CONSPIRACIE, for Pretended Reformation: viz. Presbyteriall Discipline.

A Treatise discouering the late designments and courses held for aduancement thereof, by William Hacket Yeo­man, Edmund Coppinger, and Henry Arthington Gent. out of others depositions and their owne letters, writings & confes­sions vpon examination: Together With some part of the life and conditions, and the two Inditements, Arraignment, and Executi­on of the sayd Hacket: Also An answere to the calumniations of such as affirme they were mad men: and a resemblance of this acti­on vnto the like, happened here­tofore in Germanie.

Vltimo Septembris. 1591.

Prou. cap. 30. v. 12.

There is a generation that are pure in their owne conceit: and yet are not washed from their filthinesse.

2. ad Timoth. cap. 3. v. 5.

Hauing a shew of godlinesse, but haue denied the power thereof, turne away there­fore from such.

Published now by authoritie.

Imprinted at London by the Deputies of CRISTOPHER BARKER Printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie.

Anno Domini. 1592.

TO THE READER.

DIVERS haue hitherto diuersly reported of this Action & of the Actors in it, according to their owne seuerall intelligences attai­ned thereof, and to the humours they are led by. And albeit the matter (falling out not many mo­neths since) might seeme to be in fresh remembrance of many: yet sundry there are which hitherto know not the very particular dangerous at­tempts and outrages, into which these men burst out, and the most part (I thinke) haue not heard what was the originall cause of such their discontentment, or the maine drift and purpose of all their designments, nor of any the wayes and meanes by them vsed, for furthering and atchieuing the principall scope they shot at, nor of any their counsels and cariage of the action, nor yet who were their complices that were made acquainted with the matter, in some generall or more speciall termes.

By want of knowledge of which things, sundry per­uerse and sinister conceits and misdeemings haue ari­sen, and are blowen abroad amongst the people, which seeme meete to be abated, and reformed in them.

[Page] For the Papist our common enimie, in some late wri­tings from beyond the seas, hath (as I am informed) wre­sted these mens dealings to another end. And sundry at home, who would seeme more moderate then many o­ther of their owne iudgement, yet in fauour of the per­sons, or (which I iudge rather) vpon liking of their opi­nion in matter of church-gouernement, haue allowed their meanings to haue bene good, though they mislike (somwhat they say) of the maner. Others seek to disguise the very purposes of these mē, as if that which (in trueth) was most, had bene least of all entended by them. There are some also, purposing to extenuate the fault, and to preuent that so iust a blot may not fall vpon the meanest fauourer of pretended reformation, who will needs make them to haue bene starke madde, and such as knew not what they sayd or did. And there want not certaine al­so, who vnder pretence of pitie and commiseration to­wards them, are sayd not to spare to mutter abroad, that matters are made worse and of greater consequence and perill then they be in deed: and that these men with some others were prosecuted with greater vehemencie and sharpenesse, then the cause it selfe or qualitie of their se­uerall offences might iustly minister occasion.

All which vntrue surmises and imputations, what doe they els but apparantly and directly tend vnto the iniu­rie, deprauation and slaunder of the honorable Iustice of this realme and state? for assertion and clearing whereof from such calumniations, and to make manifest also the very trueth of these matters vnto all that are desirous to be enformed aright in them: it is thought meete that this treatise (for good considerations hitherto staied since it was finished) should now at length be published.

Whereby I make no doubt, but it will appeare to any that shall be pleased to peruse it with a single eie, how im­portant [Page] these causes are to be throughly looked into, for the weight and danger of them: how honorable the pro­ceedings in them haue bene for maner: and how excee­ding milde and mercifull a course hath bene holden by the state, not onely with some of the chiefe dealers, but also with sundry others notable concurrents in the Acti­on, who though they be sufficiently well knowen, yet hi­therto haue not bene so much as called into question: howe farre soeuer (perhaps) they may seeme vnto some (not vnwise) to haue waded therein, or to haue entertai­ned intelligence of it, both dangerously and vndutifully. So farre is her excellent Maiestie, and the whole state from aggrauating mens offences, yea, and from taking aduantage, euen when most iust occasion (sometimes) is offered.

I pray God this notable rare clemencie, may be here­after answered (by those who both in this & other mat­ters stande not a litle neede of it, howe litle soeuer they acknowledge it) with that measure of dutifull remembrance and thankeful­nes, which it woorthely deser­ueth at their handes. Amen.

THE PREFACE.

WHEN in the tyme of professing the trueth of religion, such as pretend grea­test sinceritie and zeale, doe fall into fa­naticall fansies and dangerous attempts: then some doe thereupon stagger in the doctrine, and are scandalized: some be quite driuen backe: and others are caried euen with open mouth to slander and to reproch the very profession of the Gospell. The two first of which, are of the weaker, but the last are of the wickeder sort. For these are straight way ready to make comparisons betwixt the times, and to declaime largely, concerning the sweete and golden quiet, with agreement in iudgement, which they (erroneously) con­ceiue, to haue continually accompanied the times of superstition and blindnes.

But though this were vniuersally true, which is farre other­wise: yet both the one sort and the other, are dangerously decei­ued and transported into misdeeming by want of due considera­tion, what is the very well-spring and occasion of such accidents vnder the profession of the Gospell.

For when Sathan the deceiuing enemie of mankind, had in the times of Poperie by insensible and as it were obscure de­grees (vnder a colour of religion and deuotion) enuenomed once the very fountaines of doctrine with many pestilent errours, much superstition, and grosse Idolatrie, and had almost quite dammed vp the light of the glorious Gospell: then was it no mar­uell, though he here rested his labours, as being (in some sort) ar­riued vnto the maine ende of all his drifts and purposes. In so much as this once atchieued, the rest were sufficiently able to goe forward of themselues. For vpon corruptiō of faith & doctrine, must needes ensue either open corruption of life and conuersati­on, or at least corruption, masked vnder a vaile of hypocrisie: be­cause [Page] he that walketh in darknes, knoweth not whither he go­eth, and a corrupt tree cannot bring foorth good fruite. There­fore after the victorie gotten, that he might more deepely de­ceiue and surely retaine, whome he had caught, he thought it re­quisite (at some seasons) vpon these corruptions, to weaue a vaile of pretended vnitie, and as it were to candie and sweeten them ouer with the louely shewe of peace and agreement: which ne­uerthelesse being without Veritie, is nothing else, but a lewde Conspiracie, and is rather a deadly sleepe wherewith men be o­uerwhelmed, then an vnitie of the spirite in the bond of peace. For where all is subdued, what needes any further resistance? And where a strong man keepes the house, all that he possesseth are in quiet, till a stronger then he doe come to dispossesse him.

But when as God taking compassion of his Church in the eies of his mercie, had in these latter times made the day-starre to shine againe in our hearts, no sooner did the beames of his Gospell beginne to glimpse and breake foorth, but the old craftie serpent (knowing his kingdome to be inuaded a fresh, and his time but short) began in great wrath to rouse vp himselfe againe, and to hammer ouer a new, all his long approued wicked experiments, and to plant newe engines for the discredite and hinderance of the passage and propagation of the Gospell.

This he plotteth (besides many other meanes) by seducing some that professe it, into sedition and errour: and so in their persons he bringeth the profession it selfe into obloquie and ha­tred with such, as afore did thinke hardly of it, or were not per­swaded it was the trueth. For by reason of his Angelicall sub­stance, corrupted with Diabolicall malice, and by long experi­ence euen of 5553. yeeres continuance, he is nowe become [...], mille-artifex, his perfite crafts-master in infinite deuises and subtilties. So that he doeth at sundry times very manifoldly and variably suggest and plot, not onely seuerall and diuers, but sometimes euen contrary opinions and actions, one to another; howbeit all to one and the selfe same generall ende, of seducing [Page] mankinde. Therefore (amongst his infinite deceites for hinde­rance of the Gospell, and of mans saluation by it) some whome he cannot peruert in doctrine, he seeketh to attaint in life. Others whome he cannot so easily seduce in their conuersation, he often­times soweth his cockle & darnel of superstition, schisme, & he­resie in their hearts, and so peruerteth them in iudgement, and matter of religion. Some whom he cannot entangle by one sinne, he tempteth to ouerthrowe by a sinne contrary vnto it. Others whom he cannot snare by grosse and actual sinnes, he gets ground of, by making them haue ouer great estimation of their owne supposed vertues and puritie: so that they growe hereby both to a conceite and selfe loue of themselues, and also to contemne and condemne others with the Pharise, saying: Oh God, I thanke thee, that I am not as other men are: or as the Prophet speaketh touching such proud hypocrites, Depart from me, for I am holier then thou. Others he draweth into errour by mis­taking of the true qualitie or cause of things, as when, not being able to corrupt the general doctrine of the church, he perswadeth Preachers most to insist vpon matters of meere circumstance, as if they were of especial necessitie, and procureth the outward go­uernment & discipline to be obtruded & beat vpō, for a princi­pal point of doctrine. So that matters of the substance of doctrine & faith in deede, do either wholly slippe by vntaught, or els are so sleightly and ignorantly slubbered ouer by such Preachers, that the common aduersarie the Papist, is thereby rather hardened then conuinced in his opinions. Which practise may hereby ap­peare to be the very subtiltie of Sathan, for that such doe vse farre more earnestnes and diligence to plant and bring in that their discipline, then they doe for retaining of purity & sound­nes of doctrine, and are lesse incensed and vehement against Pa­pistes, then they are against such as impugne that fancie.

Out of this head springs also that errour of some, who doe at­tribute all disorder and personall faultes of men about execution of lawes, vnto the lawes themselues, and vnto the verie pollicie [Page] of the Church: thereupon gathering with themselues, that the plot of Discipline (if it might come in place) will surely serue as a Mithridate and soueraigne salue, to heale (with short ap­plying) all diseases and sores, both of Church & Common wealth. Certaine be so bewitched (in like sort) by a kind of admiration of that, which is (in it selfe) most necessarie, as that in the meane time they ouerslippe matters of no lesse importance in the life of a Christian, because they thinke it sufficient, to be occupied onely about the other.

Hereupon it commeth, that sundry doe attribute so much to the hearing of the word preached, that neither publike nor pri­uate reading of Scripture, workes of charitie, praying, nor pra­ctise of that which is preached, is any whit almost regarded of them. Whereby they are alwaies learning, but neuer come vnto the knowledge of the trueth, as if the very worke wrought of hearing alone could make them good and perfect Christians. So that where in olde time there were certaine heretikes called [...], who did nothing but pray: so (not without cause) haue some feared, left such persons would bring in an heresie of [...], putting all religion in bare hearing of Sermons. Diuerse also there are, who are so whetted against the abuse of things, that the Seducer hereby taketh opportunitie, to drawe them to omit euen the good and commendable vse of them. Such are those, that because they will not seeme to confirme Gods trueth by humane testimonie, doe therefore despise all light and helpe of good artes, and learned Interpretors, and in steede of them, doe in their ser­mons nothing els, but blase out their own friuolous and vnsound Collections, trifling out the time (without order and methode) by an heape of earnest and resonant, but vndigested wordes, vaine repetitions, tautologies and battologies, without any substance of matter, to the great abuse of their auditorie, and of that excellent worke. Many also are so afraide to fall into super­stitious obseruation of daies, commanded for abstinence and a­uoiding of most nutritiue diet, that at such times they doe vsu­ally [Page] most pamper their vile flesh, euen with a purposed and setled contempt of good lawes, in that behalfe prouided. Neither will this kinde of persons (for the most part) vse any priuate fasting, for subduing the body, but must haue a whole side of a Countrey, or an whole familie at least, knowe when they fast, and will not sticke to ride out a dosen or twentie miles from home to fast with others for companie (though without publike authoritie) there to make ostentation of great humbling themselues, by abstaining perhaps from one meale, howe plentifully and delicately soeuer they do fare at suppers, or at their next meale. Likewise, to auoid opinion of superstitious worship of the outward elements at Cō ­munion, sundry doe refuse to kneele at the perception of it: and of the contrary side doe fall to a prophane and swinish (at least out­ward) irreuerence of that high and excellent mysterie. Others there are, who in auoiding superstition, are themselues become litle lesse, [...]. Rom. 1. then superstitious. For albeit the holy Ghost condem­neth want of natural affection, as a sinne: yet such persons, when their husbands, parents, or friends doe die, are so farre from mo­derate sorowe or mourning for them (lest happely they should seeme to doe it superstitiously and excessiuely, as those doe, who haue no hope) that on the contrary, they doe (euen with a kind of superstitious singularitie) auoid all shew of sorow, as if it were a matter vnlawful for any Christians, of their degree of perfecti­on. And therefore they take vnto themselues at such times, Mu­sicke, Rose-marie branches, and other tokens of ioy and great so­lace. Howbeit, the holy Ghost greatly commendeth the deuotion of them, Act. 8. 2. who buried the Martyr S. Steuen, and made great la­mentation for him. Of whose resurrection neuerthelesse vnto e­ternal life, those mourners had as good assurāce, as any man now can haue touching such, whom these do so pleasantly & iocundly tumble into the pit. Many also he deceaueth and drowneth in sinne and impietie by some similitude and resemblance that it hath vnto vertue and godlines, as, by making that which in deede is [...], will-worship, to seeme to be nothing els, but [Page] an earnest care to serue God: superstition to be taken for obedi­ent deuotion: hypocrisie, for true sinceritie: a shewe of hum­bling a mans selfe by a meale or twoes abstinence, and hanging downe the head like a bull-rush, for true fasting, and subduing of the flesh: calumniation, slander, and disdaine of others, for an ha­tred of sinne: rancour and male contentment, for zeale of Gods. glorie: schisme and diuision, for an auoiding of the workes of darkenes and of pollution by them: seditious innouation, for law­full reformation: presumptuous expostulation in praier with God, for feruencie of the spirite: bitter inuectiues against others in praying, for desire of amendement in them, and to aduance Gods glorie: ouer-weening conceites, for extraordinarie callings and gifts: whot and bloodie panges of malice and crueltie, for motions of Gods spirite and reuelation from him, with such like a great many, moe them a good number. All these and such like, are vsuall practises and sleights of Sathan, whereby euen in the time of the Gospel, he cunningly inueigleth and slily entrappeth many, to the danger of themselues, to the scandall and downe-fal of others, and to the obloquie of true religion. It is necessarie (saith Christ) that offences come: yet woe be to them, by whome they come. And there must needes be heresies (saith S. Paul) that such as be approoued, may be made manifest. But of all the other, the last sort of them (being sug­gested by Sathan, vnder the visard of vertue, godlines; and re­ligion) are most pernicious and diuelish: and the poison of them spreadeth and ranckleth furthest, to the disturbance and pe­rill both of Church and Common-wealth, because hereby the Diuell transfourmeth himselfe into an Angell of light. For as the most noble creature engendred, is most loathsome and base in his corruption: so is the vntrue pretence and colour of pietie and religion (thinges of themselues of chiefest price and excellencie) the most daungerous snare and deadly dart, that Sathan can shoote-foorth. Macchiauel. The prophane politique of our age, coulde obserue, that shewe of pietie and religion [Page] was the readiest and surest way, to blinde and seduce a multi­tude. If then this impe of his, could marke it, shall we doubt, but that Sathan himselfe, the forger of all subtilties, can see it, and accordingly also put it in practise? Yea, he hath put in vre this most dangerous deuise, not onely in this action (whereof we en­treate) done in our late sight and knowledge, by his seduced in­struments William Hacket, Edmund Coppinger, and Henrie Arthington: but at sundry other times also, by other his like factours, since the last renuing of the Gospell, begunne in Germany, in our fathers daies. One or two of the most memo­rable of which examples recorded in historie, it shall not (I trust) be amisse to compare with these late attempts and actions: both that the one and the other may be better knowen, and auoided hereafter, and that the efficacie of this strong illusion, may more fruitfully be weighed and considered.

In militarie instructions it is prescribed, Polyaenus in Stratag. not to vse a Strata­geme twise together in one age, for feare of ouer fresh remem­brance, and thereby of preuention. Therefore Sathan an olde Leader, might not in his great policie, so soone after, haue againe assaied this practise so like (in most pointes) to the former in Germany, had he not perfectly knowen (by experience) the ef­ficacie and rare working thereof, and therefore did repose in it, an especiall confidence for raising of tumult, shedding of blood, and ouerthrowe of states.

But before I enter into that Comparison, it is requisite first to make narration of this late Conspiracie, with the circumstances thereof, as it was plotted and ca­ried forward by them, so neere, as I could in­fourme my selfe therein, either by de­positions of others, or from their owne letters, writings, and o­riginall confessions vp­on examina­tion.

CONSPIRACIE, FOR Pretended Reformation.

ONE of the three principall persons in this Action (whereof wee intreat) was Edmund Coppinger, a gentleman descen­ded of a good house and linage, and one of her Maiesties sworne seruaunts, but a yonger brother, hauing no great liueli­hood. His chiefe abode (as I haue lear­ned) for some yeeres past, hath bene in and about the Citie of London.

Another of them is Henry Arthington, a gentleman likewise, whose place of birth and dwelling is said to be in Yorkeshire: how­beit for the greatest part of certaine yeeres past, hee hath remained and soiourned in or about London. It is constantly (how credibly I know not) reported by some, who pretend to know it, that this Arthington (at the times of his long aboades at London) did most conuerse with another gentleman of Yorkeshire, by whose meanes, he presently stands more deepely engaged, then his meane estate might well beare, and whose companie is feared to haue wrought in him small duetifull opinion of the godly reformation planted and established by the meanes of her Maiestie. It is discouered by the mutuall letters of Arthington and the aforesaid other Yorkeshire gentleman, that certaine seditious and slanderous bookes agaynst the Counsell, Iudges, and this whole Estate, were receiued & disper­sed by them, being printed in Scotland.

Now by such remaining about the Citie of Coppinger and Ar­thington, they fell to be acquainted together for some yeeres past.

These two made semblance, and so were holden to bee profes­sors of the Gospel, neither of the coldest or lewke-warme sort, (as such doe vntruly terme others, who bee in deed godly wise, with a sober moderation) but rather of those that more iustly may bee said, to be scalding hote in desire of innouation, which they falsely call reformation. They therefore standing thus affected, most wil­lingly sorted themselues in familiaritie with such, as by their de­meanor may seeme to repose a great part of their Christian profes­sion and zeale in the onely reproching, and odious traducing of go­uernors [Page 2] and gouernment Ecclesiasticall.

These two hauing itching eares, most vsually heaped to them­selues, and made choise to heare and follow such preachers, as were thought fittest to feede their humour: which preachers, with their sad lookes, frequent sighes abroad, long and vehement con­ceiued prayers, bitter and playne inuectiues in priuate, and priuie deprauing in publike, of the lawes and policie Ecclesiasticall, ioy­ned with their vsuall speeches, besides sundry infamous libels and other pamphlets spred alreadie for aduauncing that gouernement (which they strangely terme The Discipline) may seeme so to haue inflamed these two persons, as that they thought this Disci­pline a worthie subiect whereupon they should spend most of their actions and cogitations.

Their mindes being thus prepared, it happened that some prea­chers of this Discipline were begun to bee proceeded with in the most honourable court of Starre chamber, about the same time that this Coppinger (by meanes of one Giles Wigginton) came ac­quainted with William Hacket, the third actor and chiefe setter foorth of this tragedie.

Concerning the sayd Wigginton (because this also tendeth to the better vnderstanding of the whole action) he was borne or bred vp in Oundel in Northhamptonshire▪ (where Hacket dwelt) and he often resorted into that countrey by that occasion. He was not long since a minister, and Vicar of Sedberghe and Dent in the North partes, but for his intollerable insolencies and contempts agaynst lawes, and the peace of the Church, was both depriued of that his benefice, and deposed from his ministerie by authoritie of her Maiesties commission for causes Ecclesiasticall, a man (by report of such as know him best, and fauour him not a litle) whose zeale neuer came behind knowledge, nor bold-hardie forwardnes, at any time went after discretion in him.

This Hacket had dwelt also by a long space in Oundel, where first he serued one master Hussey an Esquier, by the space of tenne yeeres: and after, for some time hee serued Sir Thomas Tresham Knight: he was a notable bragging and quarelsome fellow, yet thought in trueth to be but a very recreant dastard.

He long together vsed one lewd & vngodly practise, which was to resort vnto sermons (of purpose) to gibe, mocke, and carpe at them: and hauing a good memorie (which was the onely com­mendable [Page 3] part in him) he vsed in scoffing maner to preach ouer a­gaine in alehouses, the sermons that hee had heard, most insisting and sporting himselfe and others at such passages thereof, which pleased him least, or whereat he imagined any likely matter of de­riding might be gathered.

Whiles thus hee serued Master Hussey, hee obtained (by his masters countenance) the mariage of one Moretons widowe, of reasonable substance, hauing also a good Farme in that towne. But hee, following loose and licencious companie, and an idle course of life, without labour or industrie either to get or saue, lewdly and riotouslie mispent and wasted in short space all her goods.

It fell so out, that at length hee pretended from a Papist or an A­theist, to be couuerted to religion and knowledge of the trueth: at what time he grew to be of familiar and inward acquaintance with the said Giles Wigginton, and was an especiall follower and disci­ple of his, both at publike sermons and priuate conuenticles. Of late times hee was also consorted in partnership of malt-making with Wigginton: their great acquaintance and familiaritie may ap­peare by a letter sent from Hacket vnto him, the third of March last, and by his lending vnto Hacket of ten pounds: the superscription is, To the worshipfull Minister of Gods word, M. Giles Wigginton at Newgate. In the letter thus hee writeth: M. Wigginton I desire to communicate my spirit at large with you, but I know not your keeper. And in the ende thereof, thus: Good M. Wigginton make my sound heart knowen to master Cartwright, master Snape, master Vdall, master Lord, &c.

By his and such others (like affected mens) instructions and ex­ample of life and behauiour, he so profited, that in short space hee proued one that professed with the forwardest, and practised with the frowardest. For falling as fooles doe, from one extremitie to an other, Qui dum vitant vitia, in contraria currunt, he grew to a most insolent, proude, and contemptuous disdaine of all preachers and others whomesoeuer, that flew not his pitch, or lay not to the le­uell of his pretended zeale. But most gladly and with greatest fe­licitie that might be, hee vsed to spend his mouth largely in inue­ctiues, railings and contumelies against Bishops and other gouer­nors of the Church, and also against the lawes, orders, and whole gouernment Ecclesiasticall, not sticking (as was probably suspe­cted) [Page 4] to procure also sundry lewd infamous libels against thē and other preachers, &c. to be framed and set vp thereabouts.

His detestation of Ecclesiasticall orders commaunded, was so great, that he could not endure to frequent the sermons which Ray the minister of that towne did preach, because he seemed to him a little more conformable in some few matters (by authoritie esta­blished) then Hacket liked of. Wherfore on Sabboth dayes Hacket vsually did resort to a place a mile off called Stoke (where the mini­ster fitted his humor better) in companie of some of like strayne to himselfe, and of certaine light idle gossips, whereof some of the sin­cerest were sayd to loue and like him so little, as that she could oft times be content to take the meate off his trencher, which hee had cut for himselfe, and to eate it vp from him. But whensoeuer this deuout flocke came so neere to Stoke Church, as they might per­ceiue the minister to be yet at diuine seruice and prayer: then they vsed to stay abroad and rest themselues in the Greene churchyard there (without going into the Church) vntill they heard the Psalme begun before sermon, for feare least they should be pollu­ted by those prayers.

One most memorable pranke (aboue others) was played in Oundell by Hacket, which is renoumed farre and neere for the vn­manly brutishnesse of it. It hapned that M. Hussey his master fell at debate and was offended with one Freckingham an artificer of the towne. This Frechingham had a sonne which was a schoolemaster, who (as in nature hee was bound) did take part with his father. Now Hacket meeting this schoolemaster in an Alehouse or Inne, did louingly (as seemed) signifie vnto him how sorie hee was, that there should bee any breach betwixt his master and him the sayde schoolemaster, entertaining him (that suspected no trecherie) with such good speeches, till spying an aduantage, hee so grasped both Freckingham his armes, as that he might easily hold him and throw him to the ground. Thus hauing gotten him down on the ground vnder him, Hacket most sauagely and currishly bit off the poore schoolemaster nose with his teeth, which when hee had so barba­rously performed, both the sayd Freckingham and one Clement (a cunning Surgion) instantly desired the nose of him agayne, that whiles the wound was fresh and greene, it might bee stitched on and grow againe (as they conceiued it would) to auoyd so fowle and great deformitie: but the Canibal varlet not onely vtterly refu­sed [Page 5] so to part with it, but held it vp triumphantly, and shewed it with great vaunterie and glorie, to all that would behold it: and af­ter (as some haue reported) did in a most spitefull & diuelish out­rage eate it vp.

In processe of time it happened that his master fell out with him, and put him from his seruice (I thinke for no good conditi­ons) yet it is sayd that hee was retayned afterward in seruice (by what meanes I knowe not) with a very worshipfull gentleman Sir Charles Morrison knight, nephew to his first master: and one of those, against whom hee lately caused his two small prophets so vily to exclaime, and so vnwoorthily to charge, euen openly in Cheapeside.

Besides his former vertues and good qualities, this Hacket was also a verie great swearer and blasphemer of the name of God, in his yonger yeares: which course, when afterward, to retayne the reputation of a professor of the Gospell (whereof hee made great pretence) hee was forced to leaue, hee turned his single oathes (in trueth) into worse and more horrible, ioyned with most fearefull imprecations against himselfe, when soeuer hee would make any asseuerations, wherein he desired to be credited, as namely these: so God iudge mee, I renounce God, and God confound and damne mee, or doe so, or so vnto me, if this bee not true: which was so vsuall, and by long custome so inueterate in him, euen till the time of his apprehension, that in the midst of his counterfeit holinesse (where­by hee seduced Coppinger and Arthington) hee often burst foorth into this kind of execration agaynst himselfe, as an especiall mo­tiue (amongst others) to haue his wordes to be better beleeued by thē. Arthington noted this course of Hackets as a notable vertue in him, and a matter of care zeale. His maner (saieth he) of praying is as it were speaking to God face to face, denouncing his iudgements a­gaynst himselfe, if hee dissemble, lie, or seeke himselfe in any thing, but the honour of God onely. He prayed so confidently for maistresse H. that he charged God to haue giuen her vnto him, to restore her to her former health and libertie euerie way, saying, Lorde, according to thy pro­mise thou hast power, and I haue fayth, therefore it shall come to passe. This maistresse H. is a Gentlewoman of London, who pre­tendeth or feareth to bee possessed with a diuell now foureteene yeeres together.

Besides these he was giuen to quaffing and drunkennesse: be­ing [Page 6] not onely a Maltster, but a Malt-worme, and was addicted al­so to lasciuious life with women, which commonly accompani­eth the other vicious excesse: for credite whereof, his owne storie or legend (which himselfe endited as a notable monument of his excellent vertues and speciall holinesse) may giue too sufficient te­stimonie: for therein hee telleth of many temptations in this kind with women, which (as himselfe confesseth) hee reiected not al­togither, but went further then either godlinesse or yet ciuill ho­nestie would permit. But he pretendeth that these baites were of­fered and laied by his enimies (who sought matter against him) as snares and trappes whereby to take his holinesse tardie, that belike was so hard to be entangled. Insomuch as Arthington in the fore­front of that historie (which hee did whiles hee was yet seduced by Hacket) doeth stampe this brand and censure vpon it, that they were prophane speeches and matters of women, which hee would not haue set downe, but that hee could not otherwise re­ueale the villanous practise which Hackets enemies intended for the ouerthrow of the Gospell of Christ, as he most childishly and ridiculously excused then the matter. For further proofe and ma­nifestation of his lasciuious disposition, it is also enformed from the place of his aboade, that on a time (vnder colour of giuing godly counsell) hee attempted to haue wickedly rauished a poore mans daughter, whereupon hee was forced to step aside out of the way, for a season.

Neither did the wickednesse of this wretch here rest it selfe: for hee was vehemently holden in suspicion, for committing also of sundry robberies.

But that which maketh vp the heape of all wickednesse, is this: that the sinke of these sinnes in him, hee alwayes smoothlie couered and parieted ouer (especially for sundrie late yeeres) with a very rare outward earnestnesse in profession of true religi­on, and with a most entire (yea burning) desire of reforming (forsooth) the Church and common wealth, by establishing the Presbyteriall Discipline, which hee did imagine would prooue like the boxe of Pandora, for it promiseth cure for all maladies and dis­orders.

But this his zeale and desire of reformation, begun then most of all to enkindle it selfe in him, and to breake foorth, after that (by riotous mispending and licentious life) hee had wasted the [Page 7] wealth that he had with the widow, whom hee maried, whose hap was very hard to match with him, albeit hee made more of her then shee desired, for he made the vttermost penie. For then hee begunne with counterfeit holinesse to set out himselfe (amongst such of the simpler sort as had zeale without knowledge) to bee a man indued with an extraordinarie and singular spirite, such as (in olde time) the prophets and holy men of God were: making shew withall, as if he had some peculiar gifts and qualities, to bee a­ble euen to tell secrets and worke myracles, which many beleeued: whereof some did attribute them to sorcerie and enchauntments, but the simpler sort vnto his rare spirite and holinesse.

For hee trusted by this perswasion to get such credite with the vnstable multitude, as that by their hands he might one day bee a­ble (whosoeuer should withstand it) to bring his purposes about, for erecting of such pretended Discipline, to his owne great esti­mation and aduauncement. In this vayne and seduecing humour, hee is reported (I know not how truely) to haue trauelled in the North partes vnto Yorke: for among the simpler people (where he was not knowen) hee hoped by the visard of holinesse and religi­on, not a litle to preuaile, in setting forwards his designments. For which purpose he tooke vpon him there the office and spirite of S. Iohn Baptist, affirming, that hee was sent thither by God, to prepare the way of the Lord before his second comming to iudgement. But the conterfeit holines & lewd seducing purpose of the varlet being discouered vnto some in authoritie, he was welcommed not with losse of his head (as that holy mā vniustly was, whom he wic­kedly counterfeited) but was wel whipped & after banished y t city.

This medicine wrought not so effectually with him, as that it could terrifie him wholy from the like attempts. For it is reported, that after this he assaied againe to put on the like person or maske at Lincolne, where he also found the same cheere & entertainment for his paines, as he receiued afore at Yorke.

But this erroneous opinion (whereby through selfe-loue and illusion of the deuill, he thought that hee was reserued of God for somegreat and excellent worke, being blowen forward by the shew of zeale, and of an earnestnesse for such a reformation) could not thus easily be quenched and rooted out of him: the rather, for that by vse and imitation of such as he most followed & conuersed with (though otherwise he were wholy vnlettred) he had growē to [Page 8] such a dexteritie in conceiuing of extemporall prayers, with bum­basted and thundering wordes, as that he was thereby meruailed at, and greatly magnified by some brethren and sisters, as a man greatly vouchsafed with God, and adourned with rare and singu­lar endowments from heauen, so that through adimiration of such supposed excellencies in him, he still continued to fansie vnto him­selfe, that hee had rare gifts and an extraordinarie calling. For hee gaue out to diuers that hee was a Prophet of Gods vengeaunce, where his mercy is refused: saying that If Reformation be not esta­blished in England this present yeere, three great plagues shall fall vpon it, the sword, pestilence and famine. Hee pretended also that God had reuealed vnto him most wonderfull things, Which he would (he sayd) vtter to none but such as himselfe knew to be very resolute in Gods cause: But he told vnto Arthington and Coppinger, that there should be no moe Popes hereafter.

Vpon confidence of which spirit and gifts in himselfe, in pla­ces of his resort, with an intemperate and fanaticall boldnesse, (e­uen as if he had sufficient warrant for it) he dared oftentimes to vt­ter most vile, lewd, and seditious speaches both of the Queenes Maiestie and of certaine the greatest subiects whom hee thought to be hinderers of his practises. Which his outrages being once or twise brought vnto the eares of certaine in authoritie in Northamp­tonshire, and elswhere (not sufficiently acquainted with the strange humours of such Anabaptisticall wisards and fanaticall sectaries) and perhappes vn willing to let his wordes bee drawen so farre a­gaynst him, as they iustly might: they were therefore content to attribute them to some spice of phrenesie in him, and in that qualitie to bee corrected, rather then to construe them to haue proceeded from any setled and aduised malice, as the euent hath since made most manifest they did. For in the whole course be­sides of other the speaches and actions of his life, both before and after, none alienation of minde or madnesse, could bee noted in him.

At one of the times that hee was brought in question for his seditious, and in deed treasonable speaches, it happened that hee was conuented before that honourable counseller Sir Walter Mildmay, who commaunded him (for more safegard) to be wat­ched the night before he was to be conueied to Northhampton gaole, at what time the counterfait dissembling wretch, willed [Page 9] his wife to let him lie alone in the chamber that was to be wat­ched, for that he had to conferre with one, that would come vnto him that night: insinuating vnto her, as if he were to haue at that time, some special conferences with God, or some Angell. Where­vpon it was straightway blowen abroad thereabouts, amongest the credulous multitude of those, that either fauoured him for sup­posed zeale, or feared him for sorceries, that (albeit there were no candles vsed) yet there was a great light (that night) seene shining in his chamber: so that by this tale, the erroneous opinions afore conceaued of him, were greatly encreased.

After he had lien in Northhampton gaole a good space, and was to come vnto his triall (in the absence of Sir Walter from thence) the matter is thought to haue bene so handled by some (who in fa­uour of his forwardnes, would needes interprete his felonies to be but follies) as that (none euidence being giuen against him) he was dismissed for that pull: vpon band entred, for his apparance, when he should be called for againe.

Nowe Hacket (a man thus qualified as ye heare) was of all o­ther men thought by Wigginton most fitte and woorthie, to be re­commended, and straightly linked vnto Coppingers familiar ac­quaintance: as most aptly consorting with his humorous conceite, long ere this apprehended by him, whereof it seemeth Wigginton was not ignorant, nor misliked.

Their acquaintance was wrought in this manner, as Hacket te­stifieth in that discourse (which they since call Hackets historie en­larged) endited by himselfe, written by Coppinger, and afterwarde copied out faire by Arthington, as it should haue gone to the presse, being annexed to Arthingtons prophesie. For there it is said: that the Lord brought Hacket to London (about the beginning of Easter terme last) to see what would be done against Iob Throgmorton, and partly to recken with M. Wigginton about the making of malte be­tweene them together: At what time Wigginton said, that there was a Gentleman in the Citie, a very good man: but Hacket (as the Lorde knoweth) did not thinke that there had bene one godly man in the land: and supposed the twelfth Psalme belonged to this time. When Wiggin­ton was describing the man, and the matter that he was entring into, viz. that the man whome he spoke of, had a message to say to his Soue­raigne, concerning some practise entended against her, from dealing wherein, the Preachers in London had wonderfully discouraged him: [Page 10] then Hacket answered thus: did you so also? No saith Wigginton: then said Hacket, encourage him in any wise: for what know you, what mat­ter it is, he hath to say? Hereupon Wigginton sent for the said Edmund Coppinger to come to the Counter to speake with him: who (by Gods prouidence) came foorthwith, & Wigginton willed thē to take acquain­tance one of the other, assuring Coppinger that he knew Hacket to be a man truely fearing God, and such a person, as by whose conference, God might minister some comfort to Coppinger: whereupon they two, (viz. Coppinger & Hacket) went from thence presently vnto Hackets chā ­ber at the signe of the Castle without Smith field barres: so soone as they were entred the chamber, Coppinger desired that before any speeche should passe betweene them, they might first pray to God together, which they did: Hacket speaking to the Lord first. After which praier, Coppin­ger deliuered vnto Hacket, how he had bene very strangely & extraor­dinarily moued by God to go to her Maiestie, & to tel her plainly, that the Lords pleasure was, that she must (with all speede) reforme her selfe, her family, the Cōmon-wealth, & the Church: & that the Lord had further told him, by what meanes al the same should be done: but that secret he would not then deliuer vnto Hacket. Then Copp. also praied vnto God, desiring him, if he would be with him, & blesse that busines (which he had cōmitted to his charge) that then he would both furnish him with gifts fit for soweightie an action, & knit the heart of Hacket & his, so together, as Dauids & Ionathans, Moses & Aarons: for answer hereof, Hacket tooke further time til the morning, at which time in the morning (apraier being first made) Hacket laid al the Lords busines (which was to be done by himself) vpon Coppingers backe: telling him the Lord had appoin­ted him to it, & would stand with him in it. Thus farre in this point go­eth that discourse.

But long before this time of their two first acquaintances, Cop­pinger (vpon his returne foorth of Kent, in Michaelmas terme last) had signified vnto Arthington, and to one T. Lancaster, a Schoole­master in Shoe-lane, (both being of his familiar acquaintance, and whome he had requested to fast and pray with him, for successe in obteining a widow) that God had shewed him the said Copp great fa­uour, by reuealing such a secret mystery vnto him as was wonderful, being in substance thus much, viz. that he knew away, how to bring the Queene to repentance, & to cause al her Councel & Nobles to doe the like out of hand, or els detect them to be traitors that refused: Al they by such re­pentance, meaning & vnderstanding (as it seemeth) the erecting of [Page 11] their fanciful Discipline. For this phrase being vsual w t them in con­ferences of this matter, he thereby sufficiently declared his mind to thē, & they wel vnderstood what was meant, without further a do.

Nowe it had bene inconuenient that Coppinger should all this while conceale this mysterie (which he imparted vnto them, & af­ter to Hacket) from Wigginton, who brought them acquainted to­gether, vnto whom he so oft resorted, and so highly aboue all other Preachers esteemed, for his resolute dealings in Gods matters, as he termes them: whome he also after aduouched vnto Arthington, as an irrefragable witnesse to be perswaded by, that would iustifie the trueth of Hackets torments, & whom he also knew more often bu­sied, for attaining of that discipline (which himselfe also laboured for) then perhaps for heauen it selfe. And you see, that he had ac­cordingly done it, Wigginton not discouraging him therein.

This proposition so made by Coppinger, Arthington saith, that he & Lancaster misliked, as a matter impossible by Copp. to be done, but by the Lord Iesus onely, & such, whereof the issue could not fall out well any way, & so put him off for the first time: not vnderstanding, in what ma­ner, & by what special meanes, Coppinger conceaued, that such re­pentance should be wrought in the Queenes Maiestie, & in others.

The maner and other circumstances of the first reuealing of this pretended mysterie, Coppinger himselfe at large declareth in a letter written the 4. of Februarie last, vnto T. C. in prison: the occasion of writing it, he there saith, was the said T. C. offer to take knowledge (by writing) from him, of such matter, as might induce him, to suppose him­selfe to haue receaued some hope of speciall fauour from God, to some spe­cial vse: but yet, without warrant from the worde, direction of the holie spirite, & approbation of the Church, he was (he said) most vnwilling to enter into so great an action. The letter is long, but to this effect: that vpon some extraordinarie humiliation of him, he, with some other, and a guide of their exercise, ioyned in a fast: their guide (in the euening) spake of the vse of fastes, &c. and then willed the others to adde to that, which he had deliuered, either for the generall, or particular causes, which mooued them to humble themselues: that a great part of the said night Coppinger founde himselfe very extraordinarily exercised, &c. by such a motiue, as he could not well describe: partly comforted with a wonderfull zeale, which he founde himselfe to haue, to set foorth Gods glorie any wayes, which lawefully hee might enter into: partly cast downe by such a burning fire of concupiscence, as in his greatest [Page 12] strength of bodie, he had not founde the like: that the next day, he riding into the Countrey, (as he ridde) fansied to himselfe, that there was leaue giuen him to speake to God, in a more familiar manner, then at any time before: and also perswaded himselfe, that Gods spirite did giue him many strange directions, wherein the Lorde would vse him to doe ser­uice to his most glorious Maiestie, and to his Church. Vpon which, he had thought to haue returned presently backe, and to haue left his inten­ded iourney: but going on, and after being returned backe, he imparted to his former fast-fellowes the worke of God in him, and desired they might againe ioyne in the like, which he (with some other) went for­ward with, to their comfort, but without their chiefe guide, for he refu­sed to ioyne. Note. Hereupon (he saith) that he was againe stirred vp to such busines of such importance, as in the eyes of flesh and blood, were likely to bring much danger to himselfe, and vnlikely to bring any good suc­cesse to the Church of God: hereof he writte to some Preachers out of the Realme, and to some in the Realme: at length he writte hereof to one in the Citie that was silenced: who resolued him, that God did yet worke extraordinarily in some persons to some speciall vses. Hereupon he obteined this Preachers consent to ioyne with him and about foure others on the Lordes day, in a fast: which day was chosen, that they might not hinder their worldly affaires in the weeke, and that they vsed meanes to haue notice giuen to some of the Preachers in prison, of the day of their humiliation, desiring them to commend to God in their prayers the holie purposes, Note. which any fearing God, should (in time) attempt to take in hand, by seeking to bring glorie to God, and good to the Church: that in their prayers at the saide fast, he and others did beseech God, that if he had appointed to vse any of them to doe any speciall seruice to him and his, that to that ende he would extraordinarily call them, that he would seale vp his, or their such calling, by some speciall maner, by his holy spirite, and giue such extraordinarie graces and giftes, as are fit for so weightie an action. The night following (he saith) he thought (in his sleepe) that he was caried into heauen: and there being wonderfully a­stonished with the Maiestie of God, and brightnes of his glory, he made a loude, and most strange noise, whereby he awaked his brother that lay with him, and some in the next chamber. Since which time (saith he) I finde euery day more and more comfort: and suppose, that there is some­what in me, which my selfe am not so fit to iudge of: and therefore I de­sire the Church (I meane your selfe, and such as you shall name vnto me, because I cannot come to you without danger to your selfe and me) to [Page 13] looke narrowly into me: & if I be thought to be any way mislead, I craue sharpe censuring: if I be guided by Gods spirite to any good end, as here­after shall be adiudged, I shal be ready to acquaint you and them, with ge­neralities and particularities, so farre foorth as you & they be desirous to looke into. At this time, the ende of my writing is onely to acquaint you with the occasions of mine entring into this great action, and to haue your further answere to some questions, Note. wherein I desire to be resolued: with your direction also, what hereafter I am to signifie to your selfe, concer­ning the matter it selfe. Oh the questions wherein he thus desired re­solution, I doe finde two copies of Coppingers owne hand: the one more large and confused, the other briefer, and in better order, but both to one purpose, which to haue set downe, may giue good light (in mine opinion) to this narration.

The questions to be resolued, viz.

Whether there be (in these daies) any extraordinarie workers & hel­pers 1 to his church, either apostles, euangelists, or prophets, where need re­quires, mo or lesse? or Nazarites, healers, admonishers, in any special sort?

If there be, is not their calling immediat from God, & his spirit, a seale 2 vnto their spirits, through which they haue such excellent gifts and gra­ces of wisedome, knowledge, courage, magnanimitie, zeale, patience, hu­militie, &c. as doe manifest such their calling to the Church?

If such graces and giftes shall appeare, whether may the Church en­ter 3 into consideration of the successe, which God may please to giue, yea or no? If they may, in what maner are they to proceede with such a per­son, extraordinarily called?

If it shalbe confessed, that there may be vntil the end of the world im­mediate 4 callings from God: whether may the same be found in a Coun­trey, where the Gospell is truely preached, and the Sacraments (in some sorte) truely administred, though not vniuersally, but here and there, not perfectly, but in part: and where the true discipline is not established, but oppugned by the publike Magistrates, &c.

If it shall be answered that none extraordinarie callings are to be loo­ked 5 for, but where there is a waste of the Church, whether can it be truly said, that there is awaste of the Church, where the Prince, and chiefe Magistrates, are ignorant of the necessitie of the discipline, opposing them selues against it, persecuting such as seeke it: by meanes whereof, all wic­ked persons whatsoeuer, be admitted to publike exercises of the word, and to the Lordes Table: whether (I say) may it be hoped for, that God (for his glories sake, & the good of the church) may extraordinarily cal some, [Page 14] by giuing him a spirite aboue others, Note. to deale with the Magistrate in the name of God: to prouide that the people may euery where be taught, and true discipline executed, where the people already haue knowledge?

6 Whether where there be wanting Pastors, Doctors, Elders, Deacons, and widowes, &c. in the Church established, and onely a Minister thrust vpon the people to be their Pastor, without their choise or liking: whe­ther it can be truely said, a man so placed (though furnished with all in­ward giftes and graces of Gods spirite fit for that calling) hath the law­full and perfite calling of a Minister, or no?

To these I finde Wiggintons resolution made vnder his owne hand, to this effect briefly, viz. That God hath, doeth, and will, from time to time raise vp extraordinarie workers, and helpers, to his Church, as Apostles, Euangelists, and Prophets, where neede requi­reth, and as Nazarites, Healers, Admonishers in speciall sort, & such like: that these cannot be knowen to themselues, but by Gods spi­rite, nor to others, but by godly effects: That he who is so called, neede not to aske many questions of mortall men for his calling, yet must be approoued godly before he enterprise his worke, espe­cially, if he haue bene a knowen wicked person before.

That where the chiefe rulers of any house or Countrey, or the most part of any house or Countrey be ignorant, & vntaught, there it may be truely saide, that house or Countrey is out of frame, deso­late, or waste: much more then, when one part of 30. or 40. is not wel framed, rightly taught, or guided, &c. in that house or Coūtrey.

And in another paper of his owne hand, he auoucheth such ex­traordinarie callings, by example of one that cried vp and downe the streetes in Ierusalem, before it was besieged, and by another, which (he saith) the last Parliament came foorth of Yorkeshire to London, saying he was charged from God by an Angell in a vision, to signifie great vengeance from God vpon the whole Realme, for certaine great enormities by himselfe (in another mans person) vn­truely and seditiously furmised. So that hereby it appeareth, that Wigginton is the silenced Preacher, meant by Coppinger in the for­mer letter, who resolued him of extraordinarie callings in those daies: who consented to fast & pray with him & others, for a seale &c. of such calling: and who (as he afterward affirmed to Hacket) would not discourage Coppinger in his purposes.

This conceite hereupon waxing stronger & stronger in Coppin­ger, he often came to Lancasters house (where also Arthington then [Page 15] lay) to confer with them: specially to know the certaintie, whether there were any extraordinarie calling in this last age, & how y e same might be tried? They both told him (as is now said) that they were meere ordinarie men, not able to resolue him, much lesse to take tri­al of his gifts, & therfore willed him to keepe his secrets to himself, or else to go to others, that could better iudge of them. Wherupon Copp. sought for direction to diuers Preachers, & others in London, & else where, of what setled disposition may easily be coniectured: for resolution also herein (by the help of his diligent fellow-labou­rer in this busines, Iohn ap Henry alias a Penry) he sollicited y e refor­med Preachers (so these fellowes terme thē) of some forrein parts.

It may also be gathered by some letters written by him to a Gentleman neere about a great Counsellour, that he bare the saide Gentleman in hand, as if he had intelligence, touching some matter of great seruice to her Maiestie, and the Common-wealth, to be imparted to the said Counsellor. For in the copie of a letter of his, of the 28. of Ianuarie last, he thus writeth. Your signification of some ser­uice, which you heard I was desirous to doe, in discharge of my duetie to her Maiestie, may giue his L. cause to suspect, that I honour him not so much as I doe. Your reuealing therof to his L. I do assure you, doth much trouble me, because I am not furnished with such matter as I wish. My meaning was therefore to haue forborne his L. trouble, vntill I had lear­ned out that, which my heart desireth to doe, &c. And in another letter of his, written to the same Gent. the 1. of Febru. after, in this sort: If you think he looketh to haue me come to his L. (about any thing which you haue put into his head) let me vnderstand from you whē I may attend his L. pleasure, which being knowen, I will (according to my duetie) doe it, though I wish my selfe to be freed, vntil I may knowe that, which may giue his L. cause to thinke of me, as I doe desire to deserue, &c.

Now that this matter was the same wherof he desired such reso­lution, may be gathered by a note of his owne hande, set vpon the backe of these two copies, thus: viz. By these letters it may appeare, what care I had to carry my selfe in this action. But in his letters (about this matter) written vnto Preachers, & others of his owne humor, he goeth more plainely to worke, and declareth another purpose, and that it is aspeciall seruice by him to be done, to God and his Church, and so no ciuill matter, as he elsewhere pretendeth.

For I finde by a letter of another Gentleman of the Laitie, P. W. dated the 25. of Ianuarie last, and written vnto Coppinger in answere: that [Page 16] Coppinger had sent for him vp, to receaue aduise of him in some mat­ters of importance, tending to the true seruice of God, wherein he was labouring: in the ende whereof are these wordes, viz. you are in a plentifull soile, where you may vse the aduise of many godly wise: vse the benefite thereof: and then (as Ioshua saide) be bolde, and of a good cou­rage: feare not to be discouraged for God, euen the mightie God, will protect, and defend you.

In his solliciting the Preachers to take trial of his gifts & extra­ordinarie calling, it appeareth he vsed some more plainnesse, with­out much disguising of the qualitie of the action, which he enten­ded, and likewise how faintly he was discouraged from it by them. For in a letter of his vnto T. L. written the 29. of Ianuary last, he re­porteth, that M. E. (a Preacher) most Christianly, wisely, and louingly perswaded him to be careful & circumspect ouer himselfe: to take heede lest he were deceaued by the subtiltie of Satan, and so mislead: wherby he might endanger himselfe both for his libertie, estate & credite, and also be an hinderance to the great cause, Note. which he would seeme to be most desirous to further, but withall, the said M. E. concluded, that he would be loath to quench the spirite of God in him, or to hinder his zeale.

About this time & matter, Coppinger writ also another letter to T. C. which thing (besides the letter it selfe) appeareth also by a let­ter of his, written the 24. of February last, to one M. H. The whole tenor of the letter vnto T. C. is (in mine opinion) meete to be here inserted, Note. in many respects, viz. Right Reuerend Sir, I haue with much griefe bene put backe from doing some special seruice to God and to his Church, which I hope time wil manifest, that I am appointed for: which if it had bene done by enemies, it should not much haue troubled me: but be­ing done by persons as much regarded by me, as flesh & blood can regard men, it goeth neere vnto me. From you I receaued this message, that I should attempt nothing but by aduise of those, whom you would procure to counsel me: this was done from you in the name of the Lord of heauen & earth, & therefore I obey it with great care and conscience, expecting at your hands, that Munday being the day appointed for conference, that it may hold: that I may be iustifiedin my course, or condemned. The danger that some stand in for their liues, is not vnknowen: and if I had not bene letted, Note. I durst haue ventured my life, to haue procured their release ere now. God helpe vs: I see wisdome, zeale, courage, & loue are seene but in few, & those who would gladly vse those graces & giftes which God hath giuen them, cannot: but God seeth what is best to be done, and he will by [Page 17] contrary effects bring to passe, whatsoeuer pleaseth him. If you wil answer my last questions, there may much vse be made of them. I desire them as much in regard of others as my selfe, who am resolued of diuers things, whereof I craue to bee resolued, which I doe to good purpose. And as you commanded me (in the name of God) to be wise and circumspect and to deale by counsell, so, (as I may) I command you in the name of God, that you aduise the preachers to deale speedily and circumspectly, Note. least some bloud of the saints be shed, which must needs bring down vengeance from heauen vpon the land. Returne this letter I beseech you to me, that I may shew it (amongst other things) when the meeting shall be, and commend me & my purposes to God in your holy praiers, that they may so far be bles­sed, as himselfe is the directer of them: God keepe vs euer his, this 14. of Febr. There is also this postscript. I am so full of worldly businesse, as I haue no time to attend this weightie action, but do onely waite vpon God for the direction of his spirit, sauing my heart and soule are still mindfull hereof, and to morow (by Gods grace) I will humble my selfe before his maiestie in fasting and prayer, & hope, that God will stirre vp some other to ioyne with me in spirit, though few or none in person doe, onely one I am assured of, Note. the prisoners know it: I leaue it to them to ioyne or not, as God mooues them, but if euer men will fast and pray, I thinke it is now more then time to doe it. The superscription was this: To my very louing and reuerend friend master C.

He delt also (about this matter) with another gentleman of the laitie, I. T. in one of whose letters written in answer vnto Coppingers, the 18. of the fifth moneth (meaning thereby Maie) I find these words of some marke. I confesse (saieth he) I heard some buzze abroad of a sole and singular course, that either you or some other had plotted in his head. And a little after thus: I would wish you and all that beare good will to the holy cause in this perillous age of ours, to take both your eyes in your hands (as they say) and to bee sure of your ground and warrant be­fore you striue to put in execution. Striue to put in execution.

Besides these and some others, he instanted both by worde and letters (in Easter terme last) about this businesse, a certaine gentle­man. In his first letter to the sayd gentleman, dated 19. of May last, Coppinger promiseth to him in the name of the L. a recompense in the life to come, for that in the Starre chamber he feared God more then man, in such a glorious action, so pleasing to God, so behoouefull to his Church, which shall also remaine of record here to all posteritie. And a li­tle after thus: If after your owne holy priuate prayer you find any desire [Page 18] of speach, with me, let me intreat you, either to send this letter to M. Cart­wright, or rather (if you can) carie it vnto him, &c. The second letter which he writ to y e said Lawyer the 21. of May (they hauing in the meane time conferred togither) was thus word by word. Let thy spirit (O gracious father) direct vs now and for euer, in all our wayes, e­specially in those, whereby greatest honor may redound to thy glorious ma­iestie, most benefit to thy church, and most danger to thine enemies.

Good Sir and my louing brother in the Lord, though such as are ad­mitted to consult with God, & haue by prayer & meditation much fami­liaritie and acquaintance with his holy maiestie, need not doubt of good successe, in all things which he setteth them a worke in, (though Satan & his vassals crosse their course, & hinder their labour by all the means they can) yet is it also necessary that while we remain in the felowship & com­munion of the saints, that we communicate one with another, that as lo­uing children we may all ioyne togither, to helpe each other, to be doers of our heauenly fathers will here on earth, as the angels do it in the heauens. The conscience which I had hereof, enforced me to write vnto you lately, and the like mooued you to speake with mee vpon that letter. And true­ly I did obserue many things (in that litle time we spent together) were sayd & done, which might mooue either of vs to prayse our good God, & to cheere vs vp, Note. to further so holy an action as now is in hand, which must needs speed well in the end, because it is the Lords owne worke. And if we aduenture our selues to do him seruice here, he will reward elsewhere. You may be bold, for you haue the warrant of the worde, the allowance of the state, and you walke in your owne calling: But I am to be fearfull and cir­cumspect, because the dangers I enter into, be infinite, my course misliked (though vnknowen) because it is extraordinarie, which callings be cea­sed in all mens opinion of iudgement, and haue not (of long time) bene heard of, or to bee hoped for, but where the word is not preached at all, or the Church in a great waste, which no body dare affirme our Church of England to be. Wherfore it seemeth that euery step that I shal make here­in, shall be vpon thornes, & therefore I am to feare pricking: yet for all this I am not without hope, neither is the same groūded but by good war­rant. The end why I write vnto you, is this, to intreat you to giue thanks to those holy mē all on my behalf, who are now in questiō. I haue reaped much benefit from them, by their cariage towards me, though they know it not: for I durst not (in regard of danger which might growe to them) visite any of them, since I found my selfe caried with a zeale to doe somewhat in the same cause, for which they suffer. If by some effects hereafter I may [Page 19] shew it, that is it which I desire to doe, and in the meane time doe what I can to perswade the saints, that in this action I seeke Gods glory and not mine owne. I haue bene heretofore put backe and disswaded from attem­pting any thing (least I marred all) by the wisest, the learnedst, the zea­lousest and holiest preachers of this Citie, great causes and weightie rea­sons moouing thereunto. But yet this will not make me leaue it, but still I am enforced (by little and little) to labour to make my selfe fit to take vp­on me the managing of it. Wherefore if it please you to shew the other let­ter and this, and beseech them from me to lay them before the Lord, when they shall meete and ioyne togither in prayer: and if the Lords spirite shall assure their spirites, that he hath bene, is, and will be with me in this acti­on (how hard soeuer it seemeth to be) let me by their meanes be vouchsa­fed this fauour, that I may be allowed conferēce with the preachers of the Citie: which sute I make not for that I would seeke to haue approbation from them, or any other liuing creature, but from God himselfe: or that I purpose to doe that which heretofore I haue bene aduised vnto, Note. namely, acquaint thē with the courses (which I purpose by Gods assistance to take in hand) whereby great danger might grow to them, and little good to me: but that my cariage towards them, may witnes vnto them the humilitie of my mind, and lowlinesse of my spirit, & care and conscience not to enter into the matter, without offer to haue my gifts examined, & if they shalbe supposed to be such as the church may haue vse of, then let all holy means be vsed, which shalbe aduised to be fit to be done in such a dangerous time, and weightie action. So beseching God to gouern vs in all our wayes, and preserue vs in all our dangers, and supply vs with whatsoeuer we stand in need of, I humbly and heartily commend you to God, this 21, day of May, 1591.

The effect of the speeches which Coppinger had with him at their conference (as the said gentleman himselfe reported) was to com­mend the cause of y e preachers committed, to incourage him to the defence of it, adding that it was the trueth of God, & that in the end it would preuaile. Then the said Coppinger began to declare vnto him his reuelations, his great fasting and prayer, and how God had indued him with an extraordinarie grace of prayer, perswasion or prophesie: & that God had appointed him (as he was perswaded) to reueale the will of God touching the reformation of his Church, that he had an extraordinarie calling to doe good to the Church, and what seuerall conflicts he had in himselfe before he yelded to this extraordinarie motion or calling from God. Therefore his re­quest [Page 20] was, that by the sayd gentlemans meanes, his gifts and cal­ling might bee tried and allowed by those godly preachers, &c. What the preachers and others that were conferred with, answe­red to Coppinger herein, and whether more dutifully to the estate, then warily: so as they might neither (as they thought) endanger themselues, nor kill or discourage the zeale of that their brother, in so pretended holy a cause, may partly by that which is afore spoken appeare, and wee may then beleeue them when they shall tell vs the whole trueth thereof.

But how slender and cold discouragement he found with some preachers of London (with whom hee delt) touching his fantasti­call extraordinarie calling, and dangerous plots, may also appeare by these words found in a letter of his, viz. Good master L. as master E. former cariage in this action (which standeth me much vpon to deale aduisedly in) did somwhat trouble me, so his Christian and louing answer (deliuered now by you from him vnto me) doth much comfort me, A comforta­ble change. though by reason of some particular businesse (which I must necessarily follow) I cannot attend till Friday in the after noone, or Saturday any part of the day▪ And after in the same letter thus: Satan by his angelicall wisdom (which he still retaineth) doth many times preuaile with the holiest to make them feare good successe in the best causes, in regard of the lets and hinderances which himself laieth in the way. It cannot be denied but Y t the cause is good, which I desire to be an actor in: but it is sayd by some that it is impossible that I should be fit to meddle therin. So that here a chri­stian & louing answer to his great cōfort is giuē, further conferēce by speech is offred, & the course not so much misliked, as the succes only is doubted by reason of his vnfitnes y t was to be an actor in it.

But what resolution herein was also returned from the preachers of foraine parts to this case of consciēce propounded by Coppinger, may hereby (not vnprobably) be gathered. Arthington at one of his examinations confessed, that Penrie sent a letter vnto him forth of Scotland, wherin he signified, that Reformatiō (for so they speake) must shortly be erected in England: & herein he said, that he tooke Penrie to be a prophet. Now it is sure that Penrie conueied himself priuilie into England, and was lurking about London, at the self same time when these other prophets arose in Chepeside, attending (as see­meth) the fulfilling of this his Prophesie als by their meanes.

How duetifully and aduisedly those that be subiects haue dealt, which (hauing intelligence hereof) did conceale it, till it burst [Page 21] forth of it selfe, with apparant danger to her Maiestie and the whole state may thus be gathered. For by this conceit of Coppingers (you heare) it is pretended and surmifed, that a commendable cause, a cause to be defended, yea the very trueth of God, (which must preuaile) is by the state suppressed and kept vnder: that it is the will of God to haue such a reformation: that impoachment of it is offered by the Queene, Counsell and Nobles: that this is a great sinne meete to be repented of by them: that they must be brought to this repentance: that the penaltie against any of them that re­fuse to be brought, is to be detected as Traytors, an offence deser­uing death: that this must bee done out of hand: that the will of God (in great fauour for the good of his Church) was reuealed to him in this behalfe, being a man of much fasting, prayer, rare gifts, a prophet, an extraordinarie man, with an extraordinarie calling; such as was not to be bee iudged of, or discerned by meere ordinarie men, and whereinto he entred not rashly or on a sudden, but after many conflicts with himselfe before his yeelding to Gods extra­ordinarie motion and calling: but submitting himselfe neuerthe­lesse, to haue his gifts and calling tryed and allowed of, by the best reformed Preachers, and therefore not worthy to bee suspected, or discredited: that the way to bring them to this repentance was a secret mysterie, such as those preachers and others whom he con­ferred with (albeit they helde it a worke to bee wished at Gods hands) yet by his talke gathered the maner of bringing it in, to be so dangerous, as that they feared the successe, and refused to bee made accquainted with the particular wayes and meanes, which hee had plotted to effect it. Thereby making choise rather that Coppinger should venture to put it in practise (if he remained reso­lute herein, which they found by him) of what dangerous conse­quence soeuer such a way might be, then that they, by bewraying of him to authoritie, should bee any meanes to breake of and pre­uent his resolucion, or quench his zeale. And thus (with opinion of safetie to themselues) they merchandized the hasard of their friends life, or els the rearing of sedition in the Realme, with the hope that secretly they nourished, to haue the Discipline (which they dreame of) erected.

Thus Coppinger (remayning still more confirmed and selted in this veyne) by his Pue-fellowe Wigginton about Easter terme last being (as is aforesayd) brought acquainted with Hacket (as with [Page 22] a most holy man) soone after would needes bring Arthington also acquainted with him, as one, whom (vpon so small knowledge) he had obserued, to bee a very rare man. For this purpose hee sent for Arthington to dinner or supper vnto Lawsons house necre to Paules gate, where Arthington met first with Hacket, together with ano­ther, whom he calleth a godly man: of whose ordinary talke then had, Arthington liked very well: but had (as he saith) at that time no further conference with him. After which time, Arthington discon­tinued from the Citie, & remained in Yorkeshire vntil Trinitie terme, leauing Hacket and Coppinger behinde him, piotting of their purpo­ses together: what purposes they had, what counsell they entred in­to and what conferences they entertained betwixt themselues and with others, by the euents ensuing, will best bee discouered. After this, Hacket stayed not long in London, but desired Coppingor at his departure, to write vnto him what successe I. T. had, & withall assu­ring him, that whensoeuer he should write for him, he the said Hac­ket would streight way come vp againe. Hereupon Coppinger writte vnto him first at the end of Easter terme, and after againe very ear­nestly to be at London three dayes before the beginning of Trinitie terme last, but he coulde not bee heere so soone by three or foure dayes. When he was come, he lodged the first night at Islington: but sent his horse downe againe into the countrey, as purposing to stay long in London. Then after a night or two (one of which nights hee lodged at the sayd Lawsons house by Wiggintons direction) hee was prouided of a chamber and of his boord at one Ralfe kates house in Knight-rider streete by Coppingers meanes, and at his charges, for he cost Coppinger there eleuen shillings by the weeke: But Kayes wax­ing weary of him (in part for that he feared Hacket was a coniurer or witch, in that the Camomill (he saith) in his Garden where Hac­ket either trode or sate, did wither vp the next night, and waxed blacke) therfore Coppinger prouided at his own charges like wise an other roome for him, at one Walkers house by Broken wharfe, where he remained vntill his apprehension.

Whiles Hacket was at Kayes house, he vsed before & after meales to pray (as seemed) most deuoutly and zealously, but neuer for the Queenes Maiestie. Hacket also tolde Kayes, that if all the Di­uines in England should pray for raine, if hee sayde the word, yet it should not rayne.

The first of the aforesayde letters which Coppinger writte vnto [Page 23] Hacket to mooue him to come vp, doeth containe matter of note besides, not vnfit to be knowen. Brother Hacket (saith he) the bur­den which God hath layde vpon mee (you being the instrument to make me bolde and couragious, where I was fearefull and faint) is greater then I can beare without your helpe here, though I haue it where you are. The workings of his holy spirite in me since your departure, bee mightie and great: my zeale of spirit burneth like fire, so that I cannot conteine my selfe▪ and conceale his mercies towardes mee. And a little after in the same letter: Master Thr▪ is put off till the next tearme, the zealous preachers (as it is thought) are to be in the Starre Chamber tomorowe, the Lord by his holy Spirit bee with them: my selfe (if I can get in) am mooued to be there: Note. and I feare (if sentence with seueritie be giuen) I shall be forced (in the name of the great and fearefull God of heauen) to protest against it: my desire is, that you haste vp so soone as you can: your charges shall be borne by mee. And some what after, thus: If his most holy Spirit direct you to come, come: If not, stay: but write with speede, and conuey your letter and inclose it in a letter to him, who brought you and mee acquainted (vz. Wigginton) put not your name to it, for discouery: direct your letter thus, To my louing brother in the Lord▪ giue these my letters: I put to no name, but the matter you know, which suffi­ceth. Pray that the Lord may reigne, and that his subiects may obey: that all instruments whatsoeuer, that shall be vsed, may bee furnished with such giftes and graces as euery one haue, or shall haue neede of: that it▪ may appeare, that the action (now in hand) is his owne: and therefore he will prouide safety for his holy ones, and destruction for those who are vessels of wrath: who haue accomplished the number of their sinnes, which call for vengeance from heauen. These letters Hacket ca­ried to Pamplin scholemaster of Oundell to be read vnto him, for that himself could neither write nor reade: but I haue not yet heard that he complained thereof to any in authoritie.

When Arthington also about the midst of Trinitie terme last was returned to London, Coppinger (hearing therof) came to his lodging, and then (with many words) extolled and magnified Hacket vnto him, for the holiestman that euer was, Christ only excepted, & one that trauailed (together with him) for the good of the Queene & the land, but after an extraordinary maner, and not both by one meanes. And albeit Arthington (as now he saith) desired them to keepe their secrets to themselues, and not to trouble him with them, (who had other businesse to attend:) yet Coppinger importuned him so, [Page 24] as hee coulde not auoyde, but yeelde to heare Hacket pray before them (as a man of a singular spirit, albeit vtterly vnlearned of the booke.) The first prayer of his (that Arthington heard) was about foure or fiue weekes before their apprehension. All which prayers conceiued by Hacket (euen since his apprehension) the sayde Ar­thington praysed to be so diuine, sweete and heauenly, that thereby he was drawen into a great admiration of him. In all the praiers that Hacket made in his presence, Arthington obserued this difference from other mens: that he vsually therein desired the Lord to con­founde him, if he did not seeke onely his honour and glorie in all things: which Arthington marking from time to time in him, and seeing him still to be so perfitly sound and very wel, was there­by drawen (together with Coppingers wordes and experience of him) to recken and esteeme of him, as of a most holy man.

This lesson of wishing themselues confounded, his sayde, two schollers (by imitation) did so perfitly learne of him, that to the great astonishment and horror of such (that afterward examined them) they vsed this execration: wishing themselues confounded and damned, if they said not the trueth, in euery matter whereof they made any asseueration, and wherein they desired to be credi­ted, thinking (as Arthington confesseth) that whatsoeuer the spirit (as he fansied) tolde him was a trueth, he was bound to binde it vp­on his saluation or damnation. These being ioyned with the relati­on of certaine extreme torments, which Hacket had signified vnto them that he suffred, not onely outwardly by the instigation of cer­taine noble and worshipfull persons (as he vntruely made them be­leeue) but more grieuously a great deale (hee sayde) by suffering whatsoeuer either Deuils in hell, Sorcerers or Witches in earth, could practise against him (all which he pretended to haue endured for triall and proofe, that the Gospell was the true Religion against Poperie and all other sects) did so deepely astonish, or rather in­fatuate them: that (after great fasting and prayer vsed, which fa­sting they vsually performed on the Sabboth dayes) they all did re­solutely conclude, that if Hacket indured in trueth all these tor­ments and practises against him, for so holy an ende, no doubt hee was a man, which shoulde not onely establish the Gospell in all kingdomes, but all Kings and Princes should also yeelde their scep­ters vnto him, and hee shoulde bee established chiefe king ouer all Europe. Reasoning thus with themselues, that surely the Lord had [Page 23] some great good to be done by him that had indured so much for his sake.

Nowe, this was the opinion, which to haue firmely planted in them two (as in deede it was first in Coppinger, and afterward in Ar­thington) was the mayne scope and drift (as may seeme) of all Hac­kets cunning counterfaiting of so much holinesse, pietie, zeale and religion.

To worke this, he handled his actions so warily with them, that Coppinger seriously once auouched vnto Arthington, how himselfe had by good experience found, that God would denie vnto Hac­ket nothing which he prayed for or desired, and namely protested, that Hacket begged of God in a drought (that was not long afore their apprehension) a showre of rayne, and that it was presently sent in good aboundance, Coppinger also so firmely beleeued Hac­ket, that he tolde his owne man Emerson, how Hacket being impri­soned, the boltes would (often) fall off his heeles miraculously.

But for proofe that such incredible torments were in deede sus­fered by Hacket, he appealed herein to some of the Nobilitie, and to diuers others both of worshippe and good credite. This did Coppin­ger further confirme vnto Arthington, saying, that Master Wiggin­ton also did iustifie the trueth of the torments that Hacket suffered, and could doe it with a hundred honest witnesses moe, if neede re­quired. And Arthington himselfe also once heard Wigginton pitiful­ly tell, how great and extreme torments Hacket had indured.

But being asked by them, why hee was so tormented, and how these could tend to proue the Gospel to be the onely true religion? Hacket answered them thus: that his tormentors (the better to co­lour their lewde purposes and malice) gaue out and surmised him to be out of his wits, but the trueth was (sayde he) that being once at table with one G. H. an obstinate Papist, and reasoning which was the true religion (I defending this which we now professe to be the trueth, against Poperie and all other sectes) amongst other spea­ches, I protested vpon my damnation, that this was the trueth, and withall prayed, that I might sinke presently downe into hell, if it was not so: and that, if he the said G. H. would say so much for his religion, if hee did not sinke presently into hell, then would I take Poperie to be the true religion. But he refusing so doe, and being greatly mooued thereby against me, complotted with a Knight (a neere kinseman of his) and with another gentleman (being a Pa­pist) [Page 26] and with sundry others, who found such meanes, as that they procured Deuils to be raysed, Sorcerers, witches, and Enchaunters (all which (sayde hee) I knowe and can name, and minde one day, to helpe to burne them) to worke vpon my body, with intent to make mee call backe my sayde wordes of protestation, concer­ning the trueth of this religion, which if I would not doe (sayde they) but could endure the torments that they would inflict, then they all would bee of my religion, and would make mee Emperour ouer all Europe.

This tale to them that had minds afore prepared, and tooke Hac­ket by reason of his most earnest protestations, prayers, shewe of zeale pretended, fauour with God, and such like, to be a man that would not tell an vntrueth for all the worlde, seemed no way vn­probable, or to be discredited: so that these three principall actors hauing aswell among themselues, as with others often conferred hereabouts (both by word and writing) were by the midst of Trini­tie terme become most resolute, for the aduancing of their designe­ments. For in a letter written by Coppinger (about that time) to the aforesaid I. Thr. it is thus contained. Mine owne deare brother, my selfe and my two brethren, who lately were together with you in Knight ryders streete, doe much desire conference with you, which will aske some time. The businesse is the Lords owne, and hee doth deale in it himselfe, in a strange and extraordinarie maner in poore and simple creatures. Much is done since you did see vs, which you will reioyce to heare of, when wee shall meete, and therefore I beseech you (so soone as you receiue this letter) hasten an answere in writing to my sisters house▪ therein ad­uertise (I beseeche you) when I may come to speake with you; for delayes are dangerous, and some of the great enemies beginne to be supursued by God, as they are at their wits end. The Lordmake vs thankeful for it, who keepe vs euer to himselfe, to doe his will and not ours. By occasion also of hearing Master Charke on a Fryday about that time at the Blacke fryers, Coppinger saith, he was thereupon moued by God▪ spirite to write vnto him a letter, which beareth date the 9. day of Iuly last. In which letter (amongs other things) thus hee writeth vnto him. I doe not denie good Syr, but that I haue nowe (a good long time) taken a strange and extraordinarie course, such as hath offered occasion of sus­ption, of my not onely doing hurt to my selfe, Note. but also to the best sort of men now in question, and to the cause it selfe. But by what warrant I haue done this, that is all: for if the holy Ghost haue bene my warrant, [Page 27] and carryeth mee into such actions, as are differing from others of great note in the Church of God, what flesh and blood dare speake against me? This is it that I desire at your hands, and at all the rest of Gods seruants, that you forbeare to censure me and such others, as shall deale extraordi­narily with me in the Lords busines committed to our charge, & iudge of vs by the effects that followe: which if you hereafter see to be wonderfull great, then are all ordinarie men (placed in callings within this land) to feare, and to call themselues to examination before the Iustice seate of God, and see whether they haue walked faithfully before God and man, in seeking the saluation of the soules of the people, and the aduancement of Christs kingdome, Note. and the ouerthrowe of Antichristes. And if all and euery one in their places shall be forced to confesse, to haue fayled in not discharge of their dueties, let them acknowledge their sinne and re­pent, before plagues and punishments fall vpon them. The waste of the Church cannot be denyed to be great, so that there is place for extraordi­nary men (though temporizing Christians will not admit this) therefore Gods mercies shall appeare to be wonderfull great, if amongst vs he haue raysed vp such, as I knowe hee hath, and hereafter I doubt not (by Gods grace) but I, with the helpe of the rest, shalbe able to auowe against all gainesayers whatsoeuer. My desire heretofore hath bene to haue coun­sayle and direction from others: but nowe (by comfortable experience) I finde that the action (which the Lorde hath drawen me into) is his owne, and he wil direct it himselfe by the holy Ghost, and haue the full honour of it, and therefore I wayte vpon him, and yet most hartily craue the prayers of the Saints, that they will beseech God to blesse all his seruants, that he hath set aworke in his owne businesse. And I further beseech you, to shewe this Letter to Master Trauerse, and Master Egerton, and all the rest of the godly Preachers in the Citie, and iudge charitably of me and others, and let euery one looke to his owne calling, that therin he may deale faith­fully, and let vs iudge our selues, & not iudge one another, further then we haue warrant. After this letter, it hapned that M. Charke preached in the same place againe the next Sunday after, at which time Cop­pinger tooke him selfe to be particularly meant by one part of y e ser­mon. Whereupon hee wrote a letter to another Preacher (as I doe gather) the thursday after viz. 15. of Iuly: wherby he thus signifieth. M. Charke told the people, that there were some persons so desperate, that they would willingly thrust themselues vpon the rockes of the lande, and waues of the sea. This I tooke to be spoken principally to my selfe, & there­fore I thought good to aduertise you, that he spake y e trueth in those words: [Page 28] but he touched not mee, but himselfe, and the rest of the ministers of the lande, who haue not onely runne desperately themselues vpon the rockes and waues, but carryed the whole shippe, whereby they all bee in dan­ger of shipwracke, and shoulde haue perished, if the Lorde had not immediatly called three of his seruants to helpe to recouer it, who are not onely sent from God to his Church here, but also elsewhere, through the worlde. My calling is specially to deale with Magistrates. Another hath to doe with Ministers, who hath written a letter to you of the Citie, but it cannot be deliuered hardly this day. The other third is the chiefest (who can neither write nor reade) for he is the Lords Executioner of his most holy will. This letter is thus subscribed, The Lords messenger of mercy, Ed. Coppinger.

These three therefore strongly fansying to themselues such ex­traordinarie callings, and standing resolute by all meanes to ad­uaunce that (which they falsely call Reformation) and beeing thus seduced and bemoped by Hacket, it is no marueile though they en­tred further (as by degrees) into many lewde, dangerous, and trai­terous attempts.

For first hauing conceaued mortall hatred against two great and and worthie Counsailors of this estate (who they thought woulde not a little stop the course they had taken, and hinder the purpose which they pursued:) Coppinger therefore (by Hackets aduice) di­rected seuerall letters vnto some honourable personages, whereby he signified, that certaine treasons were entended euen against her Maiesties owne sacred person: meaning after to appeach those two thereof: and hoping by this meanes, either to take them away, or at least their credites with her Maiestie, vntill hee and his complices might bring their purposes to some better passe: or else (by this colourable pretence hauing accesse & opportunitie) to haue execu­ted some wicked practise against her royall person. The discouery, auouching and proofe of these supposed treasons, Hacket and he did take (especially vpon themselues.)

The first two letters that (I finde) Coppinger writte to the sayd honourable personages about this pretended matter of treason to be discouered, was the third day of Iune last: both to this purpose, to haue them acquaint her Maiestie, that intelligence was giuen vnto him of some treason intended against her owne sacred person, but naming no particular. In the one of them, hee enclosed a letter of his to her Maiestie and certaine petitions, which he would haue [Page 29] had to be offered vp to her highnesse, being to this effect: That hee might haue leaue to entertaine the action of such discouerie; that as matters should come to light, he might resort to a certaine wor­thy Counsellor (by him there named) to acquaint him therewith, and to haue his counsell and direction: that hee the saide Coppinger might conferre and examine Iesuites and all prisoners (suspected or condemned of treason) about these matters, in the presence of certaine others: That for better furtherance of his seruice, hee might haue this fauour to stay iudgement, or at least execution against condemned persons for crymes capitall or smaller, vntill her Maiestie might haue account giuen of the cause of his so do­ing: that he might be pardoned for so bolde an attempt, if in ouer much feare of danger to her sacred person, hee had, or afterwarde should goe too farre, and not effect that in the ende, which hee hoped to doe: and lastly, that this matter might bee concealed from all men. But the sayde honourable personage finding this to bee an vnlikely and strange course to bee yeelded vnto (as may be gathered by the answere, and by the other letters) directed him to a more sounde way: viz. To learne first the groundes per­fitely, to acquaint none other with the matter, and to doe it spec­dily. Hereupon the eight of the sayde Iune, hee addressed ano­ther letter to the same personage, enclosing therein a letter writ­ten to him from Hacket, and dated the last day of May, and one other letter of his owne to her Maiestie, to haue bene deliuered vnto her Highnesse. His letter to the sayde honourable perso­nage, is to commend the writer of that letter enclosed, not naming him, (for Coppinger had raced out both Hackets name & the name of Oundel from whence is came) as a man able and willing, to doe her Maiestie some principall seruice, to offer their attendances to come before her Maiestie, and to vrge the deliuery of the letters, for that the matter (he said) admitted no delayes. The letter from Hac­ket is nothing but an inciting and animating of Coppinger, to per­forme the Lordes businesse (he had in hand) by many holy, and de­uoute words and hypocriticall allusions to certaine stories of the scripture. Coppinger his letter to her Maiestie, commendeth the in­diter of that inclosed, for a man beloued of God, and fearing him vnfainedly, and one enabled (by God) to do her highnes some spe­ciall seruice: he also humbly desireth thereby, that they two might appeare before here owne Princely person, in the presence onely of [Page 30] two certaine Lordes and one Ladie. But the sayde honourable personage sent Hackets Letter againe vnto Coppinger, as of no mo­ment for that purpose, and stayed the deliuery of his Letter to her Maiestie, till some particular intelligence might be had, to be first deliuered to her Highnesse. The same day Coppinger also writ two seuerall Letters to the same two Lordes, in whose presence he and Hacket desired to come before her Maiestie, and to deliuer their intelligence; this he did, to aduertise them hereof afore hand. That which is written to the one of them, mentioneth a supplication, which Coppinger sent (the day afore) vnto his L. to make passage to some better seruice to her Maiestie, which he hoped should bee done shortly to her Highnesse good liking, and to his L. great ho­nour, for that hee should bee the chiefe actor therein. Vpon some answere returned from the Ladie afore mentioned, crauing some particulars of that which they meant to discouer, Coppinger writte to Hacket (being in London) to vrge him vnto some more speciall poynt of intelligence: whereunto Hacket (the sayde eight of Iune) answering by Letter to small purpose, and subscribing his Letter thus, As you finde mee, so call mee: Coppinger therefore returned in answere another Letter presently vnto him, whereby he signified, that Hacket must manifest somewhat more plainely, of some prac­tise worth the reueiling, otherwise they both should worthily fall into her Maiesties indignation: for that which he had then writ, would not satisfie her Maiestie and the State, concerning the dan­ger which Hacket supposed to bee comming vpon the lande, and wherewith he seemed to be acquainted.

Vpon such ouerture (as afore is touched) made to one of the said Lords, he had the said two appeachers before him on the tenth of Iune: but finding Hackets demeanour of himselfe very strange, and their imputations as friuolous, hee dismissed them (as is sayde) without further a doe, to their great discontentment. Hereupon Coppinger (in stomacke so farre as he durst) writte another Letter to the sayde Noble man the eleuenth of Iune: hereby hee signi­fied, that were it not that he had beene before acquainted with the graces and giftes of the holy Ghost, which hee did assure him­selfe to bee in Hacket in an extraordinarie manner, hee shoulde haue esteemed of him (by his behauiour) as his Lordshippe did. Therefore what trouble or daunger soeuermight come to him­selfe by it, hee was resolute to abide it, and further chargeth [Page 31] the sayde Noble man (in Gods name) to deliuer the Letters and Copies there inclosed to her Maiestie, signifying, that what punishment shoulde in that respect bee allotted to him or vnto Hacket, they would vndergoe it, and not depart the Citie, till they might further vnderstande, what God would doe therein. Sure it is, that (being thus shaken off by him) they grewe extreme­ly malicious also against the sayde worthie Noble man.

I finde also a Copie of a Letter written in Coppingers hande, but meant to bee sent as from Hacket, vnto her excellent Ma­iestie: wherein (amongs other thinges) hee desireth hee may enioy that, which God hath appoynted him, and then lewdely, and falsely accuseth and reuileth two great and worthy Counsay­lours. In the ende hee sayeth, that if hee shoulde tell her the iudge­mentes of God that lye at her gate (which the Lorde hath shewed him) they woulde bee ouer fearefull for her to endure, or to heare of. And if shee doubted of his sending from the Lorde, hee willeth her to aske a signe, and if he giue it not, let him dye.

A seconde course taken by them besides the former appeache­ments, was a conspiracie of the death of certaine the Lords of the Councell, when they should bee at the Starre-chamber, in case they should giue any iudgement against certaine, that were (sometime) Preachers, and are now prisoners for misdemeanors, perillousto the peaceable state of the Realme, as is intended. That this deuilish purpose was rise amongs them, may appeare by a letter sent by Cop­pinger in Trinitie terme last, vnto the aforenamed Lancaster. In which was contayned to this effect, that if the Lordes should giue a hard censure against those parties (the next day) if God shewed not such a fearefull iudgement against some of those Lordes, as that some of them should not go aliue out of that place, then neuer trust him. And al­beit some y t sawe this letter, could not picke any further matter out of it, then Coppingers conceipt, that God (without some speedie and miraculous iudgement from himselfe alone) would not suffer such men to bee punished: yet Lancaster (to whome it was directed) iustly suspected some further meaning, and that the concealing of it might be both accounted vnduetifull, and further also dangerous vnto him, and therefore asked counsell of some more skilfull then himselfe, whether hee might safely suppresse it, and teare the letter in pieces.

Another deuise they also had for preparing (as is supposed) [Page 32] of the mindes of the people, and to stirre them vp to be in readines, which was by certaine seditious letters, that were purposely scatte­red fiue or sixe nights afore in many of the streetes of London, by some of these actors, or by their complices and fauourers. Like­wise there was found in Wiggintons chamber (in the prison where hee remayneth) about a thousande printed Pamphlets of two sortes: the one of Praedestination, the other carrying an odde and needelesse title to euery man, that knoweth but the Author. For it is entitled on the first side, in great letters thus: viz. The Fooles bolte: and immediatly vnder that title, this sentence is set downe wor­thie to be duely considered, with all his circumstances now appa­rant, viz. Such as doe surmize the complaynt of Innocencie to bee re­uenge, and the report of Trueth to be slaunder, shall neuer want the due reward of their grosse errour, whilest Innocencie and Trueth shall endure. On the other side of the sheete the title is, A fatherly exhortation to a certaine yong courtier. The matter thereof is conceiued into an hal­ting ryme, rouing lewdly not only at the gouernours Ecclesiastical, and at other Ministers, but also at sundry hauing ciuil authoritie and high places. Amongs the rest, the first two staues and last staue are most perillous, if ye respect the present action these persons had in hand, their opinions of this state, and the base condition and state of the chiefe of them. The first are these. viz.

My sonne if thou a Courtier sue to bee,
In flowre of youth this lesson learne of mee.
A Christian true although he be a clowne,
May teach a king to weare scepter and crowne.

And in the last staue are these, viz.

For God will sure confound such as deuise.
His ordinance or Church to tyrannize. &c.

These papers Wigginton (by the meanes and helpe of one Browne) procured priuily to be printed at Whitsontide last, and being exami­ned touching them by her Maiesties Counsell and others, he con­fessed, that they were all to be sent to women, the weaker vessels: viz. to Mistress L. Mistresse B. and to I knowe not how many Mis­tresses, by them to be dispersed abroade: to the intent, that euery one (to whom they might come) should conceiue of them, as the spirit should moue them. And Hacket also confessed, that a part of certaine writings which Wigginton and Coppinger framed was, that a Clowne might teach a King to weare a Crowne.

[Page 33] Now that Wigginton held intelligence in these matters with the conspirators, and that there was mutuall and ordinarie correspon­dence betwixt him and them in all plots for aduancing of their Discipline per fas & nefas (besides that which in this behalfe hath bene touched afore) is made also manifest, by the confession of Ar­thington, who saith, that about the fifteenth of Iuly, or not long be­fore, hee heard Hacket singing of certaine songs, who then wished that Arthington had also some of them: for it was a very speciall thing, and (said he) M. Wigginton hath a great many of them.

Also Coppinger had once conference with Wigginton (in the pre­sence of Arthington) touching his extraordinarie calling. At what time it is pretended, that Wigginton refused to bee made acquainted with the manner of Coppingers secrets: and that he vsed these spee­ches to Coppinger, vz. You are knowen to be an honest Gentleman, and sworne to the Queene, and therefore I will not be acquainted with those things, which God hath reuealed vnto you for the good of your Soue­raigne. And his opinion of such extraordinary callings (set downe vnder his owne hand) doth else-where appeare, whereby is ar­gued, that he was made a common oracle for such fantastiques: that he knewe the matter in generalitie, which by Coppinger was to be wrought vpon the Queene, to bring her (forsooth) to repentance, howsoeuer he refused to knowe the particular manner of such se­crets: that hee acknowledged it to bee good for the Queene, and yeelded it (without scruple) to bee reuealed vnto Coppinger from God, so that it could not be, but that Coppinger hereby was much animated to goe forward in his conceiued wickednesse. Besides, Wigginton taketh knowledge (as appeareth by a paper of his owne hand writing found in his Chamber) that Hacket had defaced the Queenes armes, and had vttered dangerous wordes, importing him­selfe to be a King, and his mislike of all Kings now raigning, since his last cōming to London. Hacket further declared vnto M. Young on the 24. of Iuly, that he was once (in companie of two Gentle­men and of Mistris Walker and Mistris Lawson) with Wigginton in his Chamber, where and when he heard Wigginton say, that if the Magistrates doe not gouerne well, the people might drawe themselues together, and to see a Reformation. This dangerous opinion of his, may bee also gathered out of a letter of his owne hande writing (found with him) being dated the sixth of Nouember last, wherein he thus writeth. M. Cartwright (saith he) is in the Fleete for refusall [Page 34] of the oath, as I heare, and M. K. is sent for, and sundry worthie mi­nisters are disquieted who haue bene spared long. So that wee looke for some bickering ere long, and then a battaile, which cannot long endure.

A fourth purpose of theirs, was not onely to make an alteration in the state of Church-gouernement, and to plant in euery congre­gation their Elderships or Consistorie of Doctor, Pastor, and certaine laye Elders with the appurtenances: but also to change the Ciuill policie of this Realme. For which consideration, they meant to displace all the Lords and others of the priuie Counsell: therefore (in their speeches and writings touching these Counsellors) they vsed of late no title of honour, but their bare names and surnames, or els their names with this addition: Late L Ch. or late L. Tr. as if they were already disautorised, and in their steads they had nomi­nated and set downe, certaine others (in trueth very honorable and worshipfull persons) that should be counsellors, of whome euery honest man neuerthelesse is perswaded, that they detest both these and all other such vile, seditious and fanaticall persons and courses.

Coppinger (not long afore their rising as it seemeth) penneda let­ter to haue bene sent to the one of the aforesayde honorable perso­nages. In this letter he chargeth a great & worthy Counsellor (vsing onely his Christian name and sirname) that he together with his hellish and infernall companions (for so he raueth) had comitted treason in the hiest degree against her Maiestie. He desireth that honorable perso­nage to effect, that the said Counsellor, himselfe, and two others of the Lords messengers, may be brought before the Queenes Maiestie: and if he be not prooued a traitor to God and her, then let me (saith he) for my pride and presumption, be hanged at the Courtgates. Then he exclai­meth against another great Counsellour (terming him but by his bare name likewise) to whō he had sent letters & copies to haue bin shewed to her Maiestie, and there sheweth himselfe greatly offen­ded with him, because hee was not (as he hoped) brought to her Royal presence, adding thus therto, but he & the rest (saith he) of her wicked Counsellers, Note. & vngodly magistrats, shalbe forced to acknowledge, what they are worthy to haue: the Lord pardō their soules, for in their out­ward man, they must be punished, though they repent: & a litle after, thus. I doe aduise also that euery one of her Counsell be cōmanded to keepe their house or chamber, for feare of stirre or danger. Then he doth appoint to her Maiestie a new Counsel, aduising that Wigginton (a man in more fauour (he saith) with God, then any man of his calling whatsoeuer) be cōmanded to be neere her highnesse, to pray to God, or to preach priuatly.

[Page 35] By the like resolute vaine, Arthington also chargeth the sayde Counsellor, as deepely, and vpon the like & greater penaltie to him­selfe, in a supplication penned by him to haue bene sent to her Ma­iestie. But I will giue you a taste how friuolously, & vpon what fond proofes he groundeth his accusation, to the end it may appeare, that this was but a colourable pretense wherein they reposed to great suretie of successe, but hoped at length thereby to haue brought themselues and Hacket, to her Maiesties presence. The issue he ten­dereth is this, That if in her Maiesties presence he prooue not the saide Counsellor to be the most dangerous enemie that was discouered since her highnesse reigne, then let his body and soule be for euer damned: Proui­ded alwaies, that if her Maiestie cannot (by his euidence) iudge him the said Counsellor to be so bad as he makes report of him, yet that she would giue him the saide Arthington leaue in her sacred Presence, to fight the combat of praier with him, Newe Triall by combat in prayer. wherin, if it please him (saith Arth.) I wil first begin to pray against my selfe, that if he be not as deepely guiltie as I haue charged him, then that Gods vengeance may presently consume me both body & soule into hell for euer, which if it come to passe, the victorie shalbe his, & he returne an innocent. But if he see me leape vp for ioy, as one that hath discouered him to be a traitor, then if he dare fal down in like sort, & make the same praier, that the like vengeance may fal vpō himself, if he be so deepely gilty as I haue charged him, & if Gods vengeance fall not vpon him before he depart out of her presence▪ let me be hangd, drawn & quar­tred for laboring to empeach a Counsellors credit▪ but if he dare not thus enter the listes with me before her Maiestie, let him be holden guiltie.

Their last & most damnable designment of al was the depriuatiō of her sacred Maiesty frō her Crown & dignity, & the destructiō of her Royal person, whom the eternal God (in mercy) long preserue, to the confusion of all seditious wretches her enemies of all sorts.

The very particular & principall meanes how these diuelish pur­poses were meant to be effected by them, Arthington now saith, that they were not opened vnto him: pretending that though the other two seemed willing to haue imparted some of their secretes vnto him, yet himselfe was alwayes vn willing to heare any of them. But for the speciall meanes that Coppinger had plotted to bring the Q. Maiestie & Counsel to repentance, he saith that this was a secret mystery (as Hacket & Coppinger affirmed to him) which they would keepe to themselues, & were so enioyned of the Lord. But whether soeuer the way to effect these, was ment by some open violence, or secret practise: sure it is, that popular tumult was not the least [Page 36] meanes they trusted of, to bring them to passe, which they hoped to stirre vp by their pretence of so great holinesse, with calling the Realme to repentance in the open streetes of London, by offering ioyes and mercie to the penitent, and by their Proclamation also then made in Chepeside, as hereafter commeth to be declared.

Now that these their two last purposes were in deede the prin­cipal & maine ends which they propounded to themselues (besides that which by the way is noted already, & that which comes here­after to be mentioned) let these fewe proofes ensuing suffice. First for the alteration of the whole gouernment Ecclesiasticall and erect­ing of the new Discipline: It is confessed, that Coppinger & Arthing­ton the two counterfeit prophets (on the 16. of Iuly last being Friday, and the selfe same day that they arose in Cheapeside) tolde Wiggin­ton in the morning, these words amongst many others: vz. That re­formation & the Lords Discipline should now forthwith be established, & therefore charged Wigginton in the Lords name, to put all Christians in comfort, that they shoulde see a ioyfull alteration in the state of Church-gouernment shortly. To which wordes Wigginton made no reply nor further demaund, as of any matter strange vnto him, how it was so shortly to be compassed. Wherein may also be obserued, that these kinde of persons doe recken and terme onely those Christians; that will take comfort andioy at such an alteration. So that (by their o­pinions) it skilleth not, what be attempted or done against all o­thers, being but as Heathens and Paynims, or at least Idolalaters.

Thus much (with their seditious purposes also) is plainely im­plied in a dangerous letter written by the said Coppinger since Easter last, vnto one Iohn Vdale a condemned man for Felonie, in the White Lyon in Surrey, for writing of the booke termed the Demonstration of Discipline: that letter beginneth thus: Right reuerend Sir, my for­bearing to visite you and the rest of the Saints (who suffer for righteous­nesse sake) doe giue you all cause to thinke that I haue forsaken my first loue, and haue embraced the God of this world. But my conscience bea­reth mee witnesse of the contrary: the reason of mine absence being so great and so weightie, that hereafter when they shalbe examined by your selues (who are indued with the spirit of wisdome and discerning of spi­rits) I doubt not but you will allowe of my not cōming, Note. which might bring you into more trouble and danger, then it would do me good, or breede me comfort, And afterward thus, You haue care & conscience to further the building of the Lords house which lieth waste, and to seeke the finall ouer­throw [Page 36] of Antichrists king dome: which being the Lords owne worke, hee will blesse it, and all the actors in it. And this I dare be bold (of mine own knowledge) to report, that in this great worke he hath diuers that lie hid, and are yet at libertie, who are hammering their heads, busying their braynes, and spending their spirits in prayers to God, as much as you or a­ny of you that are in prison, Note. and hope in short time to he brought forth in­to the sight of their and your enemies, to defend the cause you stand for. And againe afterward in this wise: I beseech you cheere vp your selues in the Lord, for the day of our redemption is at hand, and pray that the hand of the Lord may be strengthened in them, Note. whom he hath appointed to take part with you in this cause, and beseech him that blessing may be vpon Sion, and confusion vpon Babel. Pardon my long letter I beseech you, and impart mine humble sute to all the rest, to whom I neither dare write, nor offer to see. I neither put to my name, nor make sub­scription: the bringer can report who sendeth the letter, and let that suffice.

Furthermore that they hated deadly, and maligned her Maie­stie (as a principall obstacle to their innouation and kingdom, and therefore sought to depriue her highnes of her Soueraigntie and life) may be gathered by their owne words and actions: for Hac­ket confessed before the other two, that at a sermon of one Eger­tons preaching in the Blacke Friers (whither they vsually resort) he the sayd Hacket remayned vncouered all the sermon tyme, vn­till the preacher came to pray for her Maiestie, but then (hee sayd) that hee put on his hat. And when Arthington demaunded why he did so, Copping. streight way answered thus, There is a matter in that. Likewise when as (in their priuate praiers among themselues) Arthington vsed to pray for the Queene, Coppinger would sundry times tell him, that his so doing did much grieue Hacket, adding, that in the beginning himselfe did also pray for her, but Hacket had now drawen him from it: saying, there was a cause why, which Arthington knew not, but should know hereafter. For (saieth he) you doe not know this man (meaning Hacket) who is a greater person then shee, and in deed aboue all the princes in the world.

And when as on the very Sundry before their rising (for so themselues haue since termed that action) it hapned that Arthing­ton prayed againe for the preseruation of the Queenes Maiestie: Hacket (not digesting this) suddenly with indignation turned his [Page 37] face away from him, but when hee prayed for other matters, then Hacket cast his countenance towardes him agayne: which he per­ceiuing that Arthington also marked by him, and purposing (as it seemeth) to salue vp this matter agayne, (least Arthington hap­pely might yet haue fallen from them) therefore when they had ended their prayers, Hacket tooke him with his armes about the middle (in very kind sort) affirming, that hee loued the Queene as well as either of them, and desired him not to bee offended, for the Lord had commaunded it: adding further, that there was a matter in it that Arthington as yet knew not. Hereupon Coppinger (being in hearing thereof) sayd, that she might bee prayed for in generall termes, but not so specially as Arthington did (where­by Hacket was grieued) nor yet to bee prayed for as a Soueraigne: for (sayd hee) shee may not raigne as Soueraigne, Note. but this man Hacket, and yet (saieth hee) shee shall liue better then euer shee did, albeit shee must bee gouerned by another, thereby al­so meaning Hacket. And to the intent they might the more as­suredly retaine Arthington without suspicion of their poisonfull malice (wherein they boyled against the Queenes highnesse) Hac­ket himselfe (once after this time) verie subtilly prayed for her Maiestie.

For proofe that they also meant to depriue her of life, the se­uerall confessions of Arthington at sundrie examinations may bee alleaged. Whereby (vpon that which hee heard and knew) is confessed, that hee is verilie perswaded Hacket meant her Maie­stie should haue bene depriued both of kingdome and life, which hee also gathered by Coppingers letters, albeit hee denieth, that hee was euer made acquainted by what speciall meanes it should be done.

Thus hauing in some part described the qualities, perswasions in opinion, familiaritie, inducements vnto mutuall crediting one of another, exercises and designments of these persons: it resteth to goe on with the narration of the rest of the action, for better per­siting vp of this historie.

Hacket on a time recounting vp vnto the other two his tor­ments (which hee pretended to haue endured) told, how (a­mongst others) one Pigge a preacher did so beate him with rods at a place in Hartfordshire, (whiles hee lay bound there in a sinke hole) that this cost him the sayd Hacket more deare, then all the [Page 38] rest of his torments: because thereby hee was enforced to suffer for all hypocrites also, adding thereunto, that all their best prea­chers (so they terme such as thirst after and perswade innouati­ons) were no better in very trueth then Hypocrites, neuerthelesse hee would (hee sayd) daily heare them preach. Hereupon Ar­thington tooke occasion to tell him, that hee could prooue all such preachers to bee Hypocrites and Idolaters both (albeit of igno­rance) because they doe yeeld (in some sort) to the commaunde­ments of the gouernours, and vnto the lawes of this Church, that they may be tollerated to preach.

This pleased Hacket so exceedingly well, as that he beganne highly to esteeme of Arthington, and hereby the rather he thought good, that Arthington should be made acquainted with their let­ters. For about tenne dayes before their rising (Arthington saieth) that Coppinger did greatly importune him to read the letters which he and Hacket had written, if it were but to see the stile: assuring him they tended to nothing else, but to make a way to acquaint her Maiestie with their secrets. So that when Arthington sawe so great Counsellors so resolutely thereby charged with matter of so high qualitie, by Coppinger especially (her Maiesties sworne ser­uant) hee was induced to beleeue it, and to thinke they had some very good ground thereof.

Arthington also (with great contentment vnto Hacket) fra­med certaine Syllogismes, (I beleeue) in a lewd Moode, and in an vnperfect and fond Figure, to prooue (forsooth) one of the sayd honourable Counsellors (whom hee and Coppinger vilanouslie afterward proclaimed traitours) to bee such as they doe charge him to bee. This woorthie worke of Syllogismes therefore beyng first finished, his other treatise (to prooue those preachers to bee hypocrites and Idolaters) was straightway set vpon the stocks, and began to be built on the Munday before their rising: after they all had (for obtaining good successe in this and the rest of their bu­sinesse) humbled themselues on the Lordes day afore in fasting and prayer, for so bee their woordes. This latter treatise Arthing­ton finished vp the Thursday morning next after, and termed it A Prophecie of Iudgements against England, whose skill in this pre­cipitate kind of pistling, the other two so magnified, as that they termed him by a title mentioned in a Psalme, viz. The pen of a readie [Page 39] writer. Where as wiser men thinke they might haue looked a litle lower, and he haue better compared it, as the wise man doeth the like, where he saieth: A word in a fooles mouth is like an arrow in a dogs leg, because hee will neuer leaue wrinching and fisking, till he haue got it out.

In this prophesie hee first setteth downe the third commande­ment, Arthingtons prophesie. inferring what plagues shall light on himselfe if hee offend therein. Then commeth he to his nine seuerall assertions, adding to euery one of them, The Lord to confound him, viz. that if he thinke not himselfe to bee the vilest sinnefull wretch liuing: If hee take not himselfe to bee the most ignorant in Gods booke of any man that hath professed the Gospell so long: If hee acknowledge not himselfe most vnfit and vnwoorthie of all men to serue the Lord Iesus: If neuerthelesse he be not extraordinarily called to do the message of God more faithfully then any preacher in England hitherto hath done: If the Scripture doe not iustifie extraordina­rie callings before the endes of the world: If hee know not two persons within the citie of London, that haue greater extraordina­rie callings then himselfe, videlicet, Edmund Coppinger, and Willi­am Hacket: If the former bee not a prophet raised vp of the Lord to bring a message of great Mercie to the land, if all the people truely repent of their sinnes: If the later bee not the holiest man and of the greatest power to bring fearefull iudgements vpon the whole earth, that euer was borne, Christ Iesus excepted: If the sayd Hacket (as the Messenger of Gods vengeance, where mer­cie is refused) doe not bring such great plagues vpon this realme of England, the like whereof was neuer seene: In these and in euery of these seuerall cases, hee prayeth the Lord to confound him.

Whereupon he inferreth that hauing thus denounced so many fearefull woes against his owne soule, as would sinke it into the bottomelesse pit of hell, if hee were guiltie in any one of them. Then thereupon with cheerefulnesse hee commeth to declare his message to England, accusing it to bee the most rebellious, though it haue bene most blessed of all other nations. Then he af­firmeth the citie of London, and the courtes of Iustice at Westmin­ster, and the counterfeit worship of God with crosse and surplesse, to bee worse then Sodome and Gomorre, or the purple whoore of Rome, or else desireth to be confounded. Nay he preferreth Rome [Page 40] before London: because at Rome they sinne onely of ignoraunce. Of her Maiestie he saith, she is least guiltie of the common sinnes, but most abused (of any Prince that euer was) by those, whom she hath most aduanced.

Then he speakes to three great Counsellors, C. C. T. daring them to protest for their innocencies against themselues, as deepe­ly as he hath done, and then, if they be not swallowed vp quicke, he is contented to be hanged vp in chaines at Paules crosse. Note. Then he threatneth them, that they three shal be otherwise detected ere long, & all those that are their partakers, when her Maiestie shall reigne and liue to see better daies, if God giue her true repentance. Then he sayth he will leaue all other of the Cleargie (as sufficiently detected alrea­dy) saue such as pretend to seeke Reformation, who (he sayth) are as guiltie (in two pointes) as any of the other. The first point, for not crying out continually against Archbishops, Bishops, Deanes, Archdeacons, and others, as wicked vsurpers in the house of God. The second, for not crying out against the wicked Magistrates of this land, because they keepe out the Elderships out of the Church, and mainteine in their roome, officers and offices of Antichrist: Hereupon gathering thus: howe can God spare this lande any longer, wherein both the Magistrates and messengers of God haue dealt so vn­faithfully in the Lordes seruice? Adding, that the fearefull iudgements of God shall be sure to fall on the reprobate: being already prepared, and put into the handes of the Mightie Messenger of the Almightie God, William Hacket, to be powred out vpon this great Citie of London, and vpon all places, where repentance followeth not this publication. Then he goeth about to prooue all such Preachers to be Idolaters, or con­senting to Idolatrie, which practise or consent, and suffer others to vse surplesse and crosse, because (he sayeth) they are the markes of Antichrist. Preferring herein the Papistes afore them, as sin­ning herein onely of ignorance, seeking also to engreeue their faultes in this behalfe, for that they are all hypocriticall Idolaters, in that (neuerthelesse) they professe Reformation: whereunto he ad­deth (he sayeth) a secrete: That this their halting and hypocrisie hath so hardned Gods heart against their requestes, for bringing in the Dis­cipline, that for this vnfaithfull and vnsingle walking in their function, Note. he hath hitherto denied it. Neither shall any one of them, or all of them to­gether, haue that honour giuen, to bring in Reformation: For (sayeth he) I tell you truely, the Almightie God hath put his cuppe of venge­ance [Page 41] into his trustie and faithfull seruants hand, William Hacket, to powre it downe shortly, vpon euery wilfull and obstinate sinner that doeth not repent vpon the notice hereof, or else the Lorde confound me. Lastly, he giueth a charge to haue this Prophesie, together with the incredible, (but most certain) historie of the holiest seruant of God, William Hac­ket, that euer hath bene, is, or shall be borne, (Christ Iesus onely excep­ted) with all speede possible, printed and published together, as in substance true (saith he) or else the Lorde confound me. This wise prophesie is thus subscribed: By the most vnwoorthie seruant, but yet a faithfull Prophet of the Almightie Iesus, or else his wrath confound me. Henrie Arthington.

Whiles Arthington was about this his taske, Coppinger (as it see­meth) was neither idle nor well occupied, for he was setting down from Hackets owne mouth a long Ragmans role, of Hackets tor­ments, reuelations, and (I knowe not what) called Hackets histo­rie. For by Thursday morning Hacket hauing enlarged the first draught thereof, (which was at first but scribled out by Coppinger) Arthington was to write out againe faire the enlarged copie, that being perfited, it might be annexed vnto the aforesaid Prophesie. All that Thursday was spent by them in consultation and writing: Hacket being also present, and assisting them. But with what ioy­fulnes amongs them all, it is incredible, if wee may beleeue their owne reportes. Yet Arthington was forced (for the haste that was made to haue all in readines against the Friday following, and for the desire he had to yeelde vnto Hacket all satisfaction and con­tentment, that might be) to sit vp, most of Thursday night, writing out againe of the said historie, so enlarged.

But on Thursday it selfe (being the 15. of Iuly) amongs other their actions: Coppinger and Arthington writte a letter to the a­foresaide T. L. which is of this tenor: first at the top of it, thus: viz.

If this letter be not endited by the holie Ghost, Coppingers and Arthing­tons letter vnto T. Lan­caster. who hath appeared (in a farre greater measure) to sinnefull wretches, in the ende of the world, euen to vs, whose names are here vnder written, and to a third person, in calling aboue all former callings whatsoeuer, (Christ Iesus excepted) the Lorde confound vs two with venge­ance from heauen, and carry vs (with all violence) into the bot­tomlesse pit.

If we haue not taken the name of God in vaine, it standeth you vpon [Page 42] to reade this letter with feare and trembling, with ioy and gladnes: with feare, that the Lorde should wooe you to doe him seruice: with ioy, that he offereth you honour, if you accept it. We two are messengers from heauen, who haue a good Captaine to guide vs: who haue receaued immediate callings from God, to call the whole world to repentance, and amendment of life: otherwise they are to feare, that Christ Iesus his second comming in glorie, will be to them as a thiefe in the night. If I Edmund Coppin­ger doe not preferre you before any one man in the land whatsoeuer, for your wise, holie, louing and religious course, both in the generall calling of a Christian, and in your particular calling, the Lord confound me bodie and soule. The reason why I choose you first, is, because in your house, in your presence, and (vnder God partly by your meanes) I had my first ex­traordinarie calling, though thereof (as of all other things) the whole honour and glorie be the Lordes. And of the same minde is my brother Arthington. In token of our extraordinarie loue to you, we deale as we neither haue, or will doe, with any other: for we command in the name of the Lord, all creatures vpon the earth, and they must obey. But with you we will dispense thus farre, that it shall be your choise to come, and take a newe calling (for a time, wherein we would vse you) or refuse it. So wi­shing you to commend vs, and your selfe to God, before you answere vs, which we expect in word, and not in writing, &c.

The messenger of mercie to the whole world, if they accept me. Edm. Coppinger.

I auouch whatsoeuer my brother hath written, to be most true: & fur­ther I protest, that you are a more holie man then any Preacher in Lon­don, or throughout the whole land, or else the Lorde confounde mee. If it please you to come and see me ioyfull, you may hope this is true.

The Prophet of Gods iudgements to the whole world, where mercie is reiected. Hen. Arthington.

That the perfite and enlarged historie of Hacket be briefly ga­thered into a summarie, & here set downe, it will not (I thinke) be amisse, for such as shalbe desirous to know, what mysteries may be therein contained, which drewe these two (amongs other matters) into such an extraordinarie admiration, and opinion of him.

[Page 43] First therefore, A summe of Hackets histo­rie. there is declared whom Hacket serued, then how he got the execution of the Bailywike of Oundel, being void: how vpon complaint of the wiues there, that their husbands spent their thrift in Alehouses on the Sabaoth daies, he (by a Iustice of Peace not farre off) did cause al the playing tables that could be come by, to be burnt. Also the light and entising behauiour of some women towards him, & his familiarity with them, wherby his wife became iealous of him, so that he was forced (for her satisfaction) to cleare himselfe by his oath. The sundry baites laide by meanes of some of his fellowes (that enuied him for the credit he had with those whō he serued) to entrap him with women. His attempting them in dis­honest manner, but with purpose onely (as he there pretendeth) to learne of them the practises against him. The like snares laide for him by some of better place & credit, then the former: Of his affli­ction in minde that he endured, because he so behaued himselfe to­wards women, & yet could not learne out by them, the plot laid a­gainst him. Of his going into Hampshire to haue bene placed there: Howe he was in a place there (for the most part of 20. daies) beat with a bastonado, and into what pitifull state of body he was ther­by brought: That this was done, partly for his auoutching that Christ was head of the Church against the Pope, and for saying, that as certaine earthen pots were there by him broken, so should all Papistes be broken in hell, and confounded, so many as rose vp a­gainst him in earth: how he was forced to vse the Deputie-Lieute­nant of Hampshire his aide, to be safely conueied out of that Coū ­trey, least he shoulde bee murdered by his enemies: that hee came thence to one M. Paul Wentworthes house, where he remained a moneth, and was vsed most Christianly, and where he was most deepely exercised in the spirite: Howe as he passed by the way out of Hampshire, he told a Gentleman in company (that was priuie to his enemies complots) of a great practise intended against him, and to be done in a chamber, by certaine persons, whome he then named aforehand: insomuch as the saide Gentleman (being made priuie to such purpose, and knowing that he saide true) affirmed, surely he could coniure, or else it had not bene possible to tell such things as he did: where in deed (he saith) the Lord, in the middest of his former afflictions, reuealed it vnto him, and further shewed him a place which he had appointed for him, and howe he would bring all his enemies practises to confusion: How in performance [Page 44] of that which was so reuealed, he was afterward in a certaine place in Hartfordshire bound, first in a chamber, and then chained in a sincke hole of a seller, and most grieuously many waies afflicted there, for 20. daies together: That in the greatest extremitie ther­of (which was greater then he could expresse) a Crosse came vpon his breast as he lay, & alwaies when his torments were at the grea­test, the Lord vnloosed his feete and handes from his fetters, and bands: neuerthelesse he lay stil til his tormentors came, and bound him againe: how the Lord then appeared to him, and assured him, that he would establish the Gospel by him, and shewed him all the whoredome of Rome, in the person of a great personage (since de­ceased) as it were in candle light, with a great Bell full of iniquitie: That during that time, the Lorde shewed him a terrible famine which he would bring vpon a lande, but whether this lande or not▪ was not declared: That Christ then shewed him his wisedome and prouidence, in gouerning the Seas, & all other waters in their cour­ses: and further shewed him the man that should sitte on Christes right hand, to iudge both the quicke and the dead, whose name he wel knoweth: That then he made his petition vnto the Lord, who answered him by a voice, thus, what he would, how he would, & when he would: Howe (by the extremitie of his torments) his eies were fallen downe, and his tongue thrust out of his head, so as he could not pull it in againe one Barley cornes breadth: but the Lorde in that extremitie shewed him, that hee would keepe his bodie from bursting, and that one haire of his head shoulde not perish: That being loosed (by his wiues importunitie) soone after, in a verie raynie daye, hee, his wife, one Richard Dickons, and one Pal­mer, ridde altogether thence, towarde Oundell, thirtie myles that daye: and albeit it rayned all the daye verie sore (so that great floods came vpon it) yet neuer one of them had any droppe there­of fall vpon their clothes: That being at Oundell, and foreseeing he shoulde bee exercised againe, he prayed his wife, that no man might come at him, for hee woulde keepe his chamber: and then the Lorde appeared vnto him, and shewed him, in what danger the lande was, by reason of forreine enemies at the Sea: and com­maunded him to goe rounde about the Towne, and that shoulde be a defence to the land round about: That after this, he kept him selfe in his Barne about eight daies, reasoning with the Lorde, tou­ching Praedestination and Reprobation, continually begging of him, [Page 45] that hee would saue all those, that fought ignorantly against the trueth, or otherwise sinned through want of knowledge: How (af­ter this,) betaking himselfe to his chamber againe, the Lord (he saith) forced him to cry out against two great subiects and Coun­sellors in this lande: That he was againe bounde and tormented there other twentie dayes, in eight whereof, he neither did eate nor drinke, and was continually watched, for that they knew, the Lord would come and loose him, if they left him: That during this time Witches vsed their forcerie stongly vpon him: That the Lorde then tolde him that he would harden his owne heart against Hac­kets tormētors: How then also 4. or 5. Angels night by night stood by him, and watched ouer him, like vnto doues, and one night spi­rits innumerable: and that a white hande came from the Almigh­tie, and tooke him by the hande, whereby all venome, poison, vn­cleannes, and corruption departed from him for a time: whereup­on, the Lorde shewed him three heauens together, & all the dwel­ling places contriued in one of them, but the highest heauen was shewed to be without ende, which glorie he was not able to be­holde, but was made able to looke vpon the blood of the Saintes, which was made round like a waxe cake, in very great breadth, but the glorie which therewith appeared, he could not looke vpon, so that he was forced to turne his face vpon the pillowe: Howe the Lord also shewed him the murthering of the wicked, euen like the slaying of swine, the father murthering the sonne, and the mother the daughter, and euery one another, all the day long, and no man tooke pitie vpon them: That there was then reuealed vnto him, a very strange fire from heauen, the length whereof he did see con­suming all things from the heauen to hell mouth, but he did not see the breadth thereof: Also that he then did see the breadth of the tormenting place of the damned, and what was therein, but neither the bottome, nor length of the place: That he also sup­posed, he sawe his libertie begged, by two honourable personages: Notwithstanding which deliuerance (that he dreamed of) he tel­leth that he was carried afterward to North-hampton gaole, where he remained 17. weekes, as afore is remembred. Furthermore there is declared, that in his torments the Lorde shewed him, howe he would confound all his aduersaries that were guiltie in any prac­tise against him, and that one thing which they went about, they should neuer bring to passe: for he let him see, that they were all as [Page 46] drunken men and fooles without wit: That in the end they should throw all their bookes away, and be at a great confusion, one with another: That afterward (viz. about the beginning of Easter terme last) the Lorde brought him to London, and howe he was made ac­quainted with Coppinger at that time, as hath bene afore declared: Howe after his departing out of the Citie from Coppinger, he could not but remember him in his praiers: desiring the Lord to reueale himselfe extraordinarily to him, so that he might be encouraged to goe forwarde in the action: whereupon (as the saide Coppinger af­firmed) he had two extraordinarie seales in very short space after Hac­kets departure, and was wonderfully strengthened, to proceede in the cause. Then is tolde howe the Lorde commanded him to goe from one place to another in and about the Citie, for two daies space: and howe he was commanded to raile against the saide two great Counsellors, in diuerse places where he came: Howe being (in that time) commanded to see the Lyons in the Tower, he tooke the fiercest of them by the head, and had none harme: Then is tolde, what Preachers in the Citie he heard, and that going to heare one, he sawe a surplesse lie in the Church, whereupon he would not stay there: That he went to certaine Preachers in prison, to com­mand them to deale faithfully in the Lordes busines: And how he was commanded by God to deface the Armes of England in Kaies house in Knight-Rider streete. Lastly, it is saide, that God hath ap­pointed two others to deale for, and with Hacket, whome it will stand vpon to deale faithfully for the Lorde, for they knowe what Hacket is, and what shall followe, if their counsels and directions be not followed.

Nowe if any shall meruaile, howe such an absurd and ridiculous lying legend, should seduce men of any consideration, so earnest for a supposed Reformation, and so exercised in praying and fasting: let him remember, not onely the effectuall, but the efficacie it selfe of Illusion, and the spirite of slumber, falling (by Gods secrete, yet alwaies iust iudgement) vpon the children of disobedience, such as be wise in their owne conceites, and not wise with sobrietie: that they might beleeue lyes, because they haue not beleeued the trueth: and that they might aske and not obtaine, because they aske not as they ought.

After Arthington (on Thursday morning) had ended his afore­said Treatise of prophesie (being the very day before their rising) [Page 47] Coppinger tolde him, that God (the night before) had enlightned him the said Coppinger, who they all three were, saying, that Ar­thington had vnawares prophesied truely: for he was the greatest Prophet of Gods iudgements against the whole world, that euer was, but that they both were greater then he: for Coppinger himselfe was (he said) the greatest that euer was, and last Prophet of mercie: and that he must describe the newe and holie Ierusalem, with the seuerall places of ioy, that the elect should enioy after this life, and that they the said Coppinger and Arthington, were ordained to sepa­rate the Lambes from the Goates, before the Lord Iesus at the last day. Whereat (it is saide) they were both astonished, considering their owne vnwoorthines and vnfitnes, crying out against them­selues and their sinnes: yet submitting themselues to the direction of Gods spirite, which they were assured, should sufficiently furnish them to doe him that seruice, which himselfe did command. Then Coppinger proceeded to tell further, that Hacket was greater then either of them, and that they two must obey him, in whatsoeuer he commanded, but told not then, what nor howe great he was, other then king of Europe: which title was (afore this time) concluded of amongs them. Hereupon (according to Coppingers commande­ment) Arthington offered to honour Hacket with his title of the king of Europe, and to demeane himselfe toward him accordingly. But Hacket himself herein dispensed with him, vntill y e time should come, that he was to honour him before others, bidding him with­all to be of good cheere: for (saith he) I serue a good Captaine, who makes so deare accompt of me, that all the diuels in hel, nor men in earth, cannot take my life from me. Then Coppinger (for confirmation of the like vnto them two also) saide, that Arthington and himselfe were possessed, not onely with propheticall, but also with Angelicall spi­rits, which Arthington taking to be true (by a great burning that he felt in himselfe after that time) did therupon fansie to himselfe, that no power in earth nor hell, could hurt either of them, because they had the spirite of Angels, and they were subiect to no power, but to God alone: And that (God being the master of the whole worke) all things should prosper with them, they onely seeking his glory, which (he saith) he vowed with himselfe, & to deale throughly in his office, to rebuke the world of sinne, & to denounce iudgements against whomsoeuer the spirit should moue him, without feare or fauour of men, or of diuels in hel: which spirit (he saith) then mo­ued [Page 48] him (according to his hatred afore conceiued against thē, and his opinion that they were traitors against the Queenes Maiestie) to vtter and to declare his detestation he had against the aforesayd three woorthie Counsellors, being by their places the greatest sub­iects in the land. But herein may be said with the Poet: Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querentes? Verrem de furto? who can with a­ny patience indure such seditious companions as these, to appeach others of treason? but especially, so loiall, honourable, and woor­thie Counsellors, as they three are knowen to the world to be.

By the way we may note the subtill managing and cariage of this action by Hacket and Coppinger in this one principall point, which Arthington himselfe also now obserueth: videlicet, in that they opened not at any time Hackets chiefe pretended office vnto Arthington: videlicet, to represent and to participate with Iesus Christes office (of seuering with his fanne the good from the bad) vntill the very time they were to goe into the streetes to doe the message that Hacket enioyned them. For hereby they preuented a doubt of driuing Arthington backe, who seemed a man so ser­uiceable for their purpose, as that hee was woorthie to bee still re­tained by them: and the rather, for that hee had not yet finished the writing vp of Hackets historie (that was to bee annexed to the Prophesie) vntill late that Thursday night which was afore their rising, for they might haue feared (if leisure had serued him to haue considered of it, and examined it at full how this could be) least it might haue made him at least to stagger, and be doubt­full of it.

Besides Hacket kept (as Arthington now gathereth) that ho­nour wholy to himselfe to proclaime it to them both together, as it were by a voyce frō heauen, at that very instant whē they should receiue their charge of him: and thereby haue no time to reason a­gainst it, being straight way to go forward as obedient persons to him in all things.

Thus that Thursday passed on. On Friday morning, Coppinger sent his man Emerson (by fiue of the clocke in the morning) vnto Arthingtons lodging, but his wife would not then awake him: so he sent for him againe at sixe, and they two then went together vnto Coppinger. Then Coppinger and Arthington determined (that Friday morning beyng the 16. day of Iulie last) betwixt sixe and seuen of the clocke in the forenoone, to go vnto a certaine Gentle­mans [Page 49] mans house about the Citie, of good behauiour, and they forsooth to honour him, to be chiefe Gouernour vnder her Maiestie, which they also did that Morning, and promised vnto him accordingly that he should so be. Leauing also with him both the sayd Prophe­sie and Hackets historie to peruse, but the good gentleman was vn­willing to deale either with them or their papers any way. They staied not there aboue halfe an houre. From thence they came be­twixt 8. and 9. of the clocke in the morning vnto Wiggintons cham­ber (being prisoner in the Counter in Woodstreete) with whom ha­uing much speech and conference (part whereof is touched be­fore) among other things, they signified vnto him, (as Arthington confesseth) that they were prouoked to pronounce him the holiest mini­ster of all others, for dealing so plainly and resolutely in Gods causes a­boue all ministers, which God would manifest one day to his comfort.

Wigginton at his examination confesseth such conference by him at that time to haue bene had with them, and (as hee was en­ioyned by those who examined him) hath reported it by writing somewhat largely. He therein also setteth down a conference had by him about the same matters with Hacket himselfe, comming to him thither alone (as he saith) the selfe same Friday morning, some while after the other two were departed from him.

It may be gathered by his owne narration, that betwixt the time of Coppinger and Arthingtons talke with him, Wigginton had set downe article-wise, and distincted with number the seuerall heads of their speeches had with him. And after he also enquired and set downe in writing Hackets opinion likewise, vnto euery of the sayd articles seuerally. And albeit it need not bee questioned, but that both for circumstance and matter he would set it downe, the least that might bee either to his owne, or any his complices disaduan­tage, yet may it serue for the fuller vnderstāding of the whole acti­on, and for necessarie obseruation besides, to touch some chiefe points of those conferences, though it be but as himself telleth thē.

The principall points of VViggintons owne re­port touching conference and speeches had by him to and fro with Coppinger and Arthington, and afterward with Hac­ket, the 16. day of Iuly in the morning, 1591.

He saieh, that Coppinger and Arthington came vnto him about 8. or 9. of the clock of the 16. day of Iuly in the morning, full of courage and [Page 50] comfort, saying vnto him thus: We are come to you now to bring you cer­taine newes of great comfort, which is this, viz. That wee haue seene Ie­sus 1 Christ this day in liuely and extraordinarie shape or fashion presented vnto vs, not in his body (for so he sitteth at the right hand of God in hea­uen, vntill the last iudgement) but in his effectuall or principall spirite, whereby he dwelleth in William Hacket, more then in any creature vp­on the earth.

When Hacket came not long after their departure that morning vnto him, Wigginton saieth, that hee examined him about the whole speeches of Coppinger & Arthington vttered before vnto him: wher­unto Hacket answered first generally thus: That hee approoued them no further then he saw they had warrant for their doings, but particularly to this first Article thus, viz.

Hackets answer thereof vnto Wigginton.

To the first that hee knew not of that their vision, but he accounted himselfe to be a chiefe messenger of God, in such sort as followeth.

Copping, and Arth. speeches to Wigginton.

That the sayd William Hacket is the very same angell forespoken of 2 by the Scriptures, who should come before the last iudgement of Christ with a fanne or sheepehooke in his hand, to seperate the goates from the sheepe.

Hackets answer.

To the second, that he was the onely principall man sent of God to de­cide the controuersies of the Gospell of Christ in the world, or in England, or in Europe: into which controuersies some bad persons (being enemies to him and to the Gospell in England, and some of them being great per­sonages) had drawen him to enter by their cruell, vniust, and extraordi­narie practises and trecheries, or sorceries vsed against him: and that by him as by a principall angell of God (with his fanne in his hand) God would now separate the sheepe from the goates: and that God would e­stablish the Gospell by him generally, either by his death, or by his life: but (quoth he as it were correcting himselfe) by my life it must be.

Coppinger and Arth speeches.

That Hacket is a man dearer or nearer vnto God in some re­spects, 3 then Moses or Iohn the diuine, who wrote the Reuelation▪ [Page 51] because he must (as it were) bring an accōplishment vnto their prophesies, and hath a more excellent spirit or worke to do, then they in some respects.

Hackets answer.

To the third, that God would do a greater worke by him the said Wil­liam Hacket, then euer he did by any of all the Prophets, for the establish­ment of his gospell, to the confusion of Satan and Antichrist.

Copping. and Arth. speeches.

4 That the sayd Hacket had laied two seuerall charges in the name of Christ vpon them two, which they must needes performe or execute: the one vpon Arthington of prophesie, concerning the end of the world: the other vpon Coppinger of painting out the good and bad in the world, or in these partes of the world: and one of them had in purpose or charge, to read ouer the whole Bible, for proofe of their office and businesse.

Hackets answer.

To the fourth, that God had sent Arthington to bee the sayd Hac­ket his writer or pen, and the sayd Coppinger to be the expounder of his mind, or deliuerer of his message to the old magistrates (which were al­most gone) and to the new, and to the world.

Coppinger and Arth. speeches.

5 That they had some sight of the glory of the world to come, where they found that the Queene was highly in Gods fauour, because she had cut of much of Antichrists force or traine: but, &c.

6 That M. Cartwright had done more against Antichrist, then any in the world before him▪ since the Apostles time: and that Wigginton was comparable vnto him, Mutuùm mu­liscabunt. and M. Lancaster (meaning a schoolemaster in Shoe-lane) was aboue them both, in the state of heauenly glory, because he had kept himselfe vndefiled from the common corruptions of these times, and had a most single heart to God.

Hackets answer.

To the fift and sixt, that men should shortly turne their speares into mattocks for the making of a true or better Reformation, or else a great plague, as it were fire from heauen should fall vpon them for their re­bellion against God: and that the Queene was vndone, and all wee Preachers should bee damned, if wee fall not to Reformation speedilie. [Page 52] And that hee knewe not of any such comparisons or degrees to bee in the seate of glorie, but sure he was, although euery man should bee rewarded according to his works, yet he that would be highest should be lowest there, where all be as one in Christ.

7 The seuenth Article by them then vttered, is nothing but a lewde and slanderous railing, against two of the sayd Counsellers, whereunto Wigginton shapeth none answere in Hackets behalfe, belike allowing it: and therefore did not aske Hacket of it, because himselfe made no doubt of the trueth thereof, as it seemeth.

Coppingers and Arthingtons speeches.

8 That many of the Preachers and people in England professing Re­ligion, were blinde and carelesse in many things, yet the seruants of God, to bee saued vpon repentance, and that some fewe which were more forward then others, should haue more honour or higher places in heauen then they.

Hackets answere.

To the eight: that it was true, so neere as Wigginton coulde call to remembrance.

Coppingers and Arthingtons speeches.

9 That these things they would confirme vnto him by Gods Spirit out of his word: In the meane while, they both vsed vehement protesta­tions, that it was most true which they spake, and that their doctrine was or should be fetched out of the third heauen: and they woulde prooue themselues and William Hacket, to bee extraordinarily called and sent of God as aforesayde: and they exhorted him to bee constant in the trueth. Arthington also pronounced Wigginton to bee highly in Gods fauour, and assured him, that Gods Spirit should be doubled vpon him.

Hackets answere.

To the ninth be auoucheth the full effect thereof, and he also pronoun­ced Wigginton to bee highly in Gods fauour: and further tolde (after a bolde and a resolute maner) that he had appoynted him and some fewe others, to be assistants to Coppinger and Arthington in their foresayde offices, &c.

Besides the premisses, Wigginton hath set downe (as pleased him [Page 53] best) a dialogue had with Coppinger & Arthington at that time not worth the insertinghere: yet this may bee obserued in it, that they then sayd they would prooue the things aforesayd, by Gods Spirit (which was aboue his word) and by his word also. Secondly, by Wigginton his owne report it appeareth, that they answered vnto his speeches, very temperately, directly, and pertinently. Thirdly it appeareth also therein, that he did not contradict any of their sayings, nor re­buke them, nor founde fault with the absurditie and blasphemie of their opinions, and vnduetifulnesse of their speeches, or danger of their purposes, but onely warned them to bee wary &c. least they might be illuded of the Deuill: so leauing it at that time doubtfull, whether hee allowed them to bee such extraordinarie men or no.

In his sayde Narration hee further sheweth, that hee asking Hacket, when he sawe the two Gentlemen? Hacket answered, they had bene with him that Morning whiles he lay in his bed, and had suddenly departed from him with one crie, saying, Christ is come, Christ is come whereat he said he marueiled, not knowing what was their meaning in the matter: adding further, that he had oft warned Coppinger to take heede of conceiuing too much liking of his owne spirituall gifts, Scilicet. whom he perceiued to bee rauished with an exceeding loue, and extraordinarie care for the safetie of his Mistresse, meaning the Queenes Maiestie, who (quoth Hacket) is vndone (and here is put an &c.) For you and all other Preachers shall bee damned, vnlesse shee for her part, and you for your partes, doe speedily fall to Reformation. Wigginton also saith further, that Hacket either at that time, or not long before, did ex­hort him to deale faithfully in the Lordes businesse, and that hee had heard Hacket pray sometimes before, in strange tearmes, as these and such like, viz. Father, I knowe thou louest me aswell as thou louest thine owne selfe. Thus when Hacket had answered Wiggintons demaunds touching Coppingers and Arthingtons speeches (as is afore set downe) hee sayde hee woulde depart home into tbe Countrey, yet hee woulde leaue worde behinde, for his aduersaries to knowe in what place they should find him, if they were disposed to cal for him. And withal made great shew (after his former wōted maner) as thogh he neither fea­red Magistrate, nor cared for any punishment, nor doubted any danger to ensue vpon him, for any thing he had done or sayd, or should goe about.

Nowe touching some things markable in this Narration of Wiggintons. First, if Arthington say true in his confessions: that Hacket published not himselfe to haue that office of Christ or his [Page 54] principall spirit, till the very moment that they were to go into the Citie to proclayme (as they did) and if they went not vnto Hacket that day till they had first beene with Wigginton, which seemeth to be true: then could it not bee, that Wigginton heard that of them two at that time, which hee reporteth them to haue spoken in the first, second, third, & fourth article: and therefore he was made ac­quainted with it, before that time. Secondly, that, which he maketh Hacket to fumble about somewhat doubtfully in answere to the fourth article (touching the olde Magistrates that were gone, and of newe) doth argue, that Wigginton was also made priuie to the intent of displacing all the olde Counsellers, and placing of newe, as was plotted by the conspirators. Thirdly, their lewde and ma­lepart imputation of her Maiesties Honour to bee blemished, and affirming shee was vndone, though it had bene no more, were matters of that qualitie, that no duetifull or well aduised subiect woulde haue either concealed, or so lightly passed ouer as hee did. Fourthly, it is probable, that Hacket meant rather to haue mat­tocks turned into speares then contrariwise: for I see no peace­able meanes that was thought on by them. Fiftly, wee may ob­serue that here is a Reformation mooued, which vpon paine of damnation must bee vndertaken, and that with all speede, euen Nowe, (they say) wherein others beside the Queene haue their partes to perfourme in erecting off it: some whereof haue also extraordinarie giftes and callings to runne in that course of Re­forming, and Wigginton (being yet a prisoner, but belike put in hope of speedie deliueraunce by their meanes) is appoynted a principall assistant to them: yea, and is made priuie vnto some matter, for which Hacket thought he was not vnlike to be after­warde sought for, and which hee knewe might bee dangerous vnto him, had hee bene such a man, as any Magistrate, punish­ment or danger might haue dismayed, and yet not sought to bee reuealed by Wigginton vnto any Magistrate, till vpon his exami­nation it was founde out. Lastly, I obserue the Coggerie of the Reporter, or else the lewde lying and contradiction to himselfe of that wretched seducer Hacket. For in his answere to the fift and sixt articles hee knowes no degrees of glorie in heauen, and yet in his answere to the eight, hee assigneth more honour and higher places in heauen vnto some fewe that are the most forward, then he doth vnto others.

[Page 55] But let vs goe on with the Narration of the principall action in­terrupted by occasion of the conferences had with Wigginton, and of his report of them.

From Wiggintons lodging the sayde Coppinger and Arthington came directly to Hackets chamber in Walkers house at Broken Wharfe, and there found the beast in bed after eight of the clocke: where being enflamed (they say) with zeale out of all measure, Coppinger began to pray at the beds feete, and Arthington ioyned with him: wherein they stoode much vpon their owne vnworthi­nesse &c. but yet offered their obedience to doe as the Lord should direct them by his Spirit, hauing already done so much as was en­ioyned them. Whereupon Hacket came out of his bed, and prayed with them in his shirt twise, that the spirit might direct them, and they likewise obey the same in all things, to the glorie of God onely. After Hackets latter prayer, Coppinger offered to goe on in his prayer, but the Deuilish spirite mooued Arthington to interrupt him, and to charge him in the Name of the Lord Iesus to arise and annoynt the king, with the holy Ghost. Whereupon Coppinger streightway rose vp, and three times kissed the boordes vnder his feete, rising vp after euery time, and making great reuerence with bowed knee: and after the third time he came towards Hacket as he lay in his bed, who put out his hand, and tooke Coppinger by the hand, Blasphemie. and sayde, You shall not neede to annoynt mee, for I haue bene al­readie annoynted in heauen, by the holy Ghost himselfe. Then Coppinger asked him, what his pleasure was to be done. Goe your way both (said he as Arthington reports) and tell them in the Citie, that Christ Iesus is come with his Fanne in his hand to iudge the earth. And if any man aske you where he is, tell thē he lies at Walkers house by Broken Wharfe: & if they will not beleeue it, let them come & kill me, if they can: for as truely as Christ Iesus is in Heauen, so truely is he come to iudge the world. Then Coppinger saide it shoulde be done forthwith: and thereupon went forward, and Arthington followed so readily the sayde Prophet of Mercie, that hee had no leasure to take his gloues with him, and yer Arthington coulde get downe the stayres, Coppinger had begunne (in the house below) to proclaime newes from heauen, of exceeding great mercie: that Christ Iesus was come &c. as aboue is sayde, with whome Arthington also cryed the same wordes aloude, following him along the streetes from thence by Watling streete and Olde Change, towards Cheapeside, they both [Page 56] adding beyond their Commission these wordes, Repent England, Repent. But surely either their Commission was deliuered them (at one time or other) more largely then the one of them now repor­teth: or else they went beyond and exceeded it in many other ma­teriall poynts besides this. For after they both had thus come (with mightie concourse of the common multitude as to such a noueltie of hearing two new prophets in these dayes arisen was likely) with an vniforme crye into Chepeside neere vnto the crosse: and there fin­ding the throng and preasse of people to encrease about them, in such sort as that they could not well passe further, nor bee coueni­ently heard of them all, as they desired; therefore they got them vp into an emptie cart which stoode there, and out of that choise pul­pit (for such a purpose) made their lewde and trayterous preach­ment vnto the people: wherein they stoode not onely vpon the wordes of their former crye, but (so neere as I could learne from so common an Auditorie, and in so confused an action) they reading something out of a paper, went more particularly ouer the office and calling of Hacket: how he represented Christ, by partaking a part of his glorified body: by his principall spirit, and by the office of seuering the good from the bad with his fanne in his hande, and of establishing the Gospell in Europe (which as it seemeth they tooke to be all the world, or else supposed, that all Europe did pro­fesse Christianitie) and of bringing in that Discipline which they so often bable of, and which they meane by the terme of Reformation and the holy cause: that he was now come, and all these things were presently to be performed by him, telling also the people, where they saw him, where he lay and remained: that they were two Pro­phets, the one of Mercy, the other of Iudgement, sent and extraordi­narily called by God to assist him in this great worke, and were wit­nesses of these things: confirming the same vpon their owne salua­tion, and wishing themselues confounded and damned for euer, if these things they spoke, were not true. And thereupon, the one of them pronounced Mercy, great comfort, and vnspeakeable ioyes to all that should repent presently, be obedient, and embrace this acceptable message and opportunitie offered: and the other de­nounced terrible Iudgements, if they repented not, which should e­uen presently (also) fall vpon them, and especially vpon that Citie of London: affirming that all that beleeued them not, were condem­ned body and soule. This iudgement against London (as Arthing­ton [Page 57] the pretended Prophet of Iudgement, sayth hee gathered out of Hackets historie) was, that men should (there) kill and massacre one another (as Butchers doe kill swyne) all the day long, and no man shoulde take compassion of them. There was then and there fur­ther deliuered by them, or by the one of them, that Hacket was King of Europe, and so ought to be obeyed and taken: and that all Kings must holde of him, and that the Queenes Maiestie had for­faited her Crowne, and was worthie to be depriued. Which most trayterous poynt (amongs others) Hacket enioyned them to pub­lish, as in the one of his Inditements is contayned. Lastly, in very vnmannerly and sawcy tearmes they prayed to God, to confound two great Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell: for these two (toge­ther with a certayne Knight) they then and there openly and most lewdely accused in generall tearmes of treason. This outrage was done the sixeteenth day of Iuly aforesayde, about ten of the clocke or something after, in the afore-noone.

By which their proclamation, beeing layde together with their former conferences, Letters, and purposes against the Queene and Counsell, and for aduauncing of Hacket, and for altering the State, with the very time (when so many souldiers were about the Ci­tie) it is euident to any, who hath but halfe an eye to see with, that they intended and hoped to moue tumult and sedition: that by many handes of the common multitude (which they bragge of, saying, they are already inflamed with zeale) they might haue brought all their purposes at length to a sure and speedie conclu­sion, which designement, for their pretended Reformation, this sorte of people doe greatly lament, so long to haue bene frustra­ted, after so many other seuerall kinde of meanes, in vayne at­tempted by them. But God (who stayeth the raging of the waters, and the madnesse of his people) did frustrate them herein of their purpose and expectation: his Name be alwayes praysed therefore.

And whereas they had purposed to haue gone with the like crye and proclamation through other the chiefe partes of the Ci­tie, the preasse (not of Officers to take them, but of common peo­ple to gaze and woonder at them) was so great, as that they were forced to goe into a Tauerne in Cheapside, at the signe of the Mermayde: the rather, because a Gentleman in a white doub­let, beeing of his acquaintance, plucked at Coppinger whiles hee was in the Carte, and rebuked him for his strange and lewde de­meanour [Page 58] and speeches.

Whereupon (though Arthington were offended with the sayde Gentleman for touching a Prophet of God in so rough a sorte as hee sayde) yet they were both contented to steppe aside into the sayde Tauerne with him: where when they had remay­ned a space, Coppinger was perswaded by one of the aforesayde Lawsons men, that stayed there at that time (for auoyding the wondering and preasse of the people) to steppe ouer into Wood­streete, and from thence by backe Lanes to his sisters house neere vnto Powles wharfe, where hee lodged. But whiles they two were going together, Coppinger was very carefull to know, whether Arthington followed them or not: insomuch as hee woulde not bee satisfied, till the sayde apprentice went backe a­gaine for him. At whose comming backe, hee found Arthing­ton still publishing his foresayde messages to the people, and tel­ling them of Hacket and of his Office, with whome Arthing­ton was content also at last to goe by the same streetes that Cop­pinger had gone, but yet crying (as hee did afore) Repent Eng­lande, Repent &c. When in this sorte they two were come toge­ther to Coppingers lodging, they founde the gates shutte against them: whereupon the sayde apprentice would haue had Arthing­ton to haue gone to his owne lodging, but he would needes goe to Walkers house at Broken wharfe, where not long before he left Hac­ket. All the way that Arthington went, hee was followed by a great multitude of lads and young persons of the meaner sort: But at his comming to Walkers house, Hacket was not yet returned out of the citie, from Wigginton.

After that Arthington was entred the house, he was there stayed by one Edward Iones an honest citizen: and when Hacket (not long after) came in, Arthington said, There cōmeth the king of the earth. But Hacket willed him to keepe silence, telling him he was too out­ragious: whereupon hee straightway (in very duetifull manner) obeyed: for he called Hacket his Captayne, and sayde, That hee would doe whatsoeuer he commaunded him to doe.

When the saide Iones (in searching about Arthington) found a writing in his sleeue, Arthington sayde, That fell out as hee would haue it, for now it would be seene: for he had made (he said) an Epistle to the Queene, and shee woulde not receiue it, and therefore shee was (hee sayde) no longer Queene, but was [Page 59] depryued of her Crowne, Hacket saying nothing thereunto.

There was found also in Hackets Chamber, hidden at the beds feete, many writings: and Walker (the owner of the house) brought also vnto the said Iones other writings of theirs, out of a stable.

And when Master Heiney parson of the Church of Saint Mary-Somersets an honest and learned Preacher, looked on one of the sayd papers, Hacket reprouing him said, that it appertayned not vn­to him, but vnto the Magistrates to looke on them.

Arthington (in speeches with the sayd Heyney) sayd amongs o­ther things, that the Iudgements of God ouer that Citie were very great, and that the time was now come, that God would reforme his Church vniuersally, and roote out all Idolatrous priestes, and that the Ministers of that Citie were no better: affirming him selfe to be a Prophet sent purposely from God, to denounce his Iudge­ments, and that Coppinger was a greater Prophet then hee: that Cartwright was a great learned man, and a Saint of God: but Wig­ginton was lesse learned then he, yet farre before him in dignitie for his zeale, alwayes concluding his speeches with these wordes of imprecation against himselfe, viz. else God confound me.

When the sayd Preacher demaunded of Hacket why he had se­duced Arthington to bring him into such blasphemies, his answere was, that abundance of zeale did cause him to exceede in that sort. Then he asked Hacket, how he liked that Arthington ascribed vnto him an Office peculiar to Christ? To which hee would not directly answere, but sayd, that God had a great worke to bring to passe by himselfe in this lande, affirming that himselfe also was a Prophet, and had endited that prophesie (which Arthington writ) to be sent to the Queene or Counsell, and that hee prayed to God to direct Ar­thingtons penne therein.

This strange accident being quickely blowen through the citie, all was in a buzze, and in a kinde of astonishment, what to thinke of the matter: and beeing speedily brought to her Maiesties eares, (then lying but at Greenewich) two of her honourable Counsell were presently dispatched vnto London, to take further notice of the whole matter. About one of the clocke in the afternoone, Coppinger was sent for, whiles Hacket and Arthington were brought before those honourable Counsellors and others at the L. Maiors to be examined: but (as is informed) they would not shew any token of duetie or reuerence vnto those honourable persons, not so much as [Page 60] by putting off their hattes vnto them. Then their hattes were pluc­ked off by others, and they were tolde their dueties, and were asked whether they did not know before whome they stoode? To which they answered, that they knew them right well: neuerthelesse they would yeelde them no duetie nor reuerence, insomuch as them­selues (they sayde) were greater persons, then those before whom they were conuented, yet they seemed well content to stande bare­headed, so their hattes were taken off by force, and not put off by their owne willes. This course of insolent behauiour towardes all that examined them, both Hacket and Arthington helde on, at sundry other their examinations. Neuerthelesse, Arthington that was so scrupulous to yeelde any reuerence to the Queenes Coun­sell, and Officers, at one time when hee sawe Hacket, presently fell downe groueling vpon his face on the ground and honoured him, according to the Conuention among them mentioned before. And albeit both these continued still resolute in their former fan­sies conceiued of their extraordinarie callings and Offices, and sought most absurdly to defende it by Scripture, (but chiefely by most terrible imprecations vnto them selues, praying to bee con­founded and damned if they sayde not true:) yet to all questions that were asked of them, they answered (though most cōfidently) yet pertinently, and directly to purpose, saying, that Hacket vsed the matter somewhat more craftily, when any question of especiall danger was propounded vnto him. For then would he by cunning euasions, by cauils, and by frustratorie kindes of answeres goe a­bout to put off such interrogatories, seeming when hee was pressed somewhat hard, to bee wearie of his part and person put on, if hee could haue then tolde how to haue shaken it off, and bene ridde of it againe, with any honestie.

Coppinger (soone after his first examination) finding the euent of things not to answere their expectations, seeing also the matter somewhat warmely taken (as there was good cause) and thereby gathering the danger which hee and his complices stoode in, and perceiuing also (by the questions asked) the intercepting of their writings and Letters, whereby their dealings were at full discoue­red and brought to light; beganne, either by his owne voluntarie choise (as some perhappes not vnprobably haue imagined) or through anxietie (in deede) of minde, growing foorth of the bad­nesse of the cause, to behaue himselfe as a man distracted of his [Page 61] wits. Insomuch as comming at one time to be examined, & finding Hacket there, at his sight he presently roared out, in a very strange and horrible kinde of voyce: which Hacket willing to turne to the best, straightway said, It was no marueile, though Coppinger did now so behaue himselfe, for that he had giuen him ouer already vn­to Sathan.

By perusall of their writings and Letters, and by their examina­tions, all the plots of treason and lewdnesse (afore mentioned) fell out very euidently, and more at full against them.

Touching the Queenes armes defaced at Kayes house, Hacket did confesse, at the times of his examination, that hee did it, none other beeing present, and that hee was mooued thereunto inward­ly by the spirit, to take away her whole power of her authoritie, and that hee would haue done worse, had it not bene for disquie­ting his hostesse where he lay, because when shee found it, she was very angrie therewith: for he was not sorie, neither is sorie (as hee then saide) for doing the acte, because hee was commaunded by God to doe it, and durst doe none otherwise. Hee confessed also, that he was likewise moued to put out the Lyons and the Dragons eyes in the armes: but being asked, why he did so? he bitterly and maliciously answered, that hee did knowe, that Lyons and Dra­gons did afflict Gods people. Hee did also rase out the crosse, that was pictured on the toppe of the Crowne. Hee further confessed, that he meant also her Maiesties Counsell should bee remooued, because they were (hee sayde) wicked: and that hee himselfe (bee­ing mooued by the spirit) would haue placed certaine other new Counsellors (whome hee then named) to wayte vpon the Queene, and to reforme Religion. It is also confessed by him, that he tolde Arthington and others, that hee was the annoynted King of Europe. By the depositions of the sayde Kaye and his wife, it ap­peareth, that they finding (about a fortenight before Hackets de­parture from them) the Queenes Maiesties picture pricked with some bodkin or yron instrument in the very place, representing her royall heart, did in great anger charge Hacket with it. Where­unto hee answered, that hee had done it, and must and would answere it; adding, hee had greater matters to answere then that, and therefore (sayde hee) you neede not make such adoe for it. But Hacket at all his examinations eyther denyed this poynt flat­ly, or sayde, hee did not remember it. This Noble heart, which [Page 62] thereby hee so trayterously despited, God of his infinite mercy long blesse and continue still most happie and heartie in his loue and feare, within her Maiesties sacred breast, maugre all such exe­crable fierie spirits and hell houndes in earth, and all the damned deuils in hell. Amen.

Likewise hee confessed, that hee mooued and sent foorth Cop­pinger and Arthington, to goe whither God should sende them, and to declare and publish, that there lay a man (namely hee the sayde Hacket) at Walkers house, which made clayme to the Crowne of Englande, and that her Maiestie had forfaited her Crowne, in that her Ministers haue vsed extraordinarie meanes to set vp religion. This hee confessed on the one and twentieth, and three and twentieth of Iuly. But at his former exa­mination on the nineteenth of Iuly, beeing demaunded whether hee woulde acknowledge that the Queenes Maiestie is lawfull Queene of Englande or not? hee subtilly then sayde, hee woulde not answere to that question, but sayde, shee was Queene of Englande yet, if shee had not forfaited the same. And hee further confessed (on the three and twentieth day of Iuly) that hee first published in Hamp-shire (about three or foure yeeres past) and afterwardes in Hartfordshire, and in Northhamptonshire, that her Maiestie was not Queene, and that shee had forfaited her title to the Crowne: and that hee tolde Arthington so much in Tri­nitie terme. All these aforesayde, were confessed by him, with­out any torture: but beeing tortured, hee then sang another song, and confessed her Maiestie to bee his lawfull Queene, and affirmed, that hee honoured her, and was sorie for his offence: adding, that if Coppinger, Wigginton, and one other (whome he na­med) were well sifted, and straightly examined, they would vtter and declare sundry matters of treason.

It fell out besides vpon deposition of Kayes, that Coppinger (bee­ing told how Hacket had vsed the Queenes picture and the Armes) at the first seemed to mislike with it, saying, that if he were such a fellowe, he had done with him; but (sayth hee) you must beare with him: for some great men haue also borne with him, and he is with you, but as it were a prisoner.

Coppinger himselfe also at that his examination (which was ta­ken the 19. of Iuly) confessed, that the Letter then shewed to him, (and inserted afore) was the copie of a Letter which he sent to the [Page 63] said Iohn Vdall about ten weekes then past, and that the cause why hee wrote to Vdall that hee vsed not to repayre vnto him and the rest who were in prison▪ so often as he was wont to doe, for doubt of more trou­ble and danger that might growne to them thereby, was, in respect of this action, which he had to doe: hee also then affirmed, that the Queenes Maiestie, Queene Elizabeth, is not Queene of England, neither is he (as hee sayde) now her seruant, for Hacket is the onely king of the worlde, and that Hacket was commaunded by God to deface her Maiesties Armes which were in the house where hee then lay, and that Hacket also prickt the picture of the Queenes Maiestie at the heart. That himselfe, Wigginton, and one other (the very weeke afore Wigginton was committed) had a Fast together, where they pray­ed, that if any of them should haue any extraordinarie calling, they might haue some extraordinarie seale of it: about the which time, he the sayd Coppinger was called in a Dreame. And that hee (toge­ther with Arthington, and one other) had a former Fast at the afore­said Lancasters house, about one weeke afore that time: and that her Maiesties Counsell (that now are) must be tryed by this King, whether they are to bee remooued from her Maiestie or not: and that shee is to haue to be about her to attend her person (for the time) such as himselfe should assigne, which shalbe those, whome he hath named in a Letter of his, that is found with him: and some others also (hee sayde) were meant to haue bene assigned also for that purpose.

There fell out also vpon some of Arthingtons examinations (whiles he remained obstinate) certaine other poyntes not vnwor­thy to be remembred. One was, that wheras he, in writing of a trea­tise against the state of this Church as it now standeth, obserued (as hee sayeth) therein his olde woont to abstayne from bitter speeches and raylings, as a thing which hee naturally abhor­red: yet within these fewe Moneths, and after hee had entred into these actions, hee had altered his opinion, and was mooued in spirite, to followe another sharpe and biting course of wri­ting, as beeing more conuenient in his iudgement. Also, when some that examined him, stoode greatly vpon this point, to per­swade him, that he was seduced in those things wherein he seemed so resolute: and reasoned against such their pretended extraordina­rie callings, giftes, and offices: then hee (for better confirmation thereof) said: that it should very shortly appeare to the world, that [Page 64] they were no such seduced persons, as was imagined. For whereas a godly Gentlewoman in London (so he termed her) had bene by the space of foureteene yeeres, possessed with a diuell, (as is afore touched) that (for a sure signe of their vocation) the saide deuill should be throwen out of her, by all, or some of their three meanes, very shortly. He also persisted willfull in his former fansies, vntil the very time that he knewe Hacket was hanged, for vntill that day, he very confidently affirmed, that he was most assured by the spirite of God, and by the ioyes and comfort he inwardly felt, that Hacket did participate with Christ in a part of his office, and was in deede king of all Europe, on whome her Maiestie and all other, must hold their crownes and scepters, and must gouerne (if they would conti­nue their gouernment) by such lawes, as he should prescribe and set forth, that all they three should shortly be dismissed, and shoulde goe ouer sea with Hacket, to take possession of all those his other kingdomes abroad, and to performe their offices. But when the va­nitie and danger of this strange fansie was opened vnto him, his answere was to this effect: You thinke (saith he somewhat plea­santly, as it were pitying their errour and misconceit) that we haue incurred the danger of lawes herein: and that we shall therefore be put to death: but as sure as God is in heauen, the sworde shall not come neere to hurt vs, neither shall any man bee able to touch the least haire of any of our heads.

Thus, the meane time (for the most part thereof) from Friday the 16. of Iuly, vntill Munday seuennight after, being spent in exa­minations, it was thought good, that Hacket should then come to his triall: on which day (being the 26. of Iuly) hee was brought from Bridewell to the Sessions house neere Newgate, before the Lord Maior, the Lord Wentworth, Sir Gilbert Gerrard knight, Master of the Rolles, Sir Wolstane Dixie, and Sir Richard Martin knight, M. Sergeant Fleetwood Recorder of London, M. Daniel and others in that Commission: where after the graund Iurie was empannelled, the witnesses that shoulde giue euidence sworne, and two seuerall Indictments against him found, Hacket was willed to holde vp his hand, which he did: then the first Indictment was read being of this tenor being turned into English, viz.

The Iurie doe present for the Queene, London ss. that William Hacket late of Oundell in the Countie of Northampton yeoman, as a false traytor against the most excellent and Christian Princesse our Soueraigne [Page 65] Ladie Elizabeth by the grace of God, of England, France, and Ire­land, Queene, defender of the faith, &c. his naturall & Soueraigne liege Ladie, hauing not the feare of God in his heart, nor weighing his due alleageance, but seduced by the instigation of the Deuill, maliciously & traiterously, compassing, imagining, deuising, and in­tending the depriuation and deposing of our said Soueraigne Ladie Elizabeth, from her honor and royall name of the Imperial Crowne of this Realme of England, on the 21. day of Iuly, in the 33. yeere of the reigne of our Soueraigne Ladie Elizabeth nowe Queene of England, at London, that is to say, in the parish of S. Brides in the ward of Farringdon extra London, and diuers other dayes & times, betwixt the 12. of Februarie last past, and the 25. day of Iuly, in the said 33. yeere of her Maiesties reigne, aswell in the parish and ward aforesaid, as els where in London aforesaid, of his own peruerse, and traiterous minde, and imagination, maliciously, expresly, aduisedly, directly, and traiterously in the presence & hearing of sundry faith­full subiects of our said Soueraigne Lady, these false, malicious, and traiterous English wordes following, concerning our sayde Soue­raigne Lady the Q. Maiestie, falsly, maliciously, aduisedly, expresly, directly, and traiterously saide, rehearsed, published, and spoke, viz. That the Q. Maiesties (meaning thereby our said Soueraigne Lady Q. Elizabeth) was not Queene of England: and that the Queenes Maiestie (meaning thereby our saide Soueraigne Q. Elizabeth did represent al hypocrisie, and had forfeited her Crown, and was wor­thie to bee depriued, and that he had bene of that opinion these foure yeeres: and that he defaced her Armes in Kayes house (there­by meaning the house of one Ralph Kayes situate and being in Knight-rider streete in the parish of S. Gregorie neere Paules in the ward of Baynards Castle London) to take away her whole power of her authoritie, and was mooued thereunto by the spirit, and that he neither was, nor is sorie therefore, to the great scandall and deroga­tion of the person and Royaltie of our sayd Soueraigne Ladie the Queene, and to the subuersion of the state of this Realme of Eng­land, and contrary to the forme of a statute in this case made and prouided, and also against the peace of our said Soueraigne Lady, her Crowne and dignities, &c.

Being asked whether he were guiltie to this Indictment or not? he confessed and pleaded guiltie: adding this, All must be as you will. Whereupon M. Attourney generall desired for the Queene, his [Page 66] confession of the Indictment might be entred. Then Hacket being againe bidden to holde vp his hand, he did so accordingly: where­upon the seconde Indictment was read being in English as fol­loweth, viz.

The Iurie presents for the Queene: London ss. That William Hacket late of Oundell in the Countie of North-hampton Yeoman, as a false traitor against the most excellent and Christian Princesse our Soueraigne Ladie Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, Fraunce and Ire­land Queene, defender of the faith, &c. Hauing not the feare of God in his heart, nor weying his due allegeance, but seduced by the Instigation of the Deuill, and intending wholly to withdrawe, put out, and extinguish the heartie loue, and the true and due obedi­ence, which a true and faithfull subiect of the Queenes shoulde beare, and by lawe is bound to beare, towardes our sayde Soue­raigne Ladie the Queene. The first day of Iuly in the three and thir­tieth yeere of the Reigne of the sayde Queene, at London in the parish of Saint Gregories neere Pauls in the ward of Castle-Baynard London, falsly, maliciously, and traiterously intented, imagined, went about, and compassed, the sayde Queene his Soueraigne and naturall liege Ladie, not onely from her Royall state, title, power, and gouernement of this Realme of England, vtterly to depriue, depose, cast downe, and disherit, but also to bring and put the sayde Queenes Maiestie to death, and finall destru­ction, and sedition in the sayde Realme of England to raise vp, leauie and make: and also wholly to subuert and destroy the state of this whole Common wealth, being in and throughout e­uery part thereof, well constituted and ordered. And to the in­tent hee might fulfill and bring to passe those his aforesayde tray­terous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, the sayde William Hacket afterward, that is to say, the sayde first day of Iuly, in the three and thirtieth yeere of the reigne of the Queenes Maiestie that nowe is, did come to the mansion house of one Ralph Kayes situate and being in Knight-rider streete in the sayde Parish of Saint Gregorie in the ward aforesayde: and then and there, maliciously, deuilishly, and trayterously, rased and defaced the Armes of the Queenes Maiestie then and there in the sayde house being, with this intent, trayterously to take away, put downe, and ouerthrowe the power of authoritie of the sayde Queene. And that the sayde William Hacket for [Page 67] further accomplishing and effecting of his said traiterous purposes, imaginations, compassings, and intents, the said first day of Iuly, in the said 33. yeere of her Maiesties reigne, in the house of the sayde Ralph Kayes situate in the parish and ward aforesayde, did trayte­rously raze a certaine picture of the Q. Maiesties, then and there in the said house likewise being: and then and there did maliciously and traiterously put in and thrust an yron Instrument into that part of the sayde picture, that did represent the Brest and Hart of the Q. Maiestie. And afterward, that is to say, on the 16. day of Iuly, in the 33. yeere of the reigne of the Q. Maiestie that now is, the sayde W. Hacket, trayterously came to the house of one Iohn Walker situ­ate and being in the parish of S. Marie Sommersets in the ward of Queene-hithe in London aforesaide, with intent, traiterously to con­ferre and treate, with one Edmund Coppinger Gent. and Henry Ar­thington Gent. concerning his traiterous purposes, imaginations, compassings, & intents aforesaid, And that the said William Hacket afterward, that is to say, on the 16. day of Iuly in the 33. yere of the reigne of the Q. Maiestie that nowe is, at London aforesaide in the house of the saide Iohn Walker, in the foresaid parish of S. Marie Sommerset in the said ward of Queenehithe in London, of his owne peruerse and traiterous minde and imagination, maliciously, ad­uisedly, expresly, and traiterously, did treate & had conference with the saide Edmund Coppinger and Henry Arthington, by what wayes, meanes, and maner, the said traiterous purposes, imaginations, com­passings, and intents, might be accomplished and brought to passe. And thereupon on the said 16. day of Iuly, in the saide 33. yeere, in the said house of Iohn Walker aforesaid, situate and being in the sayd parish of S. Marie Sommersets in the saide ward of Queene-hithe London, in the presence & hearing of the said Edmund Coppinger and Henrie Arthington (being then and there in the said house) the said Hacket these false traiterous English words following, of our said Soueraigne Q. Elizabeth, falsly, maliciously, aduisedly, expresly, di­rectly & trayterously, sayd, rehearsed, published and spoke, viz. That the Q. Maiestie, (meaning our saide Soueraigne Ladie Q. Eliza­beth) had forfaited her Crowne, and was worthie to bee depriued. And that furthermore the said William Hacket thereupon the sayd 16. day of Iuly in the said 33. yeere, in the said house of Iohn Walker situate in the parish of S. Marie Sommersets in the sayde ward of Queene-hithe London, maliciously, and traiterously moued & stirred [Page 68] vp the sayd Edmund Coppinger, and Henrie Arthington, traiterous­lie and openly to publish and declare in London aforesayd, that the Queenes Maiestie that now is, had forfaited her crowne to the great offence and derogation of the person of the Queenes Maie­stie, and to the subuersion of the state of this Realme of England, and contray to the peace of our said soueraigne Lady, her crowne and dignities, &c.

And being likewise asked whether he were guiltie to this In­ditement or not (belike perceiuing that he was already plunged in farre inough) he began then to answere more peruerslie, saying to the Bench, You haue wit ynough to iudge for me & your selues too: be­ing asked the same againe, hee sayd, Fewe words are best, it is good to know much and to say litle: and being diuers times asked, he still re­peated these wordes. Then being told that if hee should persist in that sort, not to plead directly as by lawe hee ought, it could not serue his turne, for that alone was sufficient of it selfe, to condemne him of the treason: and being asked againe whether hee were guiltie or not, hee sayd, Ambo. But some further good aduertise­ments being giuen vnto him, at last (after much adoe) he pleaded not guiltie to that second Indictment. Thereupon being asked, by whom he would be tried? he sayd by the countrey: but being told he ought to say, By God and by the countrey, he said, that he would be tried by the Iurie. And there withall, burst out into such blasphe­mous and hellish wordes against the Maiestie of God (in trueth not to be heard by Christian eares, and therefore not to be vitered or repeated here) that they were to the great astonishment and horrour of all, and detestation of him with all the hearers. It may be that he hoped thereby to induce the Iudges to an opinion, that he was mad and furious, albeit in his countinance, gesture, atten­tiuenesse to that which was spoken, silence when hee ought, hol­ding vp his hand when he was commaunded, perceiuing the effect of all was spoken, pertinent (though sometimes peruerse) answers, through all that action, no tokens of any furie or madnesse at all could be noted in him.

Some haue imagined that the Illusion of the deuil was so strong to perswade him of an immunitie from all danger, according to his former conceiued opinions, that thereby he grew to such a diuelish impatience against God, when as now hee sawe himselfe to bee brought to more apparant danger, thē (happely) he supposed there [Page 69] euer would be cause for him to feare. Which thing seemeth more probable to haue bene the occasion thereof, for y t immediately after his blasphemie, he also vsed these words: God almightie is aboue, and will he not reuenge? But seeing hee could not bee brought to any other plea, the Queenes Attorney generall, desired in behalfe of the Queene, that iudgement thereupon might be entered. And seeing hee pleaded guiltie to the one, and stood mute to the se­cond, in that hee answered not as law would (whereupon he was to bee conuicted of both the Inditements) so that none Euidence (which was there readie) needed either to bee vsed, or by the Queenes Counsell learned to be opened or enforced: Neuerthe­lesse, for better satisfaction of the world, it was by them thought meete, somewhat to shew, both how hainous, and how euident (for proofe) his treasons were. And albeit I am not able (in any tolerable sort) to repeate the graue, wise, and pithie discourses that were made in this behalfe, by those two woorthie gentlemen master Attorney generall, and master Sollicitor to her Maiestie: yet (I hope) they will pardon me, to set downe onely some few heads of their speaches, as they were noted brieflie from their mouthes, and afterward brought vnto mee. Master Attorney declared, that the originall of these plots and conspiracies came from, and were for the Sectaries of this time: that Coppinger in a letter to Vdall prayeth him and the rest in prison not to saint: that he and others had taken a course for their speedie deliuerance, and desired par­don for not comming to him, which hee sayd might bee dange­rous, for that they should bee the sooner suspected, or to that ef­fect: that there were letters dispersed in the streetes fiue or sixe dayes before the action: that there were found in Wiggintons chamber printed pamplets, which should bee sent to a great num­ber of women (whom I, quoth master Attorney forbeare to name) as is touched before: that in other letters was contained, that the Queene should commaund her Counsellors to their cham­bers, because of the stirre and danger which then should bee: that Hacket himselfe had afore confessed (besides the other points of the Inditements) how he sent Arthington and Coppinger to do and proclaime as they did.

Then master Sollicitor very excellently also discoursed, how there was no treason more dangerous then that, which is practised vnder other colours, as it were in the cloudes, and none wounded so deep [Page 70] as those that were shadowed vnder the cloke of religion & zeale: for of it commonly followed greatest destruction and calamities. This he exemplified by the Anabaptists at Munster in Westphalia, and some others: that in like sort (as they did) this Hacket also affirmeth hee was sent from God, was a principall Angel sent be­fore the Iudgement, that he doth participate (with horror I reherse it, said master Sollicitor) of the humane nature of Iesus Christ, and the two other are Prophets, one of Mercy, and the other of Iudge­ment. That the Queene had forfeited her crowne: that the counsell was wicked, and must be ouer-ruled, and by whom but by him? &c Then he shewed what Hacket was, viz. a Bankrupt: that hee had maried a widow, and had spent all.

Which done, master Recorder of London, gaue iudgement vp­on Hacket as in like cases is accustomed. From thence Hacket was caried to Newgate, and there remained till Wednesday next after (being the appointed day for his execution) that in the meane while he might (by godly counsell) be brought to repentance, and to prouide for his soules health. Certaine preachers so trauelled with him in the meane time, that albeit (for some while) he thought to aduantage himselfe, and to respite his execution, by giuing (through dissimulation) froward and lewd answers, yet at length they brought him (as it then seemed) to a serious consideration of his owne state, and of the grieuousnesse of his treasons. In so much as master Richard Yong of London comming also vnto him thither, on the Tuesday being the 27. of Iuly, betwixt the houres of six and seuen in the after noone (sundry others also being in company) he found him (in outward apparance) well affected. For when master Yong wished him to submit himselfe, and to confesse his fault to­wards almightie God, hee presently with good wordes did it ac­cordingly. Then master Yong told him that God had appoynted death vnto all men, but vnto diuers in diuers sorts, and wished him to take patiently that which God had laied vpon him. This Hac­ket sayd hee would vnfainedly doe, and withall asked the Queenes Maiestie for giuenesse, saying, hee was very sory for the wordes hee had spoken, and that it was a gracious and happy turne, that their treasons were in time reuealed: for otherwise it would haue cost a number of innocent men their blouds, and him­selfe (hee thought) should neuerthelesse also, haue bene slayne amongst them: but now he trusted in God, that the others would [Page 71] confesse also their treasons, and that her Maiestie was a gracious Prince, and would forgiue them if they asked mercie. And if it would also please her highnes, to be so gracious vnto him as to par­don him, he would hencefoorth become a good subiect. Further­more (because he had no money) he then desired M. Yong either to giue or to lend him some money: saying, he would repay it againe, if euer he were able, who thereupon did his deuotion towards him. Then Hacket thanked him, and desired master Yong to pray for him. Thus hee continued in good temper that night, and the next morning, vntill (looking out at one of the windowes into the streete leading towards Chepeside) he sawe all the streete euen fil­led (as it were) vp with people, expecting his execution. There­upon he began to answere such as exhorted him very desperately, and blasphemously: and when as comming downe the staires, one of the Shiriffs wished him to be mindfull of Christes death, who suf­fred for him, hee thereupon vttered most execrable blasphemie a­gainst Christes blessed passion.

Hee was brought from Newgate towards the place of execu­tion, the eight and twentieth day of Iulie (being Wednesday) after tenne of the clocke in the morning, albeit by reason of the incre­dible multitude (then in the streetes) but especially in Chepeside from one end thereof vnto another (the like whereof at no assem­blie in memorie hath bene seene) it was very long ere the Offi­cers (with all they could doe) could get him to the very place. All the way that hee was dragged vpon the hurdle, hee continued his counterfeit vayne that he had then vndertaken: one while cry­ing out Iehouah Messias, Iehouah Messias: another while crying out thus: Looke, looke, how the heauens open wide, and the sonne of God commeth downe to deliuer me. Whē he came vnder the gibbet (which was reared hard by the crosse in Chepeside, to­wards the right hand of the streete as you come from Paules) and the noise beyng appeased, hee was exhorted to aske God, and the Queene forgiuenesse, and to fall to his prayers: but he perseuering in his vnprofitable course of dissimulation, in stead thereof, fell to rayling and cursing of the Queenes Maiestie, most villanouslie. But beyng more vehemently vrged to remember his present state, and to giue ouer all hope to doe himselfe good by such dissembling, hee beganne to pray this most passionate, blas­phemous, and execrable prayer, videlicet. O God of heauen, mightie [Page 72] Iehouah, Alpha and Omega, Lord of Lordes, King of Kings, and God euerlasting, that knowest me to be that true Iehouah, whome thou hast sent: send some miracle out of a cloude to conuert these Infidels, and de­liuer me from these mine enemies: If not, I will fire the heauens, and teare thee from thy throne with my handes. With other words of most execrable blasphemie against the diuine Maiestie of God (not to be rehearsed) by reason that he found not that deliuerance, which he fansied God to haue promised. Then turning towards the Exe­cutioner, he said vnto him, Ah thou bastards childe, wilt thou hange William Hacket thy king? The Magistrates and people detesting this subtill, seditious, and blasphemous humour, commanded and cried to the Officers to dispatch with him, or to haue his mouth stopped from blaspheming: but they had much a doe to get him vp the ladder: And when he was vp, he struggled with his head to and fro, (aswel as he could) that he might not haue the fatal noose put ouer his head. Then he asked them (very fearefully) O what do you, what doe you? but seeing by the circumstance, what they inten­ded, he beganne to raue againe, and saide, Haue I this for my king­dome bestowed vpon thee? I come to reuenge thee, and plague thee, and so was turned off. But the people vnwilling that so trai­torous and blasphemous a wretch, should haue any the least fa­uour: cryed out mightily to haue him cut downe presently, to be quartered, and seemed very angrie with the Officers, that made no more haste therein: but as soone almost as he was cut downe, (e­uen with a trice) his heart was taken foorth, and shewed out open­ly to the people, for a most detestable, blasphemous traytors heart.

Thus died the most dangerous firebrand of sedition, most dete­stable traitor, most hypocriticall seducer, and most execrable blas­phemous helhound, that many ages euer sawe, or heard of, in this lande.

The next day after this (being Thursday,) Coppinger hauing wil­fully abstained from meate (as is said) seuen or eight daies toge­ther, died in Bridewell: and Arthington liueth yet in the Counter in Woodstreete, reserued (I hope) vnto sincere and perfite repentance. For immediatly vpon Hackets execution, hee wrote a letter vnto two great Counsellors, (whome among others he had lewdly slan­dered) of submission, and afterwards (more at large) he wrote to the bodie of the Councell, the whole course (as he pretendeth) of this action, so farre as he was made acquainted therewith, humbly [Page 73] crauing their Lordships mediation vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie for his pardon, and acknowledging his dangerous er­ror, and diuelish seduction (by Hacket especially) into this traito­rous action.

This declaration is truely taken foorth of their owne letters, wri­tings vnder their hands, and their confessions vpon examinations, subscribed by themselues, and by sundry honourable and worship­full persons of great grauitie, and wisedome, before whome they were made: and therefore may suffice, to shewe vnto all reasona­ble and well affected, the lewdnes and danger of the hypocriticall plots, and sedicious conspiracies entred into by these persons.

But some there are so peruersely wedded to their owne wils, and addicted to their fansies once conceaued, that they giue out they were madde, and furious persons, choosing therein, rather to accuse the honourable Iustice of the Realme, and all the admini­sters thereof, then that any of their factious crewe (professing de­sire of pretended Reformation, and to bring in The Discipline (as they call it) should be noted with so deepe disloialtie.

As it is not the part of any honest Christian, by calumniation to charge those y t be innocent: so doth it not become a loyall subiect, to iustifie any traytors, especially w t slandering of the State. It there­fore seemeth requisite, that this point be not left vncleared: whe­ther they or any of them, in these practises, were in deed trāsported with furie, besides themselues, so as they needed not to haue bene regarded, nor (by lawe) ought to haue suffered death for them?

In wants of vnderstanding and reason (after such time as men should naturally haue them) there are noted diuers degrees, that are also of seuerall consideration, that is to say: Furor siue Rabies: Dementia siue Amentia: Insania siue Phrenesis: Fatuitas, Stultitia, Lethargia, & Deliriū. And albeit the three first (by sundry writers) be sometimes confounded & taken for one, like as also the fourth is with the fifth, and the sixth with the last: yet when the diuersitie espied in the thinges themselues, doe driue men to a more exact consideration, and distinction of the wordes (by which those pas­sions are to be expressed) they are for the most part thus properly termed and distinguished by the best writers.

Furor (as it is described by Tully) est mentis ad omnia caecitas: Tusc. qu. li. 3. an entire and full blindnes or darkening of the vnderstanding of the mind, whereby a man knoweth not at all, what he doeth or sayth, [Page 74] and is englished madnes or woodnes. Bal. in I. sed & milites § iam autem ff. de excus: tu­to: & pas­sim alij. He that is possessed herewith, is carried with furie of minde, into great violences, and outrages, so that hee neither spareth himselfe, nor other men, and is called in Greeke [...]. Such was the madnes of Aiax (as is fained by the Poets) who whipped and scourged droues of beastes and cat­tell, thinking they were the Graecians that had displeased him, and afterward in that rage, killed himselfe.

Dementia is described there, Ibidem. by the same Author, to be affectio animi lumine mentis carens, A passion of the minde, bereauing it of the light of vnderstanding: Quintil. De­clamat. 348. Or as another graue and learned Au­thor calleth it, ablatus rerum omnium intellectus, when a mans per­ceiuance and vnderstanding of all things is taken away, and may be englished distracted of wit, Festus. or being beside himselfe. Such one is called also Mente captus, cùm mens eiè potestate abijt, in Greeke [...]. I. 2. D de inof­fic. testamen­to. This infirmitie of the mind is lesse then furious rage, and to be distinguished from it. They differ in this, that the first is, as it were carried with great outrage of minde, DD. in § 1. Instit. de curat. into violent courses: but he that is onely mente captus, vseth greater quietnes of body, & calme­nes, and sheweth not such outward testimonies in his actions, of a­lienation of his wits: yet neither of these haue any ruled memorie, will, vnderstanding, or feeling, of that they doe or say. Tuscul. qu. li. 3.

Insania is also described by Tully (vpon the iudgement of the Authors of the 12. Tables) to be inconstantia sanitate vacans, quae tamen possit tueri officium vitae communis, & cultum vsitatum; A kind of Inconstancie voide in deede of perfite soundnes of minde, yet such, as that he which hath it can obserue and doe the common of­fices of this life amongs men, in some reasonable and tollerable sorte: such be all they, whome commonly wee terme either fran­ticke, braine-sicke, cracked-witted, cocke-braines, or hare-brained men, being not altogether vnapt for ciuill societies, or voide of vn­derstanding, to perceiue what they say or doe, or what is saide vnto them: albeit they haue many strange conceites, toying fansies, and performe sundry, rash, vndiscreete, mad, and foolish parts. Many ex­amples of these three degrees, much differing one from another, may be obserued in our daily experience, & in histories of all ages.

Fatuitas is the want of wit and vnderstanding, wherewith natu­ral fooles are possessed: But Stultitia is that follie which is seene in such, as albeit they be but simple and grosse witted, yet are not to bee accounted very Idiotes, or Naturals. Therefore one speaking [Page 75] modestie of himselfe, Afranius. saide thus: Ego stultum me existimo, fatuum esse non opinor. I take my selfe to be but a simple man, yet (I hope) no starke idiote.

A Lethargie is a notable forgetfulnes of all things almost, that heretofore a man hath knowen, or of their names: so that such one often times forgetteth also his owne name, calleth any thing by a wrong name, and beginning to speake, forgetteth what he had saide afore, and what hee meant to say after. This distempe­rature and weakenes commeth by some blowe, sickenes, or age.

Delirium is that weakenes of conceite and consideration, which we call dotage: when a man, through age or infirmitie, falleth to be a childe againe in discretion: albeit he vnderstand what is said, and can happely speake somwhat pertinently vnto sundry matters.

If a man, whiles he is troubled with either of the first two infir­mities, shall commit any thing, which in his owne nature is crimi­nall, all good lawes doe rather pitie his case, then punish him, albe­it, in the rest, it be not absolutely so obserued: for volunt as non actus, affectus non effectus distinguunt maleficia: we are not in punishing of­fendors, so much to respect the euent, and what is done, as with what purpose, mind, and affection the thing is done. But such as be furious, and distracted of their wits, are intended (whiles that passi­on lasteth) to haue no will, l. 17. § filio. D. de in­iurijs L. 2. to know or perceaue nothing, & there­fore not to giue consent to any thing they doe, or say. In which re­spects they are compared in lawe, to men absent, § finali. D. de iure Co­dicillorum. and vtterly igno­rant of any thing done by themselues, or in their presence.

Nowe then, to examine these three persons by that which hath bene saide: It may be yeelded, that their imaginations, purposes, plots, and designements, respecting the weightines of the end, and weakenes of the meanes, were fantasticall, vnaduised, & most fond and vnlikely, yet none otherwise then may be also truely saide for the most part of all such fanatical fantastiques, schismatiques, here­tiques, or malecōtented treasonable conspirators whatsoeuer. But cannot (truly or with any colour of probabilitie) be affirmed, that any of them were mad, beside themselues, and out of their wits, as not knowing and perceiuing what they did or said, or what others said or did vnto them.

First concerning Arthington, I haue not heard so much as any doubt at all of madnes to haue bene made by any man that con­uersed, or had to deale with him, either in, or after this action. But [Page 76] because Coppinger hath bene supposed by many (after the time of his first examination) to haue fallen into starke madnes, let vs a li­tle looke backe, & briefly recapitulate some points, that haue bene afore touched concerning him, to see, if any such distraction of mind could also be noted in him, by the carriage of this action, be­fore his apprehension. Yet I doe know, that it hath bene doubted (vpon some good ground) by wise men, whether he were in deed mad, euen at any time after he was apprehended, as he made shew, or whether it were onely fained by him. For a mad man may, & of­ten times doth, for 2. or 3. daies together, eate no meate, nor happe­ly drinkes not at al. But when the humors of his stomacke are fully concocted & put ouer, so that for want of food, it beginneth natu­rally to sucke backe the blood & nourishment, distributed afore in­to the veines & parts, which breedeth hunger: then wil a mad man (most commonly) very greedily & rauenously, euen by course of nature, fall to his meate, if it be shewed him, & cannot abstaine, be­cause he cannot dissemble this appetite, in the time of his furie. But Coppinger is said to haue forborne & abstained from meate & drink (though they were offred vnto him) by the space of 8. whole daies: whereby he grew so weake, as that it may seeme, he died for want of sustenance. Such resolution or obduration of mind, can hardly so long together remaine with him, that is madde in deed, & knoweth not what he doeth. Howsoeuer it were after, it is sure, that before their pageant was plaied, (wherein matters prospered not as they expected) the whole course of his speeches, writings, & other dea­lings were such, as doe argue no defect at all of reason, memorie, wit, or vnderstanding, setting aside the absurditie and follie of the fansie, wherewith he was led.

For when he first had taken apprehension of such extraordinarie calling, he yeelded not streight way & vnaduisedly vnto it, but after long & deliberate debating with himselfe: his care was great, and course (as in such a matter) was considerate, in seeking to be resol­ued by such, as he both then, & afore held, to be best able to iudge of his gifts & calling: the questions that he framed were very per­tinent to that purpose, and orderly penned: his letters & speeches to T. C. to Eg. to Ch. to Vd. to Lan. to Wig. to P. W. to I. T. and others, and to them of forreine Churches, were (for that matter) well and aduisedly indited: his cunning was not small, to keepe the very particular way of effecting that which he desired, from those he [Page 77] dealt with, because himselfe knewe it a dangerous secrete, and a course not iustifiable, vnlesse it came by extraordinarie motion, and speciall oeconomie from God, and therefore he desired to haue it allowed so to be: his pretense of entertaining intelligence (tou­ching some important seruice to the State of the Realme, whereof he pretended to haue an inckling, but no full and particular know­ledge) was none vnaduised or simple reache of policie, in him. For if in platting of his purposes, and dealing in the principall action, a­ny thing of doubtfull acceptance, should happen to haue bene af­ter discouered, then might he well and with good colour, haue pre­tended, that hee did it but in way of attaining to intelligence of those dangers, whereof the generalitie (as it were in the cloudes) he had afore deliuered to a Counsellor. For he might not seeme a man to be suspected of any disloyall purpose, who shewed him­selfe so careful for his Soueraignes safetie. Adde to these, his cun­ning petition▪ to haue prisoners for treason, &c. to be examined by himselfe, and execution of condemned persons to be staied at his becke, whereby he might more easily haue induced them to ap­peach, whom he list to haue ouerthrowen, and whom he principal­ly aimed at. His subtiltie also doth notably appeare in his petitions to her Maiestie: where he makes shewe of great secretes to be de­liuered onely in her presence, and praieth to be pardoned, if in ouer much feare of her safetie, he had attempted to prooue that, which he could not, which argueth, that he had (in deede) not so much as any colourable intelligence deliuered vnto him, of treason inten­ded, by such great men, as he pretended: but vsed this as a meanes, to haue accesse, for himselfe and the others, vnto her Highnes pre­sence, for some further intended mischiefe: then his allowance and commendation of sound & good counsel giuen him, by Eg. a prea­cher, and by others: his sparing to reueale the great & dangerous secret vnto Hacket, vpon their first acquaintance: his rasing out of Hackets and the Townes name, out of the letter sent by him to a Noble personage, to giue inckling of treasons intended against her Maiestie, least the qualitie and vnlikelihood of the man being enquired after, that plat should be dashed: his not subscribing of his name to sundry letters: his directing of Hacket, neither to sub­scribe nor endorse (but in that sorte as he prescribed) for feare of discouerie: his desire to haue all the letters againe, that hee had written to Eg. about that matter: his warie and diligent keeping of [Page 78] copies, of euery letter that he writ in that cause: and when leasure serued not so to doe, his great care to haue the very letters againe: his offence with one Hoc. for keeping a letter from him, which he had sent vnto him: his cunning excuse of Hackets defacing of the Queenes Armes: his counterfeite reuelation to bring Arthington further in: his deuise to make Arthington resolute, by saying it was reuealed to him, that they had Angelicall spirits, not subiect to hurt, by any mortall power: his willing choise to withdrawe himselfe into an house, when (after their proclamation) things fell not out as was expected, and from thence afterward to goe to his place of abode, thorough by-lanes: his and Hackets putting of the matter frō knowledge of Arthington for a time, though afterward (happe­ly) to be opened, why the Queene might not be praied for, in parti­cular: their pretense of the Lordes commandement, to keepe the meanes secret: how the Queenes Maiestie and the Councel were to be brought to repentance, and vnto their pretended Reformation: The sensible and coherent manner of report vnto Wigginton, tou­ching Hackets and their own callings, and offices, by Coppinger and Arthington: their temperate and pertinent answeres vnto Wiggin­tons speeches, and all their consulting sundry times together, about their busines, namely, the night afore, and the day of their procla­mation, doe plainely argue, that Coppinger (albeit he were greatly misled by a false and spitefull zeale, and by much hypocrisie) yet was he farre ynough, from any distracting of his wits, in euery part of this action.

And concerning Hacket (whose terrible blasphemies at the last, doe argue either a villanous dissimulation to haue his execution re­spited, or a desperate intemperancie against God, for frustrating his expectation) there can no furie or madnes bee iustly noted in him, by the whole managing of this action, but rather, notable hy­pocrisie, craft, and dissembled holines. First, in that he seemed a man most zealous for the pretended Reformation of the Church, by erecting the Discipline, and afterward also for reforming of the Common-wealth: That hee vsed (in outward apparance) a most feruent, and deuoute manner of praying: that in his prayers, he did execrate himselfe most deepely, if hee sought not the glorie of God onely in this action, thereby the better to be credited, and to couer his villanies: that hee tooke a daies deliberation, to an­swere the great matter, after it was first propounded by Coppin­ger: [Page 79] that he sought to get credit to himselfe, & to terrifie her Ma­testie, by telling (in generalities) of strange iudgements of God, im­minent ouer her, that were reuealed vnto him: that foreseeing it not vnlikely to raine (after a long time of drought) hee praied in Coppingers presence for raine, wherby it might seeme to be sent by God, at his onely praier & mediation: that he bare them in hand he could tell thinges to come, being meerely contingent: that he could faine such kind of Reuelations, as if they were shewed to him in the middest of his torments, which (if they be marked) tended onely to haue himselfe magnified, as a man placed most highly in Gods fauour: that when the one of his followers seemed offended, he craftily excused the mislike which he had shewed, to heare her Maiestie praied for: that the better to colour his hatred & malice, he afterward praied for her himselfe: that he cunningly induced Coppinger, either to feigne or to fancie a Reuelation, that he, & Ar­thington must obey him the saide Hacket in all things: that he pre­tended to dispense with Arthington, for honouring him as king of Europe, vntill he should doe it before others, where it might stande him in better steede: that he craftily put off his intended anointing by Coppinger, (as being already done in heauen) lest some (vnloo­ked for) accident happely falling foorth, the whole pageant might haue bene marred: that his pretēded greatest office of seuering (in Christs behalfe) the good from the bad, with his fanne in his hand, was concealed from Arthington, vntil the very time that the mes­sage was to be done by them, when as it was too late to consider of it, & vnlawful to be disobeied: that this office he proclaimed vnto them (after his two solemne praiers, for direction of them by Gods spirit, to the glory of God onely) as it were an oracle newly drop­ped downe from heauen: that he answered Wiggintons questions very cunningly▪ as touching the old Magistrats that were gone, and the new come in place, meaning thereby (in trueth) the displacing of al her Maiesties Councel: that he warily qualified Coppingers and Arthingtons speeches, which seemed vnto Wigginton, to attribute a litle too much vnto him: that (comming through y t streets, & see­ing their proclamation had not made such sturre, as was hoped) he then pretended vnto Wigg. that he had not set them on worke, but maruailed what they meant therby, & therupō signified, he would depart y t city, & be gone home: that fearing what might happen in the euent of the tumult, he sent them into the streets, but taried be­hind [Page 80] in the house himself: that he put the trial of his said pretended great office (which he claimed in Christs roome) vpon this issue & trial, that none of y t people which should come to see him, had the power to kill him: for hee knew that no priuate subiect might or would attempt to do it, howsoeuer otherwise they tooke the mat­ter: that after the matter fel not out to his purpose, & being retur­ned to Walkers house, he rebuked Arth. ouermuch forwardnes, for calling him there (openly before others) the king of the earth, & ex­cused this in him, by his great zeale: that he slily auoided the que­stions which the minister of that parish did aske him touching those things which Arthington attributed vnto him: that hee vsed at his examinations, many craftie euasions, when any question of capitall danger to him was asked: that he constantly at all his exa­minations persisted in denying, and said he did not remember that action which seemed most odiouslie traiterous touching the pier­cing that part of the picture, which represented her Maiesties roiall heart: that he denied also to haue sent them to publish as they did: that he did answer so doggedly and (in trueth) knauishly, to the question of defacing the Lion and Dragon in her Maiesties armes: that to a question (of most importance) whether her Maiestie were lawfull Queene of England? he refused to answer: that he subtilly answered (albeit not to the lawfulnesse of her being Queene) yet she was (in fact) Queeene as yet if she had not forfeited it: that when he was tortured, he reuoked his treasons, and sorowfully submitted himselfe, a course which by the extremitie of paine (at the first as­saying of it) doth driue a man (being in deed mad) into a far grea­ter rage and impatience then he was afore: that till he was tortu­red, hee would not appeach any other his complices in the trea­sons: that being not willing to plead directly to his second indite­ment, he draue of the time with cunning answeres, in deed impor­ting nothing lesse then madnesse: that being in good temper, and (as seemed) well disposed in mind both the night before, and the Wednesday morning, vntill he sawe no remedie, but that hee was presently to be executed, he burst not foorth into his horrible blas­phemies: and that at the very execution, in his greatest impatience pretended, (albeit his speeches were most villanous agaynst the Queene, and blasphemous towards God) yet he vnderstood what was sayd and done, his wordes had sense, and his prayer was cohe­rent togither, one part with another. None of all which things pre­missed, [Page 81] can happen or be found in him, that is in deed furious and distracted of his wits, such as the lawes not onely doe pitie, but also spare and protect from all punishment▪

If any man now shall maruell how such vayne and foolish con­ceits, could so deepely possesse men of any consideration, let him remember what Luther writ against certaine like fanaticall per­sons, the Anabaptists in Germanie: who pretended like puritie, and intended also a dangerous Reformation: There is (saieth hee) none errour so absurd, but (when Gods wrath is once kindled) the deuil is able to perswade it.

But if offence be taken by any against the Gospell it selfe, for that these weedes haue sprung vp in the times, and amongst those persons that make outward profession of it, let that bee called to mind, which I sayd in the beginning of this treatise, and the com­parison and resemblance now ensuing bee considered, with these mens purposes, opinions, and actions, which there I promised to make betwixt them and certaine heresies and tumults stirred vp in Germanie, at the very beginning of the renewing of the light of the Gospell, by the preaching of Luther, Zuinglius, and others, the briefe of which storie is thus, viz.

About sixe or seuen yeeres after Luther began to preach the Gospell, Sleidan lib. 4. & 6. the deuil (to disturbe this worke) stirred vp certaine hote­brained, vnconsiderate, and importune preachers, that misliked not onely the doctrine of the Pope, but the doctrine of Luther also, as not being so spirituall, nor seruing so fitly for planting of puritie, as they thought requisite. By whose continual clamour, and sharpe Inuectiues agaynst the enormities of the Ecclesiasticall state, the Nobilitie and Magistrates, such effect was wrought, as that (in short time) there was kindled a most fearefull warre of aboue one hundred thousand of the common and vplandish people, rising and taking vp armes, almost about one time, in seuerall partes of Germanie, where they sacked townes, killed certaine of the No­bilitie, and did many other outrages. For such preachers hauing set them on fire, did so harden them also, as that they could not be wholy vanquished, vntill (what in one place and in other of that countrey) fiftie thousand of them were killed, and cut in pieces by the vnited forces of the most of the Princes of the Empire. The ma­ner of these peasants linking themselues together, was in secret conuenticles by night, and assemblies in priuate houses, where [Page 82] they gaue mutuall fayth and oath, each of them to sticke to other. Their purposes and counsels were how to ouerthrow the state Ec­clesiasticall, the Magistrates and Counsels of Estate, in euery seue­rall Prouince. When they were vp in armes, they made the pre­tenses of their actions, to bee the defending, erecting, and vphol­ding of the preaching of the Gospell through euery place. Being once assembled in great troupes, they then set foorth and publi­shed certaine points, which they required the Princes and Magi­strates to performe and yeeld vnto them, whereof these following were some, amongst sundry other grieuances, which they preten­ded were offered vnto them by Princes, Noble-men, Magistrates and gentlemen, and whereof they vrged a Reformation, videlicet. One petition of those vplandish rebels was this: that they and o­ther the common people, themselues might euery where haue the free choise of sincere ministers: another that Mortuaries might wholy be taken away: a third, that they might bee disburdened of paying any tithes to Ecclesiasticall persons, but onely corne: and a fourth, that they might also prescribe how these tithes should bee better emploied. Luther in an answere that the made to that booke of theirs, saieth, hee conceiued that this sedition was a very strata­geme of Sathan: to the intent that the deuill might destroy and kill him, and other true and sound preachers of the Gospell, by men making outward shew and profession of the same religion, because he sawe he could not effect it, nor so farre preuaile by open aduer­saries, such as the Pope was and his adherents. For these rebels called themselues a Christian congregation, and bragged much, that they would (in all their actions) follow the precise rule of Gods word. And whereas (vnder the pretence of detestation of sinne, and of their owne great sinceritie and good liues) these traiterous rebels noted many faults in all other sortes and states of men, and protested also great loyaltie and fidelitie to the persons of their Princes, so they might but haue things amisse reformed: he freelie and truely putteth them in mind, that whiles they pried thus na­rowly into other mens faultes, the deuill had so blinded them (through pride and hypocrisie) that they could not see their owne derestable treasons, with other their sinnes, and impie­ties: adding also, that such as wrest away or abate Princes swordes and Iurisdictions, will (vpon any fitte opportuni­tie [Page 53] offered) no doubt, take away their liues also: which is chieflie maintained by their soueraigne iurisdiction, and by power of the sword.

Amongst others, Carolastadius a preacher, professing the Gospel, but fallen into discontentments and emulous oppositions against Luther: gaue no small aduancement to this fearefull commotion. This man attributed much to Cabinet teachers in priuate conuen­ticles, and vnto visions, and pretended conferences with God. But of all other preachers that pretended enmitie both to the Pope and vnto Luther, one Thomas Muncer was the hottest and chiefest bontifeu and bellowes of this sedition. At first he vrged and exhor­ted men (in his teaching by a good space together) and that with great vehemencie, vnto a singular, straite, precise, and holy course of life: namely to flie all, euen the least shew of actuall sinne, to fast much, to array themselues with meane and base rayment, to retaine a setled austeritie in countenaunce, to speake seldome, and such like: which he called the bearing of the crosse, mortification and discipline. Now when as hereby hee had procured vnto him­selfe, a great opinion of holines and reputation with the common people, he proceeded further vnto strange and very dangerous o­pinions: for then he began to teach men in their prayers, to aske a signe of God, whether they held the trueth in religion or not? that if he gaue not a signe, they might importune him, and expostulate with him, that hee delt not well with them in not giuing a signe to them, who (in this sort) begged but true knowledge of him, say­ing, that to shew such anger in prayer, was acceptable vnto God, for that hereby men did shew their feruencie in zeale. Hee taught also, that God (euen in these dayes) did reueale his will by dreams and visions: that all iudgements ciuill, must be by the Bible or re­uelation from God: that all in dignitie must be equall. He rayled against Princes, and imputed many faults vnto them, and namely this, that they suffered the Ecclesiasticall state with great impietie. This opinion of equalitie of authoritie and dignitie, made the com­mon people fall from their worke, and beginning to gad idlely vp and downe, they tooke away (by violence) such things as they had need of, from those that were more wealthie.

Muncer (in this sort) winning many vnto him, they entered from time to time into secrete leagues together, vpon mutuall othes giuen, to helpe to roote out and kill all wicked magistrates, [Page 84] to the intent newe that were more godly might be set in their pla­ces, for so (he saide) God had giuen in commandement vnto him. According to which plots (by a tumult of the people) at Mulhusin, he procured the olde Officer to be deposed, and a new Magistrate to be set vp in his place, and himselfe to bee chosen a Senator of that Citie, albeit he was stil a Preacher, and seemed to mislike this course in other men. Nowe when as by these and other like meanes, great multitudes of men, to the number of fourtie thousand had taken vp armes, throughout Franconia, and Sucuia, then he thought oppor­tunitie serued him to set forward his purposes, by adioyning him­selfe vnto them: and in this action one Phyfer, a neere companion of his, and like affected to him, did also ioyne. But when the rebel­lious Rout wanted victuals, and many other necessaries, whereby their courages began to faile: then hee comforted them in his Ser­mons, and assured them (as from God) that their cause and quarrell was so good, that the frame of the whole worlde should sooner be changed, then they should be forsaken, or left destitute of him. And when the Princes armie (gathered to subdue them, being greater and better furnished then theirs were) was ready to ioyne in battell, hee still most resolutely assured them, of some euident miraculous helpe, to bee manifested from Heauen, for the ouerthrowe of their enemies: saying, that God woulde so enfeeble all their enemies shot, that Muncer himselfe would receiue them al (without harme) into the lap of his coate, before they should light: for a token here­of, it happened that they had taken the signe of a Raine-bowe for their ensigne, he shewed them (as it fell out the selfe same time) a true Rainebowe in Heauen, as an vndoubted signe, that they should obtaine the victorie. Whereupon they courageously at first set for­ward, singing a song for ayde by the holy Ghost: but being neuer­thelesse all put in Rout and discomfited, Muncer fledde away, and disguised himselfe. Yet by meanes of certaine letters that were found with him, he was afterward in a house discouered, and taken. Being brought before the Magistrates, he stoutly defended his fact, affirming, that Princes, who refused to establish the puritie of the Gospel, were in that sort to be bridled. When he was brought to the place of execution, & saw no hope of escape (which before he ho­ped for) he grewe to be very. much deiected, & perplexed in minde, in so much, as without helpe of a godly Prince, which then stoode by, he could not repeate so much as the articles of his Christian faith.

[Page 85] I shall not neede to dwell long in the application and resem­blance of these poynts, vnto this late tragedie: the very reading of them ouer, giuing sufficient light vnto the same. For the sharpe and angrie zeale of some vnaduised Preachers, which pretend neither to like of the Pope, nor of the present state of the Church, for want of some puritie, as they fansie, hath it not incensed, and made to boyle ouer, not onely the foule mouthes of Martinists, but also the traiterous actions of these Conspirators? And albeit the common multitude (whom the Disciplinarians bragge to bee already infla­med with zeale, ready to lend a hundred thousande handes for the aduancement of their cause, and by whom they hope and say such Reformation must at last bee brought in) did better keepe them­selues out of this action then was expected: Yet the danger there­of was as great, and if it had once taken head, would (happely) as hardly as the other haue bene subdued. Were not the treaties of these men also in priuate houses at night-fasts, and the Consultati­ons concerning it, at Classicall Conuenticles, and like assemblies? Did not these likewise shoote at the ouerthrowe of the whole state Ecclesiasticall, and at the displacing of her Maiesties most ho­norable Counsel, and that vnder pretence of Reformation, & to ad­uance the preaching of the Gospel in euery congregation through­out this land? Made not these the like complaints of wicked Coun­sellors, Noble men, and Magistrates, for keeping out the Discipline, for persecuting sincere Preachers, & afflicting Gods people, like lyons and Dragons? And doe they not pretend this to bee a speciall grie­uance of theirs, that the common people of euery Congregation may not elect their owne Ministers? that the people are brought vnder the yoke of the lawe Ceremoniall, by paying tythes, &c. and is not the hand and head of Satan, as plainely in this action, to seeke the ouerthrowe of sound professors, by others of the same professi­on, vnder pretence of greater sinceritie? Doe not these likewise al­most appropriate to themselues and their fauorites, the tennes of Gods Church, of Christian brethren, and of true & reformed Prea­chers? Is any speech more rife in their mouthes, then that they will only be tried and iudged by Gods booke, and by his spirit? Do they not taxe all other men (not so farre gone as themselues) of loose liues, of Antichristianisme, of Hypocrisie, & Idolatrie: in the meane time, neuer looking at their owne treasons, disloyalties, and other vices? Make they not great ostentation of loue and fidelitie to her [Page 86] Maiesties Person, and of care of her safetie, euen when they secretly nourished a fansie of forfeiture of her Crowne, & sought to ouer­rule her by Hacket their imagined Soueraigne King of Europe? Had they not their Cabinet Preachers, their table-end teachers, their guides of Fasts, &c. that teach, pray for, & attend extraordinarie cal­lings by visions, dreames, reuelations, & enlightnings? Was not Giles Wigginton & some others vnto them, as Thomas Muncer, & Phifer were to the Germanes, men of supposed great austeritie of life, ho­linesse, fauour with God, resolutenesse in his cause, singlenesse, and vprightnesse of heart? Did not Wigginton resolue them, by exam­ples he gathered, touching extraordinarie callings in these dayes, by reason of the great waste of this Church of England? Had not hee and they likewise learned of the same Deuill (in the prayers at fasts) to aske signes and seales of God, for their extraordinarie callings? Doth not Arthington say, that he importuned God in his prayers? and Coppinger, that hee had leaue giuen to talke more familiarly with God then afore? Did not Hacket in praying for the pretended possessed Gentlewoman, sawcily expostulate with God, & charge him with his promise, as if he dealt not well with him? Did he not at his Arraignement and Execution, shewe such anger in his prayers against God, thinking belike, as those did, to be excused by his fer­uencie of zeale? Did not both hee and Coppinger pretend confe­rence with God by sundrie reuelations and dreames? Fenneri theol. Doe not they and the rest of the Disciplinarian humor, exact and seeke to square out, euen in Hypothesi, all ciuill policies and iudgements (in causes Criminall especially) vnto the Iudicials of Moyses, giuen for the people of the Iewes? Is there any thing they stand more vpon, or condemne the contrary deeper, then to haue an equalitie amongs all persons Ecclesiasticall? Doe they not inueigh sharpely against Prince and Nobles, for vpholding the state Ecclesiastical, and in this respect intended to haue them brought to repentance, when their opinions grew to a ripenesse? Was not this their principal pretended purpose, to plant the Gospel and their Reformation by rooting out wicked Magistrates, and Counsellors (as they iudged) and by setting others in their places? Did Hackets fansied Fanne in stead of Christ, to seuer the good frō the bad, import any thing els, or should it haue serued any other turne, then for the killing vp of al that thought not wel of their Discipline & Reformation? Did they not pretend the wil of the Lord so to be? And was it not plainly ment, this to be effected [Page 87] by tumult of the common people? did not these likewise beare one another in hand, that all things should succeede and prosper with them? that no violence could harme them, nor any man had power to hurt them, as hauing Angelicall Spirits, and being in most high fauour with God? and Hacket accordingly (euen in going to execu­tion) did he not call for and expect a miraculous deliuerance from Heauen, out of the hands of those, whom he called his enemies? Did he not likewise (for a certaine signe of his fauour with God) make Coppinger beleeue, that he coulde and did obtaine raine, and coulde stay it at his pleasure? Was not the chiefest of their plots and con­spiracies detected by their letters founde with them? Did not they likewise when they were conuented before the Magistrate, stout­ly & resolutely defend their dealings, and maintaine, that the Prince had forfaited her right, and was now to be bridled & ouer-ruled by others? and lastly, was not that impious wretch Hacket as irreso­lute, deiected, and base-minded towards his death, as Muncer, or any man either could be, or as so bad a cause might procure?

Not long after those former rebellions in Germanie, another strange and memorable Commotion happened in Munster, the principall Citie of Westphalia, a Prouince also of Germanie: which is not vnmeete to be (in some poynts) also touched in this place, for the neere resemblance that it hath vnto this late action.

After the suppression of this former Rebellion, Sleydan. lib. 6. and about the yeere of the Lord 1527. Anabaptistrie began mightily to spreade it selfe in sundry partes of Germanie, euen as Cockle and Darnell doth (by the sowing of the enuious man the Deuill) among good wheate. It happened that in the yeere 1532. one Bernard Rotman first, Idem. lib. 10. & afterward fiue others (sent to assist him from the Lantzgraue of Hesse) began to preach the Gospell truely, in and about the sayde Citie of Munster. In the yeere 1533. one Iohn surnamed of Leyded a towne in Holland (hauing none other knowen surname, by reason of his ignobilitie, being but a Cobler, or a Currier by his occupati­on) came vnto the Citie of Munster. This Cobler was an egregious Anabaptist vnder pretence of professing the Gospel, & of an hatred he had of Popery, hee insinuated himselfe into the acquaintance of the Preachers of the Citie of Munster: but when it happened once that in answere to a question of his (in that behalfe made) they told him, that yong infants ought to be baptized, he laughed at them, as it were in scorne and of pitie of their ignoraunce. Not long after [Page 88] this, one Herman Staprede, a Preacher came also thither: but hee preached openly against the baptisme of yong children. By these meanes (but especially by their secret assemblies and conuenticles by night) this heresie of Anabaptisme spred it selfe largely through­out that Citie, so that great speeche was made in euery place ther­of: albeit no certaine knowledge was had, because they admitted none other to their close assemblies but such, as stoode alike per­swaded. This their course beeing come to the Magistrates eares, all that fauoured that opinion, and had assembled themselues in a­ny such dangerous conuenticles, were (by a generall Edict) bani­shed the Citie: but as they went out at one gate, so (being confi­dent vpon their multitudes) they returned in at another: pretending that they were commaunded by God to stay there, and to deale more earnestly and resolutely in their businesse. It happened, that Rotman (who before had preached against them) beganne at that time, to shewe himselfe to be a fauourer of their opinions: which thing gaue also great incouragement vnto them, insomuch as they then chalenged the sound Preachers (which stoode against them) vnto disputation. But when this chalenge was accepted, so that learned and graue Iudges and assistants might be chosen, and that whatsoeuer should be determined, might firmely be stoode vnto, and obserued of all without further contradiction: then they shrunke backe, and refused disputation vpon any such conditions. Hereupon they beganne to be lesse esteemed with the people, then they were afore; therefore to recouer their former reputation with them, they deuised another more short and plausible course, which was this. About the ende of December, one of them pretending to 1533 be diuinely inspired, and to be rauished in spirite, did goe through the streetes of the Citie, crying, Repent, Repent, and bee againe bapti­zed, or else the iudgements and wrath of God will quickely and suddenly ouerwhelme you. By this occasion, many of them which afore did lurke secretly in corners, and kept themselues close, came suddenly abroad, and in great routes and plumpes ranne together (with the former crye) into the chiefe streete of the Citie beeing the Market place, making great outcryes, that all which were not rebaptized in token of repentance, should be slaine as heathens, and as vngod­ly men. After this, (with sundry great outrages done by them a­gainst many of the Citizens) they inuested themselues of the Guyld hall or Towne-house, and of all the Artillerie and Munition of the Citie: so that many persons, what vpon credulous simplicitie, and [Page 89] what for sauing their goods and liues, were content to bee rebapti­zed with them. Neuerthelesse, others (for sauegard of their goods and themselues in this perillous vprore) betooke themselues to a place in the Towne, very strong by naturall situation, and appre­hended many of the seditious Anabaptistes for prisoners. These skirmishes lasted betwixt both the parties, vntill they grewe to a parley and composition, giuing hostages eche to other, for obser­uance of it. And albeit the sayde Rotman, and one Bernarde Cnip­perdoling (being chiefe in the faction) had also allowed of such composition: yet by their sundry Letters, priuily and vnder hande sent vnto others of their faction and secte in places and Cities a­broade, they trecherously (from time to time) inuited very many, (though it were with losse of their goods abroade) to retire them­selues to dwell at Munster: assuring them of tenne times as much, 1534 as they did forgoe. Heereby the Citie beganne to bee replenished with strangers of that faction, insomuch as most of the wealthie and graue Citizens, fearing whereunto it might tende, abando­ned the Citie, and left it to the Anabaptistes, and to the rest of the common sort. Thus becomming masters of the place, they by and by put out all the olde Senators or Counsellours of that estate, and the two Consuls (beeing the chiefe Magistrates) and put others in their places, and namely they called Cnipperdoling to bee one of their Consulles. Then they fell to burne, ryflle and deface the Churches, and in plumpes went through the streetes, crying, Repent, Repent: and immediatly after, Auoyde all yee wicked, vp­on perill of your liues. Whereupon all the Anabaptists put them­selues in Armes, and (according to their proclamation) draue out of the Citie, all whome they supposed not to be of their secte, without regard either of age or sexe. Insomuch as diuers womē with childe through the great throng and their ouerhastie departing, pitifully miscaried. This banishing & proscription happened the very day a­fore the Bishop of the Citie being also temporall lord thereof, plan­ted his siege against the towne, for reuolting from his obedience. In the middest of all these outrages, sundry (calling themselues pro­phets) did arise vp amongst them; who pretended to haue extraordi­narie callings, gifts, functions, and reuelations from God; the chiefe whereof was one Iohn Matthewe, next to him was the said Iohn of Leyden, and then Cnipperdoling, Crecthing and some others. This Matthew (their principal Prophet) charged euery man (vpon paine [Page 90] of death) to bring all his gold, siluer, & moueable goods into a great common storehouse appoynted for that purpose, to the ende they might be vsed & bestowed in cōmon: for so he protested to them, it was the wil of his heauenly Father. The people were greatly grie­ued with this rigorous Edict; neuerthelesse they obeyed, though sore against their wils. Neither was it possible (w tout great danger) for any to conceale or hide any part from them, because there were in y e Citie two gyrles, soothsayers, that did reueale whatsoeuer was concealed, at least so it was beleeued. Then the sayde Matthewe commanded euery one to bring all his bookes whatsoeuer (sauing the holy Bible) to be publikely burned, which was accordingly per­fourmed. Thus taking great confidence & boldnesse that his hestes and aduises were so readily obeyed, and had so good successe; hee most insolently and cruelly thrust in with a Pike, and after shotte in with a Harquebuze one Hubert Trueteling, onely for a merie ieste that he made, touching one of their Prophets. Yet seeing that hee did not die thereof out of hand, the sayde Prophet tolde them, it was reuealed to him from heauen, that Trueteling should liue, and con­tinue, and that God had forgiuen him. Neuerthelesse, hee dyed of his wounds within fewe dayes after. Then Matthewe got into his hand a long pyke; and running hastily therewith through the Towne towards the gates, he proclaymed as he went, that God the Father had commanded him to beate backe all y e enemies (that be­sieged them) from the towne. But beeing met neere the campe, by one onely souldier, he was by him thrust through, and so died. And albeit the falsehoode of his forged prophesies was thus twise dete­cted, yet the other prophets (his companions) did so disguise the matter, & bewitch the people, that they could not perceiue his cog­geries, but did rather much lament his death, as a matter ominating some great mishap towards them, for that so excellent a man was taken away. Yet Iohn of Leyden comforted them, saying, that God had reuealed vnto him long before, that Matthew should haue such an end, and that he should marrie his widow. Some few daies after, Cnipperdoling also prophesied, that high mountaines should be brought low, and the poore and meane should be exalted: and thereupon com­manded all which was left standing of the Churches to be demoli­shed euen w t the ground: assuring them (and that w t a constant set­led grauitie and great earnestnesse) that this commandement came from God himselfe: & in further accomplishment (as may seeme) [Page 91] of such his prophesie: Iohn of Leyden gaue to the saide Cuipperdoling the sworde of execution, and so made him the common hangman of the Citie, that immediatly afore was Consull and chiefe Officer. This office of Executioner (belike vpon compact betweene them) he willingly accepted, and obeyed Leyden therein, as the messen­ger of God. Now after that some assaults had bene made against the Citie, by the Bishops Armie besieging it, (albeit with no suc­cesse) Iohn of Leyden layde him downe to rest, and dreamed three dayes together. Being awaked, hee spake not a worde to any per­son, but calling for paper, writte downe the names of twelue men (whereof some were in deede Gentlemen of blood) who shoulde haue the soueraigne charge of all, and should gouerne the Citie, as the heads of the tribes did in Israel: for so he sayd, it was y e heauenly Fathers will. But hereby (in very trueth) he layde the foundation of a kingdome, whereunto he aspired. Then hee propounded vnto their reformed Preachers, certaine articles to be resolued in by the Scriptures alone: by which if they could not confute them, then he would (as he sayd) put them vp vnto the people, that by their au­thoritie they might be established. The effect of them was, that a man was not bound vnto one wife, but might marry so many as him selfe lusted. When their Preachers made some difficultie and sticking at it, hee called them into the Counsell house, together with the twelue new Gouernours or Elders. Then he put off his cote and layde it and the new Testament downe together afore them, swea­ring by those two (as by assured tokens) that the articles by him proposed, were reueiled vnto him from heauen, & that God would neuer bee mercifull vnto them, if they did not yeelde vnto them. Hereupon they gaue their assents, and after (for three dayes toge­ther) they preached of nothing but of marriage. Then Leyden mar­ried three wiues: one whereof was the widowe of their great Pro­phet Matthewe lately deceased, and diuers other followed the like example, as if it had bene a matter most allowable and lawdable. But some of the Citizens (of better disposition) finding this course to be most abominable, gaue a watch word through the towne for all that truely fauoured the Gospel without fantastical nouelties, to come into the Market place: where being assembled, they appre­hended Leyden, Cuipperdoling, and all the rest of their Prophets. But when the common people were aduertised hereof, they straight­way tooke Armes, and rescued the prisoners from them. The [Page 92] people also layde handes on them, which had apprehended their Prophets, putting them to death with most exquisite tormentes: namely, they fastened fiftie of them vnto trees, and shotte at them with harquebuzes, their great Prophet (all the while) crying thus vnto them, that he that would doe God good seruice, should first shoote at them; and others were put vnto sundry other seuerall kindes of death.

In the Moneth of Iuly that yeere, a new prophet (being a golde­smith by his trade) did arise vp amongs them: who hauing called the multitude together into the Market steede, signified vnto them, it was the will and commaundement of the heauenly Father, that Iohn of Leyden should bee Emperour of all the earth; and that hee marching forth with a puissant armie, should destroy all Kings and Princes, but should spare the common people that loued righteous­nesse and synceritie, to the intent hee may holde the seate of Dauid his father, vntill the heauenly Father should receiue againe the kingdome: for (sayd he) godly men must onely rule in the worlde, after they haue once dispatched all the wicked out of the way. When the Prophet had ended these speeches, suddenly Iohn of Ley­den kneeled downe, and lifting vp his handes to heauen, say de thus: Brethren, it is a good while agone since I first knewe this, and yet would not hitherto publish it abroade: but nowe the Father hath vsed another Minister to bring it to passe and to proclayme it. So hauing (by this subtiltie) compassed to bee King, hee first depo­sed the twelue Gouernours, and after the maner of other Kings, did choose and create sundry to be great Lordes about him: hee also caused two Crownes of pure golde to be made for himselfe, and a Royall robe, coller and scepter, with other complements of Maie­stie. He assigned also certaine dayes, wherein he would giue audi­ence to all complaynants and suters. Whensoeuer he came abroad, he was attended with his Officers and gentlemen of his Court, and with two yong henchmen on horesebacke, the one on his righthand carying the Bible, and the other on his left, carying a drawen sword. He had also a magnifical Throne prepared and set on high for him, with a golden cloth of Estate. At a certaine time, when the King was thus set in his Maiestie, and the people thronged close toge­ther about him, Cuipperdoling one of the prophets, gotte vpon the peoples heads; and so creeping along on his hands and feete, hee breathed vpon them in their mouthes one after another, saying [Page 93] thus: the Father hath sanctified thee, receiue the holy Ghost. Cer­taine weekes after, the new Prophet (afore mentioned) caused (by sounde of a Trumpet) to bee proclaymed, that all should retyre themselues in armes vnto the Churchyard of the chiefe Church, for that the enemie must be repelled from the towne. Comming thither, they found a great supper ready prepared. Then there sate downe to supper (as they were commaunded) foure thousand: and after these had supped, one thousand moe (that had wayted) sate downe. The King also, and the chiefe Queene, together with their courtiers did serue at table. The supper being towards an ende, the king gaue bread vnto euery one of them, saying, Take, eate, and shew forth the Lordes death. Then the Queene presented them with the cup, saying, Drinke, and shew forth the Lords death. This being done, the said prophet got him vp into a pulpit, and asked them if they would obey the word of the Lord? which when they had yeelded vnto that they would, he saide it was the Fathers commandement, that eight and twentie Doctors or Teachers should be sent forth in­to all the corners of the world, to teach y e doctrine that was taught and receiued in that Citie. Then he named them all, and the parti­cular place whitherech of them should goe. So after all was done, they let the said eight and twentie Preachers out of the towne by night very closely, for feare of those without, who besieged them: giuing to euery one (aboue that which should defray his charges) one peece of gold, and commanding them to leaue it at such places where their doctrine should not be receiued, for a testimony of such peoples damnation, & euerlasting perdition, for refusing such mes­sage & wholesome doctrine. When those Preachers were come to the places assigned vnto thē, they cryed in the streets of the townes where they came, Repent, repent, or els you shall all quickly perish. Then they spred their garments on the ground before the Magistrates, & vpon them they laid the pieces of gold which were afore deliuered vnto them, assuring them, and protesting that they were sent from the heauēly father, to bring them peace & mercy: and if they would receiue it, then they must giue vp all their goods to be vsed in com­mon: but if they refused it, then that signe & token should be a wit­nes against them of ingratitude & rebellion against God. For (sayd they) now is the time come that was spoken of afore by y e Prophets, in which righteousnes shall reigne in the earth vniuersally; & when the King (meaning Iohn a Leyden) hath brought to passe, that righ­teousnes [Page 94] shal rule in euery place, thē Christ shal giue vp his kingdom to his Father. But these preachers being hereupon apprehēded, they resolutely stood in it, & defended, that they onely held the true do­ctrine, which they would mainteine vpon peril of their liues. Being asked, w t what iustice they could enter vpon, and possesse other mens wiues, children & goods as they did? they said, The time was come forespoken of by Christ, that the meeke should possesse the earth, & that God gaue these vnto them, as he did giue the goods of the Egyptiās vnto the Israelites. They affirmed also, y t king Dauid & Iohn a Leyden were two righteous prophets: but y e Pope & Luther were both false prophets: whereof Luther was the worse. Thus stil persisting obsti­nate in their erroneous opinions (not withstanding y e tortures which they endured) they were al beheaded, sauing one of them, that esca­ped away by flight. Whiles these things were thus in doing within and abroad, the citie of Munster was euery day more & more strait­ly besieged, and pressed with extreme famine, so that for feare lest many y e chiefe Burgers should capitulate with the enemie, & yeelde the King vp vnto the Bishop, their King therefore did chuse twelue, whom he held most faithful vnto him, & appointed them to be cap­taines of warre ouer so many seueral parts of the towne, into which he did quarter it: entertayning the said twelue persons with moun­taines of large promises, and telling them ouer what great Prouin­ces & Dominions vnder him he would after place them. Thus the famine stil more & more encreasing in the Citie (so that sundry di­ed thereof, albeit the King had abundance for himselfe & his special fauourites, not onely for supply of necessitie, but also to ryot & ban­quet) it happened, that one of his Queenes in commiseration of the distressed, said vnto the rest, that shee could not beleeue it was the wil of God, that mē should in that sort be suffred to die for want of food. Hereupon being accused, she was brought into y e market place, & being commanded to kneele down, the king strake off her head; al the rest of his Queenes singing, dancing, & giuing thāks therfore to the heauenly Father. But whē as the cōmon sort had like to haue mutined, by reason of the extremitie of famine, their King promised them assured deliuerāce from God before Easter. When Easter was come, no signe or tokē of their deliuerāce appeared. Then the king fained himself to be sicke for sixe dayes: afterward (assembling the people into y e market steed) he told them, that all that while he had ridden vpon a blinde Asse, and that the Father had laid vpon him [Page 95] the sinnes of the whole multitude, so that now they were cleansed and freed from all vice: which was the deliuerance which he pro­mised vnto them, & therewith they were to holde themselues con­tented. When the Bishops strength, by common supplies from the Princes of the Empire were much reēforced, matters (in the town) grewe to that extremitie, that by meanes of two persons (who con­ueyed themselues secretly forth of the towne) it was at last surpri­sed by the assaylants, though with much adoe and bloodshed, euen after they were entred. Their King, with Cuipperdoling and Crecli­ting their two false prophets were taken aliue: but Rotman their Reformed preacher (seeing no hope to escape) desperately ranne in amongs the thickest of the armed companies, and by them he was cut in pieces. The three persons aforenamed were caryed about the countrey, as a spectacle to sundry the Princes and others there­abouts, and after were brought backe againe vnto Munster. The Bishoppe of Munster demaunded of the King, by what authoritie he tooke vpon him to rule in that Citie? who asked the sayde Bishoppe againe, by what authoritie he the sayd Bishoppe claymed any pow­er there? When he answered, that he had it by meanes of election of the Chapter, and by consent of the people, the King replying, sayde, that himselfe had his authoritie from God. After two dayes had bene bestowed with them, to reduce them (by godly perswa­sions) from their errours, Leyden their King confessed his sinne, and desired for giuenesse at Christes handes. But Cuipperdoling and Cre­cliting would confesse no fault, but defended their course and opi­nions with great obstinacie. So all three being tyed vnto postes, were dismembred by peece meale, and pulled in small peeces with hotte burning pinsers and tongs, and afterward their carkases were hanged vp there in yron cages; but the King in the midst, and much higher then the other two, as his place required.

Besides certaine especial opinions which these Anabaptists held, namely, y e yong childrē were not to be baptized, & touching lawfulnesse, of Poligamie or hauing many wiues: Of communitie of goods, and that Christ tooke not flesh of the virgin Mary &c. they also taught and de­fended many other strange, erroneous and hereticall positions: and yet they shewed as much deuotion, outward holines and puritie, as might be. As for example, they held these folowing: viz. that a perfit Christiā might not exercise y e office of a Magistrat, nor might take an oth before him: that God doth now oftētimes shew his will by extraordinarie [Page 96] reuelations, dreames, and visions: That the common people haue an espe­ciall authoritie in determining and establishing of Chruch causes: That before the day of iudgement the kingdome of Christ shalbe such, as that the godly and elect, shall ouerthrow & subdue all the wicked, and then they alone shall rule in the earth: That it is lawfull for the people to depose and put downe the Prince or Magistrate: That Ministers and others godly affected, ought to establish (though it were by force) a Reformation in all Countries: That Princes and Magistrates ought not to pursue this kinde of persons, for that they are innocents and the beloued people of God: That the seate of Dauid which was fallen downe must bee reestablished, and that Christ nowe in the latter ende of the worlde shall reigne externally vpon the earth: That the time of besiege (they then liued in) was that whereof Esaie prophecied, wherein the iust and godly were afflicted and persecuted: That the time of their deliuerance and enlargement was at hand: which should be like to that deliuerance of the Israelites from the thraldome vnder the Babylonians: And that then the wicked and vn­godly shall receiue the guerdon and recompense of all their impieties com­mitted against the saints, all the vngodly being ridde out of the way, the seate of righteousnesse should bee prepared and aduanced: That there is none efficacie or force in that baptisme, wherewith infants are baptized. All which they obstinately defended, and yet (whensoeuer they were charged) they pretended that they woulde acknowledge and con­fesse their errors, if they shoulde bee shewed vnto them by the Scriptures, to be errours.

Nowe as I haue done afore, in the Historie of Thomas Muncer, I must craue leaue, that with the readers patience, I may also briefly compare and resemble some of the dealings and errours of the A­nabaptists of the Citie of Munster, with the actions and opinions of these late conspirators, & of their Disciplinarian schoolemasters, from whom they haue sucked like poyson.

For did not Hacket (the most ignorant of all the three, being but an vnlettered Maltster) in like sort take vpon him to rule the other, and to mannage the whole action? and are not the most ignorant of such as be of this humor, most presumptuous to direct all others, and to discusse deepest doubts? Haue not their mutuall cohortati­ons, and seditious instructions, with their conceiued prayers, and hypocriticall Fasts, (that they practised in priuie conuenticles, and assemblies) giuen greatest strength to his faction, to the seduction of numbers? Haue not the Magistrates now as great cause to looke [Page 97] into these proceedings, before they make head, vpon confidence of their multitudes? Haue not all the stayed and sounde Preachers of this land, by sundrie Maleperts, and nowe againe by Arthington, bene (most insolently) challenged vnto disputation? Hath not the cause of this pretented Discipline, beene neuethelesse quashed (oftentimes) in Pulpits, in publike disputations in the vniuersities, and by learned treatises written: whereby the weakenesse, and meagernesse of their childish collections, haue beene fully dis­played? Will they make any haste, or dare they to offer disputa­tion, if such conditions, assistants, and indifferent and learned Iudges as are fit, shall bee set downe and appoynted? and (being beaten from their ordinarie meanes) haue not these Conspirators, and such as haue animated them, betaken themselues vnto pretended extraordinarie callings, rauishings in spirite, caryings into Heauen, reuelations, dreames and visions? Haue they not se­ditiously filled our streetes with their like hypocriticall outcries of Repent, Repent, &c. and by gathering of Routes, tending to vproare and popular tumult? If their purposes had succeeded, and their prophecies of killing and massacring men (like swine) in London streetes, had come to passe; woulde the outrages, in haynousnesse, haue come any whit behinde those of Mun­ster?

If this sort of persons haue bene gratified with any indifferent toleration, coulde their restlesse busie heads (though they haue promised otherwise) cease to hammer, by long hand, and se­cretely, the bringing to full effect of their designements, viz. That they might gouerne in the Church with Christes scepter, and ad­minister his kingdome? for so they (blasphemously) terme the Discipline, which they haue forged? Was not the displacing of her Maiesties Counsell plotted by the Confederates, and had they not assigned other Counsellors in their roomes? Should those, whome themselues had thus chosen and assigned, haue re­mained long in place, if their King Hacket, had bene once in­uested, as fully and royally as Iohn a Leiden was in Munster? Woulde they not quickely haue brought them downe, as Cnip­perdoling was, from being Consull to the basest roome of ac­compt, that might bee? woulde these (if they had preuai­led) [Page 98] haue spared (thinke yee) either place, age, or sexe, or shoulde banishment onely haue serued? No: Viscera impiorum crudelia. And did not Hacket take vpon him to bee as great a Prophet, as Iohn Matthewe, or Iohn a Leiden his successor? and Coppinger the Prophet of Gods mercie, as high as Cnipperdo­ling? and Arthington the Prophet of Iudgement, and penne of a ready writer, as refined and excellent, as Crechting the gold­smith? had not these also appoynted out Wigginton and Lan­caster, to bee their assistants for a time, as it were their petie Prophets? Did they not pretende the will of the Heauenly Fa­ther, for euery most vngodly, and absurd motion, speech, or action, as namely for the defacing of her Maiesties Armes: and that shee shoulde not bee prayed for? Did not these pretend and feigne, to bee in high fauour with God, and that they could tell secretes, and things to come, meerely contingent, and to bee able to cast out Deuils, and to obtaine rayne at pleasure? matters of as great difficultie and vnlikelyhoode, as soothsay­ing and bewraying of things concealed? Did they not inueigh against the humane wisedome (of diuers of their owne iudge­ment) whome they supposed not to bee forwarde ynough? and doe not many of the Disciplinarian veine, despise and con­demne all helpes of good Artes and learning, as little lesse then impious, but specially in Sermons? Was not Matthewe the chiefe Prophet of Munster his fansie stronger, and his re­solution greater, then these Conspirators shewed in any part of their action: when hee thought himselfe alone able to re­pell an whole hoste? and yet hee was not therefore accomp­ted furious, madde, or distracted of his wits? Was not Cop­pinger likewise, as deepely bewitched as the people of Mun­ster, when hee coulde not perceiue, that Hacket did but dally with him, about particular intelligence of some treasons, sup­posed to bee plotted by some great persons? had not these three, and this sort of Humorists, as great enuie at olde and Cathedrall Churches and others: when as they seeke to pro­cure their ouerthrowe? Did not Coppinger fansie, to haue had his extraordinarie callings, and enlightnings, by dreames in his sleepe? Had they not likewise appoynted their gouernours for matters [Page 99] of Counsell, and for other ciuill administration? Doe not this kinde of persons also make shewe of desire, to haue all questions decided alonely by Scriptures? Doth not the Discipline giue the chiefe and soueraigne allowance or disallowance of all Ecclesiasti­call determinations, vnto the whole congregation? Did not these Conspirators vse (as meanes to bee trusted that God had reuealed such things vnto them) othes and execrations of damnation and confusion to themselues, as deepely as Iohn a Leiden did, when he did sweare by his coate, and by the newe Testament, touching the like reuelation? Did not Hacket their great Prophet, thirst after, and threaten reuenge against some great persons, who hee though did stand in his way? Did not Coppinger and Arthington proclaime in the Market place of Chepe, and afterwarde defende, that Hacket was King and Emperor of all Europe, and that God had so appoynted it? Did they not holde, that he together with themselues, shoulde goe forth, and take possession of all his kingdomes here and abroade, and subdue all kings, that woulde not holde their scepters of him, and be gouerned by such lawes and orders, as he should appoynt: and that he should seuer with his Fanne, the good from the bad, so that they shoulde not trouble and afflict the godly any more? Had not Hacket also, his said Prophets to proclaime him publikely King of Europe, as Iohn of Leiden had the goldsmith? Did not Coppinger (vpon Arthingtons aduertisement) with three most lowly obey­sances, and with great grauitie, take vpon him, and was ready to annoynt, and sanctifie Hacket with the holy Ghost, but that (by a shift) he was put off? and as they of Munster had their prophane and impious celebration of the Communion, before they sent forth their 28. Preachers; In like maner, had not these, their hypocriti­call fasts and prayers, promulgated and made knowen, vnto sun­dry of their owne disposition, that they might ioyne (either in bo­die or spirit) with them, afore they enterprised any matter, or en­tred consultation of weight, or would assume their supposed ex­traordinarie callings? Doe not these, and all like affected to them, by their teachers in euery corner, seeke to winne or perswade, as many to the liking of their opinions, as possibly they can any way compasse, and hemme in? Haue they not also their sette, emptie, thundring wordes, and solemne obtestations, to allure men to be­leeue that, which they teach? Did not the said two English Prophets, offer by their Proclamation, great mercie and ioyes to them that [Page 100] should beleeue or follow them, and infinite woes and damnation, to those that should reiect them? did they not signifie, that the time was come for the establishing the Gospell and Reformation, by their K. Hacket: and therefore willed all true Christians to be of good comfort, because the wicked should bee ouerthrowen? did they not engage their liues, yea and soules, vpon the veritie of the messages, that they published? and were they not a good while (after their apprehension) very obstinate and resolute in their fan­sies conceiued? was not Coppingers promises of speedie deliuerance vnto Vdall, as confident and resolute as Iohn a Leidens was vnto the people of that Citie? though the euent shewed, that at last all did but come, to the riding of a blind asse? did not Hacket likewise blas­phemously affirme, that by the whipping which Pigge bestowed on him, he did suffer for the sinnes of all hypocrite preachers, such as fauoured the discipline, but were not so forward, as hee thought they ought to be? Was not the resolution of one of these, as lewd as Rotmans (who after all hope was past, ranne amongst the armed companies) if hee also did (as was sayd) with like wilfulnesse, re­fuse to take any sustenance? was not the desperatenesse of Hacket also most horrible and fearefull, when as (seeing no remedie but death) he opened his mouth blasphemously against heauen, and a­gainst the Maiestie of the Eternall God?

And concerning certaine opinions of the Anabaptists, doe not many of the Disciplinarian humour, come farre neerer vnto them then were to be wished? for though they denie not the ciuill ma­gistrates superioritie altogether: yet in causes Ecclesiastical, though they admit it (in words) they allow vnto him nothing else but ex­ecution of their orders without attributing any superior prehemi­nence of commaundement in church causes, for retaining of good order, & of soundnesse of doctrine in the Church. Likewise, though they take not the soueraigntie from the chiefe magistrate in causes of the common wealth, doe they not so abridge and pound his au­thoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall, that the very Papists doe attribute as much in this behalfe vnto him, as they doe? And albeit they will not absolutely in iudgement denie the lawfulnesse of an othe before a magistrate, yet if their sundrie and variable positions in this point be marked, they doe (in effect wholy) repeale the vse of it. For doe not some of them plainly refuse to take an othe, where­by they may be vrged to discouer any thing which may either be [Page 101] penall to themselues, or to their Christian brother, and so in effect denie it altogether? Doe not others of them refuse to tel any thing that is criminall concerning any other person, though perhaps they will doe it against themselues, especially when they thinke it is a­fore discouered and knowen? Doe not some of them refuse an othe simplie, yea, and to answere (without othe) either affirmatiuely or negatiuely, but doe will their accusers to stand foorth? Doe not others deny to take an othe, except euery particular question be a­fore made knowen vnto them: a matter impossible, because sun­dry questions that shall be asked, doe arise foorth of the matter of the answere? And doe not sundry of them (albeit they yeeld to de­tect by othe both their own & others offences) yet denie to reueale any thing whereof they are asked, if thēselues be perswaded the mat­ter demanded of, be none offence? And so they do hang obedience to lawes, allegeance and duetie of subiects, vpon euery particular mans conceit, euē as he by circumstances, or his own fond perswa­sion, shall list to measure matters, Do they not resolutely hold, that summapotestas, the chiefe and Soueraigne power in all church-cau­ses, belongs to a Presbyterie, who though they may consult, yet may not determine matter of any moment, without the allowance of the people? Had not these conspirators a like opinion to those of Munster, that the principall spirit of Christ (being in Hacket) hee was come with his fanne to seuer and dispatch out of the way, all the wicked and vngodly, from the good and godly? Hath it not bene set downe by an English subiect, and twise printed with sin­gular allowance of the English Arch-prophet of discipline, for found and holie diuinitie, that it is Gods ordinance, to haue in euery king­dom certain chiefe officers (like Ephori in Lacedamon) who should haue authoritie to depose kings, though they come vnto it by law­full succession, if they shall iudge them to be tyrants? Did not Wig­ginton deliuer for sound doctrine, that if the Magistrates did not go­uerne well, the people might draw themselues together, and to see a Reformation? Doe not these kind of persons like wise slander the Prince and state, with persecution of the saints, and of innocent men, because they are a little restrained from running on in their se­ditious courses? Did not these conspirators also hold, that now in these later times, Christ by his principall spirit (imparted vnto Hac­ket) should raine and erect an externall kingdom on earth, & in the world? And did they not fansie, that euen at that time the Gospell [Page 102] with their discipline, should be vniuersally established, and all the vngodlie abolished? Doe not all of the Disciplinarian secte holde, that to the very being of baptisme (and without which, it is of no more force in any case, then the nurses washing) it is required, that it be administred by a lawfull Minister? thereby derogating, not onely from the true baptisme of thousands, but also of all whome­soeuer, that were baptised by Popish sacrificing Priestes them­selues, and from all that haue receaued baptisme of such, as were baptised by them? whereupon must needes followe necessitie of rebaptization, or else that it were lawfull to neglect and contemne that Sacrament, and high mysterie of our saluation. Lastly, do they not make great shewes, and many pretenses, for all their vnsound and absurd opinions, that they are taken from the holie and sacred written word of God? which by this meanes they make to be of priuate interpretation, and do not reduce their senses vnto it, when they reade, Scripturas ad suum non su­um sensum ad Scripturas ad­ducunt. but doe wickedly captiuate the Scripture vnto their owne senses and meanings? euen as (in this behalfe) Coppinger or Arthington did first take vpon them an extraordinarie calling, and were afterward charged by Hacket, to reade ouer the whole Bible, there to finde an approbation of it.

God of his infinite mercie forgiue, and turne the hearts of all that trouble his Church, from running wel, or that impugne his or­dinance, and such as are set ouer them: and restraine, or roote out all fantasticall errours, & fanatical spirites, which the enuious man (from time to time) doeth sowe amongs the good wheate: that holding the vnitie of the spirite in the bond of peace, we may all meete together (in the vnitie of faith, and knowledge of the Sonne of God) vnto a perfite man, and vnto the measure of the age of the fulnes of Christ, and so speedily and ioyfully meete him our bride­grome in the cloudes, with our heades lifted vp, and full of comfort, and so reigne with him for euer, through the same Iesus Christ our Lorde: to whome with the Father & the Holie Ghost, one eternall, im­mortall, inuisible, and onely wise God, be all honour, praise, glorie and dominion, now and for e­uer. Amen. *⁎*

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