CHAP. I. Of the election of Souldiers.

THe election of souldiers was by the Ancients and is by Moderns made after divers wayes. The Grecians and Romanes contented not themselves to enroll the souldiers which of their own accord were willing to go to the warre, but chose out of them such as they judged to be fittest for that ser­vice; which is the cause they had so good souldi­ers. The Carthaginians for the most part im­ployed strangers, and therefore had no worse souldiers then their own countrey-men. The Turks choose their souldiers, and train them. The Swisses make use of their own men. The Venetians and Hollanders, in imitation of the Car­thaginians, are served by auxiliarie souldiers. The French and Germanes abound in good souldiers, and may well forbear auxiliaries. England alone, [Page 106] of all the States of our time, may choose them, and take such as she pleaseth. Whereupon we must consider the constitution of these States, on what maximes they be founded, and what either of them may best do to have good souldiers. The greater part of States at this time are more found­ed upon policie then upon warre, and endea­vour rather to conserve themselves then to grow greater. Wherefore we see that learning flourish­eth there, and arms degenerate; in so much that those States which are founded upon warre do devour the other.

The example of the Turk to the shame of the Christians, and that of the king of Spain to the pre­judice of Germany and Italy, are two manifest proofs. That which causeth this mischief is, that men of the gown have possessed themselves of the government of almost all States, which (for that they hate souldiers) cause them alwayes to be ill dealt with, and do advise Princes to imploy au­xiliars rather then their naturall subjects: which is a most pernicious maxime. But this being no fit place to treat of it, we will onely speak of the election of souldiers.

England, which hath right by the laws of that kingdome to make choice of her souldiers, may observe the form of the election of the Romanes, which is very good. The other kingdomes which have not that power must incite their men which are ambitious of honour to cause themselves to be enrolled, aswell for the hope of being advan­ced to other honours by embracing the professi­on of warre, as by shutting up the means of atteining thereunto by any other way then that▪ [Page 107] For example, not to bestow any office of the king­dome, nor of the kings house, nor any charge amongst the souldiers, to any but such, as have served in the warres a certain number of years; nor to make any man Colonel of horse which hath not been a Captain and other officer of the Ca­valrie; nor any to be Marshall of the field, which hath not honourably born lesser charges; nor any to be Generall of the army, which hath not been a worthy Marshall of the field: briefly, that none may be advanced to any office, which hath not passed through the degrees of warre. And as the hope of advancement is a strong spur to encou­rage every man to exercise the profession of arms; so the fear of finding ones self poore and needy after long service is a sharp bit to keep men from [...]. Therefore I would prevent that by establish­ing a foundation for men of that profession, so that they might live out the rest of their dayes commodiously and honourably. Those States which by reason of their form of government are fearfull to arm their own people (as Venice) or where their subsistence dependeth on traffick (as the Low-Countreys) and which for these rea­sons are constrained to help themselves in their warres by auxiliars, must principally be care­full to choose good Commanders; next, to have a certain body of well exercised and [...]sciplined soul­d [...]ers alwayes in readinesse, sufficient as well to guard them from a surprise as to give them time [...]o assemble greater forces. For an armie formed [...]nd disciplined at leisure, though but small, is more capable to defend it self, yea to conquer, [...]hen those armies which assure themselves onely [Page 108] in their great numbers. And great conquests are almost alwayes made by small armies, as great Empires are alwayes lost with their innumerable forces. For that they which were to fight against such numerous armies, opposed them with an exact discipline and good order; and the other, having neglected all discipline and order, have endeavoured to supply that defect by their great number of men; which hath brought upon them the greater confusion and hath served them for no other end but to make their losse the more disgracefull. VVhence I conclude, that the best means to have good souldiers is to choose such as are most fit for warre; the second, to incite men of ambition and vertue freely to enroll themselves, by shutting the doore of any other way to advance­ment; and lastly, to entertein a body of an armie▪ and to be carefull (as well in peace as in warre) to keep them under an exact discipline, without re­laxation One of which three wayes all sorts of States may make use of.

CHAP. II. Of Arms.

THe most usuall arms of the Infanterie at thi [...] present time, are (for the defensive) th [...] head-piece, the cuirace, and the tasses: and fo [...] the offensive, the sword, the pike, and the musket which are rather the arms of the Grecians then o [...] the Romanes. Whereupon we must observe, that ou [...] muskets serve us as the casting-weapons did th [...] Ancients; so that the body of the battel consiste [...] of pikes, which is a very fit weapon to resist th [...] [Page 109] Cavalrie, for that many of them joyned together make a very solid body, and very hard to be bro­ken on their front, by reason of their length, whereof foure or five ranks extend the heads of their pikes beyond the first rank of men, and do alwayes keep out the squadrons of horse from them twelve or fifteen foot of. Maurice Prince of Orange had a great desire to make use of the target, and having caused divers trials to be made thereof, hath found that it hath not onely resisted the pike, but that half the number of targets hath alwayes entred into twice the number of pikes, and hath routed them. Neverthelesse, being but Generall of the armies of a State, and not a sove­reigne and absolute Prince, he durst not make so great a change; whether it were that he feared the Cavalrie, which now-adayes is exceeding well armed or else the reproch of some evil successe; not being ignorant that the people Judge of the actions of such as serve them rather by the event then by reason. For my part, I would adde this kind of arms to our discipline, making alwayes the principall body of my Infantery to be of pikes, and to have for every battallion a small body separate of one hundred or one hundred and twentie tar­gets to charge on the flank, which would work a marvellous effect on the day of battel; and this should be the true place of voluntiers, and of ve­ry brave Nobilitie, which often prove to be but troublesome to an army. Concerning the offen­sive arms of the Cavalrie, there be of five sorts; namely, the lance, the pistoll, the sword, the cara­bine, and the musket: the two first are given to the heavie-armed calvarie, which must have for [Page 110] defensive arms the cuiracecask, vambraces, tas­sets, cuisses, and guard-rein, and (not many years since) some horses have been armed with barbs. Of the two other kinds, they which serve with carabines have the head-piece and cuirace; and because they fight on horseback, they must be well mounted: but they which serve with the musket have no defensive arms. Of these five sorts of offensive arms there be but three much in use; namely, the pistol, sword, and carabine. The Spaniards onely have conti­nued some few companies of lances, which they keep rather for gravitie then reason; for the lance doth no effect but by the violence of the carreir of the horse, and besides there is but one rank which can make use of it; so that their or­der must be to fight by single ranks, which can­not resist the squadrons: and if they should fight in squadrons, they would rather be troublesome then serviceable. And for musketiers on horse­back or dragones, they are also in a manner left off, for that in the civil warres they ruined the Infantery, every man desiring to have a nag, that so he might be the fitter to rob and pillage: ne­verthelesse some well-ordered troups of this kind in an armie are of very great service; either for executions, to gain bad passages, to guard the quarters of horse, or else (on a day of battel) to cause them to dismount as forlorn hopes before the squadrons of Cavalrie.

Now the Cavalrie must be proportioned with the Infantery; which may be distinguished ac­cording to the situation of the countrey where the warre is made, or else according to the ene­my against whom you are to fight. For if you [Page 111] you be in a champain full of forrage, and if ye be to make warre against a great Cavalrie, as that of the Turk, in such a case you must fortifie your self with the greater number of horse. But if the warre be in a countrey enclosed, either by mountains, forrests, moores, or hedges and ditches, and that hath many fortified places, for that the warre is rather reduced to sieges then to battels and field-combats, in such a case you must strengthen your Infanterie. And these two bodies are so necessary the one for the other, as an armie cannot be held to be good nor subsist unlesse it be equally provided of both. Never­thelesse, if I were not induced by some extraor­dinary reason, I would make the proportion of my army for the open countrey of a fourth part of horse to three fourth parts of Infantery; as to twentie foure thousand foot, eight thousand horse: in an inclosed countrey, of a sixth part of horse to five parts of foot; as to twentie foure thousand foot, foure thousand horse. It remaineth to give to these two bodies such arms as were before mentioned with the most profitable proportion. The Swisses have many more pikes then muskets, and for this they have made themselves to be much feared in a cham­pain countrey; for in a day of battel where you come to hand, the number of pikes hath much advantage of that of muskets. Other nations do equally divide the pikes and muskets; and be­cause the war in these times is reduced to sieges rather then battels, we desire to have a greater number of muskets then of pikes. For my self, which adde the targets to them, my opinion should be to have the regiments of 1440 souldi­ers, [Page 112] namely of 600 pikes, 600 muskets, and 240 targets. For the Cavalrie; I would proportion it after this manner: I would compose the regi­ments of 500 horse, whereof I would arm 400 with Cuirassiers arms; 50 with carabines, and 50 to be dragones.

But this is not all, to provide good arms for your souldiers, unlesse you oblige them to wear them; it being an unsufferable shame to see their delicatenesse in these times, and how they dis­esteem them: and to cover this fault, they pub­lish that it is want of courage to go armed, and that they will go in their doublets into the most dangerous places, aswell as they which are arm­ed. It is not enough to go into a place to cause ones self there to be knocked on the head; we should go thither to conquer, and not to be beat­en. Besides this inconvenience groweth of it, that if you use not your self to wear your arms, you are so pestered with them as you cannot fight in them: on the contrary, if you accustome your self to them, they are no more troublesome to you, and you are at as much libertie in them as if you were in your doublet. But the greatest mischief that cometh of it is, that the ruine of military discipline followeth on it; which a good Captain ought to cause to be exactly observed in every part. For if he slacken it in one, or in favour of some persons, the consequences which follow on it by little and little will be such as they will wholly overthrow it: and then he shall find himself without obedience and without re­spect; which he shall never recover without incurring the hatred of those whom he hath too much spared; it being most certain that it is [Page 113] easier to prevent a mischief then to help it when it is befallen.

CHAP. III. Of Militarie Discipline.

BEsides that which hath been said to incite every one to take upon him the profession of arms rather then any other, we must make other observations to make a man worthy there­of, which consist in three things: namely in the recompense of commendable actions, in the pu­nishment of bad ones, and in the continuall and exact exercise of militarie discipline; for there is no profession in the world which hath more need of such helps then that of warre, where for the single pay (which hardly affordeth livelyhood, and with which the meanest artisan would not be contented) the souldier abandoneth himself to all sorts of perils and labours: but none are instigated thereunto unlesse it be by emulation of honour, or by licence to do evil; and as the first aim is vertuous, so you shall have good service of such as enter into it for that end. But of the other you shall reap nothing but shame; for in stead of a good and obedient ar­my you shall find that you have no better then a troup of pillaging rogues, which without order or obedience forsake you, either after a good boot-haling, or in any eminent danger. For this reason the election of souldiers is a better way of forming an army, then onely to receive voluntaries; where all the vagabonds and evil livers, and such as cannot live but by robbing, cause themselves to be enrolled. Therefore to in­cite [Page 114] such as are vertuous to well-doing, and to deterre the vitious from doing evil, recompen­ses and punishments are principally necessary. The Romanes have made very profitable use of these two means: and if we follow not their way we shall never have good nor well-discipli­ned souldiers. It matters not though we use not the very same remunerations and the same pu­nishments they did; it sufficeth that they be equivalent, that so we may receive the same be­nefit by them: and these things are diversly done, according to time and custome. The principall is to be an exact observer of them, that so the remunerations may excite brave men to worthy actions, and the rigour of punishment may keep cowards from doing basely. The manner of de­cimating the souldiers which the Romanes had, is held to be cruel: neverthelesse there be some­times so infamous actions committed, as you are constrained to use great severity, to give a terrour to all; finding it very good to strike a fear into all those that have escaped by the means of the lot, and to put but few to death. For you must imprint this belief into your souldiers, that by base flight they escape not death, but they onely exchange a glorious death which they should have acquired by fighting valiantly for an infa­mous one. After that the souldier be incoura­ged by the honour of being esteemed valiant, and brought to a hatred of being held a coward, it must be made a like degree of honour for every one to know how well to obey his superiour, from the private souldier to the Lieutenant ge­nerall: for on this obedience all the functions of an army depend, and without it you can keep no­thing [Page 115] in rule, nor do any thing that is good. This must be ingraffed into the hearts of the soul­diers, as being one of the principallest vertues re­quired in them. From hence groweth order; by this military exercise is mainteined; briefly, by this brave designes are executed, and without this all goeth to confusion and ruine. I will not trouble my self here to speak of the particular military exercises which the souldier is to be exercised in, because divers books are ful of them, and that custome doth alwaies change something or other in them. I will onely say that there is no­thing so profitable as to exercise every souldier to carry his arms properly, to use them souldier­like, to keep his rank well, and therein well to execute all the motions and charges which are commanded him. So much concerning the soul­diers: But concerning the recompense of Ge­nerals of armies, I will say the same which I said for the souldiers, namely, that according to the time, or the constitution of kingdomes or common-wealths, such courses ought to be ta­ken as the honour of such as have done brave actions and great services be not diminished nor blemished: For that the most generous spirits (which will easily excuse all want of other re­compense for their services) will never endure to be robbed of the honour due to their brave actions, and will sooner stomach such a want of due honour then any other thing whatsoever: whereupon very often great mischiefs have followed.

CHAP. IV. Of the obedience of souldiers.

NOw as the Generall of the armie requireth of the souldiers that obedience which is due to him, so he must have a care to give them no just cause to exempt themselves from it: to this end he ought to keep them in continuall im­ployment, for that idlenesse engendreth cor­ruption of manners and discipline, whence proceed luxury, neglecting of exercises and the guards, and disobedience to superiours. It was the ease and idlenesse of Capua that de­stroyed Hannibals army, and the delicacies of Babylon which corrupted Alexander himself, and from whence he drew away his army to prevent the totall ruine of it; there being no means of greater efficacy to keep it in due order, and to prevent seditions, then to imploy it in warre. It is therefore a maxime which must be exactly observed, never to suffer your souldiers in any place to be idle, especially when the army is brought together in a body; for if you imploy them not in that which is good, they will busie themselves in that which is naught. This course must be taken aswell in the time of secu­rest peace as of open warre; particularly, to ex­ercise them to use their arms well, and to ob­serve good order; and though there be no need, yet to use them to make retrenchments of the camp, and to make their huts: that so they may be so accustomed to remove the earth, that when necessity shall require, it may be no trou­ble to them. I would further imploy them to [Page 117] make fortifications and other works of this kind, not onely to keep them in exercise, but that also they may get (besides their pay) wherewith the better to maintein themselves, and that they accustome themselves to that which in time of warre is as profitable to them as to fight well, there being nothing impossible for twenty or thirty thousand men which will work in the earth; for in eight dayes they will make fortresses which shall be impregnable: And Cesar hath made himself as much redoubt­ed and admired by the great works which he hath caused his souldiers to make, as by his great battels. Moreover, the Generall must take care that they be well clothed and well fed; especially that (out of their payes) they be furnished with clothes and shoes, otherwise he will soon find his army to decay, and diseases to rage in it for want thereof. He must also have a great care of those which are sick and hurt, and therein to spare for no cost; that so the souldiers may not excuse themselves from going on upon dangerous services, or to undergo laborious im­ployments, because they are abandoned when they are sick or wounded. The General ought also to take a particular care not to overlabour his souldiers, nor to put them to extraordinary hard marches without great necessity: but when need requireth it, he must be the first to undergo the labour; for the example of the commander maketh all things easie to the souldier. The examples not onely of the greatest Captains a­mongst the Ancients, but even of the greatest Monarchs and Emperours, should shame our de­licate Captains of these times, which are afraid [Page 118] to spoil their fair complexion in the sunne, and their goodly plumes in the rain, which would believe themselves to be dishonoured if they should march on foot at the head of their compa­nies: and those great men have not scorned to march at the head of their armies, and have re­fused to quench their extraordinary thirst, be­cause there was not water enough to make all the army to drink; and so making themselves companions of the dangers and labours of their meanest souldiers, have made themselves masters of the greatest part of the world, and have gain­ed an immortall glory.

CHAP. V. Of Marching.

THere are divers considerations to be made upon the marching of an army; which may be assaulted in the day-time, or at its dislodging, or even in the night when it is lodged. If it be not encamped, but lodge in villages, you must (to cause it to meet in one body) give it a Ren­dez-vous on the way which it must take; which if the enemy learn time enough to be there first, or that he meet with it there by chance, he will put the army to run a great hazard, which com­eth to its Rendez-vous at divers times and by divers wayes. The best means to guard ones self from such an accident are, to keep your Rendez-vous very secret, to have good spies amongst the enemies, and to send out many dis­coverers for intelligence. When you encamp you are not subject to that danger, because the army is alwayes together. For the march you [Page 119] must consider the countrey where you are, and the number of souldiers which you have. If you march in great plains, you may (for the most part) march in battalia; or at least with form­ed battaillons and squadrons: then it is very easie to put your self readily into a good form to fight well, because you march not in a long order. But when you march through a strait countrey, where but few can march in front, then you must compute the discommodity of the way, and the time you have for your march, with the number of souldiers whereof your army consist­eth; for 10000 foot marching 10 in front, and 1000 horse marching 5 in front, with the lightest baggage they can possibly have, and ten cannons, with equipage for every piece to shoot 100 bullets, take up about 28000 foot of way in length; whereby you may judge how much way in file 30000 foot and 6000 horse will take. Therefore when so great armies find themselves in such a troublesome way, you must of necessity divide them into severall bodies, which may march one after another, and lodge severally; or rather cause them to march by divers wayes, some miles distant from each other; or howso­ever, to make wayes through the fields for your souldiers to march in, leaving the great road for your cannon and baggage. If there be a river to passe where you can make but one bridge, or some passage over a mountain, moorish ground, or forrest where you cannot make severall wayes, then you must march one after another, and on severall dayes. I trouble not my self to shew how you are to passe through such bad passages in view of the enemy, because many [Page 120] have written thereof: yet when it cometh to exe­cution, few will get off well, if they be charged home; but I will onely say that the best way is to calculate the time so well as you may avoid such encounters. Concerning the march; I find it almost impossible that two armies should meet each other, if one of the two Generals be de­sirous to avoid it, especially in an inclosed coun­trey: but whatsoever happen, the best way is to have the baggage wholly separated from the souldiers, leaving onely on the rear some few troups to keep it from disbanding: for if in time of alarm every body have their baggage behind them, it causeth a great confusion, and hindreth the souldiers from rallying themselves and help­ing each other. The time of lodging is also a dangerous time to be assaulted in, because the army is then tired, and every man (desi­rous to be lodged) hastneth to the quarter in dis­order, which is a thing hard to avoid, if (before you enter your lodgings) you cause not your ar­my to stand in battalia, and so cause them to lodge troup after troup, without suffering any to lodge but by command, mean time sending out on all sides upon discovery.

There remaineth the assaulting of a quarter, which is that which is more frequently attempt­ed, especially when the army is not encamped; because it being lodged in severall quarters, the enemy may attempt to surprise some one quar­ter without hazarding a generall combat: fo [...] which I do not find the ordinary guard alone (how exactly soever it be performed) sufficien [...] to remedy such an accident; because it canno [...] give the alarm but at too near a distance, and tha [...] [Page 121] ofttimes you have not leisure to put your self in order to fight; therefore you must be carefull to send out discoverers every night, by divers small troups, which (if they do well perform their task) will not suffer you to be surprised; for an ar­my or a grosse troup capable to assail a quarter of an army cannot march so secretly that it be not perceived. And when you have to do with a vigilant enemy, and that you fear such assaults in the night, there is nothing so good as to prevent him, if it be not in earnest, at least to give him al­arms every night, that so he may be more trou­bled about keeping himself upon his guards, then about assailing you. If it be in an intrenched camp, where all the army is in one body, it is a high enterprise to assault it. And this one chap­ter sheweth the security of an intrenched camp▪ which I will end with this conclusion, That all the forementioned things to assure the quarters must never be omitted, though you believe your self to be far off from any enemy; for that, besides the profit you draw from hence in accustoming your army to do their duties, there may such an occasion befall you as it may be the safety of your army, of your life, and of your reputati­on.

CHAP. VI. Of encamping.

I Will not here describe the form of entrench­ed camps, but onely the profitablenesse of them, not being able to wonder enough that they have been wholly discontinued. No people made so exact use of them as the Romanes; and [Page 122] in our time Maurice Prince of Orange hath revi­ved the use of them, or at least hath given them a great perfection. The entrenchment of a camp assureth an army, in that it is never dispersed in the villages, where some quarter or other is ever in danger to be surprised, but lodgeth all in one body, and in such fashion as being assailed it may fight with great advantage. The entrenchment saveth a great deal of trouble, because by it there is need of the fewer guards by many, & those lesse toilsome, especially to the Cavalry, which when they are lodged in open villages, are constrained to be on horseback almost all night. The en­trenchment encloseth your army as a walled city; from whence you may march privately with such troups as you please, to execute all sorts of brave designes, leaving your baggage in safety. The entrenchment hindreth the enemy from constraining you to fight, unlesse when you please. The entrenchment causeth you to be without danger at the head of the most dread­full armies. The entrenchment causeth you to take strong cities in the face of more puissant armies then your own. Briefly, the entrench­ment is lesse subject to infection then the villa­ges where you lodge, because you choose a whol­some place to sit down in, and in villages you must take them as they fall out: Also, because this is more ayrie, the lodgings are here better divided, those things which may cause bad air are more easily removed; and in effect an army incamped and entrenched wil rather subsist three moneths in health in a camp, then a forthnight in the best villages. Whence I conclude, that one of the most necessary parts of warre is, [Page 123] well to know how to incamp and entrench.

CHAP. VII. Of Battels.

OF all the actions of warre the most glorious and most important is to give battel: the gaining of one or two acquireth or subverteth whole Empires. Anciently all warres were di­vided by battels, which caused such speedy conquest: For the present, warres are managed more fox-like then lion-like; and are rather founded upon sieges then combats. Neverthe­thelesse, there be divers nations at this day which decide the most part of their warres by battels, as the Turks and the Persians: and even amongst the Christians we have seen of late divers bat­tels given in Germanie, whereof onely one had almost inthralled all the Protestant Princes. And an army well-disciplined, and which feareth not battel, hath a marvellous advantage in all de­signes of that which feareth it. For this reason (howsoever the manner of warring at this time be not so frequent in the hazarding of battels as in times past) the knowledge of them must not be neglected. And a Generall of an army can­not be said to be a good Captain, which know­eth not all advantages which may be taken on a day of battel, and all disadvantages which ought to be avoyded; that so he may well disintangle himself. I will not speak of dust, the sunne or rain, whereof it is observed that many Captains have made use, driving them on the face of the enemy by gaining the wind of them; because they are casuall things which may change in a [Page 124] moment, and which by consequence happen ra­ther by hazard then come by designe; but of things more solid.

He then that will give battel must have re­gard to seven principall things. The first is, ne­ver to suffer himself to be forced to fight against his will. The second, to choose a field for the battel fit for the quality and number of his soul­diers: for if he feareth to be inclosed by a great number, he must shelter his flanks▪ or at least one of them, by the nature of the place; as by a river, wood, or some other thing equivalent: and if he be weak in his Cavalry, he must avoid the plains; as he must strait passages or enclo­sed places, if stronger. The third, so to range his army in battel, as according to the quality of his souldiers it may be within its own advantage, sheltring his horse by his foot, if therein he be the weaker; and if the contrary, his foot by his horse; disposing all his souldiers in such order as they may fight divers times before they be wholly defeated: for if we well observe the small troups of souldiers which fight not all at once, and believe that a hundred horse in two troups wil beat two hundred in one entire troup, and have observed in our times that divers bat­tels have been won by him which had made a troup of reserve, which was not to fight untill all the rest had fought, how much greater effect will a second order of battel produce, which will come to the charge after that all the ad­verse army hath fought against the first order▪ and yet after that a third, in imitation of the Romanes, if the two former be defeated It is a maxime, That every troup (how grosse soever i [...] [Page 125] be) which hath fought, is in such a disorder as the least troup that chargeth it, is able to defeat it absolutely: so that that Generall which can reserve some troups to the last without fighting, will with those bear away the victory: it being a long work and difficult to go about to rally an army that hath fought into good order to fight afresh; some gazing about for pillage, others being vexed to return to the danger again, and all being so distracted as they do not or will not understand any command: on the contrary, such as have not as yet fought, are under obedience, and ready to do whatsoever their Generall shall command them. So that the knowledge of a Generall of an army is not so much to rally dis­ordered and defeated troups (which is properly but an action of courage) as to make his troups fight to good purpose, the one after the other, and not all at once: for he must consider that he cannot be well obeyed by his souldiers, but one­ly untill the houre that he sendeth them to the combat. After that all the orations of the world will not stay them when they flie; but this troup which is in good order will easily do it. The fourth is, to have many good command­ers, it being impossible that a Generall should suffice for all places. After that he hath made a good choice of his field for battel, and put his army into good order, it is altogether impossible for him (when it cometh to blows) to give order, more then in that part where he is pre­sent: so that if he be not well assisted every­where else, aswell amongst the horse as foot, though he should work miracles in that place where he himself is, he cannot make good the [Page 126] ignorance of those officers which command in the other parts of his army. Therefore there must be at least five principall commanders to make an army fight well, namely for three bo­dies of Infantery, distinguished by vanguard, battel, and rearguard, and two for the horse which are on the wings. The fifth is, so to observe your distances in your order of battel, that the foremost troups being put to recoil, may not fall upon those which should come up to relieve thē, nor the second upon the third. The sixth is, to place the most valiant souldiers on the wings of the army, and to begin the battel by that wing which you think to be strongest; for if you once break one of the enemies wings, you fall upon his flank and rear, and it is impossible for him to resist you. The seventh and last is, not to suf­fer any to pursue the enemy, nor fall to pilla­ging, untill he be routed on all parts; and al­though it be good to give him a hot chace, you must ever have some troups in order, which must not disband, that so you may avoid all in­conveniences. I will not speak of the advan­tages which may be met with in a field of bat­tel, whereof a good Captain often maketh use with great profit; because there can no certain rule be given for it, by reason the diversitie of situations is such, that you shall never find two every-way alike.

CHAP. VIII. Of Fortresses.

BEcause the gain and losse of battels draweth such consequences after it, as it giveth or taketh away whole Empires at once, it hath caused a resolution of opposing the conquers by fortified places, to stay their first fury with few men, and to ruine their armies: But since the in­vention of the cannon they have been enforced to change their manner of fortifications; and even by reason of the invention of petards we have beene constrained to assure the gates of ci­ties by portculices, pallisadoes, draw-bridges, and other inventions; because there was no place, how strong soever it were, which did not runne a hazard to be surprised by this new in­vention. Now the best fortresses against the can­non are those which are made of earth; because (when they have a sufficient thicknesse to make resistance) they are not subject to endamage the besieged, as those fortifications are which are made of masons work, the shivers where­of do much mischief. Neverthelesse, when a Prince can be at the cost to line them as high as the rampart, leaving the parapet upon it to be of earth cannon-proof, it maketh the work to last the longer.

In fortresses you must observe foure princi­pall things: namely, that the line of defense be within musket-shot; that the flanked angle ex­ceed not ninety degrees, nor be lesse then sixty; that the gorge of the bul-wark be not too nar­row; and that the flank be as great as may be. And [Page 128] these foure generall maximes must be so propor­tioned amongst themselves, as that to make one of them exceeding good you destroy not the rest. You must also avoid tenailles in the prin­cipall body of fortification, unlesse the ground be so small as it will not suffer you to make good flanks. For the interior angle of such a fortifica­tion raised as it ought to be cannot be defended by any flank, and men may lodge themselves at the foot of it without receiving any hurt, un­lesse it be by stones thrown over. This is the reason why tenailles are not used but in the counterscarps. The moats are usually propor­tioned according to the earth necessary to make the fortifications; and such as are full of water are best to hinder a surprise, and the forts defend themselves the best against an assault: their breadth must have a due proportion; for when they are too broad the out-works are too farre distant from the defense of the principall fortifi­cation; but depth never spoiled a moat. The false brayes are joyned to the body of the forti­fication. It is anew invention and excellent to hinder the approching to the bulwarks by gal­leries. The counterscarp, half-moons, ravelins, and horn-works are beyond the great moat; all the out-works (if it be possible) must be com­manded by the body of the fortification. These are in grosse the principall observations which are in fortifications in a place which is levell and approchable: the rest dependeth on the judge­ment of the Enginier, which must make profita­ble use of the situation of the place which he is to fortifie, either in taking what serveth for his advantage, or in avoyding whatsoever is to his [Page 129] hinderance. I adde further, that there be situ­ations so favourable, as nature it self defendeth them, and maketh them more inexpugnable then all the art in the world; as an inaccessible rock, a quagmire or a lake: But every commodity hath its discommodity; seldome you shall meet with such situations on frontier-places, or upon any important passage, or capable to contein a garri­son of sufficient strength to give [...]ealousie to an enemy which would invade your countrey; or else they are found so easie to be blocked up, as five hundred men without are able to besiege five hundred within.

They which desire to know the particulari­ties of fortification, may find them amongst an infinite number of books where they are descri­bed; but much better in the exercise of warre, where expe [...]ence causeth every day something to be added.

CHAP. IX. Of defense against surprises.

NOw that we have spoken of fortresses, we must come to the way of guarding them, and not suffer them to be surprised. It is most certain that men will alwayes attempt to take them by surprise rather then by open force; for that thereby they save charge and time. But be­cause surprises are grounded upon some defects which they find in the place, or in the guard thereof, I will begin with that which must be ob­served to defend your self against such surprises.

The Captain which shall have a place to guard must provide for six principall things, [Page 130] whereon all the rest depend: namely, to see that the walls be out of danger of a scalado; the gates not subject to the petard; the way for the rounds easie and convenient; the sentinels well set; the guard very exact; and to hinder intelli­gences and treacheries. For the five first, the way is beaten for them, there be books full of instructions, a [...]d there be now so many Princes orders in writing and in practice, as he must be very negligent which is not carefull therein. But for the last it is not so easie to give rules. Treachery may be wrought by the townsmen or souldiers: the mingling of them together, whether it be on the guards, rounds, or patroul­lies, may much hinder it; as also the drawing all the functions of the guard by lot, the keeping a guard without the town, and the having of spies amongst the enemies. You must double your guards at times of fairs and markets, in harvest and time of [...]intage, because men use to spy out such times to frame a designe. You must observe to be in arms at the opening and shutting of the gates; and in whatsoever time of peace it may be, you must never neglect the observation of any of these particulars. There is also a way to avoid intelligences, namely, by making double enterprises your self, feigning to discon­tent an officer, private souldier, or townsman, who running over to the enemy, causeth him to undertake some designe probably feisible and fa­cil: for besides the profit which you gain by it, by getting the boldest of them in a trap, you reap this advantage by it, that your enemie dreameth on no other so long as he hopeth in that; for that every one alwayes undertaketh [Page 131] that which he believeth will succeed most assured­ly. Whereby we may see how doubtfull those enterprises are which are grounded upon intelli­gence, either for that they may be double, or else by the fault of traitours, which in the very point of execution may lose courage and discover all; or by their indiscretions and not keeping secret their negotiations. For these reasons in enterprises made upon intelligence both the defendant and assailant must be very suspicious and exceeding di­ligent to observe the words, actions and beha­viour of such as promise to serve them by betray­ing their own side, and to omit no precautions to assure themselves of their persons, so that they may not catch them; the hostages of women and children being not alwayes sufficient (as Mont­luc observeth at the enterprise of Darges) for that some traitours are so resolute as they will ha­zard all to attein the height of their designes, and make account to release their pledges by such prisoners as they intend to take.

There remaineth a word to be spoken of alarms. You may therein use two wayes: the first and usu­all way is to put your self in order in the allarm-place, where the governour must be present, that so from thence he may lead to the place of danger; the second is, for every company to repair to their colours, and from thence to go and find out their squadron which is upon the guard. If the garrison be weak, the scalado easie, and the place large, this last way of going to the alarm is the best, because they go more readily to the defense of the walls; but in this case they must have no suspicion of the fidelitie of the inhabitants.

CHAP. X. Of assaults by surprises.

THe enterprises of fortified places are made after severall fashions, either by petard, or by scalado, or by some holes in the wals, or by sau­cidges, or by some such other wayes and inven­tions which men seek every day to encrease, ac­cording to the measure of the remedies against such as are alreadie invented. But to make them take good effect you must be very carefull of three things; namely, intelligence, conducting, and execution: for for want of one of these we see all enterprises miscarry; either by being pre­vented by the day-light, or being discovered too soon, or for want of some petard or ladder, or by some disorder in the execution. For the first, which is intelligence, they which are imployed in it must inform themselves exactly of the form of the garrison, number of the townsmen, and of their affections. They must observe at the gates whether there be a bridge dormant to come at them; whether it be of wood or stone; and if of wood, whether they use not to take away some planks in the night-time; whether this bridge hath not rails: whe [...]her the moat be deep and broad, and whether by a commodious descending into the moat you may escape the draw-bridge, which is usually made upon the bridge dormant: or whether by the benefit of the moat the gate or draw bridge of the town may be petarded without carriages or rolling-bridge. They must well observe all the hindrances which may be be­fore [Page 133] the bridge dormant, whether they be gates, barres, pallisadoes, or portculices, there being usually a ravelin: and whether there be a corps du-guard kept in the night, either on the outside or upon the bridge dormant: taking notice how many gates, bridges, barres, pallisadoes, portcu­lices, trap-doores, grates, iron-pinnes, chains, and other impediments whatsoever there be from the field to the inside of the town, and how all these things are fastened: how many paces of distance there may be from one piece to another, and (as near as may be) the length, breadth and thick­nesse of all those things, and in what places they are: whether there be loopholes over the gate, or holes in the roof of it: how many corps du-guards there be, in what places they are, and how situated; whether the entrance be straight on, or winding; observing the place of the flanks, whether they be on the side before, behind, above, or below; whether they keep any ordi­nance there, and how many; or whether they be onely for musketiers; what number may be lodged on them, and at what distance they flank the [...]ate; discovering the way by which you are to go from the town you go from to that which you intend to assail: To spie out a fitting place within half a league of it to alight, and to distri­bute the petards and other instruments: they must also observe the places and streets within the town which must be seised upon, all the corps du-guards to be forced; and well consider the condi [...]ion of the souldiers, and other necessarie things, to sur­mount all obstacles which might be met with. If it be to give them a scalado, they must well ob­serve [Page 134] the dvenues, the counterscarp and the moat; to know whether you may come at it undiscover­ed, go down into the moat, and come up out of it easily, especially over against the place where you would make the scalado, or near it. For if you must go farre about the town after you be entred into the moat, the enterprise becometh much the more dangerous and difficult. It must be known whether the moat be drie or frozen, or that the water be but shallow, without mud and easie to passe; whether the wall be low or weak, so as it may easily be scaled or pierced, or whether there be some hole or drain or other means for the water to passe in or out which are ill guarded or weak. You must judge what height your lad­ders must be of, and regard how they may be set on sure footing, and whether there be a scarp or not; whether the place where you mean to give on be far from guards or sentinels; whether the place of scalado be capable to raise good store of lad­ders, and for store of men to enter at once: as if it were very strait, you must see if the first be­ing entred can accommodate themselves upon the rampart to subsist so long untill the rest mount. You must also observe the distances of the wall to enter into the town, and to go and set upon the corps du-guard.

For the second, which is the conducting, it may be made two wayes, by parts or in grosse: by parts, when they are designes upon places of im­portance, and which are farre within an enemies countrey, and whereof the enterprises are held to be very f [...]isible in the execution; for they may not fail, without putting all the souldiers which [Page 135] go on that service into eminent danger: there­fore there must be great prudence used, and none imployed in it but resolute men and secret, be­cause they must either there overcome or perish; which happeneth not in such enterprises where there is as great care taken of the safety of re­treating as of giving on. The Marshall of Brisac made one (being in Piedmont) upon the castle of Millain, which was excellently well conducted, and deserveth to be here taken notice of, to serve for a lesson for such as may desire to under­take the like. He made choice of eightie French men and fourtie Italians, the bravest and resolu­test souldiers of all his army, and made Salvaison Captain of the French, and Peter Maria of Re­cuperat of Bresignolle commander of the Italians, which two onely knew whither they were to go: then he caused them to come by five at once to his Secretaries lodging, and caused twenty five crowns to be given to each of them, and to the chief man of every five there was a note given, wherein was specified the way they were to take, and the dayes journeyes they were to go, that so the brigadoes might not meet each other. The first rendez [...]vous was at an out-house (or farm-house) on the confines of Millanois, whither Lodowick Birague had conveyed him­self some dayes before very secretly in disguised apparel, to give such order to this designe as should be necessary. The manner of meeting at this farm-house was thus; At the parting from the valley Camonica or Bergamasque, the first five or brigado (and so by turns all the rest) found a countrey-fellow having a straw-hat with two pheasants feathers on it; to whom the chief [Page 136] man of every brigado was to say, O buon com­pagno, voi tu vender my quella capelina! that is, Ho, good fellow, wilt thou sell me that hat? to which he was to answer, Messer no, ne ho bi­sogno per me; that is, No sir, I must use it my self. That was the watchword; which being so known, the chief (without speaking a word) followed the countrey-fellow, which conducted him with his brigado to the farm-house where Lodowick Birague was; and in this wise the Marshall of Brisac his hundred and twenty soul­diers passed very secretly to that place. From this farm-house they were to get to the house of one of Sienna near Millain, who was the plot­ter of the designe: to this end they passed along as before, by five and five together, and after they had passed the river Adde at the haven of Vaure, they had measured the time to arrive to­wards night at the bridge Navilio of Millain, near the Monastery of Angels; on which bridge be­ing arrived, the chief of the brigado shaked a little bell, at the sound of which he was an­swered by another like it, and presently there came (from below the bridge) the man of Si­enna (the authour of this designe) who conducted the brigado to his own house, and continued af­ter this manner every night, untill the whole troup was past: which is a matter worth the observing, to cause a hundred and twenty soul­diers to go by stealth from Piedmont to the very gates of Millain, without being discovered, and not a man of them (except onely Salvaison and Peter Maria of Recuperat) untill then, know­ing whither they went or where they were. Concerning the conducting in grosse, which is [Page 137] the more ordinary, you must measure the length of the way to the place upon which you have your designe, with the time which you must have to arrive at the just time to execute it: wherein many deceive themselves very often, for that usually there befall unexpected casualties which prolong the time; insomuch that what measures soever you take (without great experience in such actions) you shall commonly find the time too short, especially if you have a grosse troup to lead. For to make two thousand men to march by night in their long order, the Altes which must be made at the head to stay for the rear, or those which a narrow or troublesome way, or that is cut off by a river compell you to make, are such, and cause you to lose so much time, that unlesse you be very diligent to make them march, and that you have caused good intelligence to be taken of the way, and provided for all these things, you will find you have not half time enough. I speak not of the great showers of rain, nor of frosts, which sometimes happen so unlooked for and extraordinary, that, what fore­sight soever you may have used in all other things, it is impossible to overcome them. After that you have proportioned the time with the way, you must provide your self of good guides, and as many of them as may be: then you must form your order before you depart, as it should be at the execution, giving to every man your commands in writing of what he is to do, and keeping a register thereof. For if you deferre to do it untill you come upon the place where you are to alight, and where all the equipage is to be accommodated (which is usually about half [Page 138] a league from the place) may hinder you there­in, the place haply will not be spacious enough nor commodious to make the order, contentions which may befall, jealousie of honour amongst the souldiers, and divers unthought-of accidents w ^ch arise, are able to frustrate the designe: which things being resolved on before your going out, and there being nothing to be changed in your order, this (most certainly) is the means to avoid such obstacles. I adde this, That if it be a citie from whence you go out, you must keep the gates shut long before and after; and cause the troups to march by day, that so you may see that not a man go out but they of the enterprise. And afterwards to cause the troups to make Alte, be­yond the gate or in some private place near hand. Concerning the order; you must cause some horse to march foremost, whose scouts must have charge to ride farre enough before, and to seise upon all sorts of persons wheresoever they go, that so they may hinder the giving of intelli­gence to the town which you intend to surprise; especially if there be some bridge or passage by which unavoydably you must passe, you must gain that. Then must fifty musketiers follow; next the train, the petards or ladders, being fol­lowed by those men which are chosen to carry them; whereof there must be a treble number, to ease and succeed each other, in case any be hurt or killed: and these must be men of execution, the most resolute and adventurous of the troup; for on these foremost usually the good or bad successe dependeth: you must also carry double equipage of petards, because all work not that effect which you purpose they [Page 139] should; and often the want of one petard hath caused brave enterprises to fail, and so of lad­ders, which are often broken by the enemies, or break by being too much laden. In the pursuit you must not make any troup of above fifty soul­diers, namely fifty muskets, then fifty pikes, and so successively: for you must consider that the first encounters are in narrow streets, and in the night; so that the grosse troups cause but disor­der. And if you find streets that are broader then the order which you have framed, you must joyn two troups together, that so they may take up the whole breadth of the street. Every troup must have officers at the front and rear of it, and the sergeants on the flanks, to keep them to their duties, and to hinder them from straggling and pillaging. You must also observe in the order you make (when you part from your quarter) that if you make severall assaults, the commanders, souldiers, and equipage must be distinguished into so many troups as you will make assaults, and that they march according to the order they should assail in. In all enterprises (especially in those where the retreat is dangerous and long) you must more regard to have good souldiers then many; for a small troup may come from farther off, march more secretly, and retreat with lesse danger and confusion then a grosse troup. Besides, a small troup with good store of officers, is more obedient in execution, and be­getteth lesse disorder then a grosse, I adde fur­ther, that in enterprises by night you affright an enemy as much with a small troup as with a great one: for it is a maxime, That they which are surprised and assailed fight in fear, alwayes [Page 140] perswading themselves that you assail them with forces sufficient. Briefly, if you overcome with a small troup you get more honour then if it had been with a great, which ofttimes disturbeth you both in fight, in march, and in their retreat: and if you be beaten, the dishonour is the lesse. Con­cerning the third, which is the execution, all the order must be given in writing, that so none of them which have any command in the enter­prise may excuse themselves by pretending they misunderstood you. If it be by scalado, there must be 2 men to carry every piece of a ladder; and because it is almost impossible to do the ex­ecution upon a place where there needeth more then five pieces of ladders in height, it is suffici­ent that there be ten men for every ladder, and one man to command them: The men for eve­ry ladder must be mentioned in a roll by their names and surnames, and of what company they be. You must command them on pain of death to bring back their ladders if you cannot get the town: for they seeing the danger and trouble of bringing them back again, will rather desire to do their uttermost endeavour to enter the town moreover you must command ten other men to enter after the first ten, which must be led by an officer, and another to be on their rear to take care to see them mount without losing of time and without making too much hast: otherwise the ladders will be so much laden as that they will break; after this, ten more must follow, commanded and divided as the former: and every file of ten must know by which ladder they must mount, and in what order, that so al [...] may be done without confusion. The first te [...] [Page 141] which follow their ladder must carry another, though they have no order to raise it; that so if any piece of the first should break, there may another be raised in the stead. If it be by petard, the petardier shall call him that is to carry the madrier or planchier; then he is to call three for the petard (two to carry it, and the third to assist in time of need) and if the plan­chier be fastned to the petard, thē foure men may carry it interchangeably by two and two: and those two which carry not the petard with the planchier shall each of them have a great smiths hammer. After these foure, the petardier shall call two men, each of them carrying a great ax; after them one with a crow-lever, then another with a dark-lantern, then one with three or foure pieces of lighted matches: besides these there must be one to command them, which shall carry a piercing instrument, or a coopers turrell, or some good hooks with steeled points, and a weighty hammer. So that to attend every pe­tard well there must be ten men; this file of ten for the first petard shall be led by some brave Sergeant, which shall have the name of every man of his file in writing, and shall also know what every of them is to carry. The men must know the Mule which carrieth their equipage, and so soon as they come to the place where they are to unlade, they must place themselves about the Mule, that so each of them may receive what he is to carry. If the second petard must be applied to a gate or barres, they which shall carry it must be in the same order as they of the first petard: but if it be for a draw-bridge, the rolling-bridge or carriage goeth formost, with seven or [Page 142] eight men which are imployed as well to carry it as to push it forward: after this the planchier and petard must be carried, after the same man­ner as the first; then shall they follow (in file and in close order) which carry the ladders and planks to cast upon the breach which the petard shall have made upon the draw-bridge; then shall they follow which carry hāmers, hatchets, pinsōs, instruments to pull out bolts and to cut chains; then some with fire-lances and granadoes, and some dark lanterns. The officer which shall have the leading of them must take care that not a man lose his rank, and shall divide them into files, and shall take care to cause the spare men to carry such portions of the equipage as they did carry which shall happen to be hurt or kil­led, which he shall onely cause to be laid out of the way, without suffering those which are to be imployed about the service of the petard to trouble themselves about carrying away any man that is killed or hurt. At all the gates and bridges the men must be disposed in the same order. But when you go against iron-grates or portcullices, you must cause those to march first which carry the tresses or iron-hooks; then marcheth the planchier and the petard; after which follow hammers, hatchets, crows of iron, and other instruments which may be thought fitting: you must not forget to carry fire-balls, granadoes, or fire-lances, if you have observed that you may make use of them; every man must carry a hatchet at his girdle: you must rather have a su­pernumerary number of instruments, then want one. Having thus put all into order, and offi­cers at the head and on the flanks of every file, [Page 143] you must have besides some petards, planchiers, and other instruments for reserve, which must be carried in the same order as the [...]ther: For you must alwayes have a double equipage. When you come near the place where the execution is to be done, you must distribute to every man what he is to carry. The Sergeant ordereth them in file, and commandeth every one duly to follow his leader: then he causeth them to march for­ward to give room to those of the second petard; and so consequently of all the rest, there being a guide for the first file to shew them the way. And that you may not be intangled, sometimes you may cause ten cuiraciers to march before one foot, to discover whether the enemy be not on the advenues; then follow three men bearing good targets, to shelter (amongst others) the petardier; then march they which carry the pe­tards and the other train, in such order as hath been said, which shall be followed by fifty muskets led by a Captain, to give fire for their defense (if need be) with large hailshot. He must look that no man stay by the way as they march; when the enemy asketh, Who goeth there, they must hasten their pace, and then the petar­dier taketh the first petard with him, and the rest must follow very close, that so when the first is fired the second be ready to be put into his hands. The ten horsmen which have marched before all the equipage so farre, shall not ad­vance further then the distance of pistoll-shot from the first bars; then they shall fall back to the Captain which leadeth the fifty musketiers. The first petard being fired, the officer shall cause his men to be placed on the right and left hand, [Page 144] to give room for the second petard; then that shall do the same, to give passage to the third; then that maketh room for the rolling-bridge, and they for the petards and other instruments, and consequently all the rest. And they which are unladen must help the rest, without making any noise. And if the petardier calleth for any thing, he that carrieth it must be ready to give it him, and no man upon pain of death must stirre out of the place where he was placed, but onely to give to the petardier what he calleth for, or to supply some bodies place which in carrying something to the petardier was hurt or killed. The officers must take care that the petardier be presently served, and all be done without noise or confusion. The ouverture being made, they which shall be commanded for the first at­tempts must be ready to enter, and to force whatsoever shall resist them; they which are to follow them must do the like, and so consequent­ly all the rest which are to act any thing: And when they are within, they which first entred must not scatter themselves in the town (whilest they are yet weak) whether it be in pursuing the enemy, or though they meet none: but they must make two bodies, the one to act, the other onely to be put into battalia to sustein the rest. This done, they must march in good order, the one to force that whereunto they are appointed, the other to go and embattel themselves in the streets and market-places which you had resolved ought to be seised upon, by the plat or draught of the town, by which the whole enterprise ought to have been designed. For howsoever it hath sometimes succeeded well to fo [...]low the [Page 145] enemy speedily with such few men as are en­tred, yet is it not the surest way, because they may be repulsed by a few men; which hath of­ten caused brave enterprises to be frustrated.

There must also be a third body which must stand in battalia without during the execution, to the end that if they which entred should be repulsed, they may sustein them; or else to re­medy such accidents which might befall them by some of the enemies troups, which casually might arrive in that place. If you be wholly re­pulsed, that troup which is without shall make the retreat, and shall remain firm in battalia untill that the repulsed troups be recollected and put in order: but if they which entred be­come masters of the town, to hold it they must disarm the townsmen before they disarm them­selves. And being well assured of all the corps du-guards and commodious places, the houses must be shared, that so every man may have his proportion of the bootie, they being not suffered to take it any other way; and they which shall begin to pillage must be severely punished. By this means you may appoint the best houses to them which have best deserved, and do the rest by lot, whereof no man shall have cause to com­plain but of his own ill fortune. If it be needfull, in such places as are assailed by scalado, you may dispose some troups of musketiers, which shall give fire perpetually upon the flanks; and if you can, you may adde to them some fire-lances: and such as give fire at the top of the ladder, must cease so soon as their men begin to mount. I have been more particular in this chapter then in any other; but so many enterprises have failed [Page 146] by the not observing of the least of these things, that I rather chose to be somewhat long herein then to omit them.

CHAP. XI. Of assaults by sieges.

IN the two chapters of surprises I have begun with the means to defend ones self, for that we must never undertake to attempt the surprise of any fort, but upon the defects which are to be found in them: so that he which knoweth not on which part nor after which manner he ought to make his assault, must be prepared for all manner of accidents. In these two I will be­gin to treat of the assailing of towns by sieges, for that you must observe by what place and af­ter what manner you are assailed, to make a good defense against it.

Sieges are undertaken either by blocking up of towns to famish them, or by taking them by force; for both the one and the other you must be master of the field, and you must have two armies, the one to hinder the enemy from undertaking any thing, and the other to form your siege. Or in any case you must be the first in the field, that you may so fortifie your self before the town you besiege as you may be able to maintein your self there in spite of the furious attempts of the enemy. To get the town which you mean to be­siege at the easier rate, you must attempt to sur­prise it when there is but a small garrison in it: to this end you are to use all manner of inventi­ons to keep them from the knowledge of your purpose to besiege it; then all on a sudden you [Page 147] must go and block it up. But if (notwithstand­ing all your stratagemes) you be not able to sur­prise it at unawares, or that you apprehend the charge to be too great, it will be better to make some other siege of lesse importance: for a town well and obstinately defended is the ruine of an army; and if it be not taken, it often diminish­eth the reputation of the commander which as­sailed it.

For this cause, before you undertake any such thing, it must be well considered on; and you must provide your self abundantly of all things necessary to effect it. When you form a siege, you must appoint your quarters (asmuch as may be) in healthfull places, and be carefull to make them spacious enough, and to keep them clean: for you must account upon your time of abode there, that your army be not wasted by diseases. You must make the quarters of your army so near the town besieged as may be, yet so as they be not discommodated by their artil­lerie: And if the ground be level and lie open round about, the quarters must be out of reach of the cannon. You must make as many quarters as the places are which you intend to assault, or at least as the bignesse of the town besieged, or the situation thereof requireth. Neverthelesse I would have the Generals quarters to be so large, as (in a case of necessity) it might receive all the troups of the other quarters; If you make a siege with a small army, and that the garrison be strong, you must fortifie the quarters one after another, with the whole body of the army; and in this case you must make the fewer quarters, and attempt the fewer places. But if you find [Page 148] your self strong enough you may abbridge the businesse and make them all at once. Besides this, you must make a circumvallation wi h forts and redoubts without reach of cannon of the besie­ged, which shall joyn all the quarters one to the other, behind which your army may present it self in battalia, and this line must be led in such manner as it may possesse all the commanding places. And if the garrison of the town besieged be so strong as you may fear to be assailed on both sides, you must make another circumvalla­tion about the town, the nearest that may be, that so it may require the fewer men to guard it: for it being made to oppose your self against the town, you need not take care to make it out of the reach of the cannon. For the opening of the trenches, you are to use the more or fewer ceremonies, according as the garrison is strong or weak. If it be strong, you begin by a good fort, and continue by good redoubts along the trenches, leaving onely sentinels in them. For it is an old errour to think to defend trenches. If the garrison be weak, you need not make so much ado to gain time. The batteries must be well strengthened by good moats, and flanked by good corps-du-guards, to preserve them against the sallies of the besieged. If there be any out­works which are not yet in good defense, and which may be carried by force, you must at­tempt them; otherwise you must approch them by little and little: for it is there where the bravest defense is made, because that at the be­ginning they can easiliest make their sallies. When the outworks are taken, and the cannon is planted on the counterscarp, and you sap into [Page 149] the moat, and prepare your self to lay over your galleries to get over to the bulwarks, you must then place your musketiers all along the coun­terscarp, that so under favour of them and of your cannon you may passe over your galle­ries. If the moats be drie, they will dispute it with you, but at last the stronger overcometh the weaker. If they be full of standing water, that hindereth you not from making your cawsie whereupon you place your gallerie: If they be full of running water, you must make use of flo­ting bridges to put over your miners. When you are got close to the bulwarks, you are to use mines (great or small) so by little and little to get into the ground, and the retrenchments which may be made behind the bulwarks. I trouble not my self here to shew how to make the quarters, forts, circumvallations, the tren­ches, (that they lie not open to the enemy) the batteries, (that they be well assured) the descents into the moat, how to assail the false brayes, how the galleries are to be made, also the mines, and the lodgings which are to be made after they be sprung; because whatsoever may be said on that subject is alreadie written, and it must be experience that must perfect the rest; where every day something is altered or some new thing is added.

CHAP. XII. Of the defense of towns against sieges.

TO withstand a siege well, the town must be well fortified, it must have a sufficient num­ber of souldiers to defend it; it must abound in victuall; and it must have good store of arms and munitions of warre: And these foure things are so necessary, as that if there were an abundance of three of them, if the fourth be wanting the rest will serve for nothing. For what will a well fortified place serve for if there be not souldiers to defend it? or what good will souldiers do if they have neither arms nor munitions of warre to fight? neither will arms nor munitions avail, if they want bread to live by; to which I adde instruments to work in the earth, without which it is impossible to make any great resistance. But it is not enough to have all that is necessary for resistance; there must be a good order and rule kept, otherwise it will all be dissipated by those which will desire to get out of danger quickly, and will find some pretext to yield upon terms which shall not be dishonourable; the number of such being alwayes greater then of those which will re [...]st stoutly. You must proportion the labour an [...] [...]st amongst the souldiers and the townsmen, that so they which are well affe­cted be not suppressed, and that the rest grow not lazie through idlenesse. They must be di­stinguished by companies of pioners, miners, carpenters, smiths, and all artificers usefull for a siege, appointing a commander to every of them. [Page 151] You must take an inventory in the town of all the iron, wood, linen, instruments to work in the ground, drugs fit for artificiall fires, and other such things necessary for a siege: and take care that there be alwayes of them in the maga­zins to serve for the present necessity: and to avoid disorder in the distribution of all these things, there must be a counsel which must have the oversight thereof, and which shall cause all to be delivered out and received in according to the order of the Governour and the Counsel of warre. These things thus put in order, you must think upon defense, which is done princi­pally after two wayes, by holding the enemy off by retrenchment, and by hindring him (when he approcheth) by sallies.

For the first; it is approved and practiced by all; and he which breaketh ground best, and beginneth to dispute it the furthest off, is he which maketh the longest resistance. For the smallest retrenchment without (accommodated with pallisadoes) is hard to be forced. But if it be mined, and that there be another made be­hind it, it is a dangerous piece to enter, and you constrain the enemy to approch by little and lit­tle, and with the same ceremonies which are used to fall upon the bulwarks and the great moat; so that by divers retrenchments you keep off the enemy at a distance a long time before he can come to fall upon the counterscarp, who cannot take away your outworks but by mines, which taketh up good store of time. The moat also may be defended if it be dry by portable casemats (which are called coffers) incircled by little moats or pallisadoes to hinder the ap­proch, [Page 152] which are placed in severall places of the great moat to defend it, and not to be disco­vered by the cannon of the assailant. The bulwarks are also to be defended by retrench­ments, which you are to make either at the point, or at the middle, or at the gorge, accord­ing as they are capable, and that the mines of the besiegers do enter forward within the bul­warks. And when all that is forced, the last defense is a retrenchment of the whole town, reducing it to keep onely one part of it.

For the second way of defense; in stead of ma­ny sallies to drive back them that work in the approches some would have onely some few to good purpose, in great necessitie; alleaging that the besieged there alwayes lose some men, and of the best of them, which they ought to conserve against a strong assault; and that oftentimes they which would have a fair pretext to yield the town cause their souldiers to be maimed by continuall sallies, to shew that they yield not themselves but through necessitie. For mine own part (which do approve of the quantitie of sallies, and which have alwayes seen the works of the assailants retarded by them more in one houre then in eight dayes by other defen­ses) I answer, that these reasons would carry some shew if the town were attempted by as­sault; for they not taking any other but that way at that time, it were fit to preserve the souldiers to withstand them: but whilest the as­sailant getteth ground by little and little, if you defend not the town otherwise then by re­trenchment, you must lose it at last: wherein your quantitie of souldiers standeth you in no [Page 153] stead at all, in so much that the care you have taken to preserve your souldiers doth not pro­long the taking of the town one day; but if by your brave sallies you ruine batteries, throw down trenches, force the redoubts which de­fend them; and when they are within the moat you burn their galleries, they must be inforced to begin their work anew as ofttimes as you overthrow it; insomuch as the besieger finding himself so enterteined, he approcheth with much more ceremonie, and at last his souldiers draw back. So that in my opinion it is very fit that the besieged should make frequent sallies; but they must make them at severall houres, that so they may the better surprise the enemy with few men (but resolute) to avoid the disor­der in the retreat, and to do no other thing but what is commanded. For though you find not resistance at the falling on, as is usuall, if you stay to little purpose, you runne the hazard to be ill led off at the retreat. The other particula­rities of defense depend upon those of assail­ing, the besiegers teaching you by necessitie what you are to do; wherein there is nothing but practice and experience which can well di­rect you.

CHAP. XIII. Of Artillery.

IT is fit to speak of Artillery after sieges, since it is principally by means thereof that towns are taken; and that since this hath been in use, there are no places found impregnable, if they be not inaccessible: It hath changed all the form and matter of fortifications: for in stead of towers and ancient walls, which have not been able to resist it, we now make bulwarks and other works of earth. We may say that it hath even in a manner altered the manner of making warre. Anciently they began their approches to towns where now we end them: for on the first day they lodged on the brim of the moat; and now adayes we must go a great way before we come at it: then the circumval­lation was made out of reach of arrows onely, now they must be made beyond reach of cannon: then it mattered not though the fortresses of the encamped armies were overtopped, so as they had their other conveniences; now-adayes there must be care taken above all things that they be not. In those times two armies were quietly led in batalia at two or three hundred paces di­stance from each other, and remained there whole dayes without being able to be dislodged but by a hazard of a general battel; now one can­not be before another but out of the reach of the cannon, otherwise he that hath most of them, or that hath planted them best, beateth out the other without fighting. At that time a Gene­rall of an army could know the order of his [Page 155] enemy at a near distance, and form his own ac­cording to that, seeking his advantages upon the defects of another, and all without danger; now these things can no more be observed but so farre off as you must rather trust to your own good order then upon any defect in that of your enemy. Then one army could charge another without losing their order, because they had not above two or three hundred paces to march; in these times it is impossible to observe it in sight of the enemy for half a league together, and to find a plain which shall be even and without hindrances. Whereunto I adde further, that without a great exercise of marching in batta­lia you are not able to march a thousand paces without losing all your distances of battalions and squadrons, and by consequence without be­ing in confusion. Since therefore the cannon is of so great use in warre, and hath so great a share in the victory, it is necessary that you know how to make good use of it. It is an engine which all cannot well imploy, for it is of great expense, and belongeth onely to great and puissant States to make ordinary use of them. They tie them to a great charge for draught, there being a hun­dred draught-horses required to draw one can­non for battery through all kinds of wayes, and to shoot onely a hundred bullets. By this you may judge according to the number which you mean to imploy what length of ground it taketh up. To mannage one piece of battery well, there must be eighteen men: besides, how many smiths, carters, farriers, and other workmen must there be in the train to repair the carriages? how many carpenters to make bridges? how [Page 156] how many pioners to accommodate the high­wayes? Briefly an army which carrieth cannon with it cannot march but leisurely, and that which hath none can do no great effect: there­fore in these times the artillery is an essentiall part of an army; but withall, if the Generall suf­fereth himself to be approched too near, without entrenching himself it is impossible for him to disintangle himself without fighting, or losing it; which cannot so happen without losing much of his reputation. For this reason he ought to inform himself very particularly of all that de­pendeth on the artillery: and that he may not be deceived, he must know the least even of the smallest things, namely, of the mixture, founding, proportion, weight, calibre, and carriage; of what wood it must be, how it must be conduct­ed according to the severall wayes, miry or mountainous; how to passe rivers, how to secure the batteries, as well against the cannon of the enemy as against his sallies; what ground the cannon must have for his reverse, what distance between piece and piece; in what manner the platform must be made, at what distance the bat­teries are sufficient, and other things, whereof I do not here specifie the particulars, because others have written of them. It sufficeth me to shew the use of artillerie, the chargeablenesse of it, the turmoil of it, and whereunto it engageth you, to incite Generals not to rely upon others; and to know the benefit and discommoditie thereof so well, that they may make use of the one to their advantage, and avoid the other by their foresight.

CHAP. XIV. Of the baggage and pioners.

AFter the great turmoil of the artillery, I will speak a word of that of the baggage. It is a great shame to lose it, but it is also a hard mat­ter to preserve it when it is excessive; there be­ing nothing that bringeth so much disorder to an army: therefore it is highly necessary to re­duce it to the smallest proportion that may be, and to make a review of it every moneth; for it groweth in the twinkling of an eye. We are so delicate now a dayes as we will hardly carry our arms, much lesse would we carry a weeks victu­all about us. So long as such an abuse be suffered in an army, it will make it self incapable to do any thing that is good. For as in a battel he which can last preserve some troups which have not fought, carrieth away the victory; so he that last keepeth his army in health, complete, and accustomed to labour, doth the like: which he cannot do if the souldiers be so delicate as they cannot carry their baggage. Besides that, sicknesse and famine getteth not into an army, but by this rascalli [...]ie of souldiers boyes: and this thing which seemeth to be a thing of no­thing, is of such importance, as it is for the most part the dissipation of the most flourishing, yea I dare say, of the most victorious armies. It is principally in the time of prosperity that men grow effeminate, and give themselves to take their ease; and in that time it ought least to be done, if after the example of the delicacies of Capua where Hannibals army imbased it self, [Page 158] they would not do the same. Whilst we are about cutting off unnecessary things from the ar­my, I will say a word concerning pioners. There be Captains of our time which will have an unbridled number of them, and say, that it were better to cut off some regiments of souldi­ers, and to take pioners in their stead, which are necessary to make the inclosures of the camp, the trenches in a siege, the accommodation of the wayes; briefly, to take away all imployment from the souldiers of working in the ground, for that they in these times cannot be brought to be subject to such labours as the ancient Romanes were: alledging further, that the souldier when he arriveth at his quarter, is sufficiently tired, though he be not imployed a new to cast up earth. An opinion whereat I cannot wonder enough, and which strengthneth me in that which I hold, that we spoil our souldiers by spa­ring them too much. There must be care taken for their livelihood, for their clothing, for such as are sick and hurt: but they must be hardned to labour, and their Generall and other Com­manders must be examples to them. For if you will reduce them to content themselves with a little whilest you burst your self with excesse of meat, and to labour whilest you glory it, and live in lazinesse; I confesse they will murmure. But to return to the pioners: it is necessary you should have them to accommodate the wayes, for the artillery principally; for which five hun­dred may serve for a great equipage. Con­cerning the inclosing of the camp, the souldier is bound to make it; for that this labour procu­reth him a means to rest himself and to sleep in [Page 159] safetie. I say further, that it is a work which must be done in three or foure houres; to this end all the army worketh at it, or at least half of it, when the enemy is near hand. So that if we must needs have it done by pioners, there had need be as many of them in an army as there are souldiers, which would be a means to famish a whole countrey, and to encrease the turmoil, which we would diminish. Concerning the trenches; I never saw it succeed well when pio­ners did it; and whilest the danger groweth, the most valiant souldiers are not too good for that imployment; and further they must be incited to that work by the gain of it: which will serve to assure themselves the better in that danger, and to give them a means to spare something to cloth themselves; and no money is so well im­ployed as that in an army.

CHAP. XV. Of spies and guides.

THere be yet two sorts of people whereof (contrary to the pioners) there cannot be too many in an army; which are spies and guides. The first advertise you of the deportments of the enemy, upon whose report either you enter­prise something upon him, or you guard your self from his designes. The second give you knowledge of the countrey, of the wayes and passages by which you are to passe, or else by what way your enemy can come to you. Both the one and the other must be faithfull, for that in advising you [...]alsly, or guiding you maliciously, they may cause you to fall into great dangers. [Page 160] You must have good store of guides: for that (especially if you march by night) every grosse troup (or at least every body) hath need of their own; and before you set forward, they must all be agreed on the way which they will take. There must be a Captain of the guides, a man of spirit, and vigilant, and that may take care to get guides frō place to place. Concerning spies, there must be something more observed in them, and you must be alwayes suspicious of them: for that as it is a dangerous task for him that undertaketh it, so it is also for him that imployeth them. To this end it is necessary that no man know them but he which imployeth them; and that spies may not know each other, that so they may not agree to give false advises: for by this means by examining them severally, by the agreement or disagreement of their advises, you may judge whether they be good; and by the verification of those which speak true or false, you shall know who betrayeth you, or doth you true ser­vice. And howsoever when you discover trai­tours, yet I say you may make a profitable use of them, by feigning that you believe them to be faithfull, and giving them commissions which they may discover to the enemy, that you have some designe quite contrary to that which you intend to put in execution; that so whilest he is preparing himself for one side, you may at­tempt something upon him on the other. But this is not all, to beware of your own spies; you must also take heed of those of the enemy; which you must presuppose you have within your camp, as the enemy hath of yours. For this reason be­sides the secresie which must be used in all en­terprises, [Page 161] it is good to give a charge, by publish­ing (in a still way) that you have a quite contrary designe to that which you purpose to put in execution, that so those spies may so report it to the enemy. But the most essentiall means to be well served by this kind of men, is to be very liberall to them; for they are faithfull to them which give them most.

CHAP. XVI. Of victuall.

BUt seeing it is to no purpose to have an ar­my composed of good commanders and va­liant souldiers, well disciplined and obedient, well furnished with artillery and munition, if they have not what to eat; I will distinguish this chapter into five parts: the first to make provi­sions of corn; the second to provide for the car­riage of it; the third of the safe conveying of it; the fourth of the making of good bread; and the fifth of the distribution of it. To this end the Commissary generall of the victuall ought to be a man of authority, faithfull, vigilant, and active; and this office ought not to be despised (as now­adayes it is) nor given to men of mean quality; for it is of such importance, that according as it is either well or ill discharged, it causeth an ar­my to subsist, or go to ruine. And the Romanes alwayes committed it to some eminent person. To come to particulars, I will say that the provi­sion of corn ought to be made in due time, in suf­ficient quantitie, in a commodious place for transportation, and that choice be made of very good corn. For you must not conceive any hope [Page 162] of finding it, either in the champain or towns where you are to go, because the enemy may either hoard it up or burn it; and so on that hope you shall find in this onely point all your de­signes frustrated. In the second, you must make Magazines in divers places, that so you may not be in danger to lose all at once, both in towns and castles which are nearest and most commo­dious for the transporting of corn into your ar­my; and (according to the situation of the countrey) you are to make provision of wag­gons or mules to carry it to the camp, where must alwayes be a Magazine for a forthnight, which should not be meddled with but in extremitie, or for some extraordinary enterprise. In the third place, the carriage of it ought not to be performed without a good convoy; and never on any prefixed day, to prevent the preparation of taking of it whilest it is on the way. In the fourth, to hinder the abuses which are ordinarily used (and I dare say, ever, unlesse there be a very narrow looking to it) about the bread. For, for their private gain, they mingle bad grain with it, yea even earth, and use other base tricks, whence for the most part proceed diseases in an army; which is a mischief which cannot be too severely punished. And in the last place, that it may be well distributed and not wasted; for if you trust the Sergeants, they alwayes take for double the number of souldiers they have in their companies: to this end it is necessary that the Commissarie generall of the victuall from week to week should have an exact list of those that are in the army, signed by the Generall, that so he may order the distribution of bread accord­ing [Page 163] to it. Besides, you must cause them to be punished rigourously which pillage those victu­allers and other persons which bring victuall to the camp; whereof the price must be regula­ted, that so the souldiers may not be sharked upon. When you are at a well retrenched siege, where the hope to make you quit it consisteth in nothing else but in cutting off your victuall, you must have that foresight to cause so much to be brought within your camp as you judge to be necessary to serve your turn for the time you believe you shall stay to take the town be­sieged; as Cesar did before Alexia. There be many rules to be given on this subject, to hinder the abuses which may be used therein, which I omit to avoid prolixitie: b [...]sides they are pettie ord [...]rs which are changed according to the places and occasions; all which should tend to no other end but to draw victuall to the army, and to hinder the excessive prices of it.

CHAP. XVII. Of the generall officers of an army, and of their functions.

THere is nothing more necessary in an army then to have the offices therein well regu­lated, and that every man may know whom he is to command, and whom he ought to obey; and yet I never saw that absolutely decided in any, which is the reason why I have been willing here to make a project, how things therein ought to be established. The Generall ought to have absolute power, which ought not to be commu­nicated to any: for in warre more then in any other profession the command ought to be sin­gular: and it is a very bad introduction to make Generals which command the army by the day, or by the week, or by the moneth. At all times when the Romanes did so, they sped the worse for it.

Then there must be a Lieutenant generall, or Marshall of the field generall, which ought to take care to cause all the Generalls commands to be put in execution as absolutely as himself, thereby to ease him: it being too hard a thing for the Generall to do all, especially when the army marcheth; for that (of all necessitie) there must be a man of eminent authority at the head of an army, and whom all the other commanders do acknowledge. Sometimes there is a Lieute­nant generall and a Marshall of the field gene­rall to perform these two offices; neverthelesse these two places, being born by two men in an army, oftentimes bring confusion, and cause [Page 165] that which we desire to avoid: for in the fun­ctions thereof they never agree; because the Marshall of the field generall doing his office, must distribute the commands of the Generall to all the other commanders; he must march in the vanguard, order the lodgings and encampings: insomuch as I know not what function the Lieu­tenant generall shall have unlesse he usurp the others office, or else that he serve onely as a shooting trunk, that so through him the Ge­nerals commands may be delivered to the Ma [...] ­shall of the field: which is the reason I con­clude that there ought to be but one of these two offices.

That done, I divide all the functions of the army into foure principall parts, namely the ca­ualrie, the infanterie, the artillerie, and the vi­ctuall, and will treat of each part one after ano­ther.

The cavalry is a body which often lodgeth s [...]parated from that of the army, and requireth a principall commander to whom all the rest should yield obedience, which must be of great authority and eminent qualitie, or of such expe­rience and vertue that all the other commanders may voluntarily obey him. For it is in the ca­valrie, where you shall meet with more men of wealth and good families, and consequently more difficult to be made to obey; and therefore this authoritie ought not to be divided. And because in marching the cavalrie is ordinarily in the front and in the rear, and that in lodging you are ofttimes compelled to make two fronts, and for that in time of battel the horse are at least on the two wings, it is necessary that there be a [Page 166] Lieutenant Generall, a man also of great autho­ritie. There must further be a third comman­der, whom the most part call a Commissary ge­nerall, who distributeth the orders, keepeth the list of the guards, of the convoyes, and other fun­ctions; and ought to go and take the orders from the Marshall of the field generall, to carry them to his Generall of the horse, who distributeth them to the Quarter-masters, which come for them from every quarter. All the cavalry must be divided into companies, of which regiments are formed; not after the manner of the infan­tery, under the command of a Colonell; but one­ly to maintein the order of the lodgings and of battel. To form these regiments you put foure or five companies together, with one of carabines, and the ancientest Captain commandeth that bo­dy; and so all the cavalry is divided: which maketh it plainly evident how merely unprofi­table an office it is to have a generall command­der of the carabines; for the carabines cannot make a body, for that their want of fighting permitteth it not, neither were they instituted but to serve the cavalry, either at their quarter­ing, or to discover, or for intelligence, or to give a charge in the flank in time of fight, or in a re­treat to harrie them whom you chace, or to keep you from being so when you are pursued. In effect, good carabines mingled amongst the caval [...]e are of very good service; but alone are unprofitable.

If you make more quarters then there be ge­nerall officers, the ancientest Captain command­eth in the quarter, and therein taketh the most ancient quarter-master of his quarter. Insomuch [Page 167] that the Generall of the horse giving his orders to the Commissary generall, he to the Quarter-master generall, and he to the other Quarter-masters which come for them from the other quarters (where the same order is observed) the commands are carried without confusion, and passe through the hands of few persons; and when there is any deficiency found, it is easie to be verified whence it arose.

The infantery is the more solid body of an army: that of the artillery and victuall alwayes are quartered with it. There is not that diversi­tie between the companies which is between the horse; they are all of the same fashion, com­posed of half-pikes half-musketiers. Many com­panies make a regiment, which hath its com­mander; and many regiments make a body, which we call a Brigado of the army. The army is usually divided into three bodies, Vanguard, Battel, and Rearguard. Every brigado hath its commander; and besides it ought to have a Ser­geant Major of a brigado, and a Quarter-master of a brigado; The first to go and take the orders from the Marshall of the field generall, to carry them to the commander of his brigado; then he giveth the word to the Sergeant Majors of the regiments: and the other to give to every Quar­ter-master of a regiment, either his quarter, or the space of ground which is necessary, for him to encamp in; and he divideth it to the particu­lar Quarter-masters, or to the harbengers of eve­ry company, which afterwards lodgeth them. If there be a Colonel generall of all the infan­tery, he may have a care in generall of all the government thereof; but in an army he must [Page 168] onely command a brigado, otherwise we should not be able to establish the order which we have propounded. Moreover, there be di­vers nations which do not judge a Colonell ge­nerall of the infantery to be necessary, but con­tent themselves with particular Colonels for every regiment, which acknowledge onely the commands of the Generall, or of his Marshall of the field generall.

The artillery ought to have a Generall, a Lieu­tenant generall, a Quarter-master, then other officers. And for that all pioners, miners, en­giniers, conductours of works, smiths, carpen­ters, wheelwrights, and other workmen depend on him, I would establish a commander for eve­ry sort of these men; which I would take either out of the commissaries of the artillery, or other persons apart, to addresse my self to them when I had need of such men. The Quarter-master must every night go to receive the orders of the Marshall of the field generall. The charge of the victuals ought to be performed by a Gene­rall; he ought to have his Lieutenant, his Quar­ter-master, and his other officers: his Quarter-master must every evening go and take the or­ders of the Marshall of the field generall.

So then you see how the commands are dis­tributed: the Marshall of the field generall re­ceiveth them from the Generall, then goeth to his own lodging; there the Commissary of horse cometh and receiveth them for the cavalry; the Sergeant Major generall for the infantery, who delivereth it to the Sergeant Majors of brigadoes: for the artillery to the Quarter-master thereof; and so to him for the victuals: Briefly, the Mar­shall [Page 169] of the field generall speaking with these foure persons, giveth the orders to all the army. All orders and commands ought to be given in writing. The Marshall of the field generall, the Generall of the artillery, the Fiscall, the Control­ler of the Exchequer, the Generall of victuall, the Quarter-master generall, the Sergeant ma­jor generall and the Provost generall must al­wayes be lodged within the Generalls quarter.

If all the army be encamped in bodies, the Quarter-master generall giveth to each of these bodies the space of ground which is fitting; which is afterwards distributed (in every body) by the officers thereunto appointed.

On a day of battel the Marshall of the field generall doth assigne the place for every body; afterwards the Sergeant major generall ran­geth the infantery into battalia.

The Marshall of the field generall ought to have three or foure assistants for the field, to car­ry the extraordinary orders; but they must not pretend to command any officer in chief, unlesse they formerly have been either Colonels or Captains of horse.

The Sergeant major generall must command the Colonels; but that they may the readilier obey him, he ought to be taken out of the Colo­nels; and none ought ever to have that place un­lesse he hath been one: as also the Sergeant ma­jors of brigadoes ought to be taken out of the Sergeant majors of regiments. Things being thus regulated and established, you shall see a great fa­cilitie in the commands, and none shall be able to excuse his fault by putting it off upon another, because presently it will be verified whence it [Page 170] proceeded: which obligeth every man to be care­full to do that exactly which he shalbe cōmanded

CHAP. XVIII. Of the assailing of States, according to their forces and situations.

AFter that you have formed an army, you must imploy it, either for the conquest of a new countre [...], or for the defense of your own. We will begin with the first. The Prince which putteth himself upon the offensive must be the stronger, or must see some garboils in the State which he assaileth, and that he be called thither by a partie: otherwise it would be a rash enterprise.

If the countrey which he assaileth be large and open, he must seek in the beginning to ha­zard a battel or some grand skirmish, that so by the reputation of his arms he may affright the enemies. If it be a countrey enclosed with mountains, or divided by rivers and ditches, or sheltered with forrests, or full of fortresses, it is hard to force an enemy to battel; and in this case you must go to sieges, and make your con­quest by little and little. Now he that will make any progresse by this way must at least have two bodies of armies; that so with the one he may hold his enemy in play, and with the other he may actuate without impeachment. For it is most difficult to accomplish the designe of a siege, so long as you have a good army encamp­ed near you, which shall cut off your victuall. If it be a countrey which is hard to enter, and that hath but few passages whereby to enter in­to it, you must force one; and before you go further, you must there fortifie, and so well assure [Page 171] your way for your victuall as you may not suffer though the enemy should have burned or carri­ed away that of his countrey into his fortresses. If you be called by a faction, that is a very great advantage for you; because you are instructed of the situation of the countrey, and of the de­fects which are to be found in the [...]tified pla­ces, and want not spies nor punctuall advertise­ments of whatsoever passeth amongst the ene­mies. You must also be very carefull to use this faction very courteously, and to engage them by little and little into actions which may make them irreconcilable to their Prince. But when you see they make warre with respect, and that they will but by halves offend him from whom they have revolted, you must have them in great suspicion, and march with them with bri­dle in hand: for whether it be the fear of a ruine without recovery, or the hope of a reconcilia­tion that hindreth them from putting them­selves upon reall extremities, the one and other are equally dangerous; and at last you may fear they may accommodate themselves to your pre­judice: wherefore if they will not engage themselves to do extraordinary and irremissible actions at the beginning, you ought not to joyn with them but under good pledges: You must also use such as do voluntarily yield themselves to you with all humanitie, clemencie, and libe­ralitie, and such as resist you with all severitie; for beneficence towards the one and severitie towards the other are the two principall means which get you obedience. A town taken by force, and hardly used, or one which yieldeth it self of its own accord, and favoured, openeth the [Page 172] gates of a dozen others: as on the other side, a town taken by force and spared, or which ren­dred it self voluntarily and is evil intreated, shutteth a great many. Whence I conclude, that a Conquerour must be as good as his word, what­soever he promiseth, be it in clemency or severity

CHAP. XIX. Of the defense of States according to their forces and situations.

TO treat of this subject well, we must divide it into three parts; namely, into small States, those of a middle rank, and those which are pu­issant. The small ones are of that nature as they subsist not but by the jealousies which their neighbours have one of another; for that if one of them will assail a weak State, the other will defend it: neverthelesse, it is but a tottering condition and ill assured; for if the one findeth himself able enough to assail them, the other will not find himself sufficient to defend them. The counsels of Princes and States are not al­wayes governed so equally, but for the most part one prevaileth above the other. Besides this in­convenience there is yet another, that sometimes they agree to divide the prey; so that such kind of pettie States which have not strength within themselves for their own defense, are alwayes in perill; and they must use very much pliant­nesse to remove all pretexts from their neigh­bours of undertaking something against them. The onely means which they have is to have one or two towns exceeding well fortified, with arms and money enough to defend them well; [Page 173] that so they may give leisure to them which will not suffer the growth of him which shall assail you, to aid you: for if you have no means at all to resist, your countrey will be taken before they shall have time to assist you: and besides that, the happinesse which they conceive of conquering you giveth them a spur to assail you; you shall find many more persons disposed to succour you then to reconquer your countrey: for that the one is easie with equall forces, and the other without greater strength is very difficult. To which I adde, that there is ofttimes as great danger that he which regaineth your countrey as your friend keep it not for himself, as well as he which had taken it as your enemy: or if he restore it to you, it will be with so hard con­ditions, as you shall possesse but the shadow of a Sovereigntie. And thrice happy are they which meet with so good and so generous Princes, which do reestablish them into their lost States, with the same authoritie and liberty as they pos­sessed them before: for such examples are ex­ceeding rare. Concerning those States of a mid­dle condition, I propound a Prince (or common­wealth) which for his defense is able to enter­tein an army of 20000 foot and 3000 horse with all necessary equipage. If his countrey be of a difficult accesse, and that there be no en­trance into it but by certain passages and moun­tains guarded and fortified, he hath a great ad­vantage: but they which too much do trust and rest upon them, and have neglected other de­fenses, have deceived themselves, and have been lost by those wayes wherein they thought them­selves most assured. If it be encompassed by the [Page 174] sea, it is a fair moat, notwithstanding he which is stronger will find means to make his descent into the island. If it be environed with moorish grounds and rivers, yet an enemy will find wayes to passe them, especially when he hath artillery to favourise such passages; insomuch that the su­rest way is to trust to your own forces, namely a good army and good fortresses: I say, both joyn­ned together: for that the army without fortres­ses being weak, and not daring to hazard any thing, leaveth the victuall of the champain to the enemy, and so the means to subsist at your charge, and at last to ruine you. And fortresses without an army are not able to preserve you longer then the time you have made your maga­zines of victuall for, within them: but these things being proportioned with judgement, you may make a great resistance. In these things you must not suffer your self to be led by the fansies of the people, which without considering the situations of their towns, or the publick good, when they see their neighbours fortifie them­selves, will all imitate them; a thing equally dangerous, to have more fortresses then you can guard, or to have none at all. Yet I should ra­ther like the last then the first: for that at least by hazarding a battel you put your enemy to half the fear; but by the other way you must surely perish, without being able to do any other thing but prolong your ruine: for the jealousie which you have to preserve all your fortresses by lea­ving great garrisons in them, hindreth you of the means of keeping an army in the field: and then the spoil of two or three harvests compel­leth you to yield your neck to the halter. I know [Page 175] there are some which ground themselves up­on this reason, That when all the principall places of a State be fortified, all the vi­ctuall of the champain may be drawn into them, so that an army coming thither, if it stayeth there, it dieth through famine; and if it doth but passe through, it doth no great hurt: inso­much that it is almost impossible to make any great siege there. Whereunto I answer, that for­tresses are principally invented for the weaker, that so a few men may resist a great number: and if you have so great a number of for­tresses, and those requiring great guards (as the great fortified towns do) you must have a greater number of souldiers then he shall have which cometh to assail you; otherwise you were not able to provide them all with sufficient gar­risons to preserve them from a siege. And if you be the stronger without any fortified place, you shall preserve your countrey in keeping the field. There is yet a further inconvenience in the for­tifying of great towns; that is, that you make them so proud as they will not acknowledge their Sovereigne but upon good terms; and up­on the least discommoditie they receive in any warre the inhabitants desire rather to change their master then to see their goods wasted. In­somuch that I conclude, that you ought to have so few fortresses that they may not hinder you from keeping the field; that those which you have be so well fortified and furnished with mu­nition as they may make a great resistance; and to place them so well as they may bridle the great towns, and that they may assure the fron­tiers, that so the enemy may make difficultie to leave a place behind him which might discom­modate [Page 176] his victuall, and that by intelligence or otherwise he may not seise upon some princi­pall town which may serve him for a seat to en­tertein warre within the countrey. These things thus disposed of, you must regard what enemy assaileth you. If it be a power of confederates united together, it is the more easie to disunite, then when it dependeth on one alone: and in this case it is exceeding good to cause some dif­fidence to grow betwixt them, by feigning of intelligence with some one of the confederates, to whom shewing more respect and lesse ani­mositie, you may give jealousie to the rest: as also by procuring a diversion upon the countrey of one of the rest. It being a very difficult thing that many sovereigne powers should long hold a league together, without some disgusts to arise amongst them, or mistakings, envies, and even enmities, by reason of the diversitie of their hu­mours and interests; so that that power which onely dependeth upon one State onely, is much more to be feared. And because you may be assailed more or lesse fiercely, I must say a word for that: If it be by forces which are not too much disproportionable to yours, you may pre­serve your countrey without forsaking it, and with your army and fortresses tie up the enemy, in hindring him from victuall; and by en­trenching alwayes so near him as you shall hin­der him from making any siege of importance. For if a Conquerour advanceth not forward he recoileth; and it is impossible for him to subsist in a countrey which he would conquer, if at first he taketh no footing, and doth not strengthen himself by some considerable prise. If also you [Page 177] be assailed by a power altogether disproportio­nable to your forces; in this case you must leave the field, and burn all the victuall which you cannot contein within your fortresses, and also all the towns and villages which you cannot guard: for it is better for you to preserve your self in a ruined countrey, then to keep it for your enemy. And it is in this that a Prince, to gain, as he thinketh, the name of being compas­sionate towards his people (which in such occa­sions turn their backs upon him) becometh cru­el towards himself: But it is rather a vice of irresolution and of weaknesse of courage which possesseth us, then a true compassion which we have of the misfortune of another: as that of the Emperour Otho, who upon the first ill fortune that befell him (his forces being yet entire) durst not trie the hazard of a battel any more. And he who could not afford any pitie to Galba in his decrepit age (being his designed suc­cessour to the Empire) and which had commit­ted all kinds of villanies to attein it, would perswade posterity, that compassion to see the Romane bloud shed had made him resolve to estrange himself from it by killing himself. Thus it is that we oftentimes desire to cover our vices with the vertue which is nearest thereunto. But as it is a maxime, that no publick good can be without some prejudice to some particular men, so a Prince cannot disintangle himself from a perilous enterprise, if he will please every man. And the greatest and most usuall faults which we commit in matters of State and war proceed from suffering our selves to be carried away with this complacencie, whereof we re­pent [Page 178] us when there is no remedy left. But to avoid such storms you must hold this for a fun­damentall law for your own preservation, Never to suffer that neighbour of yours to grow up which maketh himself the strongest: for it is better to offend him by hindring him from enabling himself to destroy you, then to suffer him to grow greater out of fear to offend him. It being a thing certain, that no man preserveth his libertie against a conquering enemy by comple­ments but onely by force.

It remaineth that we speak of puissant States which (without help of another) have arms, money, and what else is needfull to maintein a continuall warre.

Of this kind there be but few, and they need to care for none but themselves; for that one sole enemy is not able to assail them, and that it is hard for the leagues of severall Princes all to agree in such a designe, or for any long time to subsist together: Neverthelesse I will say a word on this subject. Great States are either compacted altogether, or spread abroad in severall places: the first, which have all their forces united, are able to assail, and to defend themselves more powerfully then they which are so separated; because they carry all their forces where need requireth with more dili­gence and facilitie, and lesse charge: the other put a great part of the world into an alarm and jealousie, because they frontier upon the greatest number of States. Neverthelesse, if the one or the other be assailed, they must make use of the defenses we propounded before: one­ly I will say that they ought to have no fortresses [Page 179] but good ones, and few in number, and onely on the frontiers, and none within the heart of the countrey; for that having more cause to fear civil warres then forrein, and without which no man will ever assail a great Empire, it is the way to take away the main root from them which maketh them to undertake the enterprise and to subsist. Besides, you ought not to perpetuate any governments, neither to families, nor yet for life. But the principall and most able remedy against civil warre is to en­tertein a forrein warre; which chaseth away idlenesse, setteth all on work, and particularly giveth satisfaction to ambitious and stirring spi­rits: it banisheth luxurie, it maketh your people warlike, and mainteineth you in such reputa­tion amongst your neighbours, as you are the ar­bitratour of all their differences. It is true that this maxime is not good to be observed but by such States as are of this last sort. For as it is necessary for them, I find it hurtfull for pettie States, which must fear all sorts of warre; for being too weak to gain by it, they run the hazard to be the pray of such as are the stronger,

CHAP. XX. Of the means how to assure a conquest.

A Sovereigne Prince is more capable to make great and ready conquests then a common-wealth; for that finding himself secret in his counsel, courageous in his resolution, ready in his execution, and not fearing to be contradicted by any, he maketh more conquests in ten years of his life, then a common-wealth which is lesse secret, which is long in resolving, which bridleth the authoritie of her Captains, and which every houre contradicteth their actions, shall be able to do in a hundred yeares: So also a common-wealth which goeth alwayes upon her own maximes, which is not subject to the want of one person, and whose government receiveth no alteration by the death of any of them, con­serveth much better and for a longer time that which she hath conquered then a Prince; which ofttimes (and almost alwayes) hath a successour as much a heartlesse dullard as himself was ver­tuous. Neverthelesse, I will here establish (as well for the one as for the other) the true maximes for the well assuring of a conquest: which con­sist in two things; namely to take away the de­sire of revolting from those whom you have conquered, and the means of being able to do it.

For the first, it is a thing very certain, that if you conquer a free people, you shall not take away (at least during the life of those which have lived so) their desire to recover their liberty. If they be subjects to a Prince and a State, and that they have onely changed their master, they will rather desire to remain under the authoritie of [Page 181] him which shall use them the most courteously. Therefore you must alwayes begin by a fair way, and to establish a condition for them which you have conquered which may be sure, both for their life and for their goods. For if even your own subjects find not this assurance, it is to be feared they will revolt; how much more they which are newly conquered? it being a law of nature imprinted in every creature, that the meanest and least animal taketh care for its own conservation; to which man endued with reason addeth the conservation of his honour and his welfare, which he ofttimes preferreth before his own life. Therefore a Prince must govern accord­ing to exact justice, uphold the oppressed in his due right, abstein from all violence himself, aswel concerning the honour of their wives as for their goods: for without this it is impossible to make a conquered people tractable. You must also (so much as may be) maintein them in the form of their government, & exclude none of them out of the possibility of atteining to those offices, digni­ties and honours which they may possesse with­out prejudice to your safetie. And if it be a Prince which maketh this conquest, the means to assure himself well therein is there to establish his resi­dence the most that may be; for that his presence doth hinder many disorders, the splendour of his court imprinteth a certain veneration into the minds of the people, and it bringeth gain to the artificers and citizens where it is kept.

If it be a common-wealth which cannot change the seat of their government, it is there­fore necessary that such as they should send thi­ther to govern live there with splendour. For [Page 182] the people is sometimes more taken with ap­pearance then realitie. These are the means which do insensibly insinuate obedience into a newly conquered people: but because this is not sufficient, and that ofttimes the facilitie of re­volting impunely causeth men to have a desire to it, it is necessary for you to precaution your self by requisite assurances, which consist in having their arms and fortresses in your own hands: I mean not that all the people shall be wholy dis­armed, for if it be possible it must not come to that; but to assure your self of great communal­ties by good fortresses; to have arcenals in seve­rall parts, and not all in one place; and not to leave any town or castle (except your fortresses of garrison) so strong as to be able to endure 100 cannon-bullets. There is a last means, whereof the ancients made a profitable use, and is now wholly left, which I do marvellously approve of; which is, to establish colonies, and to transport the peo­ple from one countrey to another. For besides that it is a great bridle to keep a conquered coun­trey in aw, you recompense by this means the nearer part of those souldiers which have done you good service. And I find not the reason to be sufficient which some alledge, that it is cruelty to make this permutation, and that it is against charity; but to the contrary I find indeed those remedies to be cruel which are commonly used, to keep the people so under as they have nothing but their life, and cannot hope for any honour within their own countrey. For my self I pro­fesse freely, that I had rather be driven out of my countrey into another, where I should have a hope for my self and mine to be able to attein to [Page 183] something more then now I am, then to remain in mine own countrey to be deprived of that hope; finding nothing to be so hard as to take away hope from a man, which is that which in this world, and for the goods of this world, ma­keth him undertake all things; and which for the goods of the other world furnisheth him with constancy to suffer all things: Moreover, there is nothing which distinguisheth a man so much from a beast, nor yet a regenerate man from a sensuall, as hope. Which maketh me conclude, that you should never take from a man the hope of being able to obtein a better condition then that which he possesseth, that so he be not cast into despair.

CHAP. XXI. How you must proceed to relieve your allie and confederate.

ONe of the most honourable actions which a Prince doth, and which bringeth him most reputation, is to succour his allies in their ne­cessities: but it is a thing which for the most part is very difficult. When you will make war, you choose your advantages, and you take your time and your measures according to that which you can and will do: it is not so in the succouring of your allie, which must be assisted with such diffi­culties and discommodities as you meet with. If his countrey be joyned to yours, and that no­thing hindreth you from assisting him with all your forces united, you cannot excuse the not doing of it, unlesse it be that you fear his enemy, and would not offend him; which is an unman­ly and no judicious reason. For by this excuse [Page 184] you escape not the danger which your neigh­bours losse will draw upon you. It being much better for you to resist joyntly, then suffer your selves to be undone one after another. But if it be an allie separated from you by other Princes and States (which ofttimes so hapneth) and that you meet with great difficulties to get into his countrey, you must then well consider after what manner you should succour him: for if the States which are between you both refuse you passage, and that you must be enforced to give them bat­tel before you be able to assist your allie, it is to be feared that you shall not be able to succour him timely enough. And if your neighbour, ei­ther for fear of you, or of him which assaileth your allie, do offer you passage, you cannot ac­cept thereof with safety, unlesse he put you in possession of those places which are necessary to assure your return; which being refused you, you must go no further. But if the enemy of your ally hath territories near you, and such as you may easily assail; you must do it stoutly; and that succour which can be given by diversion is (in my opinion) the surest and that which succeed­eth best; because you do it with all your forces and conveniences, and ordinarily that countrey which you assail is not well provided, because he which assaileth another State leadeth out with him the best Captains and souldiers which he hath. But if you want all these means, there is no other left but that of money, wherewith you may assist him; which ofttimes is not sufficient to save him.

CHAP. XXII. Which is best, whether a great Prince make warre in person, or by his Lieutenant.

IT is to the purpose in this place to treat whe­ther a Prince ought to manage his warre [...] in person or by Lieutenants: for that the practice thereof being different, every man bringeth his best reasons to maintein his opinion. They which disapprove of his doing it in person alledge, that by going out of his territories he openeth the doore for disorders, and robbeth himself of the means to prevent them; that it is more necessary for him to keep peace within then to make war abroad, for which nothing can do so much good as his presence, which keepeth in aw the most stirring spirits; that holding them which are within in obedience he may give the better or­der to his affairs abroad; that there befall greater inconveniences and lesse remediable, when the Prince is ingaged in person out of his countrey, then when he is within it; that if he shall receive some check in his person being farre from his owne territories, those busie heads are more da­ring to make innovations, every man emanci­pateth himself and shaketh off his obedience; if he be slain there, his subjects are affrighted, and his enemie is encouraged by it, and thence draw­eth great advantages; if he be taken, that is still worse; for none being able to declare himself Prince, and the great ones, desiring to make their benefit of his calamity, put all affairs into such a confusion that nothing is done in the State with authoritie, because they which seise upon the government tyrannize over the other great [Page 186] ones which might pretend the same, which oft­times love rather to call in the common enemy then to obey their fellows. Whereunto they adde, that a Prince cannot free himself without giving great advantages to his enemy, which turn to a notable and irremediable prejudice both to himself and his State: So that all things being balanced, they conclude that the incon­veniences are much greater of hazarding the person of the Prince in the warres then to cause them to be managed by his Lieutenants. This opinion is principally mainteined by men of the gown, naturall enemies to souldiers; who for that they can better preserve their authoritie in peace then war, do not onely disswade from going in person to the warre, but even do advise the suffering of all sorts of ignominy rather then to make war. Whereunto flatterers, panders, and all the plagues of Princes do adhere, which en­tertein them within their countrey in a lazinesse w ^ch bringeth them to all sorts of luxurie, making them believe that their States are but made for them, and not they for their States; that the taking of a maidenhead is more honourable then the conquest of a Province; that there belongeth more industry and trouble to the well-ordering of a feast then of a battel; that labour is not ap­pointed but onely for porters; and that great Kings should cause all things to be acted without moving themselves: which is the usuall way of the losse of kingdomes and empires. They which counsel a Prince to make warre in person, al­ledge that the command of an army is a morsell so delicious that it ought not to be imparted to others without great necessitie: for that to ac­quit [Page 187] a mans self well in such a charge, he must be very absolute; and ofttimes the Generall of an army doth not contein himself within his dutie, especially when the Prince performeth not his own. For in this case he is naturally en­vious of the glory of another, and cannot sup­port the good actions of his Lieutenant, though they tend to his own profit. In which humour they do entertein him which govern the affairs at court, with this fear, least that an eminent vertue should supplant them. And from hence proceedeth the infelicitie of the most part of brave designes, how well soever undertaken, which are made to perish either for want of mo­ney or of victuall, or by restraining the authority of the Generall, or by putting officers upon him which oppose him, and which prove rather shackles to him then assistants: and when affairs have not succeeded as men imagined, the fault is cast upon him which is innocent, and the blameworthy triumph: and thus great Princes shal be served which make war by their Lieutenants: That the reputation of a Prince who is a good commander himself is much greater then a Prin­ces which hath good commanders: that the first is feared for his own worth, and the other onely through others: that the first cannot betray himself, but that the commanders of the other may be corrupted: that the first can make choice of such as are fit for warre, and the other hath no good commanders but by hazard: that the au­thoritie of the one is not so envied nor crossed, seeing he is master, and is to give account of his actions to no man; but that the Generall of the army of another is subject to a perpetuall jea­lousie, [Page 188] and thrice happy is he that escapeth it: that the means to prevent civil warres is to im­ploy the most stirring and courageous spirits in forrein warres, where they shall find where­with to satisfie their ambitions; as also to be al­wayes armed, because that will cool those which are hottest: and that the Prince be at the head of his army, that so none may use it against him. They alledge further, that never Prince hath founded a great Empire, but by making warre in person; nor hath lost any, but when he made warre by his Lieutenants. It is now left to the choice of Princes what is to be done upon these two advises. If he be a drone, which contenteth himself to be admired by his grooms, which ta­keth no delight but in voluptuousnesse, and which leaveth off the acting of the part of a King to act that of a scoundrel, he will never take that counsel to command his armies himself. If he be a wise Prince, which loveth tranquillitie to maintein his people in justice, neverthelesse he will not omit to be prepared for warre, and to inform himself therein, that so when occasion shall serve he need not commit the command of his armies to others. But if he be a generous Prince which hunteth after glory, and desireth to imitate those great men which live still 2000 years after their death, and whose venerable names at this day do honor those which mention them, he will doubtlesse choose for his principall imployment that of war; wherein he will en­devour to make himself expert, that so he need not depend upon others for the leading of his ar­mies, and will make that his chief delight. And this is the true pleasure which contenteth the [Page 189] spirit, which is particular to man, and common to great men: for corporall pleasure hath more of the beast then of man; and so he that wholly addicteth himself thereunto is worse then a brute beast.

CHAP. XXIII. Of reputation.

IT is a thing which cannot be conceived, how available the reputation of a Generall of an armie is; and how hard it is to be preserved. For after that you have acquired the estimation of being a wise man, and of great managing, if you will conserve it by prudence, men will say you are become a coward; and if by hazarding some battel you receive a check, they will hold you to be rash. So that there is no function in the world more subject to blame then that of a Generall of an arm [...]; and very happy is that commander which keepeth his reputation entire untill the the end. Neverthelesse so long as it lasteth it worketh marvellous effects: for when he hath gotten the name of being prosperous in war, the souldiers believe that he cannot be beaten; and go upon his word so securely to the combat, as they take no more knowledge of the danger; perswading themselves that he never command­eth them to fight, but that he is assured of the victory: which doth so encourage them as they fight with much the more resolution. Moreover, the enemies meeting with such a man, fight not but in fear, as being assured to be beaten. There be a thousand of ancient and modern examples of this truth. When the army of Alcibiades (even when he was absent) was beaten, the Athenians [Page 190] believed that it was with his consent. The one­ [...]y report of the arrivall of Cesar and Alexander, howsoever but with small forces, hath often­times caused the yielding of provinces and the defeat of armies. The sole reputation of Henry the fourth, who was taken notice of in the com­bat of Fontaine Francoise, arriving there the day before in post, made the Spaniards abandon Bur­gundy. I have observed the Dauphinois to have this belief, that the Constable le Desdiguires could not be beaten. But as this opinion is of great profit to a Generall of an army when he hath atteined it, so to be thought unluckie in warre is a great hindrance to him: for it is im­possible for him to assure himself on those souldiers which have such an opinion of their Commander. Therefore a Generall of an army must make it his principall aim to begin well; then not to omit any thing for the preserving of what he hath gotten: resolving rather to die gloriously in some great action then to linger out a shamefull life after that he hath committed some unmanly act. For as the profession of war is that of all others which conferreth most ho­nour upon a man which therein acquitteth him­self well, so it draweth the greatest infamy upon him that demeaneth himself ill.