaged vnto him Gascoigny. An act, which subtler times would interpret to be rather of Policie then Piety, in this King to ingage in such man­ner, and vpon so especiall a caution, a young stirring Prince, likely in his absence to im­broyle his Estate at home, and to draw him along in the same aduenture with him­selfe, without any desire otherwise, either of his company or ayde; considering the inconueniences that stung these seuerall Nations heretofore by their incompetabi­lity, in the same action: but here it were sinne to thinke they disguised their ends, or had other couerings for their designes then those through which they were seene; their spirits seeme to haue beene warmed with a Nobler flame.

And now whilst this preparation is in hand, King Henry labours to establish the [Page 156] Peace of the Kingdome, and reforme those excesses the warre had bred, causing by 21 Parliament at Marlebo­rough. proclamation stealth of Cattle to bee made a cryme Capitall, and the first that suffred for the same was one of Dunstable who had stolne twelue Oxen from the inhabitants of Colne, and being persued to Redburne was by the Bayliffe of Saint Albones (ac­cording to the Kings Proclamation condemned and beheaded. And the same yeare the King assembles his last Parliament at Marleborugh where the Statutes of that Title were inacted.

Nere two yeares it seemes to haue beene after the vndertaking the Crosse before 1271. Anno. Reg. 55. Prince Edward set forth, a time long ynough (if those resolutions would haue beene shaken) to haue bred an alteration of desire, but so strong was the current of this humour as no worldly respects could giue any the least stoppage thereunto. Otherwise a Prince so well acquainted with action, so well vnderstanding the world, so forward in yeares (being then 32) so neere the possession of a Kingdome, would not haue leaft it, and an aged father broken with daies and trauaile to haue be­taken himselfe (with his deare and tender consort Elionor and as it seemes then young with childe) to a voyage that could promise nothing but daunger, toyle, miserie, and affliction. So powrefull are the operations of the minde, as they make men neglect the ease of their bodies, especially in times not dissolued with those soft­nings of Luxurie and Idlenesse which vnmannes them. And we cannot but admire the vndauntable constancie of this Prince, whom all the sad examples of others calamities (crossing euen the beginning of this action) could not deterre from proceeding therein. For, first the King of France who with two of his sonnes, the King of Nauarre and a mighty Army, being set out before, and by the way besieging the Citie of Tunis in Affrica (possest then by the Sarazines that infested Christendome) perished mise­rably by the Pestilence that raged in his Army, and with him one of his sonnes and many of his Nobles, whereby all their enterprise was dasht and vtterly ouerthrowne. Besides, Charles King of Sicile, brother to this King of France, who likewise came to ayde him, returning home, lost the greatest part of his Nauie by tempest. More­ouer many of this Princes owne people were desirous to leaue him and returne home. Whereupon he is sayde to haue stricken his brest, and sworne: that if all his followers The resoluti­on of Prince Edmond. forsooke him, he would yet enter Tolemais or Acon, though but onely with his Horse-keeper Fowin. By which speech they were againe incenced to proceed: but yet his Cozin Henry sonne to the King of Romans, obtaines leaue of him to depart, and was set on shore in Italie: where, notwithstanding hee found what hee sought to auoyde, Death; and was slaine in the Church at Viterbo (being at deuine seruice) by his owne Cozin German Guy de Monfort (sonne to Simon late Earle of Leicester) in re­uenge of his fathers death. The newes of which vnnatural murther seemes to hasten the 1274. Anno. Reg. 57. end of Richard King of Romans, who died shortly after, and the next yeare following, finished likewise Henry the 3 of England his act, in the 65 of his age hauing reigned 56 years, and 20 daies. A time that hath held vs long, & taken vp more then a tenth part from the Norman Inuasion to this present: and yeelded notes of great varietie with many examples of a crasie, and diseased State, bred both by the inequality, of this Princes manners, and the impa­tience of a stubborne Nobility.

He had by his wife Elionor sixe sonnes, wherof only two suruiued him, Edward and Ed­mond: His issue. and two daughters, which liued to be married, Margueret the eldest to Alex­ander King of Scots. Beatrice the other to Iohn the first intituled Duke of Brittaine.