GREECE, as it was ancientlie knowen by the name of Hel­las, was inclosed betwixt the Bay of Ambracia, with the riuer Arachthus, that falleth into it on the West, and the ri­uer Peneneus on the North, Strabo. l. 8. nō longè a prin­cipio. & the Sea on other parts. So that Acarnania and Thessalie, were toward the Continēt, the vtmost re­gions of Greece. But yet, not the Countreys onely contained within those limits, but also the king­domes of Macedon, and Epirus; being the next ad­ioyning prouinces ( Macedon toward the North, E­pirus toward the West) had aunciently the Greeke tongue for their vulgare language: for although it belonged originally to Hellas alone, yet in time it became vulgare to these also.

Secondly, it was the language of all the Isles in the Aegaean sea; of all those Ilands I say, that are [Page 2] betwixt Greece and Asia, both, of the many small ones, that lie between Candie and Negropont, na­med Cyclades (there are of them 53.) and of all a­boue Negropont also, as farre as the Strait of Con­stantinople.

Thirdly, of the Isles of Candie, Scarpanto, Rhodes, and a part of Cyprus, and of all the small Islands a­long the coast of Asia, from Candie to Syria.

Fourthly, not only of al the West part of Asia the lesse, (now called Anatolia, and corruptly Natolia) lying toward the Aegaean sea, as being verie thicke planted with Greeke Colonies: Sen [...]e. Cōsol. ad Helu. c. 6. Pl [...]n. l. 5. c. 29. Isocrat. in Pa­negiric. long. post. med. Lucian. in Di­alog. de Amo­rib. nō longè. ab Init. of which, some one, Miletus by name, is registred by Seneca, to haue bene the mother of 75. by Plinie, of 80. Cittyes; But on the North side also toward the Euxine sea, as farre (saith Isocrates) as Sinope, and on the South side respecting Afrique, as farre (saith Lucian) as the Chelidonian Isles, which are ouer against the cōfines of Lycia with Pamphylia. And yet although within these limits onely, Greeke was generally spoken, on the Maritime coast of Asia, yet beyond them, on both the shoares Eastward, were many Greeke Cities (though not without Barbarous Ci­ties among them.) And specially I find the North coast of Asia, euen as farre as Trebizond, to haue bin exceedingly well stored with them. But, it may be further obserued likewise out of histories, that not onely al the maritime part of Anatolia could vnder­stand and speake the Greeke tongue, but most of the inland people also, both by reason of the great traffique, which those rich Countries had for the most part with Grecians, and for that on all sides, [Page 3] the East onely excepted, they were inuironed with them. Yet neuerthelesse, it is worthy obseruing, that albeit the Greeke tongue preuailed so farre in the Regions of Anatolia, as to be in a manner gene­rall, yet for all that, it neuer became vulgar, nor ex­tinguished the vulgar languages of those Coūtries. For it is not onely particularly obserued of the Ga­latians, by Hierome, Hierō. in P [...]o­em l. [...]. com. Epist. ad Galat. Strab. l. 14. that beside the Greeke tongue, they had also their peculiar language, like that of Trier: and of the Carians by Strabo, that in their language were found many Greeke words, which doth manifestly import it to haue beene a seuerall tongue: but it is directly recorded by Lib. citato lōg. post. med. et Plin. l. 6. c. 1. Strabo, (out of Ephorus) that of sixteene seuerall nations, inhabiting that tract, onely three were Grecians, and all the rest, (whose names are there registred) barbarous; and yet are omitted the Cappadocians, Galatians, Lydians, Maeonians, Cataonians, no smal pro­uinces of that Region. Euen as it is also obserued by Plinie, and others, that the 22. languages, wher­of Mithridates king of Pontus, Plin. l. 7. c. 24. Val. Max. l. [...]. c 7 Gell. l. 17. c. 17. is remembred to haue bene so skilfull, as to speake them without an in­terpreter, were the languages of so many nations subiect to himselfe, whose dominion yet we know, to haue bene contained, for the greatest part, with­in Anatolia. And, although all these bee euident te­stimonies, that the Greeke tongue was not the vul­gar or natiue language of those parts, yet, among all none is more effectuall, then that remembrance in the second Chapter of the Acts, Act. 2.9. & 1 [...]. where diuers of those Regions, as Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, are brought in for instances of dif­fering [Page 4] languages.

Fiftly, Of the greatest part of the maritime coast of Thrace, not onely from Hellespont to Byzantium, (which was Dousa. I [...]in. Constantino­polit. pag. 24. that part of Constantinople, in the East corner of the Citie, where the Serraile of the Great Turke now standeth) but aboue it, all along to the out-lets of Danubius. And yet beyond them also; I finde many Greeke Citties to haue beene planted along that coast, Scylax Cari­mand. in Peri­ple. Iornand de Reb. Getic. c. 5 ( Scylax of Carianda is my Author with some others) as far as the Strait of Caffa, and specially in Taurica. Yea, and beyond that strait also Eastward, along all the sea coast of Cir­cassia, and Mengrelia, to the riuer of Phasis, & thence compassing to Trebizond, I finde mention of many scattered Greeke Cities: that is, (to speake briefly) in all the circumference of the Euxine Sea.

Sixtly, (from the East and North to turne to­ward the West) it was the language of al the West, and South Ilands, that lie along the coast of Greece, from Candie to Corfu, which also was one of them, and withall, of that fertile Sicilie, in which one I­land, I haue obserued in good histories, aboue 30. Greeke Colonies; to haue beene planted, and some of them goodly cities, Scrab L. 6. in medi [...]. specially Agrigentum and Syracusa, which later Strabo hath recorded to haue beene 180. furlongs, that is, of our miles 22. and ½ in circuit.

Seuenthly, Not onely of all the maritime coast of Italy, that lyeth on the Tyrrhene Sea, from the riuer Garigliano, ( Liris it was formerly called) to Leucopetra, the most Southerly point of Italie, for all that shoare being neere about 240. miles, was [Page 5] inhabited with Greeke colonies: And thence for­ward, of all that end of Italie, that lieth towards the Ionian sea, about the great baies of Squilacci and Taranto (which was so thicke set with great and goodly Citties of Grecians, that it gained the name of Magna Graecia) but, beyond that also, of a great part of Apulia, lying towards the Adria­tique sea. Neither did these maritime parts onely, but, as it seemeth the Inland people also towards that end of Italie, speake the Greeke tongue. For I haue seene a few olde coines of the Brutians, and more may be seene in Goltzius hauing Greeke in­scriptions, wherein I obserue they are named [...], Goltz. in Nu­m [...]smat. Mag­nae Greciae Tab. 24. with an ae, and two tt. and not as the Romane writers terme them, Brutij. And I haue seene one peece also of Pandosia, an inlād Citie of those parts, with the like. Neither was the vulgare vse of the Greeke tongue, vtterly extinct in some of those parts of Italie, Galat in des­criptione Cal­lipolis. till of late: for Galateus a learned man of that Country, hath left written, that when he was a boy, (and he liued about. 120. yeares agoe) they spake Greeke in Callipollis a Cittie on the East shore of the Bay of Taranto. But yet it continued in Ecclesiasticall vse in some other parts of that region of Italie much later: Bar. lib. 5. de Antiquit. Ca­labriae. for Gabriel Barrius that liued but about 40. yeares since, hath left re­corded, that the Church of Rossano (an Archiepis­copall Cittie in the vpper Calabria) retained the Greeke tongue and ceremony till his time, and then became Latine. Rocca Tract. de Dialectis in Italica li [...] ­gua. Nay, to descend yet a little neerer the present time, Angelus Rocca that writ but about 20. yeares agoe, hath obserued, that he found in [Page 6] some parts of Calabria, and Apulia, some remain­ders of the Greeke speech to be still retained.

Eightly, and Lastly, that shoare of Fraunce, that lieth towards the mediterraine sea, from Rodanus to Italie, was possessed with Grecians, for Strab. l. 4. non long. a princip. Thus­cid. l 1. Massilia was a Colonie of the Phoceans, and from it many o­ther Colonies were deriued, and Strab. loco citato. Plin. L. 3. C. 5. placed along that shore, as farre as Nicaea, in the beginning of Italie, which also was one of them.

And yet beside all these forenamed, I could recken vp verie manie other dispersed Colonies of the Greekes both in Europe, and Asia, and some in Afrique, for although I remember not, that I haue read in any history, any Colonies of the Grecians to haue beene planted in Afrique, any where from the greater Syrtis Westward, except one in Cirta, a Cittie of Numidia, placed there by Micipsa the son of Masinissa, as is mentioned in Strabo: yet thence Eastward it is certaine some were: Strab. L. 17. for the great Citties of Cyrene, and Alexandria, were both Greeke. And it is euident, not onely in Loco iam citato. Ptolō. Tab. 3. Africae. Mela. l. 1. C. 8. Strabo and Pto­lemie, but in Mela, and other Latine writers, that most of the Citties of that part carried Greeke names. And Lastly, Hierome hath directly recor­ded, that Libia, which is properly that part of Afrique adioyning to Aegypt, was full of Greeke Citties.

These were the places, where the Greeke tongue was natiuely and vulgarly spoken, Hieroni [...]. Lo­co supra cita­to. either original­ly, or by reason of Colonies. But yet for other cau­ses, it became much more large and generall. One was the loue of Philosophie, and the liberall arts, [Page 7] written in a manner onely in Greeke. Another, the exceeding great trade and traffique of Grecians, in which, aboue all nations, except perhaps the old Phenicians (to whom yet they seeme not to haue beene inferior) they imployed themselues. A third, beyond all these, because those great Prin­ces, among whom al that Alexander the Great had conquered, was diuided, were Grecians, which for manie reasons, could not but exceedingly spreade the Greeke tongue, in all those parts where they were Gouernors: among whom, euen one alone, Seleucus by name, is registred by Appian, to haue founded in the East parts vnder his gouerne­ment, Appian. L. de Bel [...]s Syriac. at least 60 Citties, al of them carrying Greeke names, or else named after his father, his wiues, or himselfe. And yet was there a fourth cause, that in the after time greatly furthered this inlargement of the Greeke tongue, namely the imployment of Grecians in the gouerment of the prouin­ces, after the translation of the Imperiall seate to Constantinople. For these causes I say, toge­ther with the mixture of Greeke Colonies, dis­persed in many places (in which fruitfulnesse of Colonies, the Grecians far passed the Romanes) the Greeke tongue spred very farre, especially towards the East. In so much, that all the Orient (which yet must be vnderstoode with limitation, namely the Orientall part of the Romane Empire, or to speake in the phrase of those times, the dioces of the Orient, which contained Syria, Palestine, Cili­cia, and part of Mesopotaneia and of Arabia) is said by Hierome, Hieror. bi­super. to haue spoken Greeke: which also Isi­dore, [Page 8] specially obserueth, in Aegypt, and Syria, to haue beene the Dorique dialect. I [...]dor. Origin. L. 9 C. 1. And this great glory, the Greeke tongue held in the Apostles time, and long after, in the Easterne parts, till by the inundation of the Saracens of Arabia, it came to ruine in those prouinces, about. 640 yeares after the birth of our Sauiour, namely, in the time of the Emperour Heraclius (the Arabians bringing in their language together with their victories, into all the regions they subdued) euen as the Latine tongue is supposed to haue perished by the inun­dation and mixture of the Gothes, and other bar­barous nations in the West.

BVt at this day, the Greeke tongue is very much decay­ed, not onely as touching the largenesse, and vulgar­nesse of it, but also in the purenesse and elegancy of the language. For as touch­ing the former, First, in Italie, Fraunce, and other places to the West, the naturall languages of the countries haue vsurped vpon it. Secondly, in the skirts of Greece it selfe, namely in Epirus, and that part of Macedon, that lieth towards the Adriatique [Page 9] sea, the Sclauonique tongue hath extinguished it. Thirdly, in Anatolia, the Turkish tongue hath for a great part suppressed it. And Lastly, in the more Eastward, and South parts, as in that part of Cili­cia, that is beyond the riuer Piramus, in Siria, Palesti­ne, Aegypt and Libia, the Arabian tongue hath abo­lished it: Abolished it I say, namely, as touching any vulgar vse, for, as touching Ecclesiasticall vse, many Christians of those parts still retaine it in their Leiturgies. So that, the parts in which the Greeke tongue is spoken at this day, are (in few words) but these. First Greece it selfe (excepting E­pirus, and the West part of Macedon.) Secondly, the Isles of the Aegaean sea. Thirdly, Candie, & the Isles Eastward of Candie, along the coast of Asia to Cyprus (although in Cyprus, diuers other langua­ges are spoken, beside the Greeke) and likewise the Isles Westward of Candia, along the Coastes of Greece, and Epirus, to Corfu. And Lastly, a good part of Anatolia.

But as I said, the Greeke tongue, is not onely thus restrained, in comparison of the ancient extention that it had, but it is also much degenerated and impaired, as touching the purenesse of speech, be­ing ouergrowne with barbarousnesse: But yet not without some rellish of the ancient elegancie. Nei­ther is it altogether so much declined from the antient Greeke, Bellon. Ob­seruat. L. 1. c. 3 Turcogroec. L. 3. & 5. as the Italian is departed from the Latine, as Bellonius hath also obserued, and by con­ferring of diuers Epistles of the present language, which you may finde in Crusius his Turcograecia, with the ancient tongue, may be put out of que­stion, [Page 10] which corruption yet, certainely hath not befallen that language, through any inundation of barbarous people, as is supposed to haue alte­red the Latine tongue, for although I know Greece to haue beene ouerrunne, & wasted, by the Gothes, yet I finde not in histories, any remembrance of their habitation, or long continuance in Greece, & of their coalition into one people with the Gre­cians, without which, I conceaue not, how the tongue could be greatly altered by them. And yet certaine it is, that long before the Turkes came a­mong them, their language was growne to the corruption wherein now it is, for that, in the wri­tings of Cedrenus, Nicetas, and some other late Greekes, (although long before the Turkes inuasi­on) there is found, notwithstanding they were learned men, a strong rellish of this barbarous­nesse: Insomuch that the learned Grecians them­selues, Ge [...]ach. in e­pist. ad Crusi­ [...]m. Turco­Grae [...]. L. 7. pag. 489. acknowledge it to bee very ancient, and are vtterly ignorant, when it began in their language: which is to me a certaine argument, that it had no violent nor sodaine beginning, by the mixture of other forrain nations among thē, but hath got­ten into their language, by the ordinarie change, which time and many common occasions that at­tend on time, are wont to bring to all languages in the world, for which reason, the corruption of speech growing vpon them, by little and little, the change hath beene vnsensible. Yet it cannot be de­nied (and [...] Zygomalos in Epist. ad Cius. Turcog. pag. some of the Grecians themselues con­fesse so much) that beside many Romane words, which from the translation of the imperiall seate [Page 11] to Constantinople, began to creepe into their lan­guage, as we may obserue in diuers Greeke writers of good antiquitie, some Italian words also, and Slauonian, and Arabique, and Turkish, and of o­ther nations, are gotten into their language, by reason of the great traffique and commerce, which those people exercise with the Grecians. For which cause, as Bellonius hath obserued, Bello [...]. Obser­uat. L. 1. C 3. it is more altered in the maritime parts, and such other places of fo­raigne concourse, then in the inner region. But yet, the greatest part of the corruption of that language, hath beene bred at home, and proceeded from no other cause, then their owne negligence, or affectation. As First, (for example) by mutila­tion of some words, pronouncing and writing [...] for [...] for [...] &c. Vide Crus. Turcograec. pag. 44.224.242.391 398.399. &c. Secondly, by compaction of seuerall words into one, as [...] for [...] for [...] &c. Thirdly, by confusion of sounde, as making no difference in the pronouncing of three vowels, namely [...], and two dipthongues [...] and [...], all which fiue they pronounce by one let­ter i, a ^s [...], they pronounce icos, i­con, stithi, lipi. Fourthly, by translation of accents, from the syllables to which in ancient pronoūcing they belonged, to others. And all those foure kindes of corruption, are very common in their language: for which reasons, and for some o­thers, which may bee obserued in Crusius, Burra­na, Burran. in Co­ron. pretiosa. &c. the Greeke tongue, is become much alte­red (euen in the proper and natiue words of the language) from what anciently it was. Yet ne­uerthelesse it is recorded by some, that haue [Page 12] taken diligent obseruation of that tongue, Gerlach. apud C [...]us. l. 7. Turcograec. pag. 489. in the seuerall parts of Greece, that there be yet in Mo­rea, (Peloponnesus) betwixt Napoli and Monembasia ( Nauplia and Epidaurus they were called) some 14 townes, the Inhabitants where are called Zacones (for Lacones) that speake yet the ancient Greeke tongue, but farre out of Grammer rule: yet, they vnderstand those that speake grammaticallie, but vnderstand not the vulgar Greeke. Bellon. Ob­seru. l. 2. c. 111. As Bellonius like­wise remembreth another place, neere Heraclea in Anatolia, that yet retaineth the pure Greeke for their vulgar language. But the few places being excep­ted, it is certaine, that the difference is become so great, betwixt the present and the ancient Greeke that their liturgie, Burdouitz. in epist. ad Chi­trae. apud Illū in Lib de Sta­tu Ecclesia [...]. pag. 47.which is yet read in the anci­ent Greeke tongue, namely that of Basil, on the Sab­baths and solemne daies, and that of Chrysostome on common daies, is not vnderstood (or but little of it) by the vulgar people, as learned men that haue beene in those parts, haue related to Vid. Chitrae. loc. citato, & Turcograec. Crusij. pag. 327. & 415. &c. others, and to my selfe: which may be also more euident­ly prooued to bee true by this, because the skil­full in the learned Greeke, cannot vnderstand the vulgar.

THe ordinary bounds of the Romane Empire were, on the East part Euphrates, and some­times Tigris: On the North the Riuers of Rhene & of Danubius, and the Euxine sea: On the West the Ocean: On the South the Cataracts of Nilus, in the vtmost border of Ae­gypt, and in Afrique the mountaine Atlas. Which, beginning in the West, on the shoare of the Ocean, ouer against the Canarie Ilands, runneth Eastward almost to Aegypt, being in few places distant from the Mediterrane sea, more then 200 miles. These I say, were the ordinary bounds of that Empire in the Continent: for, although the Romanes passed these bounds sometimes, specially toward the East and North, yet they kept little of what they wan, but within those bounds mentioned, the Empire was firmely established. But heere, in our great Isle of Britaine, the Pictes wall was the limit of it, passing by Newcastle, and Carleil, from Tinmouth on the East sea, to Solway frith on the West, being Spartian. in Hadriano & in Seuero. first begunne by the Emperour Adrian, and after finished or rather repaired, by Septimius Seuerus.

To this greatnesse of Dominion, Rome at last arriued from her small beginnings. And small her [Page 14] beginnings were indeed, considering the huge do­minion to which she attained. For first, the Cir­cuit of the Cittie wall, at the first building of it, by Romulus in Mount Palatine, could not be fully one mile: for the Hill it selfe, as is obserued by Andrea Fuluio, And▪ Fulu. l. 2. Antiq. Rom. Ca. 3. a Citizen and Antiquarie of Rome, hath no more in circuite: And, that Romulus bounded the Pomerium of the Citie (which extended somewhat beyond the wall) with the foot of that hill in com­passe Gellius hath left registred. Gell. L. 13. C. 14. Strab. L. 1. Secondly the Ter­ritorie and liberties of Rome, as Strabo hath remem­bred, extended at the first, where it stretched far­thest scarse six miles from the Citie. And thirdly, the first Inhabitants of Rome, as I finde recorded in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Dionys Hal. l. 2. Antiq. Romanar. were not in number a­boue 3300, at the most. Yet, with Time, and for­tunate successe, Vopisc. in Au­reliano, Rome so increased, that in Aurelia­nus his time, the circuit of the Citie wall, was 50. miles, as Vopiscus hath recorded: And the Domini­on, grew to the largenesse aboue mentioned, con­taining about 3000 miles in length, and about 1200 in breadth: and lastly the number of free Cittizens, euen in the time of Marius, that is long before forraine Citties and Countries, beganne to be receiued into participation of that freedome, was found to be 463000. as Eusebius hath remem­bred: Euseb. in Chronico. ad Olymp. 174. Of free Cittizens I say, (for they onely came into Cense) but if I should adde, their wiues, and Children, and seruants, that is, generally all the In­habitants, Lipsius de Magni [...]. Ro­mana. l. 3. c. 3. a learned man hath esteemed them, and not without great likelihood of truth, to haue beene no lesse, then 3. or 4. millions.

[Page 15]Beyond these bounds therefore of the Romane Empire, (to speake to the point in hand) the Roman tongue could not be in any common vse, as nei­ther, to speake of our kings dominions, in Ireland, Scotland, nor Northumberland, as being no subiects of the Romane Empire. And that within these bounds, it stretched farre and wide, (in such maner as I will afterward declare) two Principall causes there were. One was, the multitude of colonies, which partly to represse rebellion in the subdued Prouinces, partly to resist forrain inuasions, partly to reward the ancient soldiers, partly to abate the redundance of the City, & relieue the poorer sort, were sent foorth to inhabite in all the Prouinces of the Empire: Another, was the donation of Roman freedome, or Communication of the right and be­nefit of Romane Citizens, to very many of the Pro­uinciall, both Cities, and Regions. For first, all Italie obtained that freedome in the time of Sylla and Marius, Appian. l. 1. Ciuil longe ante med. at the compounding of the Italian war, as Appian hath recorded: All Italie I say, as then it was called, and bounded, with the Riuers of Rubi­con and Arnus, that is, the narrower part of Italie, lying betwixt the Adriatique and the Tyrrhene seas. Secondly Iulius Caesar in like sort infranchized the rest of Italie, that is the broder part, named then Gallia Cisalpina, as is remembred by Dion. Dion. l. 41. But not long after, the forraine Prouinces also, began to be infranchized, Fraunce being indued with the liber­tie of Roman Citizens by Galba, as I find in Tacitus; Ta cit. l. 1. Historia [...]. Plin. l. 3. ca. 3. Spaigne by Vespasian, as it is in Plinie. And at last, by Antonius Pius, all without exception, that were sub­iect [Page 16] to the Empire of Rome, as appeareth by the te­stimonie of Vlpian in the Digests. Digest. l. 1. Tit de Statu hominum Leg. In Orbe Romano. The benefite of which Romane freedome, they that would vse, could not with honestie doe it, remaining ignorant of the Romane tongue.

These two as I haue said, were the principall causes of inlarging that language: yet other there were also, of great importance, to further it. For first, concerning Ambassages, suites, appeals, or whatsoeuer other businesse of the Prouincials, or forraines, nothing was allowed to be handled, or spoken in the Senate at Rome, but in the Latine tongue. Secondly, the Lawes whereby the pro­uinces were gouerned, were all written in that lan­guage, as being in all of them, excepting onely mu­nicipall Cities, the ordinarie Roman law. Third­ly, the Digest. l. 42 Tit. de re iu­dicata. Leg. Decret. Praetors of the Prouinces, were not allow­ed to deliuer their Iudgements saue in that lan­guage: and we read in Dion Cassius, of a principall man of Greece, that by Claudius was put from the order of Iudges, Dion. l. 57. Val. Maxim. l. 2 c. 2. for being ignorant of the Latine tongue: and to the same effect in Valerius Maximus, that the Romane Magistrates would not giue audi­ence to the Grecians, (lesse therefore I take it to the Barbarous nations) saue in the Latine tongue. Fourthly the generall schooles, erected in sundry Cities of the Prouinces, wherof we finde mention in Tacitus, Tacit. l. 3. Annal. Heron. in [...]p st. ad Rusti­cum. Tom. 1. Hierome, and others (in which the Roman tongue was the ordinary and allowed speech, as is vsuall in vniuersities till this day) was no small fur­therance to that language. And, to conclude that the Romans had generally (at least in the after times, [Page 17] when Rome was become a Monarchy, and in the flourish of the Empire) great care to inlarge their tongue, together with their dominion, is by Augu­stine in his bookes de Ciuitate Dei, August. de Ciuit. De [...]. lib. 19. c. 7. specially remem­bred. I said it was so in the after times, for certain­ly, that the Romanes were not very anciently, pos­sessed with that humour of spreading their lan­guage, appeareth by Liuie, in whom we finde re­corded, that it was granted the Cumanes, Liu. Histor. Rom. l. 4 [...] for a fa­uour, and at their suite, that they might publique­ly vse the Romane tongue, not fully 140 yeares be­fore the beginning of the Emperours: And yet was Cuma but about 100 miles distant from Rome, and at that time the Romanes had conquered all Ita­lie, Sicilie, Sardinia, and a great part of Spaine.

But yet in all the Prouinces of the Empire, the Romane tongue found not alike acceptance, and successe, but most inlarged and spread it selfe to­ward the North, and West, and South bounds, for first, that in al the regions of Pannonia it was known Velleius is mine Author: Vellei. lib. 2. Strab. lib. 3. & 4. Secondly, that it was spo­ken in Fraunce and Spaine, Strabo: Thirdly, that in Afrique, Apulei in Floridis. Apuleius ▪ And it seemeth the sermons of Cyprian, and Augustine, yet extant, (of Augustine it is manifest) that they preached to the people in latin. But in the East parts of the Empire, as in Greece, and Asia, and so likewise in Afrique, from the grea­ter Syrtis Eastward, I cannot in my reading finde that the Roman tongue euer grew into any com­mon vse. And the reason of it seemes to be, for that in those parts of the Empire it became most frequent, where the most, and greatest Roman Co­lonies, [Page 18] were planted. And therefore ouer all Italy, it became in a maner vulgar, wherin I haue obserued in Histories, and in registers of ancient inscriptions, to haue beene planted by the Romanes at seuerall times aboue 150 Colonies: as in Afrique also nere 60, (namely 57) in Spaine 29. in Fraunce, as it stret­ched to Rhene 26, and so in Illyricum, and other North parts of the Empire, betweene the Adria­tique sea, and Danubius verie manie. And yet I doubt not, but in all these parts, more there were, then any historie or ancient inscription that now re­maines hath remembred.

And contrariewise in those Countries, where fewest Colonies were planted, the Latine tongue grew nothing so common: as for example heere in Britaine, there were but foure: those were Eboracum Yorke, Debuna. Chester, Is [...]a. Ca [...]rusk in Monmouth-shire, and Camalodu­num. Maldon in Essex (for London, although recorded for one by Onuphrius, Onuphr. in Imper. Rom. was none, as is manifest by his owne Tacit. l. 14. Annal. Author, in the place that himselfe alleageth) and therefore we finde in the British tongue which yet remaineth in Wales, but little rellish (to account of) or reliques of the Latine. And, for this cause al­so partly, the East prouinces of the Empire, sauou­red little or nothing of the Roman tongue. For first in Afrique beyond the greater Syrtis, I find ne­uer a Roman Colonie: for Onuphrius, Onuphr. lib. iam citato. that hath re­corded Vide Digest. l. 50. Tit. de Censibus Leg. s [...]endum. Indicia Cyrenensium for one, alleaging Vlpi­an for Author, was deceiued by some faultie Copie of the Digests. For the corrected copies haue Zer­nensium, and for Indicia, is to be read in Dacia, as is rightly obserued (for in it the Citie of Zerne was) [Page 19] by Pancirellus. Secondly in Aegypt, there were but two: Pancirell. id Comment. Notit. Imper Orien [...]alis Cap. 138▪ and to be briefe, Syria, onely excepted, which had about 20 Romane Colonies, but most of them late planted, especially by Septimius Seuerus, and his sonne Bassianus, to strengthen that side of the Em­pire against the Parthians (and yet I find not that in Syria, the Romane tongue, euer obtained any vul­gar vse) the rest, had but verie few, in proportion to the largenesse of those regions.

Of which little estimation, and vse of the Roman tongue, in the East parts, beside the want of Colo­nies forementioned, and to omit their loue to their owne languages, which they held to be more ciuill then the Roman, another great cause was the Greek, which they had in farre greater account, both, for learning sake (insomuch that Cicero confesseth, Graeca (saith he) leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus, Cicer. in [...] pro Archi [...] poeta. La­tina suis finibus, exiguis sane, continentur) and for traf­fique, to both which, the Graecians, aboue all nations of the world were anciently giuen: to omit, both the excellēcy of the tongue it self, for soūd & copi­ousnes, & that it had forestalled the Roman in those parts. And certainly, in how little regard, the Ro­mā tong was had in respect of the Greeke, in the Ea­sterne Countries, may appeare by this, that all the learned men of those parts, whereof most liued in the flourish of the Romane Empire, haue writ­ten in Greeke, and not in Latine: as Philo, Iosephus, Ignatius, Iustine Martyr, Clemens Alexandrinus, Ori­gen, Eusebius, Athanasius, Basil, Gregorie Nyssene, and Nazianzene, Cirill of Alexandria, and of Ierusalem, Epiphanius, Synetius, Ptolemie Strabo, Porphyrie, & ve­rie [Page 20] many others, so that of all the writers that liued in Asia, or in Afrique, beyond the greater Syrtis, I thinke wee haue not one Author in the Latine tongue: and yet more euidently, may it appeare by another instance, that I finde in the third gene­rall Counsell held at Ephesus, Consil. Ephe­si [...]. Tom. 2 Cap 13. Edit. Bin. where the letters of the Bishop of Rome, hauing beene read by his Le­gates, in the Latine tongue, it was requested by all the Bishops, that they might bee translated into Greeke, to the end they might be vnderstood. It is manifest therefore, that the Romane tongue was neither vulgar, nor familiar in the East, when the learned men gathered out of all parts of the East vnderstood it not.

OF the weake impression there­fore of the Romane language in the East, and large inter­tainement of it in the West, and other parts of the Em­pire, and of the causes of both, I haue said enough. But in what sort, Galat. de Situ [...] 98. and how farre it preuailed, namely, whether so farre, as to extinguish the ancient vul­gar languages of those parts, and it selfe, in stead of [Page 21] them, to become the natiue and vulgar tongue, as Galateus hath pronounced touching the Punique, V [...]r L. 3 de Trad [...]n [...] disci­pl [...]n & ad Au­gust de Cauit. Deid. 19. [...]. [...]. and Viues with many others of the Gallique, and Spanish, I am next to consider.

First therefore, it is certainely obserued, that there are at this day, foureteene mother tongues in Europe (beside the Latine) which remaine, not onely not abolished, but little or nothing altered, or impaired by the Romanes. And those are the 1 I­rish, spoken in Ireland, and a good part of Scotland: the 2 Brittish, in Wales, Cornewaile, and Brittaine of Fraunce: the 3 Cantabrian neere the Ocean, Scaligan Diatrib de ling Europ [...]. about the Pyrene, hils, both in Fraunce & Spaine: the 4 A­rabique, Merul. Cosm part. 2. L, 2. C. 8. in the steepie mountaines of Granata, na­med Alpuxarras: the 5 Finnique, Scalig. loco. citato. in Finland, and Lap­land: the 6 Dutch, in Germanie, Belgia, Denmarke, Nor­wey, and Suedia: the old 7 Cauchian, (I take it to be that, for in that part the Cauchi inhabited) in East Frisland, for Ortel. in Tab. Fris. O­riental. although to straungers they speake Dutch, yet among themselues they vse a peculiar language of their owne: the 8 Slauonish, in Polonia, Bohemia, Moscouia, Russia, and many other regions, (wherof I will after intreate in due place) although with notable difference of dialect, as also the Brit­tish, and Dutch, in the countries mentioned haue: the old 9 Illyrian, in the Isle of Veggia, on the East side of Istria in the day of Liburnia: the 10 Greeke, in Greece, and the Islands about it, and part of Ma­cedon, and of Thrace: the old 11 Epirotique Scalig. loco citato. in the mountaine of Epirus: the 12 Hungarian in the grea­test part of that kingdome: the 13 Iazygian, Bert. in De­script. Hun­gar. in the North side of Hungaria betwixt Danubius & Tibiscus, [Page 22] vtterly differing from the Hungarian language: And lastly, the 14 Tarturian, of the Precopenses, be­tweene the Riuers of Tanais and Borysthenes, neere Maeotis and the Euxine sea, for, of the English, Italian, Spanish, and French, as being deriuations, or rather degenerations, the first of the Dutch, and the other three of the Latine, seeing I now speake onely of originall or mother languages, I must bee silent: And of all these foureteene it is certaine, except the Arabique, which is known to haue entred since, and perhaps the Hungarian, about which there is difference among Antiquaries, that they were in Europe in time of the Romane Empire, and sixe or seuen of them, within the Limites of the Em­pire.

And indeede, how hard a matter it is, vtterly to abolish a vulgar language, in a populous country, where the Conquerers are in number farre inferi­our to the natiue inhabitants, whatsoeuer art bee practized to bring it about, may well appeare by the vaine attempt of our Norman Conquerour: who although he compelled the English, to teach their young children in the Schooles nothing but French, and set downe all the Lawes of the Land in French, and inforced all pleadings at the Law to be performed in that language (which custome con­tinued till King Edward the third his daies, who disanulled it) purposing thereby to haue conque­red the language together with the land, and to haue made all French: yet, the number of English farre exceeding the Normans, all was but labour lost, and obtained no further effect, then the ming­ling [Page 23] of a few French words with the English. And e­uen such also was the successe of the Franks among the Gaules, of the Gothes among the Italians and Spanyards, and may be obserued, to be short in all such conquests, where the Conquerors (being yet in number farre inferiour) mingle themselues with the natiue inhabitants. So that, in those Coū ­tries onely the mutation of languages hath ensu­ed vpon conquests, where either the ancient inha­bitants haue beene destroyed or driuen forth, as wee see in our Country to haue followed of the Saxons victories, against the Brittains, or else at least in such sort diminished, that in number they re­mained inferior, or but little superior to the Con­querors, whose reputation and authority might preuaile more then a small excesse of multitude. But (that I digresse no further) because certaine Countries are specially alleaged, in which the Ro­maine tongue is supposed most to haue preuailed, I will restraine my discourse to them alone.

And First, that both the Punique and Gallique tongues, remained in the time of Alexander Seue­rus the Emperour (about 230 yeares after our Sa­uiours birth) appeareth by Vlpian, who liued at that time, and was with the Emperour of princi­pall reputation, teaching, that Digest. l. 32. lege. Fidei commissa. Fidei commissa might be left, not onely in Latine, or Greeke, but in the Punique or Gallique, or any other vulgar lan­guage. Till that time therefore, it seemeth euident, that the Romane tongue had not swallowed vp these vulgar languages, and it selfe become vul­gar in stead of them. But to insist a little in either [Page 24] seuerally. First, touching the Punique, Aurelius, Victor hath recorded of Septimius Seuerus, Aur. Victor in Epitom. Sep [...]m. Seuer. that he was, Latinis literis sufficienter instructus, but Punica eloquentia promptior, quippe genitus apud Leptim pro­uintiae Africae. Of which Emperors sister also, dwelling at Leptis (it is the Cittie we now call Tri­polie in Barbarie) and comming to see him, Spartian▪ in Seuero. post m [...]d. Sparti­anus hath left written, that she so badly spake the Latine tongue, (yet was Antonin in Itinerario. Hieron. in Proem. l. 2. Com. Epist. ad Galat [...]n fine. Leptis a Roman Colonie) that the Emperour blushed at it. Secondly long after that, Hierome hath recorded of his time, that the Africans had somewhat altered their lan­uage, from the Phaenicians: the language there­fore then remained, for else how could he pro­nounce of the present difference? Thirdly, Augu­stine (somewhat yonger then Hierom, though liuing at the same time) writeth, not onely, that August. de C [...]u. Dei. L. 16. C. 6. hee knew diuerse nations in Afrique, that spake the Punique tongue, but also more particularly in Id. Serm. 25. de verb. Apost an­other place, mentioning a knowne Punique pro­uerb, he would speake it (he said) in the Latine, because all his auditors (for Hippo where he preach­ed was a Roman Colonie) vnderstood not the Pu­nique tongue: And some Id. Expos. in Chrat. epist ad Roman. other passages could I alleage out of Augustine, for the direct confirmati­on of this point, if these were not euident and effectuall enough. Lastly, Leo Africanus, Leo 1. Africa, Lt. descript. Africae. cap. de Ling. Africa­nis. a man of late time, and good reputation, affirmeth that there remaine yet in Barbarie, very many, descen­ded of the old inhabitants, that speake the African tongue, whereby it is apparent, that it was neuer extinguished by the Romanes.

[Page 25]Secondly, touching the ancient Gallique tongue, that it also remained, and was not abolished by the Romane in the time of Strabo, who flourished vnder Tiberius Caesars gouernment, it appeareth in the fourth booke of his Geographie, S [...]rab. l 4. [...] princip. writing that the Aquitani differed altogether in language from the other Gaules, and they somewhat among them­selues. Nor after that in Tacitus his time, Tacit. in [...] Agricola. noting that the language of Fraunce, differed little from that of Brittaine. No, nor long after that, in Alex­ander Seuerus his time, for beside the authority of Vlpian before alleaged out of the Digestes, it is mani­fest by Lampridius also, Lamprid. in Alexand. Se­uero, longe post med. who in the life of the said Alexander, remembreth of a Druide woman, that when hee was passing along, in his expedition a­gainst the Germaines, through Fraunce, cried out af­ter him in the Gallique tong (what needed that ob­seruation of the Gallique tongue, if it were the Ro­mane?) goe thy way (quoth she) and looke not for the victory, Strab. l. 4. l [...]ante med. & trust not thy souldiers. And though Strabo he alleadged by some, to prooue the vul­garnesse of the Latine tongue in Fraunce, yet is it manifest, that he speaketh nof of all the Gaules, but of certaine onely, in the prouince of Narbona, about Rhodanus, for which part of Fraunce, there was speciall reason, both for the more auncient and ordinarie conuersing of the Romanes, in that regi­on aboue all the rest: for of all the seuenteene pro­uinces of Fraunce, that of Narbona was first redu­ced into the forme of a Prouince: And the Cittie of Narbona it selfe, being a Mart town of exceeding traffique in those daies, was the Vel. Pa [...]cul l. [...]. first foraine Co­lonie, [Page 26] that the Romanes planted out of Italie, Car­thage onely excepted: And yet furthermore, as Plinie hath recorded, many townes there were in that prouince, Plin. l. 3. c. 4. infranchized, and indued with the libertie and right of the Latins. And yet for all this, Strabo saith not, that the Romane tongue was the n [...]iue or vulgar language in that part, but that for the more part they spake it.

Thirdly, concerning the Spanish tongue: How­soeuer Viues writ, that the languages of Fraunce and Spaine were vtterly extinguished by the Romanes, and that the Latine was become Vid. Annot. ad August. de. [...] De [...]. l. 19. c. 7. Vernacula Hispa­ni [...], as also Galliae & Italiae; and [...]d l. 3. de tra­dend. Dis [...]p. some others, of the same nation vaunt, that had not the barbarous nations corrupted it, the Latine tongue would haue beene at this day, as pure in Spaine, as it was in Rome it selfe in Tullies time: yet neuerthelesse, ma­nifest it is, that the Spanish tongue was neuer vtter­ly suppressed by the Latine. For to omit that of Strabo, Marm. S [...]l. de Reb. His­paniaed. 5. c. 4. that there were diuerse languages in the parts of Spaine, as also in Strab. l. 3. paul. a princi­pio. Id l. 4. in prin­cip. another place, that the speech of Aquitaine was liker the language of the Spaniards, then of the other Gaules: It is a com­mon consent of the best Historians, and Antiqua­ries of Spaine, Marian de Reb. Hispan. l. 1. c. 5. Marm [...]punc; S [...]cul. de reb. Hispan l 4 c [...]l [...]m. & Al [...]b. that the Cantabrian tongue, which yet remaineth in the North part of Spaine (and hath no rellish in a manner at all of the Roman) was either the ancient, or at least one of the ancient languages, of Spaine. And although Strab. l. 3. c. 1 Strabo hath recorded, that the Romane tongue was spoken in Spaine, yet he speaketh not indefinitely, but addeth a limitation, namely, about Baetis. And that in that [Page 27] part of Spaine, the Romane tongue so preuailed, the reason is easie to be assigned, by that we finde in Plinie. Plin. 3. c. [...]. Ve [...] [...] l. 2. Namely, that in Baetica, were eight Roman Colonies, eight Municipall Citties, and 29 o­thers indued with the right and libertie of the Latines.

Lastly, to speake of the Pannonian tongue, ( Pan­nonia contained Hungarie, Austria, Stiria, and Ca­rinthia) it is certaine, that the Romane did not ex­tinguish it: For first, Patercu [...]us (who is the onely author that I know alleadged for that purpose) saith not, that it was become the language of the Country, for how could it, being but euen then newly conquered by Tiberius Caesar? but onely, that in the time of Augustus, by Tiberius his meanes the knowledge of the Roman tongue was spred in all Pannonia. And Secondly, Tacitus after Tiberius his time, Ta [...] d [...]o­ [...]i [...], Germ. prope fin. hath recorded, that the Osi in Germanie, might be knowne to be no Germanes, by the Panno­nian tongue, which Lib. cod. [...] ­ruma med. a little before in the same booke, he plainely acknowledged to be spoken e­uen then in Pannonia.

And as for these reasons it may well seeme that the Roman tongue became not the vulgar language in any of these parts of the Empire, which yet are specially instanced, for the large vulgarity of it So haue I other reasons to perswade mee, that it was not in those parts, nor in any other forraine Countries subiect to the Empire, either generally or perfectly spoken. Not generally (I say) because it is hard to conceaue, that any whole Countries, specially because so large as the mentioned are, [Page 28] should generally speake two languages, their owne natiue and the Romane. Secondly, there was not a­nie law at all of the Romanes, to inforce the subdu­ed nations, either to vse vulgarly the Roman tongue, or not to vse their owne natiue languages (and very extreame and vnreasonable, had such Lords bene, as should compell men by lawes, both to do, and to speak, only what pleased them.) Neither doe I see any other necessitie, or any prouocation, to bring them to it, except for some speciall sorts of men, as Merchants, and Cittizens, for their better traffique and trade, Lawyers for the knowledge and practise of the Roman Lawes, which carried force through­out the Empire (except priuiledged places) scholers for learning, souldiers, for their better con­uersing with the Romane Legions, and with the La­tines, Trauailers, Gentlemen, Officers, or such o­ther, as might haue occasion of affaires and dea­ling with the Romans. But it soundeth altogether vnlike a truth, that the poore scattered people, a­broade in the Country, dwelling either in solitarie places, or in the small townes, and villages, either generally spake it, or could possibly attaine vnto it. An example wherof, for the better euidence, may at this day be noted; in those parts of Greece, which are subiect to the dominions of the Turks and Vene­tians: for as Bellonius hath obserued, the people that dwell in the principall townes, Bellon. Obs [...]runt. l. 1. c. 4. and Cities, subiect to the Turke, by reason of their trade, speake both the Greeke and Turkish tongues, as they also that are vnder the Venetians, both the Greeke and Italian, but the Country people vnder both gouernments, [Page 29] speake onely Greeke. So likewise in Sardinia, as is recorded by G [...]sner. in Mithrid [...]ts. in Lingua Sardi [...] & Rocca de Di­alect in L [...]ng. Sard [...]. others, the good townes by reason of the Spanish gouernment and trade, speake also the Spanish tongue, but the Country people the naturall Sardinian language onely: And, the like by our owne experience, we know to be true, in the Prouinces subiect to our King, namelie both in Wales and Ireland. It seemeth therefore that the Ro­man tongue was neuer generally spoken in any of the Roman Prouinces forth of Italie.

And certainely much lesse can I perswade my selfe, Porcac [...]. l. dello Isole [...]d described Sar­digna. that it was spoken abroad in the Prouinces perfectly. First, because it seemes vnpossible for forraine nations, speciallie for the rude & common people, to attaine the right pronouncing of it, who as we know doe ordinarily much mistake the true pronouncing of their natiue language: for which very cause, we see the Chaldee tongue, to haue de­generated into the Syriaque among the Iewes, al­though they had conuersed 70 yeares together a­mong the Chaldeans. And moreouer, by daily ex­perience we see in many, with what labour and dif­ficultie, euen in the very schooles, and in the most docible part of their age, Vide August. in Enarrat. Psalm. 123. & 138. & l. [...]. de doctrin. Chris. c. 13. & Tract. 7. in Ioan. the right speaking of the Latine tongue is attained. And to conclude, it ap­peareth by Augustine in sundry places, that the Ro­man tongue was vnperfect among the Africans, (e­uen in the Colonies) as pronouncing ossum for os, floriet for florebit, dolus for dolor, and such like, inso­much that he confesseth, he was faine sometimes to vse words that were no Latine, to the end they might vnderstand him.

THe common opinion, which supposeth that these Nations in the flourish of the Romane Empire, spake vulgarly and rightly the Latine tongue, is, that the mixture of the Nor­therne barbarous nations a­mong the ancient Inhabitants, was the cause of changing the Latine tongue, into the languages which now they speak, the languages becomming mingled, as the nations themselues were. Who, while they were inforced to attemper and frame their speech, one to the vnderstanding of another, for else they could not mutually expresse their mindes (which is the end for which nature hath giuen speech to men) they degenerated both, and so came to this medly wherein now we finde them.

Which opinion if it were true, the Italian tongue must of necessitie haue it beginning about the 480 yeare of our Sauiour: Because, at that time, the Barbarous nations began first to inhabite Italie, vnder Odoacer, for although they had entred and wasted Italie long before, as first, the Gothes vn­der Alaricus, about the yeare 414: Then the Hunnes together with the Gothes, and the Herula, and the Gepidi, and other Northerne people [Page 31] vnder Attila, about An. 450, Then, the Wandales vnder Gensericus, crossing the sea out of Afrique about An. 456. (to omit some other inuations of those barbarous nations, because they prospered not) yet none of these, setled themselues to stay and inhabite Italie, till the Heruli as I sayd vnder Odoa­cer, about An. 480 on a little before, entred and pos­sessed it neere hand 20 yeares, He being (proclay­med by the Romans themselues) King of Italie, a­bout 16 yeares, and his people becomming inha­biters of the Country. But, they also, within 20 yeares after their entrance, were in a maner rooted out of Italie, by Theodoricus King of Gothes, who al­lotted them onely a part of Piemont aboue Turin to inhabite: for Theodoricus being by Zeno then Em­perour, inuested with the title of King of Italie, and hauing ouercome Odoacer, somewhat afore the yeare 500, ruled peaceably a long time, as King of Italie, and certaine others of the Gothes nation suc­ceeded after him in the same gouernement, the Go­thes in the meane space, growing into one with the Italians, for the space neere hand of 60. yeares togi­ther. And although after that, the dominion of I­talie, was by Narses againe recouered to the Em­pire, in the time of Iustinian, and many of the Gothes expelled Italie, yet farre more of them remained, Italie in that long time, being growen well with their seed and posteritie. The Heruli therefore, with their associats were the first, and the Gothes the se­cond, of the barbarous nations, that inhabited Ita­lie. The third and the last, were the Langbards, who comming into Italie about the yeare 570, and [Page 32] long time obtaining the dominion, and possession, in a maner of all Italie, namely about 200 yeares, and during the succession of 20 Kings or more, were neuer expelled forth of Italie, although at last their dominion was sore broken by Pipin King of Fraunce, and after, more defaced, by his sonne Charles the great, who first restrained and confined it, to that part, which to this day, of them retay­neth the name of Lombardie, and shortly after vt­terly extinguished it, carrying away their last King captiue into Fraunce. Now although diuers Blond in Ital. Illustrata in Marchia Triuisana. anti­quaries of Italie there be, which referre the begin­ning of the Italian tongue, and the change of the Latine into it, to these third inhabitants of Italie the Langbards, Tinto della Nobilta. diue­rona. l. 2. ca. 2. & alij. by reason of their long and perfect coalition into one with the Italian people: yet cer­tainly, the Italian tongue was more ancient then so, for besides that there remains yet to be seen (as mē Lips. de Pro­nuntiat Ling. lat. cap. 3. & Merul. par. 2. Cosmogr. l. 4. c. 18. worthie of credit report) in the K. of Fraunce his Librarie at Paris, an Instrument written in the Ita­lian tongue, in the time of Iustinian the first, which was before the comming of the Langbards into Ita­lie: another euidence more vulgar, to this effect, is to be found in Paulus Diaconus his miscellane histo­ry: Paul Diacon. hist. Miscel. l. 17. longe ante med. where we read, that in the Emperour Mauritius his time, about the yeare 590, when the Langbards had indeed entred, and wasted Gallia Cisalpina, but had not inuaded the Roman dition in Italie, that by the acclamation of the word Torna, Torna, (plaine Italian) which a Roman souldier spake to one of his fellowes afore, whose beast had ouerturned his burthen) the whole armie (marching in the darke) [Page 33] began to crie out, torna, torna, and so fell to flying away.

But the French tongue, if that afore mentioned were the cause of it, began a little before, in the time of Valentinian the 3, when in a maner, all the West part of the Empire fell away, (and among the rest, our Country of England, being first forsa­ken of the Romans themselues, by reason of grie­uous warres at their owne doores, and not long af­ter, conquered and possessed by the Saxons, whose posteritie for the most part we are) namely, about the yeare 450: Fraunce being then subdued, and peaceably possessed, by the Franks and Burgundions nations of Germanie: the Burgundions occupying the Eastward and outward parts of it, toward the riuer of Rhene, and the Franks all the inner region. For although Fraunce before that had beene inua­ded by the Wandali, Sueui, and Alani, and after by the Gothes, who hauing obtained Aquitayn for their seate and habitation, by the grant of the Emperor Honorius, expelled the former into Spaine about An. 410: yet notwithstanding, till the Conquest made by the Franks and Burgundions, it was not ge­nerally, nor for any long time mingled with stran­gers, which after that Conquest beganne to spread ouer Fraunce, and to become natiue Inhabitants of the Country.

But of all, the Spanish tongue for this cause, must necessarilie be most ancient: for the Wandali & A­lani, being expelled Fraunce, about the yeare 410, began then to inuade and to inhabite Spaine which they held & possessed many yeares, till the Gothes [Page 34] being expelled by the Franks and Burgundians, out of France into Spaine, expelled them out of Spaine into Afrique (the Barbarous nations thus like nailes driuing out one another) and not onely them, but with them all the remnants of the Roman garrisons, and gouernment, and so becomming the entier Lords and quiet possessours of all the Country, from whom also the Kings of Spaine that now are, be descended. Notwithstanding, euen they also, within lesse then 300 yeares after, were driuen by the Saracens of Afrique into the northerne and mountainous parts of Spaine, namely Asturia, Bi­scay, and Guipuscoa, till after a long course of time, by little and little they recouered it, out of their hands againe, which was at last fully accomplished by Ferdinand not past 120 yeares ago, there hauing passed in the meane time, from the Mores first en­trance of Spaine at Gibraltar, till their laft possession in Granada, about 770 yeares.

Whereby you may see also, when the Romane tongue began to degenerate in Afrique, (if that also, as is supposed spake vulgarly the Latine tongue and if the mixture of barbarous people were cause of the decay, & corruption of it) name­ly, about the yeare 430, for about that time, the Wandali and Alani, partly wearied with the Gottish warre in Spaine, and partly inuited by the Gouer­nour Bonifacius, entred Afrique, vnder the leading of Gensericus, a part whereof for a time, they held quietly, for the Emperour Valentinianus guift: But shortly after, in the same Emperours time, when all the West Prouinces in a maner fell vtterly away [Page 35] from the Empire, they also tooke Carthage; and all the Pronince about it, from the Romanes. And al­though the dominion of Afrique was regained by Bellisarius to the Empire almost 100 yeares after, in Iustinians time, yet in the time of the Emperour Leontius, (almost 700 yeares after our Sauiours birth) it was lost againe, being anew conquered, and possessed by the Sarracens of Arabia (and to this day remaineth in their hands) bringing toge­ther with their victories, the language also, and re­ligion, ( Mahumetanisme) into all that coast of A­frique, euen from Aegypt to the Strait of Gibraltar, aboue 2000 miles in length.

About which time also, namely during the go­uernment of Valentinian the 3. Bulgaria, Seruia, Bo­scina, Hungarie, Austria, Stiria, Carinthia, Bauaria and Sueuia (that is, all the North-border of the Empire, along the riuer Danubius) and some part of Thrace, was spoiled and possessed by the Hunnes, who yet principally planted themselues in the Lower Pan­nonia, whence it obtained the name of Hungarie.

Out of which discourse you may obserue these two points. First, what the Countries were, in which those wandring and warring nations af­ter many transmigrations from place to place, fix­ed at last their finall residence and habitation. Namely the Hunnes in Pannonia, the Wandales in A­frique, the East Gothes and Langbards in Italie the West Gothes in Aquitaine and Spaine, which being both originally but one Nation, gained these names of East and West Gothes, from the position of these Countries which they conquered and in­habited, [Page 36] the other barbarous nations of obscurer names, being partly consumed with the warre, and partly passing into the more famous appellations. And Secondly, you may obserue, that the maine dissolution of the Empire, especially in Europe and Afrique, fell in the time of Valentinian the third a­bout the yeare 450. being caused by the barba­rous nations of the North (as after did the like dis­solution of the same Empire in Asia, by the Arabians in the time of Heraclius about the yeare 640) and together with the ruine of the Empire in the West by the inundation of the foresaid barbarous Nati­tions, the Latine tongue in all the Countries where it was vulgarly spoken (if it were rightly spoken any where in the West) became corrupted.

Wherefore if the Spanish, French and Italian tongues, proceeded from this cause, as a great number of learned men, suppose they did, you see what the antiquity of them is; But to deliuer plain­ly my opinion, hauing searched as farre as I could, into the originals of those languages, and hauing pondered what in my reading, and in my reason I found touching them, I am of another minde (as some learned men also are) namely, that all those tongues are more auncient, and haue not sprung from the corruption of the Latine tongue, by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in these prouinces, but from the first vnperfect impres­sion and receauing of it, in those forraine Coun­tries. Which vnperfectnesse notwithstāding of the Roman tongue in those parts, although it had, as I take it beginning from this euill framing of forraine [Page 37] tongues, to the right pronouncing of the Latine, yet I withall easily beleeue, and acknowledge, that it was greatly increased, by the mixture and coalition of the barbarous Nations. So that me thinkes, I haue obserued three degrees of corruption in the Roman tongue, by the degene­rating whereof, these languages are supposed to haue receaued their beginning. The first of them, was in Rome it selfe, where, towards the latter end of the Common wealth, and after, in the time of the Empire, the infinite multitude of seruants (which exceedingly exceeded the number of free borne Citizens) together with the vnspeakeable confluence of straungers, from all prouinces, did much impaire the purenesse of their language, and as Isidore hath obserued brought manie barbaris­mes and solaecismes into it. Insomuch, that Tertul­lian in his time, Isidor. Origin. l. 9. c. 1. Tertul. in A­pologet. adu. Gentes cap. 6. when as yet none of the barbarous nations had by inuasion touched Italie (for he liu­ed vnder Septimius Seuerus gouernment) chargeth the Romanes to haue renounced the language of their fathers. The Second steppe, was the vnper­fect impression (that I touched before) made of the Romane tongue abroad in the forraine prouin­ces among straungers, whose tongues could not perfectly frame to speake it aright. And certainely, if the Italians themselues, as is remembred by Ci­cero failed of the right and perfect Romane pro­nounciation, Cicer. l. 3 de Oratore. I see not how the tongues of strange Nations, such as the Gaules and Spanyards were, should exactly vtter it. And the Third, was that mixture of manie barbarous people (to which o­thers [Page 38] attribute the beginning of the languages in question) which made the Latine, that was before vnperfect, yet more corrupt then they found it, both for words and for pronouncing: So that, I rather thinke the barbarous people to haue beene a cause of increasing the corruption, and of further alte­ration and departure of those languages from the Romane, then of beginning them. And me thinkes I haue very good reasons so to bee perswaded bee­side all the arguments abou [...] mentioned, which I produced, both for the remaining of the vulgar languages and for the vnperfect speaking of the Ro­mane tongue in the prouinces. First, because the Gothes Wandales, Langbards, as also the Franks and Bargundions language was, by the consent of Irenic. Exeg. German. l. 1. ca. 31. Lacing. l. 10. de Migration. Gent. Gorop. Ori­gin. Antwerp. l. 7. Gesner. in Mithridate. Rhenan. l. 2. Rer. German. Leunclau. in Pandect. Tur­ [...]e. §. 71. et Al [...] multi. lear­ned men, the Germane tongue, which hath but small affinitie or agreement, with either the Italian, French or Spanish tongues. Secondly, because a­mong all the auncient writers (and they are many) which haue written of the miserable changes, made in these West parts of the world, by those infinite swarmes of barbarous people, I finde not one, that mentioneth the change of any of these languages to haue beene caused by them: which me thinkes some auncient writers among so many learned, as those times, and those very Countries, abounded withall, and whose writings yet remaine, would certainely haue recorded. But though wee finde mention in soundrie auncient writers, of changing these languages into the Romane (whom yet I vn­derstand of that vnperfect change before touched) yet nothing is found of any rechanging of those [Page 39] languages from the Romane, into the state where­in now they are. But it is become a question onely of some late searchers of Antiquitie, but of such, as determine in this point, without either sound rea­son or good countenance of Antiquitie.

THese reasons perhaps (ioyned with the other aboue alleaged whereby I endeauoured to prooue that the latine tongue perfectly spoken, was neuer the vulgar language of the Ro­mane prouinces) may per­swade you as they haue done mee, that the barba­rous nations of the north, were not the first cor­rupters of the latine tongue, in the prouinces sub­iect to Rome, nor the beginners of the Italian, French and Spanish tongues: yet some difficulties I finde (I confesse) in writers touching these points, which when I haue resolued my opinion will ap­peare the more credible.

One is out of Plutarch in his Platonique questi­ons, Plutarch. in quest. platonic. quaest. 9. affirming that in his time all men in a manner spake the latin tongue.

Another before touched that Strabo recordeth [Page 40] the Romane tongue to haue bene spoken in Spaine and France, Strab. l. 3. & 4. Apul in Flori­dis. and Apuleius in Africke, which also may appeare by sundry places in Augustine, whose sermons seeme (as Cyprians also) to haue bin made to the people in that language.

A third, how it falleth if these vulgar tongues of adulterate latin be so ancient, that nothing is found written in any of them of any great antiquity?

A fourth, how in Rome and Latium, where the Latine tongue was out of question, natiue, the la­tin could so degenerate, as at this day is found in the Italian tongue, except by some forraine corrup­tion?

To the first of these I answere, either that as Di­uines are wont to interpret many generall propo­sitions, Plutarch is to be vnderstood de generibus sin­gulorum, not de singulis generum: So that the latine tongue was spoken almost in euery nation, but not of euery one in any forraine nation: Or else, that they spake the latine indeed, but yet vnperfectly and corruptly, as their tongues would frame to vtter it.

To the second I answere: first, that Strabo spea­keth not generally of France or Spaine, but with li­mitation to certaine parts of both, the Prouince of Narbon in France, and the tract about Boetis in Spaine. Secondly, that although they speake it, yet it followeth not, that they speake it perfectly and aright, (except perhaps in the Colonies) so that I wil not deny but it might be spoken abroad in the Prouinces, yet I say it was spoken corruptly, accor­ding as the peoples tongues would fashion to it, [Page 41] namely in such sort, that although the matter and body of the words, were for the most part latine, yet the forme and sound of them varied from the right pronouncing: which speech notwithstan­ding was named Latin, partly for the reason now touched, and partly, because they learned it from the Romanes or Latines, as the Spaniards call their language Romance till this day, which yet we know to differ much from the right Romane tongue: Nithard. d [...] dissens filio [...] Ludon. P [...] l. and as Nithardus (nephew to Charles the great) in his history of the dissension of the sonnes of Ludo­uicus Pius, calleth the French then vsuall (whereof he setteth downe examples,) the Roman tongue, which yet hath no more agreement with the latin then the French hath that is now in vse. Thirdly, to the obiection of Cyprians and Augustines prea­ching in latine, Antonin. in I­tinerario, Plin. Iun. in Epist. l. 8. ad Ca [...] I answere that both Plin. Sec. Hi­stor. nat. l. 5. c. 4. Hippo, wherof Augustine was Bishop, and Velleius. l. 1. Appian. l. de Bel. Punicis is fine. Carthage, wherof Cy­prian was Archbishop, were Romane Colonies, consisting for the most part of the progenie of Ro­manes, for which sort of Citties, there was speciall reason. Although neither in the Colonies them­selues (as it seemeth) the Romane tong was alto­gether vncorrupt, both for that which I alleadged before out of Spartianus of Seuerus his sister dwel­ling at Leptis, and for that which I remembred out of Augustine for Hippo, where they spake Enar [...]. Psal. 138. Ossum & [...]. 2. de doc. Christ c. 13. Floriet, and Tract. 7. [...] Ioannem. Dolus, for Os and Florehit and dolor, (& yet were both Leptis & Hippo Romane Colo­nies): And yet it appeareth further by Augustine, that in their translations of the Scriptures, and in the Psalms sung in their Churches, they had these [Page 42] corruptions, where yet (as it is like) their most cor­rupt and vulgar latine had not place.

To the third I answere, that two reasons of it may be assigned: One, that learned men would ra­ther write, in the learned and grammaticall, then in the vulgar and prouinciall latine. Another, that the workes of vnlearned men would hardly conti­nue till our times, seeing euen of the learned anciēt writings, but few of infinite, haue remained. Fur­thermore it is obserued of the Germane tongue, by Tschudas and of the French by Genebrard, Tschud. Des. [...]pt Alpinae cap. 36. Genebr. l. 4. Chron. Secul. 11. that it is very little aboue 400. yeares, since bookes began to be written in both those languages, and yet it is out of all doubt, that the tongues are much anci­enter.

To the fourth I say, that there is no language, which of ordinary course is not subiect to change, although there were no forraine occasion at all: which the very fancies of men, weary of old words (as of old things) is able enough to worke, which may be wel proued by obseruations and instances of former changes, in this very tongue (the latine) whereof I now dispute. Quint [...]. Iust Orator. l. 1. ca. 6. For Quintilian recordeth, that the verses of the Salij which were saide to bee composed by Numa could hardly bee vnderstood of their Priests, in the latter time of the common wealth, Fest. in Dictiō. Latine loqui. for the absolutenesse of the speech And Fe­stus in his booke de verborum significatione, who li­ued in Augustus Caesars time, hath left in obseruati­on, that the Latine speech, which (saith he) is so na­med of Latium, was then in such manner changed, that scarslie any part of it remained in knowledge. [Page 43] The lawes also of the Romane Kings and of the Decemuiri, Fulu. Visin not. ad Anton. August. de L [...] ­g [...]h. et Sen [...] ­tusconsult (called the Lawes of the twelue Tables) collected and published in their owne wordes by Fuluius Vrsinus are no lesse euident testimonies, if they be compared with the later latin, of the great alteration of that language.

Furthermore, Polyb. l. 3. Polybius hath also recorded, that the articles of league, betwixt the people of Rome & of Carthage, made presently after the expulsion of the Kings from Rome, could very hardly in his time be vnderstood, by reason of the old forsaken words, by any of the best skilled antiquaries in Rome. In which time notwithstanding, they re­ceiued very few strangers into their Cittie, which mixture might cause such alteration, and the dif­ference of time was but about 350. yeares. And yet to adde one instance more, of a shorter reuolu­tion of time, and a cleerer euidence of the change, that the Roman tongue was subiect to, and that, when no forraine cause thereof can bee alleadged: There remaineth at this day (as it is certainly Vid. Paul. Merul. Cosin. par. 2. l. [...]. c. 18 et. Celsu. C [...] ­tad. in Tract [...] de Orig. ling. Vulgaris. Ital Cap. 7. &c. re­corded) in the Capitoll at Rome, though much defaced by the iniury of time, a piller (they call it Columnam rostratam, that is, decked with beakes of ships) dedicated to the memory of Duillius a Ro­man Consull, vpon a nauale victory obtained a­gaing the Carthaginians, in the first punicke war, not past 150. yeares before Ciceroes time, when the Roman tongue ascended to the highest flourish of Elegancie, that euer it obtained: And thus the words of the Pillar are, (those that may be read) as I find thē obserued, with the later latine vnder thē. [Page 44] Exemet. Leciones. Macistratos. Castreis. Exfociont. Exemit. Legiones. Magistratus. Castris. Effugiunt. Pucnandod. Cepet. En (que). Nauebos. Marid. Consol. Pugnando. Cepit. In (que). Nauibus. Mari. Consul. Primos. Ornauet. Nauebous. Claseis. Paenicas. Sumas. Primus. Ornauit. Nauibus. Classes. Punicas. Summas. Cartaciniensis. Dictatored. Altod. Socieis. Triresmos. Carthaginiensis. Dictatore. Alto. Socijs. Triremes. Naueis. Captom. Numei. Naualed. Praedad. Poplo, &c. Naues. Captum. Nummi. Nauali. Praeda. Populo, &c.

Where you see in many words, e for i, c. for g, o for u, and somtime for e, and d, superfluously added to the end of many words. But (to let forrain toungs passe) of the great alteration that time is wont to worke in languages, our owne tongue may afford vs examples euident enough: wherein since the times neere after, and about the Conquest, the change hath beene so great, as I my selfe haue seen some euidences made in the time of King Henrie the first, whereof I was able to vnderstand but few words. To which purpose also, a certaine remem­brance is to bee found in Holinsheds Chronicle, in the end of the Conquerours raigne, in a Charter giuen by him to the Citie of London.

BVt if the discourse of these points of Antiquitie, in hand­ling whereof I haue declared, that while the Roman Empire flourished, it neuer abolished the vulgar languages, in Fraunce, or Spaine or Afrique, howsoeuer in Italie. If that discourse I say, mooue in you perhaps a desire, to know what the ancient vulgar languages of these parts were: I will also in that point, out of my reading and search into An­tiquitie, giue you the best satisfaction that I can.

And first for Italie: Certaine it is, that many were the ancient tongues in the seuerall Prouinces of it, tongues I say, not dialects, for they were ma­ny more. In Apulia, the Mesapian tongue: In Tusca­nie and Vmbria, the Hetruscan, both of them vtterly perished: Inscript. ver. pag. 143.144.145.146. Yet in the booke of ancient Inscriptions, set forth by Gruter, and Scaliger, there be some few monuments registred of these languages, but not vnderstood now of any man. In Calabria both the higher and lower, and farre along the maritime coast of the Tyrrhene sea, the Greeke. In Latium (now Campagna di Roma) The Latine. In Lombardie, and [Page 46] Liguria, the old tongue of Fraunce whatsoeuer it was. Of which last three, the two former are vtter­ly ceased to be vulgar: and the third, no where to be found in Italie, but to be sought for in some o­ther Countrey, And although, beside these fiue, we find mention, in ancient writings of the Sabine, the Oscan, the Tusculan, and some other tongues in Italie, yet were they no other then differing dialects of some of the former languages, as by good ob­seruations, out of Varro, Festus, Seruius, Paul. Dia­conus, and others, might be easily prooued.

Secondly, of France what the ancient tong was, hath bin much disputed, and yet remaineth some­what vncertain; Some thinking it to haue been the Germane others the Greeke, and some the Walsh tong. But, [...]lard. 1. de Bello Gallic. in principio. Strab. l. 4. in princip. if the meaning of these resoluers bee, that one language, whatsoeuer it were, was vulgar in all Fraunce, they are very farre wide, Caesar and Strabo hauing both recorded, that there were diuerse lan­guages spoken in the diuers parts. But, to omit the speech of Aquitaine, which Strabo writeth to haue had much affinitie with the Spanish: And, of that part, (in Caesar called Belgia) that at the riuer of Rhene confined with Germanie, which for that neighbourhood, might partake much of the Ger­man tongue: To omit those I say, the maine questi­on is, about the language of the Celtae, which as in­habiting the middle part of Fraunce, were least of all infected with any forraine mixture. And cer­tainly, that it was not the Greeke, appeareth out of Caesar, Caes. l. 5. de Bello Gallic. long post. med. writing to Q. Cicero, then besieged by the Gaules) in Greeke, lest the Gaules should intercept [Page 47] his letters: And secondly, no lesse euidently by Varro, Varro ap. Hie­ron. in praefat. l. 2. Cōment. epist. ad Ga­lat. & apud I­sidorum l. 1 [...] Orig. cap. 1. writing of the Massilians that they spake three languages, the Roman, the Greeke, and the Gallique tongue: And thirdly, the remnants of that tongue, may serue for Instance, whereof many old words, are found dispersed in ancient writers, that haue no affinitie at all with the Greeke. The Greeke ther­fore, was not the ancient natiue language of the Gaules; Neither was it the Germane: for else it had beene but an odde relation and reason of Caesars, Caes. l de Bello Gallico. Tacit l de Mor. Germa­nor. prope finem. Sueton. in Ca­ligula c. 47. that Ariouistus a German Prince, had liued so long in Gallia, that hee spake the Gallique tongue: And that of Tacitus, that the Gallique tongue proued the Gothines to be no Germanes: and that of Suetonius, that Caligula compelled many of the Gaules to learn the Germane tongue. Hottom. in Fran. cogall. c. 2. But Hottoman (of all that I haue read) speaking most distinctly, touching the originall and composition of the French tongue, diuideth it as now it is spoken, equally into two parts, of which he supposeth the one (and I thinke it is rather the greater part) to haue originall from the Latine tongue: and the other halfe, to be made vp, Perion. l de Cognat. Ling. Gal. & Graecae Postell. l. de 12. Ling. by the German and Greeke, and Brittish or Walsh words, each almost in equall measure. Of the de­duction of the French words from the Greeke, you may read Perionius, Postell, and others: Of those from the Germane, Tschudus, Goropius, Isacius &c. Of the Walsh Lhuid, Tschud. in Descr. Rhet. Alp. c 38. Gorop. in Francicis. Camden &c. Which last indeed for good reason, seemeth to haue beene the natiue lan­guage of the ancient Celtae, rather then either the Greeke or Dutch tongues: for of the Greeke words found in that language, the neighbourhood of the [Page 48] Massilians, Isac. in Glossa [...]rio, Prisco-gal Lhuid in De­script. Britan. Camden in Britannia. Strab. l. 4. and their Colonies, inhabiting the mari­time coast of Prouince, together with the ready ac­ceptance of that language in Fraunce, (mentioned by Strabo) may bee the cause: As likewise of the Germane words, the Franks and Burgundions con­quest, and possession of Fraunce, may bee assigned for a good reason: But of the Brittish words none at all can be iustly giuen, saue, that they are the rem­nants of the ancient language. Secondly, it seemeth to be so by Tacitus, Tacit. in Iulio Agricola. writing, that the speech of the Gaules, little differed from that of the Brittaines. And thirdly, by Caesar, Caes l 6. de Bel. Gallico. recording, that it was the custome of the Gaules that were studious of the Druides discipline, often to passe ouer into Brittaine to bee there instructed: wherefore seeing there was no vse of bookes among them, as is in the same place affirmed by Caesar, it is apparent that they spake the same language.

Thirdly, the Spanish tongue as now it is, consi­steth of the old Spanish, Latine, Gottish, and Arabique (as there is goood reason it should, Spaine hauing beene so long, in the possessions of the Romanes, Gothes, and Mores) of which, the latine is the grea­test part, (next it the Arabique) and therefore they themselues call their language Romance. And certainely I haue seene an epistle written by a Spa­niard, whereof euery word was both good Latine & good Spanish, & an example of the like is to be seene in Merula. Merul. Cos­mogr. part. 2. l. 2. c. 8. But the language of Valentia and Catalonia, and part of Portugall, is much tempered with the French also. Now the ancient and most generall language of Spaine, spoken ouer the Coun­try [Page 49] before the Romanes conquest, seemeth to mee out of question, to haue beene, the Cantabrian tong, that namely which yet they speak in Biscay, Guipu­scoa, Nauarre, and Asturia, that is to say, in the nor­therne and mountainous parts of Spaine, neare the Ocean, with which the Vasconian tongue also in A­quitaine, neere the Pyrene hilles, hath as there is good reason (for out of those parts of Spaine the inhabitants of Gascoigne came) much affinitie and agreement. And my reason for this opinion is, that in that part of Spaine, the people haue euer continued without mixture of any forraine nation as being neuer subdued by the Carthaginians, nor by the Mores, no, nor by the Romans, (for all their long warring in Spaine) before Augustus Caesars time, and for the hillinesse, and barenesse, and vn­pleasantnesse of the Countrey, hauing nothing in it, to inuite strangers to dwell among them. For which cause, the most ancient Nations and langua­ges are for the most part preserued in such Coun­tryes: as by Thucydides is specially obserued, Thucyd. l. 1. paul. a princip. of the Attiques, and Arcadians, in Greece, dwelling in bar­ren soiles: Of which nations the first, for their An­tiquitie, vaunted of themselues that they were [...], and the second, [...], as if they had beene bred immediately of the Earth, or borne be­fore the Moone. Another example whereof wee may see in Spaine it selfe, for in the steepy moun­taines of Granata, named Alpuxarras, the progeny of the Mores yet retaine the Arabique tongue (for the Spaniards call it Arauiga) which all the other remnants of the Mores in the plainer region had vt­terly [Page 50] forgotten, and receiued the Castilian (till their late expulsion out of Spaine) for their vulgar language. The like whereof, is also to be seene in the old Epirotique speech and nation, which yet continueth in the mountainous part of Epirus, be­ing (for the tongue) vtterly extinguished in all the Country beside. And (to let forraine instances goe) in the Brittaines or Welsh-men in the hillie part of our owne Country. What the reason thereof may be, I will not stand now curiously to enquire: whether that being inured to labour, to watching, to sundry distemperatures of the aire, and much other hardnesse (for otherwise their liuing will not be gotten of such barren ground) they prooue vpon occcasion good and able souldiers? Or, that the craggie rockes and hilles (like fortresses of na­tures owne erecting) are easily defended from for­raine inuaders? Or that their vnpleasant and fruit­lesse? soile, hath nothing to inuite strangers to desire it? Or, that wanting richesse, they want also the ordinary companions of richesse, that is proud and audacious hearts, to prouoke with their iniu­ries other nations to be reuenged on them, either by the conquest or desolation of their Countries? But whatsoeuer the cause may be, certainely in ef­fect so it is, that the most ancient Nations and Lan­guages, are for the most part to be found in such vnpleasant and fruitlesse regions: Insomuch that the Biscaynes who gaue me occasion of this digressi­on, vaunt of themselues among the Spanyards, that they are the right Hidalgos, (that is gentlemen) as some also report of the Welsh-men heere in Brittaine [Page 51] to say of themselues, which yet I that am their neighbour, (to confesse a truth) neuer heard them say.

Now lastly touching the Punique tongue, as I am not of Galateus his opinion, Galat. de [...] that it was vtterly extinguished by the Romanes: So neither can I bee of the phantasie (for it is no better) that G [...]sner in Mithridate i [...] Ling. Afric. & Arab. Roccha de dialect. in Ling. Arabica Postell. de Ling. 12 in ling. Arab. Mas. in Gram Syriaca. prop. Init. Bibliand. de ration. Lin­guar. Schidler. in Lex. Ponta­glotto in voce [...] Mart. Galeott. de doctr. promiscua. cap. 6. & alij multi. manie other learned men are: namely, that it was the Arabique, that is to say the same language, that is vulgar in Afrique at this day. For it is well knowen to the skilfull in histories, that the Puniques were of another off-spring (not of Arabian race) and that it is not yet a thousand yeares, since that tongue was by the Arabians together with their victories brought into Afrique. And as certaine also it is, that the remnants of the Africans progenie, as Leo Afric. l. 1. Descrip. Afr. cap. de Ling. Africae. Flo. in Epitom Liu l. 51. Strab. l. 17. Leo Africanus hath recorded, haue a different language from the Arabique. But the Punique tongue seem­eth to me out of question, to haue beene the Chana­nitish or old Hebrew language, though I doubt not somwhat altered from the original pronuntiation, as is wont in tract of time, to befall Colonies, plan­ted among strangers farre from home. For first, Carthage it selfe, the Queene of the Cities of Afrique (and well might she be termed so, that contained in circuit 24 miles, as Florus in his abridgement of Liuie hath recorded, and by the vtter wall 360 fur­longs (that is 45 miles) as it is in Strabo: And held out in emulation with Rome as is noted by Plinie, 120 yeare, and to conclude (before the second Pu­nique warre) had in subiection all the coast of the mediterrane sea, Plin. l. 15. c. 18. from the bottome of the greater [Page 52] Syrtis in Afrique, to the riuer Ebro (Iberus) in Spain, which is about 2000. miles of length) that the same Carthage I say, and diuers other Cities of A­frique (of which Plinie nameth Vtica and Leptis, as being the printipall) were Colonies of the Phoeni­cians, and namely of the Tyrians, is not onely by Strabo, Strab. lib. cita­to. Mela. l. 1. c. [...] Liu. lib. 33. Plin. l. 5. c. 19. Appian. l. de Bel. Pun [...]cis in principio Cur­tius. l. 4. et A­ [...] plures. Mela, Liuie, Plinie, Appian, and many other certaine Authors, acknowledged, and by none de­nied, but also the very names of Poeni and Punici, beeing but variations or mutilations of the name Phoenicij import so much, and lastly their language assureth it. For Hierome writing, that their lan­guage was growne somewhat different from the Phoenician tongue, doth manifestly in those words imply, it had bene the same.

And what were the Phoenicians but Chanaanites? The Phoenicians I say, of whose exceeding merchā ­dizing we reade so much in ancient histories, what were they but Chanaanites, whose very [...] name sig­nifieth merchants? for, the very same nation, that the Graecians called Phoenicians ( [...]) and the Ro­manes in imitation of that name Poenos & Punicos, for the excee­ding store of good Palmes, [...], in the Greeke, signifieth the Palme, for as touching the dedu­ction of the name Phoenicia, either from [...] by Montanus, or from [...] by Postellus, signifying the delicacy of the inhabitants by the first, and their obseruation or adoration of the fire, by the se­cond, they are but late sprung fantasies, and haue not any groūd of reason at all: for as much, as in al the Hebrew writings of the Bi­ble, that country is neuer termed by any name sounding toward Phoenicia, but in the Greeke onely. But in many olde coynes that I haue seen, I haue noted the Palme tree as the speciall cognisance of Phoenicia, (as I haue also the Oliue branch and Conies to be of Spain: the Horse of Mauritania: the Ele­phant, or the spoile of the Elephāt of Afrique: the Camell, of Ara­bia: the Crocodile, or the bird I­bis, of Aegypt: and diuers other specialties for other countries:) And namely I haue seene, sundrie olde coynes of the Emperour Ves­patian, of seuerall deuises and ima­gerie, stamped for a memoriall of his conquest of Iudaea, and taking of Ierusalem (for the inscription is in euery of them, Iudaea capta) and in each of them I specially obser­ued a woman sitting in a sad and mournefull fashion, with her back to a Palme tree: wherein, I make no doubt, but the desolate wo­man signifieth Iudaea, and the Palme Phoenicia, euen as Phoenicia is immediately toward the north, at the backe of Iudaea. wherwith that country aboū ­ded: Arias Mont. lib. Chanaan. [...]a. 3. Postel. in de­serio. Syriae. c. de Syriae No­ [...]inib. Insomuch that in monu­ments of an­tiquitie, the Palme tree is [Page 53] obserued for the Ensigne of Phoenicia: the same nation I say, called thē ­selues, & by the Israelites, their next neigh­bours, were called, Chanaa­nites. And that they were in­deed no other, I am able easi­ly to prooue. For first, the same woman that in Mathew is named a Ca­naanite, Math. 15.22. is in Marke called a Syrophoenician. Marc. 7.26. 2. Where mē ­tion is made in Iosua, Ios. 5.1. of the Kings of Cana­an, they are in the Septua­gints transla­tion named, [...].

[Page 54]3. To put it out of questiō. All that coast, from Sidon to Azzah, (that was Gaza) neere to Ge­rar, is registred by Gen. 10.19. Moses, to haue beene possessed by the posterity of Chanaan: Of which coast the more northren part aboue the promontory of Carmell, or rather from the riuer Chorseus, ( Kison the Iewes called it) that nere the promontory of Carmel, Strab. l. 16. nō long. ante med. Plin. l. 5. c. 12. Pt [...]lem. Tab. 4. A [...]ae. Dionys Alex. in Periegesi. entreth the sea, to the city of Orthosia, a­boue Sidon northward, is by Strabo, Plinie, Ptolomy and others, referred to Phoenicia, (although Strabo extend that name, along all the maritime coast of Palestina also, to the confines of Aegypt, as Dionysi­us Periegetes also doth, placing Ioppa and Gaza, and Elath in Phoenicia) which very tract, to haue bin the seuerall possessions of Zidon, and Cheth, & Girgashi, and Harki, and Aruadi, and Chamathi, sixe of the e­leuen sonnes of Canaan, (the other fiue inhabiting more to the south in Palestina) they that are skilful in the ancient Chorography of the Holy land, can­not be ignorant. Seeing therefore out of this part of the land of Canaan (for in this part Tyrus was) the Carthaginians, and other colonies of the Phaenicians in Afrique came, it is out of all doubt, that they were of the Chananites progenie: August expos: [...]hoat. epist. ad Roman. in med. and for such in ve­ry deede, and no other, they reputed and professed themselues to be: for as Austine hath left recorded, who was borne & liued among them, the country people of the Puniques, when they were asked tou­ching themselues what they were, they would make answere that they were Channai, meaning, as [Page 55] Austine himselfe doth interprete them, Canaanites.

Certaine therefore it is that the natiue Punique langauge was not the Chanaanitish tongue: but that I added for explication this clause, (or the olde Hebrew, meaning by the olde Hebrew that which was vulgarly spoken among the Iewes before the captiuity) you will perhaps suspect my credite, and bee offended, for I am not igno­rant, how superstitiously Diuines for the most part are affected toward the Hebrew tongue: yet when I had set downe the Africans language to haue beene the Canaanitish tongue, I thought good to adde for plainesse sake (or the old Hebrew) because J take them indeede to be the very same language, and that Abraham and his posterity, brought it not out of Chaldaea, but learned it in the land of Cha­naan. Neither is this opinion of mine, a meere pa­radox and fantasie, but I haue Postel. lib. de Phoenic. lit. c. 2. §. 5. Arias Monta. L. Chanaan. ca. 9. G [...]ebrard. l. 1. Chron. an. D [...]lunij 131 Scal [...]. [...]d se [...]. in di [...]t. [...]rte. & in ep [...]d V. [...]ert [...]e ad Tomson. three or foure of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that nation, that the later times could afford, of the same minde: And certainly, by Isa. 19.18. Isaiah it is cal­led in direct termes, the language of Chanaan: And it is moreouer manifest, that the names of the pla­ces, and cities of Chanaan, (the olde names I meane by which they were called before the Israelites dwelt in them, as is to be seene in the whole course of the books of Moses and of Ioshuah) were Hebrew names: touching which point, although I could produce other forceable reasons, such as might, (except my fantasie delude me) vex the best wit in the world to giue them iust solution, yet I will adde no more, both to auoide prolixity, and because I [Page 56] shall haue in another place fitter occasion.

But to speake particularly of the Punique tongue which hath brought vs into this discourse, and which I proued before to be the Canaanitish lan­guage: it is not only Augu. in ser. 35. de verb. Dom. in Euā ­gel. sec. Lucā. in one place pronounced by Augustine (who knew it well, no man better) to haue neer affi­nitie with the Hebrew tong, which also the As in the Punique tongue Sa­lus three, Augustin. in expos. inchoat. epist. ad Roman. Heb. [...]. Edom, bloud. Enar. Psalm. 136. Heb. [...]. Mamon, lucre, De Sermon. Dom. in Mont. l. 2. c. 14. Heb. [...]. Bal. the Lord. Quaest. in Iudie. cap. 16. Hebr. [...]. Samen, Heauen. Ibid. Heb. [...]. Messe, to annoint. Tract. 15. in Ioan. Heb. [...]. Alma, a Vir­gine. Hieron. in c. 7. Isai. Heb. [...]. Gadir. a fence or wall. Plinie. l. 4. c. 22. [...]. and some other that dili­gence might obserue. Punick words dispearsed in the writings of Augustine, and of others, (as many as come to my remem­brance) proue to be true. But more effectu­ally in Aug l. 2▪ cōt. litter Petiliani [...]ap. 104. an o­ther place, to agree with it in very many, yea almost in euerie worde. Which speech seeing they could in no sort haue from the Israelites, being not of Abrahams po­sterity (both because no such transmigration of them is remembred in the holy histories, and for that the Punique colonies, are specially mentioned to haue beene deduced from Tyre, which neuer came into the possession of the Israelites) but from the Canaanites whose of-spring they were: It fol­loweth therupon that the language of the Canaa­nites, [Page 57] was either the very same or exceeding neere the Hebrew. And certainely touching the diffe­rence that was betweene the Hebrew and the Pu­nique, I make no doubt, but the great distance from their primitiue habitation, and their conuersation with strangers among whom they were planted, and together with both, the length of time, which is wont to bring alteration to all the languages in the world, were the causes of it. And although that Punique speech in Plautus, which is the onely con­tinued speech of that language, Plau [...]. i [...] P [...]e nulo. Act. 6. that to my know­ledge remaineth extant in any Author, haue no such great conuenience with the Hebrew tongue, yet I assure my selfe the faults, & corruptions that haue crept into it by many transcriptions, to haue beene the cause of so great difference, by reason whereof, it is much changed, from what at the first it was, when Plautus writ it, about 1800. yeares a­goe: And specially because in transcribing thereof there would be so much the lesse care taken, as the language was lesse vnderstood, by the writers, and by the readers, and so the escapes lesse subiect to obseruation and controlement.

MAny are the nations that haue for their vulgar language the Slauonish tongue in Europe, & some in Asia. Among which the principall in Europe, are the Slauonians themselues, in­habiting Dalmatia & Liburnia, the West Macedonians, the Epi­rotes, the Bosinates, Seruians, Russians, Bulgarians, Mol­dauians, Podolians, Russians, Muscouites, Bohemians, Po­lonians, Silesians. And in Asia the Circassians, Man­grellians, and Gazarites. Gesner. in Mi­thrid. in Ling. Illyrica. Boccha in Ap­pend. de dia­ [...]ct in Illyrica. These I say are the princi­pall but they are not all: for Gesner and Roccha reck­ken vp the names of 60. nations, that haue the Sla­uonian tongue for their vulgar language. So, that it is knowne to bee vulgarly spoken ouer all the East parts of Europe (in more then a third part of the whole) euen to the vtmost bonds of it the riuers of Droyna and Tanais; Greece and Hungary, and Wala­ [...]hia onely excepted. Indeed the regions of Seruia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Rascia, Moldauia, Russia and Mosco­uia, namely all the nations of the Easterne parts, which celebrate their diuine seruice after the Greek ceremony, and professe ecclesiasticall obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople write in a diuerse [...]o [...] of Character, from that of the Dalmatians, Cro­atians, [Page 59] Istrians, Polonians, Bohemians, Silesians & other nations toward the west (both which sorts of cha­racters are to bee seene in Postels booke of the Ori­entall languages) of which, this last is called the Dalmatian or Illyrian character, & was of Posteli. [...] ling. Dalma [...] Rocch. in [...]i­blioth. Vati­can pagin. 16 & alij. Hieromes deuising, that other bering for the most part much resemblance with the Greek, is termed the Seruian character, and was of Roccha. lib. citato pag. 168. Cyrils inuention: for which cause, as Roccha hath remembred, they terme the language written in that character Id. pag. 17 [...]. Chiurilizza. But yet notwithstanding the difference of chara­cters in the writing of these nations, they speake all of them (the difference of dialect excepted) the same language.

But yet is not the Slauonique tongue (to answere your question) for all this large extent, the vulgar language of the Turkish Empire. For of the Turks dominion onely Epirus, the west part of Macedon, Bosina, Seruia, Bulgaria, Rascia, and part of Thrace, & that hee hath in Dalmatia and Croacia, (beside the Mengrelli in Asia) speake vulgarly the Slauonian tongue. But no where for the more precise limita­tion, neither in Asia nor in Europe, is that language spoken more southward, then the north Parallel of 40. degrees: some part of Epirus onely excepted: I meane it is not spoken as the vulgar language of a­ny nation more southward. For else, being accep­table and vsuall, as it is, in the Great Turkes Serrail at Constantinople, and familiar with most of the Turkish souldiers, by reason of their garrisons and other great imployment in those parts toward the confines of Christian Princes, all which parts as [Page 60] before I said ( Hungarie and Walachia excepted) speake that language: for these reasons I say, it is spoken by diuerse particular men, in many places of the Turkish dominion, and the Ianizares and offi­cers for the most part can speake it, and many o­thers also of the better sort, but yet the generall and vulgar language of his dominion (excepting those places afore mentioned) it is not.

But in Anatolia, although the old languages still remaine, being for the most part corrupt Greeke, as also in Armenia, they haue their peculiar language, yet is the Turkish tongue very frequent and preuai­leth in them hoth: which being originally none o­ther then the Tartarian tongue, as Michouius, Michou. l. 1. de Sarmatia. cap. 15. Rocch de dialect. in Ling. Tur [...]ica. and o­thers haue obserued, yet partaketh much, both of the Armenian and Persian, by reason of the Turkes long continuance in both those regions, before they setled the seate of their Dominion, and them­selues among the Grecians, for which cause it is not without mixture of Greeke also, but chiefely and aboue all other of the Arabique, both by rea­son of their religion written in that language, and their training vp in schooles vnto it, as their learned tongue. And yet although the Turkish be well vn­derstood both in Natolia and Armenia, yet hath it neither extinguished the vulgar languages of those parts neither obtained to it selfe (for ought I can by my reading finde) any peculiar prouince at all, wherein it is become the sole natiue and vulgar language, but is only a common scattered tongue, which appeareth to be so much the more euident­ly true, because the very Citties that haue beene [Page 61] successiuely the seates of the Ottaman Sultans; namely Iconium (now Cogna) in Lycaonia, then Pru­sa in Bithynia; thirdly, Adrianople in Thrace; and lastly, Constantinople, are yet knowne to retaine their old natiue language, the Greeke tongue: Al­though the Turkish tongue also bee common in them all, as it is likewise in all other Greeke Citties both of Greece and Asia.

But in the East part of Cilicia beyond the riuer Pyramus, as in all Syria also, and Mesopotamia and Palestina, and Arabia and Aegypt, and thence West­ward in all that long tract of Afrique, that exten­deth from Aegypt to the Strait of Gibralter, I say, in all that lieth betwixt the Mountaine Atlas, and the mediterrane sea (now termed Barbarie) excepting Marocco, and here and there some scattered rem­nants of the old Africans in the Inland parts, the A­ribique tongue is become the vulgar language, al­though somewhat corrupted and varied in dialect, as among so many seuerall nations it is vnpossible but it should bee. And although I bee farre from Postell. in praefat. Gram­mat. Arabic. Ludouic. Reg. l. 8. de Vicissi­tud. Rer. ad finem. their opinion, which write (too ouerlashingly) that the Arabian tongue is in vse in two third partes of the inhabited world, or in more, yet I finde that it extendeth verie farre, and specially where the religion of Mahumed is professed. For which cause (ouer and besides the partes aboue mentioned, in which it is (as I said) be­come the natiue language) in all the Northerne part of the Turkish Empire also, I meane that part that lieth on the North side of the Mediterrane sea, as likewise among the Mahumetane Tartars, it [Page 62] is thought not the vulgar tongue, yet familiar with verie many, both because all their religion is writ­ten in that language, and for that Bellon. Ob­seruard. 3. c. 12 euery boy that goeth to schoole, is taught it, as in our schooles they are taught Latin and Greeke: Insomuch, that all the Turkes write their owne language in Arabique cha­racters. So that you see the cōmon languages of the Turkish Empire, to be the Slauonish, the Greeke, the Turkish and Arabique tongues, seruing seuerally for the parts that I mentioned before.

THE Syriaque tongue is cer­tainly Masius in prae [...]at. Gram­mat. Syric. Sixt Senen. Bibli­oth. Sanctae. l. 4 in voce. Thargum. Canin. in prae­f [...]t. Institat. Syr [...]c. Ar. Montan. de ratione Mazzoreth in Apparat. ad Bibl. Reg. Fabrit. in prae­fat ad Lexic. Syrochalda [...] ­cum. Genebrard. l. 2 Chronog. ad An. 3690. Bellarmin. l. 2. de verbo Dei ca. 14 & 15. &c. Posseum. Ap­porat sacr. in Dictione. Bi­ [...] thought to haue had beginning, in the time of the Captiuitie of the Iewes in Babilon, while they were min­gled among the Chaldeans. In which long reuolution of seuenty yeares, the vulgar sort of the Iewes, for­got their owne language, and began to speake the Caldee: But yet, pronouncing it a misse, and framing it somewhat to their owne Country fashi­on, in notation of poincts, affixes, Coniugarions, and some other properties of their antient speech, it became a mixt language of Hebrew and Chaldee: a great part Chaldee for the substance of the words, but more Hebrew for the fashion, and so degenera­ting much from both: The old and right Hebrew, [Page 63] remaining after that time, onely among the lear­ned men, and being taught in schooles, as among vs the learned tongues are accustomed to be. And yet, after the time of our Sauiour, this language began much more to alter, and to depart further, both from the Chaldee and Hebrew, as receauing much mixture of Greeke, some also of Romane and Arabique words, as in the Talmud (named of Ieru­salem) gathered by R. Iochanan, about 300 yeares after Christ, is apparent being farre fuller of them, then those parts of the Chaldee paraphrase on the holy Scriptures, which were made by R. Ionathan, a little before Christ, and by R. Aquila, whom they call Onkelos, not long after.

But yet certaine it is, both for the great diffe­rence of the words themselues, which are in the Syriaque tongue for the most part Chaldee, and for the diuersitie of those adherents of words, which they call praefixa, and suffixa, as also, for the diffe­ring sound of some vowels, and sundrie other con­siderations: Certaine it is I say, that the vnlearned Iewes, whose vulgar speech the Syriaque then was, could not vnderstād their [...] & [...], that their lectures of Moses and the Prophets, vsed in their synagogues in the Hebrew tongue. And that seemeth to haue beene the originall reason, both of the publique speeches and declarations of lear­ned men to the people, vsual in their synagogues on the Sabboaths, after the readings of the Law and of the Prophets, whereof in the Act. 13.15. new Testament we finde some mention, and also, of the translati­ons of Ionathan, and Onkelos, and others, made in­to [Page 64] their vulgar language, for that the difference be­twixt the Hebrew and the Chaldee was so great, that the tongue of the one nation could not be vnder­stood by the other. First, the tongues themselues, which yet remaine with vs, may bee euident de­monstrations, of which wee see that one may bee skilfull in the Hebrew, and yet not vnderstand the Chaldee, and therefore neither could they, whose speech the Chaldee then was (although much dege­nerated) vnderstand the Hebrew. Secondly, wee finde, that whē Nehem. ca 8 v. 7.8.9. Ezra at the returne from the Cap­tiuitie, read the booke of the law before the people, others were faine to interprete that which was read vnto them. And Thirdly, the answer made to Rab­shakeh, by the officers of K. Hezekiah, may put it out of question, willing him Reg. l. 2. ca. 18. v. 26. to speake vnto them in the Chaldee tongue, that the common people of Ierusalem (in whose hearing it was) might not vn­derstand what was spoken. But yet it might be, that as at this day the Iewes vse to doe, so also in Christs time of conuersing on the Earth, they might also reade the Chaldee Targ [...]min (and certainely some Iunius in Bellarm. Cont. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 11 learned men affirme they did so) together with the Hebrew lectures of Moses and the Prophets, for certaine it is, that Ionathan Ben Vziel, had before the birth of our Sauiour translated, not the Pro­phets onely into Chaldee, for it is his Paraphrase that wee haue at this day on the Prophets (and the language which wee now call the Syriaque, was but the Iewish Chaldee, although in the af­ter times, by the mixture of Greeke, and ma­nie other forraine words it beecame some­what [Page 65] changed, from what in the times afore and about our Sauiours incarnation it had beene) but the Pentateuch also: at least, if that bee true, which Sixtus Senensis hath recorded, Sixt. Senens. Biblioth. Sanct. l. 4. indiction. Syr [...] editio. Galatin. de Arcan. Ca­tholicae Ve [...] l. 1. c. 3. namely, that such is the tradition among the Iewes, and which Galatine writeth, that himselfe hath seene that tran­slation of Ionathans, beside that of Onkelos, for of that part of the Chaldee Para­phrase, which wee haue in the Com­plutense, and K. Phi­lips Bibles, on the Bookes of Moses, Onkelos is the Au­thor: of that on Io­suah, the Iudges, the booke of the Kings and of the Pro­phets, Ionathan. Of that on Ruth, He­ster, Iob, the Psalmes and the bookes of Salomon, R. Ioseph Caecus. the beginning of both which hee setteth downe, differing one from a­nother, in the first wordes. Which (namely touching the publique reading of the Chal­dee Targamin, either together with the Hebrew text or in­stead of it) I may as well con­ceiue to bee true, as that the forraine Vid. Salmeron. De Canonica. scriptura. Prolegom. 3. in Tomo. 1. & de interpretat. Septuagint. Prol. 5. Iewes, Tertull. in A­pologetico. ca. 19. dwelling in Alexandria, and other parts of Aegypt, in Asia also, and other Greeke prouinces abroad, vsed publiquely in stead of the He­brew, which now they vnder­stood not, the Septuagints Greek translation, as is euident in Tertullian: And of some others of them in the Constitutions of Nouell 146. Iustinian. Which Iewes for that very cause: are sundry times in the Act. 6.1. & 9.29. & 11.20. Scalig. in Chron. Euseb. ad An [...]um. MDCCXXXIV. & Iu [...]. contra. Bellarm Con­trou. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. [...]1. & Drus. Praetori­tor. l. 5. Annot. ad. Act. Ap. 6.1. Acts of the Apostles, termed [...]. For by that name, in the iudgement of learned men the natu­rall Grecians are not meant, which are alwaies na­med [...], not [...], But, the Iewes dispersed a­mong [Page 66] the Gentiles, that vsed to read the Greeke Scriptures in their Synagogues.

And heere shall bee the period of my first En­quiry, touching Languages, and beginning of the second, concerning the sorts of Religions, a­broad in the World. In discoursing whereof you must be content, to accept of moderne Authors, because I am to intreate of moderne matters: And, if I happe to steppe awry, where I see no path, and can discerne but few steppes afore mee, you must pardon it. And yet this one thing I will promise you, that if either they that should direct mee, mis­lead me not, or (where my reason suspects, that my guides wander, and I am mislead) if my circum­spect obseruing, or diligent inquiring, may pre­serue me from errour, I will not depart a haire from the way of Truth.

ALL Europe is possessed by Chri­stians, except the vtmost cor­ners of it, toward the East, and the North, for the small com­panie of Mahumetanes, inhabi­ting their Michou. de Sarmatia. l 2. c 3. peculiar villages about Wilna in Litunia, or the [Page 67] scattered Boem de Mo­rib. gent l 3. c. 7. Boter Relat. Par. 3. l. 1. Ziegl tr. in Schondia▪ c de Lapponia. Da­mian. a Goas Tract. de Lap­pijs. Michou. l. 2. de Sarmatia. c. 5. Munster. Cos­mog. l. 4 c. 37. Boter. Relati­on pa 1. l. c. de Bothnia. remnants of Idolaters, in the same pro­uince, and in Samogitia, are not woorthy mentio­ning. But toward the North, Lappia, Scricfinia, Biarmia, Corelia, and the North part of Finmarke (all which together passe commonly vnder the name of Lapland, and make a region about 900 miles in circuit) are inhabited by Idolaters: and toward the East, all the Region betwixt Tanais and Borysthenes, along Maeotis and the Euxine sea (the true natiue Country of the ancient Gothes) being more then twise as large as the former, and withall much better peopled, is inhabited by the Tartars called Crimaei or Precopitae, who are all Mahumetans, excepting onely a small remainder of Christians, in some parts of Taurica.

But, in all the Turks dominion that he hath in Europe, inclosed after a peninsular figure, betweene Danubius and the Sea, and containing in circuit a­bout 2300 miles (for Moldauia, Walachia and Tran­siluania, I rekon not for parts of his dominiō) name­ly, from aboue Buda, on Danubius side, and from Ragusa, on the sea side Eastward, to the vtmost bounds of Europe, as also in the Iles of the Aegaean sea, Christians are mingled with Mahumetans. All which dominion yet of the Turks in Europe, though so much in circuit as I said, is neuerthelesse (measu­red by squares) no greater then Spaine, the conti­nent of it, being no way answearable to the circum­ference: both, because it runneth far out in sharpe angles, toward the West and South, namely in Hungarie and Moraea, and is beside, in Greece in many places, extraordinarily indented with the sea. And [Page 68] in this dominion of the Turks in Europe, such is not­withstanding the mixture of Mahumetans with Christians, that the Christians Boter. Relat. pa. 2. l. 4. nel Relation. del gran. Turco. Georgeuitz. de Affliction. Christian. sub Turca l. 1. ca. de Tributis. make two third parts at least, of the Inhabitants: for the Turke, so that Christians pay him his yearely tribute (which is one fourth part of their increase, and a Sultanie for euery poll) and speake nothing against the reli­gion and sect of Mahumet, permitteth them the li­bertie of their religion, And euen in Greece it selfe, although more dissolute then any region of Europe subiect to the Turke, (as hauing beene anciently more wasted with intestine discord, and longest groaned vnder the Turks oppression) there remain yet neuerthelesse in Chitrae de [...]tatu Ecclesi­ [...]r non longé ab initio. Constantinople, the very seate of the Turkish Empire, aboue 20 Churches of Chri­stians, and in the Citie of Salonichi (Thessalonica) a­boue 30, (wheras in this later the Mahumetans haue but 3) beside very many Churches abroad in the Prouince vnder suffragan Bishops, Gerlach in epist. ad Crus. Turcograeciae. l. pag. of whom the Metropolitan of Salonichi, hath no lesse then 10, be­lōging to his Iurisdiction, as there are also recorded yet to remaine vnder the Metropolitans of Philippi, 150 Churches: of Athens, as many: of Corinth, 100, together with sundry suffragan Bishops vn­der each of them.

But in Afrique, all the Regions in a maner, that Christian religion had gained from Idolatry, Ma­humetanisme hath regained from Christianitie: In­somuch, that not onely the North part of Afrique, lying along the Mediterrane sea, Concil Car­thag. 4. & Cō ­cil. African. seu Carthag. 6. namely, betwixt it and the Mountaine Atlas, euen from Spaine to Aegypt, where Christianitie sometime exceedingly [Page 69] flourished, as the we reade Synodes of aboue 200 Bishops to haue beene gathered, and Martin. Po­lon. Supput. An. 475. 300 Catho­lique Bishops to haue beene there expelled, by Gensericus K. of the Wandales: And in some one Prouince alone, Victor. l 1. de Persecut. Vandalec. Zengitana by name, (it is that wherein Carthage stood) to haue beene 164 Bi­shops vnder one Metropolitan:) Not onely that North part of Afrique I say, is at this present vt­terly voide of Christians, excepting a few Townes belonging to the King of Spaine, (of which onely Septa and Tanger are Episcopall Cities:) but euen in all the vast continent of Aphrique, being about thrice as large as Europe, there is not any Region en­tierly possessed by Christians, but the kingdome of Habassia, no, nor yet, (which is more lamentable) any other, where Christians are mingled, either with Mahumetans, but onely Aegypt: or where with Idolaters, but the kingdomes of Pigafet. hist. Regni Con­gens. l. 2. c. 2. Congo and Ango­la: which two about 120 yeares agoe ( An. 1491) beganne first to receiue Christianity: All the rest of Afrique, being entirly gouerned, and possessed by Pagans, or Mahumetans. To which, if I should adde, those few places in Afrique, afore mentioned, near the Strait of Gibraltar, which the KK. of Portu­gall and Castile, haue conquered from the Mores, with the other few dispersed fortresses, which the Portugalles hold in other places on the coast of A­frique (altogether euen betwixt Spaine and India are but 11 or 12) I know not where to finde, euen a­mong all the natiue Inhabitants of Aphrique, any Christians more. For, as for the large region of Nubia, which had from the Apostles time, (as is [Page 70] thought) professed the Christian faith, it hath a­gaine aboue 100 yeares since, forsaken it, and em­braced in steade of it, partly Mahumetanisme, and partly Idolatrie, and that by the most miserable occasion that might befall, namely famine of the word of God through lacke of Ministers: for as Al­barez hath recorded, Aluarez. Hist. Aethiopic. ca. 137. at his being in the K. of Habas­sia his Court, there were Embassadours out of Nu­bia, to intreat him for a supply of Ministers, to in­struct their nation, and repaire Christianity gone to ruine among them: but were reiected.

And yet are the Christians of Aegypt, namely those of the natiue Inhabitants, but very few in re­spect of that infinitenesse of people, wherwith Ae­gypt doth, and euer did abound, as being estee­med, not to passe Boter. Relat. pa. 1. l. 3. cap. de 1 popoli del Egitto. Thom. a Ies. de Conuers. gent. l. 7. par. 1. c. 5. 50000. And, as touching the Kingdome of Habassia, neither is it all Christians, but a great part of Gentiles, namely toward the West, and South bounds of it, and some part Ma­humetans, toward the East border: neither so large and spatio [...]s, as many mens relations haue made it thought to be. For although I cannot assent to them, who assigne to that great Kingdome, but a­bout Boter. Relat. pa. 1. l. 3. c. de Abassia. 662 leagues of compasse, by which recko­ning (suppose they were Spanish leagues) it should be little larger then Germany, (for I know full well, by infallible obseruations, that sparing limitation of theirs, to be vntrue) yet, neither can I yeeld to them, who esteem it Horat. Mala­guz. nel discor so de [...]. cinque massimi Sig­no [...]i. greater, then the vast domini­ons of the Emperours of Turkie or of Tartarie &c: Or, to them, that extend it from the one Tropique, to the other, and from the red sea, almost to the [Page 71] west Ocean. For first, certaine it is (that I may speake a little of the limits of this kingdome) that it attaineth not to the redde sea (Eastward) neither within the straits of Babel mandel, nor without: for within those straits, Boter. [...] pro [...]im. cita [...]o. along the Bay of Arabia, there is a continuall ledge of mountaines, knowne to bee inhabited with Moores, betwixt that Bay, and the dominion of Habassia: So that, only one Port there is, along all that coast, Somman. dei regni Orien­tal. apud Ra­mos vol 1. pag, 324▪ ( Ercoco by name) where those mountaines open to the Sea, that at this pre­sent belongeth to it. Neither without those Straits doth it any where approach to the Ocean. All that coast, as farre as Mozambique, being well knowne to be inhabited with Arabians.

And as touching the west limits of Habassia, I can not finde by any certaine history or relation (vn­skilfull men may rumour what they will, and I know also that the common Charts represent it o­therwise) I cannot find I say, that it stretcheth be­yond the riuer Nilus, so far commeth it short of the West Ocean. For it is knowne, that all the west bank of Nilus, from the riuer of Zaire to the confines of Nubia, Boter. Rel [...]. p 1 lib. 3. ca. Loango. A [...]zichi. is possessed by the Anzichi, being an idola­trous and man-eating nation, & subiect to a great Prince of their own, thus then it is with the bredth of the Empire of Habassia, betwixt East and West: And now to speake of the length of it, lying north and South, neither doth it approach northward on Nilus side, further then the south end of the Isle of Meroe, ( Meroe it selfe is inhabited by Mahume­tans, and the deadly enemies of the king of Habas­sia) nor on the Sea side farther then about the port [Page 72] of Suachem. And toward the south, although the bounds of that kingdom, be not perfectly known, yet that it approacheth nothing neere the circle of Capricorne, as hath bin supposed, is most manifest, because the great kingdomes of Moenhemage, and Benomotapa, and some others, are situate betwixt Habassia and that circle. But, as neere as I am able to coniecture, hauing made the best search that I can, in the itineraries and relations, that are extant of those parts, the south limit of that Empire, passeth not the south parallel of six or seuen degrees at the most, where it confineth with Moenhemage. So that to make a respectiue estimate of the largenesse of that dominion, by comparing it with our knowne regions of Europe, It seemeth equall to Germany and France, and Spaine, and Italie laid together: Equall I say in dimension of ground, but nothing neere e­quall in habitation or multitude of people, which the distemperature of that climate, and the drye barrennes of the ground, in many regions of it, wil not allow. For which cause the torride parts of A­frique, are by Piso in Strabo resembled to a Libbards skinne, Strab. l. 2. the distance of whose spots, represent the dispersednesse of habitations or townes in Afrique. But if I should absolutely set downe the circuit of that whole dominion, I esteeme the limitation of Pigafetta, Pigafett. de Regn. Cong. l. 1. c. 10. nere about the truth, namely, that it hath in circūference 4000. miles (about 1500. in length, and about 600. in breadth:) beeing inclosed with Mahumetans on the north, and east, and with Idola­ters, on the West and South.

Such then as I haue declared, is the condition of [Page 73] Christians in the continent of Afrique: but the In­habitants of the Isles along the west coast of Africk, as namely Madera; the Canaries, the Isles of Cabo verde, and of S. Thomas, and some other of lesse im­portance, are by the Portugals and Castilians instru­ction, become Christian: but on the East side of A­frique, excepting only Paul. Venet. l. 3. c. 38. Zocotora, there is no Christi­an Isle.

Euen such is the state of Christians in the firme land, and the adiacent Isles of Afrique. And it is not much better in Asia, for excepting first the Empire of Russia, (and yet of it, a great part is Idolatrous, namely the region betweene the riuers of Pechora and Ob, and some part of Permia) secondly, the re­gions of Circassia, and Mengrelia, lying along Moe [...]tis and the Euxine sea, from Tanais Eastward as farre as the riuer Phasis. Thirdly, the prouince of Geor­gia, and fourthly the mountaine Libanus in Syria, (and yet the last of these is of the Turkes domini­on) excepting these few I say, there is not any re­gion in all Asia, where Christians liue seueral, with­out mixture, either of Mahumetans, or of Pagās, for although Vitriacus a man well experienced in some parts of the orient, Iacob. a Vitri­aco. Histor. Orient. c. 77. (as being Bishop of Acon and the Popes Legate in the East, at what time Palesti­na and Syria were in the hands of Christians) hath left registred, that the Christians of the Easterlie parts of Asia, exceeded in multitude the Christians of the Greek and Latine Churches: yet in his time (for he writ almost 400. yeares agoe) Christianity began to decline, and since his time, it hath procee­ded infinitely to decay, in all those parts of Asia: [Page 74] first, by the inundation of the idolatrous Tartars, who subdued all those regions, and after by the in­tertaining of Mahumetanisme in many of them. The time was indeed, (and but about 400. yeares agoe) when the King of Tenduc, whom the histo­ries of those times name Presbyter Iohannes, a Chri­stian, but a Nestorian Prince, ruled farre and wide, in the Northeast part of Asia: as hauing vnder his do­minion, beside Tenduc, (which was his owne na­tiue and peculiar kingdome) all the neighbou­ring prouinces, which were at that time for a great part, Christian: but after that his Empire was brought to ruine, and he subdued by Chingis a rebell of his owne dominion (and the first foun­der of the Tartarian Empire) which happened a­bout the yeare 1190. the state of Christian Religi­on became in short time strangely altered in those parts, Paul Venet. l. [...]. cap. 8. for I find in Marcus Paulus, who liued within 50. yeares after Vitriacus, and was a man of more experience in those parts then hee, as hauing spent seuenteene yeares together in Tartarie, partly in the Emperours Court, and partly in trauailing o­uer those Regions, about the Emperours affaires, that except the Prouince of Tenduc, which as I saide was the kingdome of Presbyter Iohns residence (for it was the Prince of that kingdōe, Scaliger. de En [...]ndat. tem­por. l 7. An­not. in com­put Aethiop. which is rightly & v­sually, For Scaligers imagination, that it was the King of the Habassines, that inlarged his dominion so far in the northe east of Asia, till hee was driuen into Afrique by the Tartars, hath neither any foun­dation at all in historie, nor pro­bability in reason. Namely that a King in Afrique should sub­due the most distant parts of all Asia from him, and there hould residence, al the regions betwixt belonging to other Princes. Moreouer it is certainly known of Presbyter Iohn of Asia, that hee was a Nestorian, whereas hee of Habassia was, and still is, a Iaco­bite. Besides, it hath bene recor­ded from time to time, of the Christians of Habassia, that they were circumcised, which of those of the East, was neuer reported by any, &c. by the anciēter histori­ans named Pres­byter [Page 75] Iohn, how­soeuer the mista­king fantasies of many, haue trās­ported it out of Asia into Africk and by errour bestowed it on the K. of Habas­sia,) except that Prouince of Tē ­duc I say, where­of Paul, Ven [...]t. l. 1. ca. 64. Marcus Pau­lus cōfesseth the greater part, to haue professed the Christiā re­ligion at his be­ing in Tartary, the rest of the inhabitāts, being part­ly Mahumetans, Vtriae. Hi­stor. Orient c. 78. Otho Phri­singen s. l. 7. c. 33. & Alij. and partly Idolaters: in all the o­ther prouinces of those parts beside, that, hee ob­serueth the Christians to bee but few, as namely in the kingdomes of L. 1. c. 45. Tanguth, of L. 1. c. 47. Chinchintales, of L. 1. c. 48. Succhuir, of L. 2. c. 39. Caraiam, of L. 1. c. 38. Cassar, of L. 1. c. 40. Carcham, of L. 1. c. 62. Ergimuli, of L. 1. c. 63. Cerguth, of Egrigaia, and in the other regions of Tartary mentioning no Christians at al. Two cities onely I finde in him excepted, the one was L. 2. c. 61. Cingiangifu in Mangi, (that is China) where he noteth, that many Christians dwelt, and the o­ther L. 2. c. 64. Quinsay, in which later yet, (although the greatest city in the world) he hath recorded to be found but one Church of Christians. But, these [Page 76] places excepted before mentioned. I can finde no certaine relation, neither in Paul Venetus, nor anie other, of any Christians of the natiue inhabi­tants, in all the East of Asia, but Idolatrie kee­peth still her ould possession, and ouerspreadethall.

But yet indeede, in the more Southerly partes of Asia (especially in those where Christianity was first planted, and had taken deepest roote) as Nato­lia, Syria, Palestine, Chaldaea, Assyria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Media, Persia, the North part of Arabia, and the South of India, Christians are not onely to be found, but in certaine of those regions, as in Na­tolia, Armenia, Syria, Mesopotamia, somewhat thicke mingled with Mahum [...]tans: as they are also in the South of India not farre from the Promontorie of Comorijn, in some reasonable number, in the king­dome of Contan, of Cranganor, and of Choromandeb, but mingled with Idolaters. But yet, is not this mix­ture of Christians with them of other religions, in any part of Asia, after the proportiō of their mixture in Europe (where I obserued the Christians to make the preuailing number) but they are farre in­feriour, to the multitude of the Mahumetans, and of the Idolaters, among whom they are mingled, and yet touching their number, decrease euerie day, in all the parts aforesaid, India onely excep­ted. Where since the Portugales held Goa (which they haue erected into an Archbishopricke) and intertained Malabar, and some other parts of India, what with commerce, and what with amitie, the number of Christians is greatly multiplied, in sun­drie places of that region, but yet not so, as to [Page 77] compare in any sort, with the Mahumetans, and much lesse with the Idolaters among whom they liue.

Thus it is with Christians in the firme Land of Asia: but in the Islands about Asia, Christianitie is as yet but a tender plant: for although it hath made some entrance into the Isles called Philippinas, namely into 30 of them, for so manie onely of 11000 termed by that name, are subiect to the King of Spaine. Th. Ies. de Conu. gent. l. 1. c. 1. by the industrie of the Castilians, as also by the preach­ing of the Portugales, into Ormuz in the Bay of Persia, and into C [...]ilan in the Sea of India, and some few other of the infinite multitude of Islands, dis­persed in that Easterne sea, yet hath it hetherto found in all those places, rather some faire begin­ning, then any great proceeding. Onely in Iaponia Christianity hath obtained (notwithstanding ma­ny hinderances and oppositions) more prosperous successe. Insomuch that many yeares since, there were recorded to haue beene by estimation, about Plat. de Bono Stat Religiosi. l. 2. c. 30. 200000 Christians in Iaponia.

Lastly, in America, there be foure large regions, and those of the most fruitefull and populous part of it, possessed and gouerned by the Spaniards, that is, Nu [...]ua Espana, Castilla del Oro (otherwise termed Nu [...]bo Reino) Peru, and part of Brasile, the first three, by the Castilians, and the fourth, by the Por­tugales, all which together, may by estimation, make a region as large as Europe. In which, as also in the Islands, specially in the greater Islands of Hispaniola, Cuba, Iamaica, and Puerto rico, the Christi­an [Page 78] religion is so largely spred, that Amand. Zi­riean Chron. circ. An. 1519. one hath presu­med, to equall in a manner, the Christians of Ame­rica, to those of the Latine Church in Europe: And Surius. in Chron. ad. An Christ. 1558. another, hath left recorded, that within a few yeares after the entrance of the Gospell among them, there were no lesse then seuen Millions, or as others reported fourteene Millions, that in the sa­crament of baptisme had giuen their names to Christ. But especially in the kingdome of Mexico (or Nueua Espanna) Christian Religion obtained that plentifull and prosperous successe, that we finde re­corded of sundrie of the Preachers, employed about the conuersion of that people, that they bap­tised ech one of them, Vid. epist. Pe­tri Gaudens. in Comment. Sedulij ad vi­tam. S. Fran­cisci. pa. 229. et Epist. Martin. 2 Valentia. I­bid. pag. 232. et Epist. Episcopi Mexicani. pag. 235. aboue 100000. and that in few yeares▪ Insomuch that (as is storied by Surius) It is to be found among the records of Charles the fift, that some old Priest hath baptised 700000. an­other, 300000, and certaine others verie great multitudes. But yet, what maner of Christians ma­nie of those proselytes were, I am loth to remem­ber, or report (and it may be by this time, they are better affected and instructed then they were) for certainely, Ouiedo, and Benzo, men that had long liued, and were well experienced in those parts, haue left recorded, the first of Ouied Hi­ftor. Ind. Oc­cidental. l. 17. c. 4. Cuba, that there was scare any one, or but very few, that willingly became Christians, Benzo. histor. Nou. Orbis. l. 2. c. 19. and both Ouiedo of them, and Benzo of the Christians of Nueua Espanna, that they had nothing almost belonging to Christianitie, but onely the bare name of Christians, being so vtterly mindelesse, and carelesse of Christian religion, that they remembred not any thing of the coue­nant [Page 79] and profession, they made in their baptisme: Onely, they kept in minde, the name they receaued then, which very name also, they forgot soone af­ter. But all the rest of America except the regions afore mentioned, which compared to the parts possessed by the Castilians and Portugales (to make estimation by the Mappes that wee haue of those regions, for the North and West coasts of America, are not yet perfectly discouered) may be as sixe to one, is possessed by Idolaters.

HAuing declared the ampli­tude of Christianitie, I will proceede to shew the state of other religions in the world, & with all, what parts of it, the professours of those religions doe seuerally inha­bite; and lastly, what propor­tion they may haue each to other, and all of them to Christians. To indeuour therefore your satis­faction in this behalfe. There are foure sorts or sects of Religion, obserued in the sundrie regions of the World. Namely, Idolatrie, Mahumetanisme, Iudais­me, and Christianity. Of Christians I haue alreadie spoken: now therefore will I relate for your better [Page 80] contentment, of the other three; and first of Mahu­metans.

Mahumetans then possesse in Europe, as I said be­fore (hauing in that part but small mixture of Chri­stians) all the region betwixt Tanais and Boristhenes ( Don and Nieper they are now called) being about a twentith part of Europe: beside Mathi [...]a Mi­chou. de Sar­mat. l. 2. c. 3. some villages in Lituania about Wilna, where the vse of their religi­on is by the King of Poland permitted them, for in Greece, Macedon, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Seruia, Bosina, Epirus, the greatest part of Hungaria, and some part of Dalmatia (which may bee together a­bout one foureteenth part of Europe) although the gouernment be wholy the Turkes, yet Mahumetans scarcely passe one third part of the Inhabitants.

But in Afrique Mahumetanisme is spred excee­ding farre, for, first to consider the maritime coast: It possesseth all the shoare of the Atlantique Oce­an, from Cape Blanco to the Strait of Gibralter, be­ing about 1100 miles. Secondly, on the shoare of the mediterrane, all from that Strait to Aegypt, a­bout 2400 miles, excepting onely on the one coast, and on the other, some seuen townes, in the possessi­on of the Spaniards. Thirdly, on the East side of A­frique all the coast of the Bay of Arabia, euen from Suez to C. Gardafu., about 1600 miles, excepting onely one port ( Ercoco) being of the dominion of the King of Habassia. And thence (doubling that Cape) Southward, all the shore of the Aethiopique sea, as farre as Mozambique (that is ouer against the middest of Madagascar) about 1800 miles. And in all the coasts of Afrique hitherto mentioned, be­ing [Page 81] altogether about 7000 miles (that is, by some excesse more then halfe the circumference of A­frique) the professors of Mahumeds religion, haue both possession and dominion, together with the Paul. Venet. l. 3. c. 39. Linschot. l. [...]. c. 3. maritime parts, of the great Isle of Madagascar, and many other Islands along the coast of Afrique. And yet, euen beyond Mozambique also, as farre as to the Cape das Corrientes (it is vnder the circle of Ca­pricorne) although they haue there no rule, yet they are found mingled with Idolaters. But yet neuerthe­lesse, obserued it is, that along the East shoare of Afrique, namely from Suachem to Mozambique (be­ing towards 3000 miles of the mentioned coast) Mahumetans possesse onely the Margent of the land, or the sea shoare, and haue gotten but little footing in the inland parts, except in the kingdomes of Dan­gali and Adel, confining together, the first within and the second without the straite of Babel Mandel, which yet are but small prouinces. And this also (to extenuate their number) is also true, that from the kingdome of Adel, and Cape Guardafu, to Mozam­bique, there is found among the Mahumetans, some mixture of Idolaters, although the dominion bee onely in the Mahumetans hands.

But yet on the North and West parts of A­frique, it is farre otherwise, and farre worse: Mahumetanisme hauing ouerspread all the maine land of Afrique, betweene the Mediterraine sea and the great riuer Neger: and along the course of Nilus, as farre as the Isle of Meroe, which lieth also about the same parallel with the riuer Ni­ger, and is possessed by Mahumetans. And yet, [Page 82] Leo. Afri [...]. l. 1 cap. de Reli­gion. Afror. beyond Niger also, it hath inuaded and obtained, all the kingdomes of the Nigrites that border on that riuer. So that all Barbarie and Biled elgerid, and Libya deserta, and the region of Negroes, are become of that religion. Excepting first some maritime parts toward the Atlantique sea, namely from C. Blanco southward, which are inhabited by Gentils. Secondly, the kingdome of Borno, and some part of Nubia: And thirdly, certaine scattered multi­tudes of the old African progenie, that still retaine their ancient gentilisme, and are found in diuers places heere and there in the mountaines & wilder parts of Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya. These I say, beeing excepted, all Afrique beside, frō the mediterrane sea, som what more southward then the riuer Niger, is ouerspread with Mahume­tans: which (adding these before mentioned, along the east coast of Aethiopia) may by estimation, take vp foure nine parts of Afrique.

And yet in Asia, Mahumetanism is farther spred, beeing imbraced and maintained chiefly, by foure mighty nations, namely, the Arabians, Persians, Turkes, and Tartars. Arabia was indeed the nest, that bred and fostered that vncleane bird, and had it bene the cage also, for euer to enclose it, it had bin but too much space and liberty, for Arabia is in cir­cuit aboue 4000. miles, and except a small mix­ture of Christians in Eltor, a port towne toward the inmost angle of the bay of Arabia, and Petra, ( Krac now it is called) a midland towne, and two Monasteries about the Hill of Sinai, all is possessed with Mahumetans. But from Arabia that poison [Page 83] hath in such sort dispersed it selfe through the veynes of Asia, that neere the one halfe, is at this day corrupted by it. For although it hath not he­therto attained to the north coast of Asia, which is partly inhabited by Christians, namely, from the riuer of Dwyna to Pechora, and partly by i­dolaters from Pechora to the East Ocean: nor yet to the east coast, which from the most nor­therly part of Tartary, to the most southerly part of India, Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. cap. de Mahome­tan [...]. (except some few places in the kingdome of Siam) Idolaters in l [...]ke sort general­ly obtaine: yet neuerthelesse, it is as I saide, namely, that a very great part of Asia, is infe­cted with that pestilence. For first, all the souther­ly coast of Asia, from the Bay of Arabia to the ri­uer Indus, is possessed by Mahumetans: and if wee proceed further along that shore, euen beyond the riuer of Indus also, the great kingdomes of Cambaia, and Bengala, for a great part of them, and about one fourth part of the inhabitants of Mala­bar, are obserued to be Mahumetans. And second­ly, to consider the inland parts: all from the we­sterly bounds of Asia, namely the riuer Tanais, with the Euxine, Aegaean, and Mediterane seas, as farre Eastward, as the mountaine Imaus, (which is more then halfe the length of Asia) is possessed by them: Except, first the Guaguin. Descr. Tartar. in Kyrges [...]o­rum Horda. Kirgessi neere Imaus, who are I­dolaters: and secondly, the mixture of Christians among them, who yet haue very small proportion (for their multitude) to Mahumetans, in any pro­uince, of all the mentioned vast circuit, for howso­euer Burchardus about 320. yeares agoe, hath left [Page 84] recorded of those parts of Asia, that there were to be found in them 30. Christians for one Mahume­tan. Descr. ter. sanct. pa. 2. c. 2. §. 9. yet certainely, that in these present times the excesse of multitude is growne great on the Mahumetans side in respect of Christians, the experience of many putteth out of question. And, if wee shall proceed yet far­ther eastward, in the inland parts of Asia, and passe in our speculation, beyond the mountaine Imaus, e­uen there also sundry prouinces are obserued, as Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 41.42.43. Peim, Cotam, Lop, where Mahumetans are the maine and sole inhabitants, and many more, as Id. l. 1. ca. 38.40.47.62.63.64. &c. Cassar, Carcham, Chinchintilus, Tanguth, Ergimul, Cer­guth, Tenduc, &c. where they are mingled among idolaters, which may for a great part, counteruaile those regions of Asia, which Christians and Idola­ters take vp on this side that mountaine. So that, in my estimation, hauing about these points cōferred history with Geography in the most circumspect & considerate manner that I was able, about nine parts of 20. of Asia, are possessed by Mahumetans.

Thus then is Mahumetanisme spread ouer the one halfe almost of the firme land of Asia. And yet moreouer in the Ilands also that are about Asia, that religion hath found large intertainment. For not onely a good part of the small Nicol. de cō ­ [...]i. Viag nelle Indie. Ba [...]bos. [...]p. Ra­mus. Vol. 1. de Viaggi. p: 313▪ 318.319. Boter. Relat p. 3. l. 2 de Ma­hometani, Isles of Maldi­uia, namely those of them that are inhabited, (for they are aboue 7000. in all, and most without ha­bitation) are possessed with Mahumetans, but moreouer, all the ports of the Isle of Ceilan, (ex­cept Colombo which the Portugalls haue) the Sea coasts of Sumatra, the ports of Iaua, with the Isle [Page 85] of Sunda, the ports of Banda, of Bornéo and of Gilolo, with some of the ilands Malucos, are in the hands of Mahumetans.

Of the great spreading & inlargement of which religion, if the causes were demanded of mee, I should make answere, that beside the iustice of al­mighty God, punishing by that violent and wick­ed sect, the sinnes of Christians (for we see that by the conquests of the Arabians, and Turks, it hath cheefly seased on those regions, where Christianity in ancient time most flourished, both in Afrique and Asia, and partly in Europe) one cause J say, of the large spreading of their Religion, is the large spreading of their victories. For it hath euer beene the condition of the conquered, to follow for the most part the religion of the conquerors. A secōd, their peremptory restraint, (euen on the paine of death) of all disputation touching their religion, and calling any point of it into question. A third, their suppression of the studie of Philosophy, by the light whereof, the grosnesse and vanity of ma­ny parts of their religion might bee discouered, which is inhibited to bee taught in their vniuersi­ties, and so hath beene, about these 400. yeares, whereas till then, it greatly flourished among thē, in Cordoua, in Fess, in Maroccho, in Bagded, and other cities. And yet, as Bellonius and Bellon. Ob­ser. l. 3. c. 30. Georgeuitz. l. 2. de Ritib. Turcar. cap. de Scholis. others write, the Turkes fall now againe, to those studies afresh. A fourth cause may well bee assigned, the sensuall li­berty allowed by it, namely, to haue many wiues, and the like promise of sensual pleasures, to succeed after this life (to the Religious obseruers of it,) in [Page 86] Paradise, wherewith men for the greatest part, as being of things wherewith their sense is affected, & whereof they haue had certaine experience, are more allured and perswaded, then with promises of spiritual delights, presented only to their hopes, and for which present and sensible pleasures must in the meane time be forsaken.

NOW touching Idolaters, they possesse in Europe, a region as I before obserued, about 900. miles in circuit, (although the ordinary Geographical charts represent it, (but falslie) more then twise so large) containing Lappia, Corelia, Biarmia, Scricfi­nia, and the north part of Finmarch. All which to­gether, may by estimation make about one sixtieth part of Europe, or a little more, more I meane in magnitude rather then in multitude, for it is in­deed a little greater then so. Beside which prouin­ces, there are also to bee found in diuers places of Beem. de Morib. gent. l. 3. c. 7. Boter. Relat. p. [...] l. 1. c. Litunia Lituania, and Samagotia, some scattered remnants of Idolaters.

But in Afrique their multitude is very great, for from C. Blanco on the coast of Libya, the most we­sterly [Page 87] point of all Afrique (being about the north latitude of twenty degrees) euen al the coast of A­frique southward, to the cape of Buena Esperan­za: And thence turning by the backe of A­frique as farre as the cape of Mozambique, beeing (ouer against the middest of Madagascar) in the south latitude of fifteene degrees: all this coast I say, beeing not much lesse, then halfe the cir­cumference of Afrique, is inhabited by Idolaters. Onely, on the East side, from Mozambique to Cape de Corrientes (which is the south latitude of 24 degrees) they are mingled with Mahumetans: And on the west side, in the kingdome of Congo, and the north part of Angola, with Christians: But yet in both these places of their mixture, idolaters are the greater multitude.

But now, if wee consider the inland Region of Afrique, all betweene the riuer Nilus, and the West sea of Aethiopia, from about the north parallel of tenne degrees, to the south parallel of 6. or 7. de­grees, but from that parallel of 6. or 7. degrees, e­uen all Aethiopia southward, on both the sides of Nilus, from the east sea of Aethiopia, to the West, e­uen to the most southerly point of all Afrique, the cape of Buona Speranza, is possessed by idolaters: excepting onely some part of Congo and Angola a­fore mentioned, toward the west sea, inhabited by Christians, and the vtmost shore of the East sea, frō Mozambique northward, which is replenished with Mahumetans: And yet, beside all the regions be­fore mentioned, euen all the kingdome of Leo African. l. 7. ca. de Bor­no Regno. Borno, and a great part Aluarez. hist. Aethiop. c. 30. of Nubia is possessed by them; to [Page 88] speake nothing of the infinite multitudes of the Leo Afric. l. 1. c. de vitij [...] Afror. ancient Africans, dispersed in sundry tracts of Barbary, of Biled-elgerid, and of Libya Deserta, which still continue in their ancient paganisme. So that (ouer and beside these last) very neere abouth halfe Afrique, is possessed by idolaters.

And yet in Asia idolaters abound more then in Afrique, euen as Asia is larger then Afrique for the continent, and for the people, beter inhabited, for of Asia also, very neere about the one halfe, or ra­ther a little more is possessed by idolaters. For first if wee consider the maritime parts, all from the ri­uer of Pechora, Eastward to the Ocean, and then turning downeward, to the most southerly point of India, (and of all Asia) the cape of Cincapura, and from that point returning westward, by the south coast, to the outlets of the riuer Indus, al that maritime tract I say, is entirely possessed by idola­ters. Sauing onely, that in the neerer part of India, betweene Indus and Ganges, there is among them some mixture both of Mahumetans and Christi­ans: and in the further part, the city and territory of Malacca, is held by Portugalls, and some part of the sea coast of the kingdome of Siam, by Moores. So that by this account, a good deale more then halfe the circumference of Asia, is possessed by I­dolaters. And, although in the inland parts their proportion bee somewhat lesse, then in the Mari­time, yet if we consider well, the whole dimension of Asia, we shall find by good estimation, as before I said, that the one halfe, or rather a little more, is replenished with Idolaters: for the better decla­ring [Page 89] of which point, you may vnderstand, that as Strabo and Ptolomie, haue obserued, of the moun­taine Taurus, Strab. l. 2. Ptolē in Tab. Orb. general. that beginning in the west parts of Asia (in the confines of Lycia and Pamphilia ouer a­gainst the Chelidonian isles) it runneth Eastward e­ [...]en to the Ocean, keeping between the parallels of 30. and 40. degrees, and so deuiding the north part of Asia from the south. Euen so must we ob­serue of the mountaine Vid. Ptolem. in Tab. o [...]bis. [...]niuer. et Mer­cator in Tab. general [...] Asiae. Imaus that beginning on the shoare of the north Ocean, it runneth along through the middest of Asia to the south, keeping still about the same meridian, namely about the longitude of 30. degrees, and crossing (at right angles in a manner) the mountaine Taurus deui­deth the east part of Asia from the west. Imaus ther­fore in this sort diuiding Asia into two parts, not much vnequall, diuideth also in a manner, between the idolaters & Mahumetans of Asia, for although the hether part of Asia, west of Imaus, and possessed of Mahumetans, take vp more in the longitude of the earth, namely east and west: yet the further part east of Imaus, spreadeth more in latitude, north and south, which may make some recompence to­ward that excesse. But, if withall we subtract those parts of the hether Asia, that are couered with the Persian, and Caspian seas, beside large parts of the Euxine & Mediterrane, the further Asia (I thinke) will fully equall it. Now, although many Mahu­metans bee also found on the other side of Imaus toward the northeast of Asia, both seuerall in sun­dry prouinces, and otherwise mingled with idola­ters or Christians, or with both, as before was part­ly [Page 90] obserued: Yet many more whole regions of I­dolaters, (to counteruaile those Mahumetans) are found on this side Imaus, both, toward the South, in the Kingdomes of the nearer India, and toward the North, betwixt Imaus and the riuer Pechora, all which coast of Asia is inhabited by Idolaters, And lastly, in the middest betwixt both, the Kirgessi, and some other of their neighbour Nations. And not onely in the firme land of Asia, is idolatry thus spred: but in those many thousand Ilands that lie dispersed in the vast Ocean, on the East and South­east parts of Asia: Paul. Ven. l. 3. c 8. Id, l. 3. cap. 42. which ouer against China, are recorded vpon the report of Mariners, long practi­sed in those seas, to be 7448, and, about Paul. Ven. l. 3. c 8. Id, l. 3. cap. 42. India, to be 127000: And which might for their largenesse, if they were all layed together, make a Continent as large as three foure parts of Europe. In those Islands I say, Idolatrie ouerspreaddeth all, excep­ting onely those few, which I before obserued, to be possessed by the Spanyards, and by the Arabians.

Finally, of all other parts of the Earth yet disco­uered, Idolatry spreadeth farthest in America, which being but little lesse, then the Easterne con­tinent, (that we terme the old world) is at least six parts of seuen, inhabited with heathenish and ido­latrous people. For, except the regions aboue men­tioned, possessed namely by the Portugalles and Castilians, (and yet the inner, and wilder tracts euen of those, remaine still for a great part, in their anci­ent paganisme) and many notwithstanding their baptisme, Th [...]a Ies de Con. ge [...]t. l. [...]. c. 1. withal worship Idols together with some later Conuerts made in the region about & aboue [Page 91] the Bay of California, of whō as yet, histories make so little report, that of their number I can make no estimate: And lastly 2, or 3 fortresses, held by the Spanyards, on the coast of Florida, with the English colonies in Virginia, and the French in Canada, these I say being excepted, all the rest of America, being as I sayd about six seuenth parts remaineth in their olde Idolatry.

And thus haue I declared the three principall sects as touching Religion, that are at this present found in the seuerall parts of the world, with their particular regions. But beside these, obserued there are, two or three irregular Nations, being, for their religion mingled as it were, of some of the former sects. As first, in Asia, the Cardi, inhabiting in the Mountainous Country aboue Mozal, be­tweene Armenia, and Mesopotamia. Secondly the Drusi, dwelling in Syria, about the skirts of Libanus, the religion of both which Nations, (such as it is) partaketh somewhat, both of Mahumetanisme and Christianitie. And thirdly, the Morduites in Eu­rope, possessing the middle confines betwixt the Precopite Tartars, and the Muscouites, that are in a manner as touching their religion, mingled of all three sects: for they are both baptised like Chri­stians, and circumcised like Mahumetans, and withall worship Idols.

NOw, will I intreat a little, of the Pro­fessours of the fourth sort and sect of religion, that is founde in the world, namely of Iudaisme, for, al­though the Iewes haue not for their mansion, any peculiar Country, but are dispersed abroad among forrayne Nations, for their ancient Idolatries, and their later vnthankfulnesse, in reie­cting their Sauiour the sonne of God: So that euen in Ierusalem, there be not to bee found at this time, an hundred housholds of Iewes: Boter. Relat▪ pa. [...]. l. 2. c. de Gindei. (Onely of all the townes of Palestina, Tiberias (which Amurath the great Turke gaue to Aluarez Mendez a Iew) and Staff [...]letto, are somewhat peopled with them) Nei­ther haue they at this present, for any thing that is certainly knowen, any other region in the world, seuerall to themselues: Yet, because there be some prouinces, wherein they are obserued specially to abound, as others also, whence they are excluded and banished, I will consider a little of their present condition.

The first Country of Christendome, whence the Iewes were expelled, with out hope of returne, was our Country of England, whence they were banished, Anno 1290 by King Edward the first. Not long after they were likewise banished France An. 1307. by Philippus Pulcher: Onely of all the [Page 93] Countryes of France, in the Iurisdiction of Auignon (the Popes state) some are remaining. Out of Spaine, An. 1492, by Ferdinand, and shortly after out of Portugall, An, 1497 by Emanuel. Out of the Kingdome of Naples and Sicilie, An. 1539. by Charles the 5. In other regions of Europe they are found, and in some of them in great numbers, as in Germanie, Bohem, Polonia, Lituania, Russia, and part of Italie, specially Venice and Rome. In Greece also a great multitude, wherein two Citties (beside all them of other places) Constantinople and Thessalonica are esteemed to be about 160000 Iewes. As also they are to be found by plentifull numbers, in ma­ny parts of the Turks dominion, both in Asia, and Afrique. And for Asia, specially in Aleppo, in Tri­poli, in Damascus, in Rhodes, and almost in euery City of great trade and traffique in the Turk [...]sh Em­pire: As likewise in diuers parts of the Persian go­uernment, in Arabia also, & lastly in India, (namely about Cranganor) and in some other more remote regions. And, to come to Afrique, they are not only foundin the Cities of Alexandria, and Cair in Aegypt, but, as in many other regions & places of Afrique, so principally, in the Cities of Fess, and Tremisen: and specially, in the Hilles of Sensaua, and Demen in the Kingdome of Maroccho many of which last, are by Leo Africanus, specially noted to be of that Sect, Leo African. l. 2. c. 36. &c. which the Iewes name For of the Iewes, as touching their religion, there bee in these times three fects. The first which is the greatest of them, is named [...] who beside the holy scriptures, imbrace the Talmud also for Authen­ticall, and for that cause, they are also termed [...]. The second are called [...] which receiue onely the scrip­tures. And the Third [...] that is, the Sa­maritans (at this day but very few) which, of all the holy Scriptures, admit onely the Penta­teuch or bookes of Moses. Karraim, and by the o­ther Iewes of Afrique, are reputed no better [Page 94] then heretiques.

But yet, beside these, and such like dispersions of the Iewish Nation, that may be elsewhere in the world, there is a phan­tasie of many learned men, not vnwoorthy some diligent considera­tion, that the Tartars of Scythia, who about the yeare 1200, or a little before, became first knowen abroad in the world by that name, and hold at this day a great part of Asia, in subiecti­on; That those Tartars I say, are of the Postell. Des­cript. Syriae. cap. 1. Genebrad. Chron. l. 1. Bote [...] Relat. pa. 1. l. 2. c. vl­ [...]ima parte della Tartaria & pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Gindei. Israelites progeny: Namely of the ten Tribes, which by Sal­manazar, and some of his predecessours, were carri­ed captiue into Assyria. Which although it be as I said no other then a vain and cappriccious phan­tasie, yet, hath it, not onely found acceptance and entertainement, with sundrie learned and vnder­standing men: but reason and authority are pro­duced, or pretended to establish it for a truth. For first, It is alleaged that the word Tatari, or Totari, (for so indeed they are rightly called, as Leunclau. in Pandect. Hist. Turcic. [...] Heb. [...] Syr. learned men obserue, and not Tartari) signifieth in the Sy­riaque and Hebrew tongues, a Residue or Remain­der such as these Tartars are supposed to bee of the Ten Tribes. Secondly, because, (as the Patrons of [Page 95] this phantasie say) they haue alwaies embraced (the ancient character of Iudaisme) Circumcision. And thirdly, 2 Esdras 13. v. 41.42.43.44.45. the authority of supposed Esdras, (the ve­ry spring I take it, whence hath flowed this streame of opinion) is alleaged. Namely, that the Tenne Tribes tooke this course to themselues, that they would leaue the multitude of the heathen, and goe foorth into a farther Country, where neuer mankinde dwelt. That they might there keepe their statutes, which they neuer kept in their owne land. And that they entred in at the narrow passages of the Riuer Euphrates. The most high shewing them signes, and staying the Springs of the floud, till they were passed ouer. And, that their Iourney was great, euen of a yeare and a halfe, and the region is called Ar­sareth.

But, to the first of these arguments, I may an­swere, that the Tartars obtained that name, neither from Hebrew nor Syriaque originall, and appellati­on, but, from the riuer Tartar, saith Leunclauius, Leunclau. in Pand. histor. Turcic. §. 3. and Boem. de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10. Haitti. lib. de Tartaris. cap. 16. others. Or else from the Region, as sayth Haitho, where the principall of them anciently dwelled. Secondly, that the name [...] or [...] in the He­brew, or Syriaque signification, importing a resi­due or remainder, can but full ill (as it seemes) be applied to the Tartars in relation of the Israelites, whom they exceedingly surpasse in multitude, as ouerspreading halfe the vast continent of Asia, or thereabout. For all the Nations of Asia, from the great riuers of Wolgha and Oby, Eastward, and from the Caspian sea, the riuer Oxus, the Countryes of In­dia and China, northward, are contained vnder the Appellation of Tartars: and yet without these [Page 96] bounds many Tartars there are, both toward the West, and South. And what if the innumerable people of so many Nations, as are knowen to inha­bite and ouerspread the huge continent of America, be also of the same of-spring? Certainely, if I bee not greatly deceiued, they are no other. For first that their originall must bee deriued from Asia is apparent, because, (as he that readeth the relations and histories of those Countryes of America may easily obserue) they haue no rellish nor resem­blance at all, of the Arts, or learning, or ciuility of Europe: And their colour restifieth, they are not of the Africans progenie (there being not found in all that large Continent, any blacke men, except a few about the Riuer of S. Martha, in a small Countrey called Quarequa, which by force and violence of some tempest, are supposed to haue beene trans­ported thether, from the parts of Guinie or Aethio­pia.) Therfore it seemeth, that they had their ori­ginall from Asia. Which yet, will appeare more credible, if it be obserued, which by the Spanyards discoueries is well knowen to be true, namely, that the West side of America respecting Asia, is excee­ding much better peopled then the opposite or East side, that respecteth toward Europe. And, as for these reasons it is very likely, that America recei­ued her first inhabitants, from the East border of Asia: So is it altogether vnlike, that is receiued them from any other part of all that border, saue from Tartarie. Because, in America there is not to be discerned, any token or indication at all, of the arts or industry of China, or India, or Cataia, or any [Page 97] other ciuill region, along all that border of Asia: But in their grosse ignorance of letters, and of arts, in their Idolatrie, and the specialties of it, in their inciuilitie, and many barbarous properties, they re­semble the olde and rude Tartars, aboue all the na­tions of the Earth. Which opinion of mine, touch­ing the Americans descending from the Tartars, ra­ther then from any other nation in that border of Asia, after the neere vicinitie of Asia to America, this reason aboue all other, may best establish and per­swade: Because it is certaine, that that Northeast part of Asia possessed by the Tartars, is if not con­tinent with the West side of America, which yet remaineth somewhat doubtfull: yet cer­tainely, and without all doubt, it is the least dis­ioyned by sea, of all that coast of Asia, for that those parts of Asia and America, are continent one with the other, or at most, disioyned but by some narrow channell of the Ocean, the rauenous and harmefull beasts, wherewith America is stored, as Beares, Lions, Tigers, Wolues, Foxes, &c. (which men as is likely, would neuer to their owne harme transporte out of the one continent to the other) may import. For from Noahs Arke, which rested af­ter the deluge, in Asia, all those beasts must of ne­cessitie fetch their beginning, seeing they could not proceede by the course of nature, as the vnper­fect sort of liuing creatures doe, of Putrefaction: or if they might haue Putrefaction for their pa­rentage, or receaue their originall (by any other new sort of generation) of the earth without special procreation of their owne kinde, then I see no nece­cessitie, [Page 98] why they should by Gods speciall appoint­ment, be so carefully preserued in Noahs Arke (as they were) in time of the deluge. Wherefore, see­ing it is certaine, that those rauenous beasts of A­merica, are the progenie of those of the same kinde in Asia, and that men, as is likely, conueighed them not (to their owne preiudice) from the one conti­nent to the other, it carrieth a great likelihood and appearance of truth, that if they ioine not together, yet are they neer neighbours, & but little disioyned each from other, for euen to this day, in the Isles of Cuba, Iamaica, Hispaniola, Burichena, and all the rest, which are so farre remoued from the firme land, that these beasts cannot swimme from it to them, the Spanyards record, Ioseph Acosta De N [...]tur. Nou Orb. l. 1. c. 21. that none of these are found. Wherefore it seemeth (to digresse no farther) that the natiō of the Tartarians, spreading so exceeding farre, as it doth, cannot certainely be the posteritie of those captiue Israelites.

Neither (to answer the second obiection) doth their circumcision in any sort inforce it: for, nei­ther was circumcision, among the Tartars ancien­ter then Mahumetanisme, but was receaued among them together with it, as Michouius hath remem­bred, Michou. de Sa [...]matia. l. 1. [...]. [...]. so that to this day, it is not intertained (for ought I can finde in Historie) among those Tartari­ans, which haue not receaued Mahumetanisme, but remaine in their auncient Idolatrie, as for the most part, both the Tartars of Cataia, beyond the moun­taine Imaus towards the East Ocean, and the Tartars of Sarmatia, towards the North, on both sides the riuer of Oby, do. Neither if it should be graunted, [Page 99] that circumcision had beene auncienter among them then Mahumetanisme, were that an argument of anie importance, to prooue them to bee of the Israelites progenie. Because it is certainely knowen, tha [...] the ceremony & custome of circumcision hath beene & stil is vsual among many nations, of whom there was neuer any suspition, that they descended from the Israelites, Diodor. Sic [...] part 2 c. 1 Philo. Iudae▪ l. de C [...]umcisi­one. Strab. l. 16. Herodot. l. 2. parum. a Med. Strab. l. 16. long. post med. for Diodorus hath recorded of the Colchians, Philo Iudaeus, and Strabo, of the Ae­gyptians, Herodotus of both those nations, and of the Aethiopians besides, that they vsed circumcisi­on, and that that custome among the Aegyptians and Aethiopians, did seeme very auncient, euen as it is also by both those nations retained till this day. And yet, beside these countries already mentio­ned, the like is also recorded of the Troglodites by Strabo, and by Diodor. Sic. l 3. c. 3. Agatharchid. l de Mar. Rubr. c. 49. ap. Phot. in Bibliotheca Cyprian. l. de circumcision. in principio. Niceph. Cal­list. l. 8. ca. 35. Ierem 9.26. Hieron in Comment lo­citam citati. others: Of the Phaenicians, and A­rabians, by Cyprian and Nicephorus. And (to leaue this accumulating of humane testimonies) it is not obscurely acknowledged by the Prophet Ieremie, to haue beene vsuall (beside the Israelites) with the Aegyptians, Edomites, Ammonites, Moabites, & the inhabitants of the desert, that is the For, that the Ismaelites and Sarracens are the same nation, is manifest by Hierome, and Sozo­men, and others, which being anciently termed Scenitae (as Ammianus hath obserued) namely of the Graecians, [...], because they dwelled in tents (for such to bee the manner of their ha­bitation, is not onely af­firmed by Loco iam citato. Hierome, but signified (and not ob­scurely) by Psalm. 120.5. vid. etiam Ierem. 49.28.29. Dauid la­menting his dwelling in the tents of [...] by which name Arabia de­serta is termed in the He­bre [...]) were of their dwel­ling in the desert, by the Arabians themselues na­med Sarracens (for Sarra ­signifieth, a desert, and Sakan to inhabite, in the Arabique tongue) or else, if not of their place, yet at least (as Scaliger in Animadu. Eu­seb. pa. 17. An. 88. Fuller. Miscel­ [...]an. Theolog. l. 2. ca. 1 [...]. learned men certainly thinke) of their property, they might ob­taine that name of Sarra­cens, namely, because they liued much by ra­pine (for that the word Saracke in Arabique doth import) to which aboue all nations they euer were, and still are addi­cted. For the deduction of the name Sarracens, from By Sozomen [...]. 6. ca. 38. Sara, as if they claimed descēt from hir, being indeede Hagarens, (the progenie of Hagar) is a meere fancie and fa­ble. They claime it not. Isma­elites, or Sarracens of A­rabia: Of which nations, Hierome also (to whom those regions were well knowen, (as Epiphani­us also of the most of them) hath left te­stified, [Page 100] that they re­tained circumcision, Hieron. Com­ment. in sa [...]. ca. 21. Sozomen. Hi­stor. l. 6. c. 38. Ammian. l. 22. post med. euen in his time. Touch­ing some of which, al­though it may be proba­blie coniectured, that they receaued it (in som sort) from the Israelites: if not as their progenie (which yet in some sense may be said of the inha­bitants of the desert, be­ing the posteritie of Is­mael the son of Abra­ham: and likewise of the Edomites, being the seed of Esau the sonne of Isaac) yet at least, by imi­tation of Abrahams fa­milie, to whom also in blood they were allied, as the Ammonites & Moa­bites, the posteritie of Lot, Abrahams brothers son, and who had liued long in his familiarity and family. Although I say of these nations it may bee coniectured, that their ceremonie of circumcision was taken vp, by imitation of the [Page 101] Israelites: yet that the same rite, or custome was also deriued origi­nally, from them to the whole nation of the A­rabians (which was ex­ceeding great) or to the Aegyptians, or other neighbouring prouinces, I know not why anie should conceaue, or if they doe, yet appeareth it to bee otherwise, because they circumcised not in the eight day, which is the inuiolable cu­stome of the Israelites: Ambros. l. 2. de Abraham. Patriarcha. c. 12. but the Aegyptians in the foureteenth yeare, as is recorded by Ambrose, & the Arabians in the thirteenth (and some of them both sexes, as Sard. de Riti. gent. l. 1. c. 10. learned men haue recorded. Euen as the Bellon. Ob­ser. l. 3. c. 28. Georgenitr. l. 2. de Ritib. Turcar. c. de Circūcisione. Turkes also at this day, who receaued the rite of circumcision from the Arabians, are knowne to circumcise in the eight or twelfth, or fifteenth yeare or sooner, or later, as opportunitie may serue. Of these nations I say, how circumcision should pro­ceede from the Israelites to them, I cannot con­ceaue: no more then I can of the great nation of the Pigafet. de Regn. Cong. l. 1 c. 5. Boter Rebat. pa. 1. [...]. c. Loan­ge. Anzichi, on the West side of Nilus beyond Nubia, or of the inhabitants of Ma [...]y [...] Oce­an. [...]ecad. 4. c 1. Iucatana in Ame­rica, whereof the first yet are, and the second (till they came vnder the gouernment of the Spaniards) were meere Idolaters, for of these also, the se­cond had, & the first still haue circumcision in vse.

And although these instances, vtterly dissolue the force of this reason, touching the Tartarians circumcision (though it were admitted to haue beene anciently in vse among them, as being vsuall [Page 102] with many other nations, of whom no suspition at all can be conceaued, to be of the Israelites proge­nie) yet this may furthermore declare them, not to be of that race, because namely, nothing else was to be found among them, that might sauour of Is­rael. For First, they were meere Idolaters, and with­out knowledge of the true God, as is recorded by Marcus Paulus, Paul. Venet. l. 3. c 47. Haith. l. de. Tartar. c. 1. by Haitho, and others. Secondly, they had no remembrance of the law at all. Third­ly, they neither obserued the Sabboath, nor other rites and ceremonies of the Israelites, but touching their matrimonies, married without impeachment the verie Vicent. Spec. Historialis. l. 32 c. 6. Paul. Venet. l. 1. c. 55. Guiliel de Ru­bric. Itin. Tar­tar. c. 9. wiues, and sisters of their fathers: and touching their feeding, abstained not at all, from vncleane beasts, but fed on the flesh of Sigism. com. Rer. Moscou. Gu. l. de Ru­bricis Itinerar Tartar. l. 5. Boem. de Mo­tib. gentium. l. 2. c. 10. horses, dogges, cattes, and dead carion, and dranke their blood, all vtterly forborne and forbidden among the Israelites. Fourthly, they haue no records, nor regard of their auncestors and linage, from whom, or by whom, they are descended, whereof Israelites were euer curious. Fifthly, they haue no affinitie of language at all, with either the Hebrew or Chaldee tongues, neither had any vse of those letters, nor of any other, till together with Mahumetan religion, the Arabique characters came in vse among some of them. Neither (in a word) doe I finde any thing at all, wherein the Tartarians sauored of Israelites, for touching their abstinence from swines flesh, which we finde recorded of them, neither is it ge­nerall among them, but peculiar to those that are Mahumetans: Nor if it were so, were that any good argument, because wee know that the auncient [Page 103] Herodot. l. 4. Scythians, and Aelian. de Animalib. l. 10. c. 17. Aegyptians, and Arabians did, and almost all Mahumetans at this day doe the same, which yet are well knowne to be in no sort descen­ded of the Israelites.

Now touching the authority of forged Esdr. 2.13. Esdras, which hath stirred vp as it seemeth this vapou­rous fantasie, in the braines of new fangled an­tiquaries: neither doth that which hee writeth of the ten tribes, agree at all with the Tartars: nor, if it did, could yet the circumstances of that history agree with the truth. It agreeth not with the Tar­tars I say, for whereas they are noted in that reue­lation, to bee Vers. 39. a peaceable people, and that they Vers. 41. left the multitude of the heathen, that they might keepe their statutes, which they neuer kept in their owne land: neither of both those properties, hath any conuenience or agreement at all with the Tartarians. For how are they a peaceable people, that with their wars haue troubled and ouerturned almost all Asia, and sun­dry countries of Europe, and hold a great part of the former in subiection to this day? Or how kept they the statutes of the Israelites, that were meere idolaters, and vtterly ignorant of all Iewish lawes and ceremonies? And touching the history it selfe of the Israelites departure out of Assyria, as it is set downe in that Apocryphall Esdras (howsoeuer it might otherwise agree with the Tartars) there is no wise or considerate man, I think, that can bring his vnderstanding to giue credit to it. For first it contradicteth the vndoubted canonicall histories of the Chronicles, 1. Chro. 5.26. 2. Kin. 17.23. and of the Kings, in both which [Page 104] it is recorded of them, that they were carried a­way into A­shur, & disposed in seuerall parts of the Empire, namely If [...] be Cholchi, and [...] I­beria, and [...] Armenia, so cal­led for the mountainousnes of it) and [...] Gauzania in Media, then all confined together, and bounded the north side of the Assyrian Empire, which stret­ched northward, but to that Isthme betweene the Euxine & the Caspian seas: So that, the Israelites were by that meanes, seated farthest off from their owne countrey, and placed in the parts of the Empire most wast and desolate of inhabitāts, as the confines of warring nati­ons vsually are. But if Calach be Calacine, and Chabor the hil Cha­boras, (being part of Taurus, and seuering Assyria, from Armenia, and Media) and Hara the other hilly parts in the north side of Assyria, as seemeth more agree­able to the obseruations of Ben­iamin Tudelensis, for about those parts, he found in his trauail, the greatest multitudes of the Israe­lites, then in the places aleaged, I would vnderstand by Ashur, not the Empire or dominion, but the peculiar kingdome of Assyria. Calach, and Chabor, and Hara, and Gozan, vnto this day, which limitation of time (vnto this day) must at least of necessitie import, the time wherein that hi­story (of their re­maining in A­shur) recorded in the books of the Kings, & of the Chronicles was writtē. Of which later, either Es­dras himselfe was the Author, as in the iudgmēt R. Dau. Kim­chi & R. She­lomo ex sen­tentia seniorū apud Sixt. Se­nens. Biblioth. Sanctae lib. 1. of learned men he is reputed, & ther­fore could not [Page 105] (as it seemeth) be the Author of that apocryphall history: Abulens. in praef. Paralipō. in Quaestiō. 5. or, at least, if Esdras were not the Author, yet, that the Author (whosoeuer he was) liued and writ that history of the Chronicles, after the return of the Iewes from the captiuity, or in the end of it, (that is in Esdras time,) is euident by the end of the booke: where Cyrus his benignity, for restoring of the Iewes, & his proclamation for their returne to Ierusalem is recorded, and that in the very same words, wherein Esdras in the beginning of his own booke hath registred them. At that time therfore, it is euident, that the Israelites were not departed out of the dominions of Ashur. No nor long after that in Iosephus his time: Ioseph. Antiq. l. 11. c. who hath recorded that euen then the tenne Tribes remained beyond Eu­phrates, and were there growne into innumerable multitudes: neither yet many hundred yeares af­ter Iosephus was dead: for R. Beniamin a Iew, that li­ued but about 440. yeares agoe, and trauailed di­ligently those parts of the world, and many other to visite his dispersed countrimen, hath in his Iti­nerary left obserued, not only, that he found excee­ding far greater multitudes of the Israelites, Beniamin in I­tiner. pag. 57.58.59.70.71.74 75.76.77.78.80.81.86. to be then remaining in those prouinces of the ancient dominion of Ashur, then he found in other places, possessing Pag. 75. & 87 large regions, and Pag. 76. &c. many cities, so that in the cities of some one Region Pag cad. 300000. Iewes were by him numbred, obseruing specially, that in the parts of Media, many thousand Israelites of the progeny of them that Salmanaser ledde into [Page 106] captiuity, were then remaining, but withall, he set­teth downe particularly and precisely, the very pla­ces of those regions, where certaine of the Tribes were seated, & there grown into great multitudes: As namely, in Pag. 77. one place, the Tribes of Ruben, Gad, and Manasse: And in Pag. 87. an other, the 4. Tribes of Dan, Asher, Zebulon, and Naphtali.

But yet if there were neither authority of holy Scripture, nor experience to refell this fable, & the fancies that haue sprung of it: yet ordinary reason, at least of men that are not ignorant of Geography and are meanly skilled in the affaires of the world, may easily discerne the futility of it. For first, what neede was there of such a miracle, 2. Esdr. 13. as to And the most high thē shewed them signes, & stay­ed the springs of the floud (Euphrates) till they were pas [...]ed ouer. [...]ecs. 44. stay the course of Euphrates, for the Israelites passage from Assyria, or Media toward Tartary, the riuer lying far to the west, both of the one region and of the o­ther, & no way crossing or impeaching their iour­ney, which lay northward betweene that riuer and the Caspian Sea? Or, how might those poore cap­tiue Israelites, disarmed as they were, and dispersed in sundry Prouinces of the Assyrian Empire, and being vnder the ouersight and gouernment of As­syrian presidents, be able to leaue the places, where by the Kings commandement they were to inha­bite? Or, They tooke this counsel to themselues that they would leaue the multitude of the Hea­then. v. 41. if the Israelites were able by force to de­part, and free themselues from the dominion of the king of Ashur, yet were they so wise also, as to forsake the places where they were peaceably set­led, and venture their small remainders vpon pe­rils and vncertainties, namely, to finde out a place where neuer mankind dwelt? Or, if their stomacke [Page 107] serued them so well, and their wit so ill, as in such manner to forsake Assyria, And goe forth into a country where neuer mankind dwelt. v. 41. yet were they also able to make themselues way (euen a way as hee saith, of 18. moneths passage) through the fierce and mighty nations of Scythia, whom neither the con­querours of the Israelites, the Assyrians I meane, nor the Persians (and I might adde also the Greci­ans and the Romans) were neuer able to subdue, but were in the after times subdued by them? for that the parts of Scythia should bee without Inha­bitants (& in Scythia it must bee where they would find that country where neuer mankind dwelt, or else it is not in Tartary) is scarse credible, as wherof we read in histories, Iustin. hist. l. 2. in princip. to haue cōtended with Aegypt for antiquity of habitation, & to haue preuailed, and for the aboundance of people, to bee termed Hominum Officina. Insomuch that the greatest oc­casion of swarming abroad of those nations of Scythia, and of their ouerwhelming of Asia & Eu­rope, with their infinite multitudes and colonies, is in histories recorded, to be lacke of room for ha­bitation in their owne countries.

And lastly, to make an end of this tedious dis­course, with the ende of their imagined tedious iourney: what ancient Geographer or Historian is there, (set our Esdras aside) that euer remembred of such a Region as Arsareth, where they are saide to haue seated themselues. True it is indeed that I find the city of Arsaratha, Beros. lib. 3. Ptolem. Geog. l. 5. c. 13. et in Tab. 3. Asiae. mentioned both in Bero­sus fragments, and in Ptolomie placed neer the issue of the riuer Araxes into the Caspian sea: and, it was perhaps one of the Israelitish colonies, planted in [Page 108] the confines of the empire of Assyria: for it may well bee that Arsaratha, is but [...], or [...], that is the City, or the hill of the re­mainder: or perhaps [...] (the last letter of the first word cut of in the Greeke pronunciation for sounds sake) the Land of the remainder: but the tale of eighteene months iourney, wil no more agree with this citie, then the region of Arsareth doth, with Geography or Historie.

So that me thinks this forged story of the Israe­lites voyage and habitation, in such remote regi­ons where neuer mankind dwelt, sauoureth of the same phantastical and Talmudical spirit, that Esd. 6.42. an other tale of the same author doth, touching the collection of all the waters, into a seuenth part of the earth, the other sixe beeing left vncouered: or Cap. eod. vers. 50. a third, of (the Elephant and the Whale) Behe­moth and Leuiathan: namely, that God appointed the sea to one of them, and the land to the other, because they were so great that the Sea could not hold them both: for else belike, if the Sea had bene large enough, we might haue gone a fishing for E­lephants. For how is the sea gathered into a sea­uenth part of the earth, whose expansion is not on­ly by the most skilfull Philosophers esteemed, but found by experiēce of nauigations hitherto made, to ouerspred as neerly as may be discerned, about halfe the compasse of the Earth? Or, being of that bredth, and withall of the depth, that it is knowne to be how should it not bee spatious enough, to receiue Elephants and Whales together? The di­mensions of the Elephant, euen of the greatest sort [Page 109] of Indian Elephants, (and the earth breedeth none so large as those of India) are, Aelian de A­nimalib. l. 12. c. 8. saith Aelianus, nine cu­bits of heigth (the length in that beast is equall to the height) and fiue of bredth, the greatest that haue bene seene in Europe, being Vid. Gilliū in Descript: 6, Elephant, c. 6. et Gorop l. 2. O­rigin. Antuer­ptan. obserued to be far lesse. The dimension of the Whale indeed is far greater (fiue times saith Aelian. l. 16. ca. 12. Rondelet. de Piscib. l. 16. c. 11. Arriā. de Reb. Indicis longe ante finem. Aelianus then the largest sort of Elephants) But yet his ordinary dimensiō is, but 36. cubits long, and 8. cubits high, as Ron­deletius hath obserued. But admit notwithstanding some of them to bee 50. cubits, of which length, Nearchus in Arrianus is saide to haue measured one in the East Ocean: nay, to be 600. foot long, and 360. foote thicke, as Ap. Plin. l. 32. c. 1. Iuba in Plinie related to bee found in the Bay of Arabia, (where yet, as it is well knowne by the foundings of nauigators, that sea is not by a good deale 360. foote deepe) Or, let them be more yet, Plin. l 9. c. 3. euen foure Acres long, (that is 960. foote) as Plinie hath related of some in the sea of India. For, although the two last reports bee in truth no better then fancies and fables, Basil. in Hexa­emer. Homil. 7 which the impudence of some, hath made the ignorance of o­thers, to beleeue, yet I will exclude none, but onely Basil, as intolerably hyperbolical, affirming namely that whales are equal to the greatest mountaines, & their backs whē they shew aboue the water, like to Islands. But admitting all the rest I say, what pro­portion haue those dimensions of the Whale & the Elephant, to the huge bredth & depth of the Oceā?

For if I may without offence intersert a short Philosophicall speculaton: the depth of the Sea (to speake nothing of the bredth, which euery com­mon [Page 110] mappe doth represent) is determined by Fa­bianus in Plinie, Fabian. apud Plin. l. 2. c. 102 Cleomed. Me­teot. l. 1. c. 10. and by Cleomedes, to be 15 furlongs, that is, one mile and seuen eight parts: Or else, e­quall to the height of the greatest mountaines, to whose height, and the deepenesse of the Sea, the Geometricians (as Plutarch hath recorded) anci­ently assigned equall dimensions. Plutarch in Vita Aemilij Pauli. Or yet rather (if you will any thing respect my opinion) it is a great deale more. Scalig. de Subtilitate. Exercit. 38. For, as for the shallow speculati­on of Scaliger, and And. Baccius de Thermis. l. 1. c. 4. & Alij.others, of the shallownesse of the Sea, determining the height of Hilles, farre to surpasse the deepenesse of the sea: And that in very few places, it attaineth 100 passes of depth, is in­deed true in the narrow Channels and Straits of the Sea: But in the free and large Ocean, it is by the experience of Nauigators knowen to bee as false as the Gospell is true. Indeed touching the height of mountaines, I finde it pronounced by the great Mathematician Eratosthenes in Theon, Theon. in Comment. Magnae Construction. Ptolom. l. 1. that the highest sort of them, passe not in perpendicular erectnesse 10 furlongs (that is one mile and one fourth part) of which height also, it is obserued in Plinie, Plin. l. 2. c. 63. Plutarch. loc. supra citato. that Dicaearchus by Dioptricall Instruments, found the Hill Pelius in Thessalie to bee, and in Plu­tarch, that Xenagoras (another Mathematician) ob­serued the height of Olympus, in the same Region, sauing, that in this later, there is an addition of 20 passes, for the whole number of passes, is 1270. Neither do I find any greater perpendicular height attributed to Mountaines, by any ancient writer, Cleomedes excepted: Cleomed. l. 1. Meteor. c. 10. who assigneth to the height of Hils, as he doth also to the depth of the Sea, 15 fur­longs. [Page 111] (For Alhazen I omit, because he onely re­straineth the height of hilles, Alhazen. de Crepuscul. propos. 1. as namely, not to ex­ceed 8 miles, without determining what their height should be) But yet, all these, are to bee vn­derstood, I take it, with relation to the Mountaines in and about Greece, with which themselues were acquainted, which may in no sort compare with the huge Mountaines of vast Continents, such as are the Alpes in Europe, Atlas in Afrique, Caucasus in India, the Andes in Peru, and such other.

But, whatsoeuer the height of Hilles may bee aboue the common superficies of the Earth, it seem­eth to me after good consideration, that the depth of the Sea, is a great deale more. For declaration of which point, I require to be supposed, first, that the Earth at the first forming of it, was in the superfi­cies, regular, and sphericall: which the Holy Scrip­ture directs vs to beleeue, because the water coue­red and compassed all the face of the Earth: And secondly, that the face of the Land is in largenesse and expansion, at least equall to that of the sea: And thirdly, that the vneuennesse and irregulari­ty, which is now seene in the superficies of the Earth was caused (as is noted in Damascen) either, Damascen. l. 1. de fide Or­thodoxa c. 10. by ta­king of some parts out of the vpper face of the Earth in sundry places, to make it more hollow, and laying them in other places, to make it more conue [...]e▪ Or else (which in effect is equiualent to that) by raysing vp some, and depressing o­thers to make roome and receite for the sea: that mutation being wrought by the power of that word, Genes. 1.9. Let the waters be gathered into one place, that the [Page 112] dry land may appeare. For, as for the fancy of Aqui­nas, Dionysius, Aquin. in Sum pa. 1. q. 69. a. 1. Dionys. Carth Catharin. & Alij in Com­ment. cap. 1. Genes. Catharinus and some other Diuines namely, that that gathering of waters and discoue­rie of the Earth, was made, not by any mutation in the Earth, but by a violent accumulation of the waters, or heaping them vp on high, it is too vn­reasonable. Because it is vtterly against the nature of water, being a flexible and ponderous body, so to consist, and stay it selfe, and not fall to the lower parts about it, where in nature there is nothing at all to hinder it. Or, if it be hindered and restray­ned supernaturally, by the hand and bridle of the almighty, lest it should ouerwhelme and drowne the Land, it must follow thereof, that God in the very institution of nature, imposed a perpetuall vi­olence vpon nature: And this withall, that at the Deluge, there had beene no necessitie at all, to break vp the springs of the deepe, and to open the Cata­racts of Heauen, and powre downe water conti­nually, so many dayes and nights together vpon the Earth, seeing, the only withdrawing of that hand, or letting goe of that bridle, which restray­ned the water, would presently haue ouerwhel­med all.

But, to come to the Point. It seemeth vpon the former suppositions (of which, the holy scripture establisheth the first, Experience of Trauailers, and Nauigators the second, and Reason the third) that in making estimation of the depth of the Sea, wee are not to reckon and consider onely, the height of the Hilles, aboue the common superficies of the Earth, vnto which the extraordinary depthes [Page 113] or whirlpooles, that are found in the Sea, doe pro­perly answere (descending beneath the ordinary bottome of the Sea, as the Hilles ascend aboue the ordinary face of the Land) but, the aduantage or height of all the dry Land aboue the superficies of the Sea. Because the whole Masse of the Earth, that now appeareth aboue the waters, being taken as it were out of the place, which the waters now pos­sesse, must bee equall to the place out of which it was taken, and consequently it seemeth, that the height or eleuation of the one, should answere the depth or descending of the other. And therefore as I sayd, in estimating the deepenesse of the Sea, wee are not to consider onely the erection of the Hilles, aboue the ordinary land, but the aduan­tage of all the dry land aboue the sea. Which later, I meane the height of the ordinary maine Land, (euen excluding the hilles) is in my opinion more in large Continents aboue the Sea, then that of the Hilles, is aboue the Land. For first, that the plaine and common face of the drie Land, is not leuell, or equally distant from the Center, but hath great decliuity and descent toward the Sea, and accliui­tie or rising toward the Midland parts, although it appeare not so to the common view of the Eye, is to reason notwithstanding manifest. Because as it is found in that part of the Earth, which the Sea couereth that it descendeth lower, and lower to­ward the middest of the sea, (for the Sea which touching the vpper face of it, is knowen to bele­uell by nature, and euenly distant from the Center, is withall obserued to waxe deeper and deeper, the [Page 114] farther one sayleth from the shore toward the Maine) Euen so, in that part which is vncouered, the coursings and streamings of Riuers on all sides from the midland parts to­ward the Sea, By which rule of the proceeding of Riuers by the de­cliuity of the earth and euer sliding from the higher ground to the low­er, till they come to the Sea, is eui­dent to bee discer­ned, that in Con­tinents, those Re­gions are the high­er Land frō which Riuers streame, & those the lower ground, to which they proceed, and consequently, that of all, those are the highest which re­ceiuing no forrain Riuers, to which they giue passage through them, do send forth the lon­gest Riuers on all sides to the regions round about thē. By which obser­uation is to be dis­cerned, that Helue­tia and Rhetia, sen­ding forth the lon­gest Riuers of Eu­rope, which on all sides descend from them and their confines, Danubius toward the East, Rhene North, Rho­danus West, beside Ticinus, Addua, and others, that fall in­to Padus South, are the highest land of Europe: As the Re­gion of Pamer, and Kirgessi, with some other neere the crossing of the great mountaines Taurus and Imaus aboue India, whēce are directed, the greatest and lon­gest Riuers of Asia, Indus and Ganges toward the South, Oxus and Iaxartus toward the West, Oechardes North, Cantan East, is proued by the same reason, to be the heighest part of Afrique & Asia, and in my opinion of all the Earth. And as the region also about the springs of Nilus, from which beside Nilus, that run­neth towards the North, are sent forth, the riuer of Magnice, towards the South, of Zaire West, of Coauo & Zuama East, being ( Niger excepted) the greatest riuers of Afrique, is by the same reason, proued to be, the heighest part of that continent. whose proper­tie wee know is to slide from the higher to the lower, eui­dently declare so much.

And although I am not a­ble precisely to determine, what the ordinary decliuity of the earth may be, yet, if that be conuenient in the workes of nature, which is required in the workes of Art, that imitateth Nature, it will bee found true that before I sayd: Namely, that in great Continents, through which Riuers haue long Courses, some of 1000, or 2000 miles, the height of the ordinary Midland, aboue the face of the Sea, is more, then of the Hilles aboue the common face of the Earth, for Plinie in the deriuation of wa­ter, [...] 31. [...]6. requireth one cubit of de­clining, in 240 foot of procee­ding (for he saith vnum cubitum in binos Actus & Actus as may Col [...]mell. de Re Rustica. l. 5. c [...]bee obserued in Columella and others is a dimension of 120 [Page 115] foote long) Vitruuius and Palla­dius in their conduction of wa­ters, Vitrum Archirectur. l. 8 [...] Pallad. [...] Ru [...]ca l. 5. Tic. II. require indeede some­what lesse, namely, that in pro­ceeding of 200 foote forward, there should bee allowed one foote of descending downe­ward, which yet in the course of 1000 miles (as Danubius or Wolgha, or Indus &c. haue so much or more) will make fiue miles of descent in perpendi­cular account: And in the course of 2000, or more, (as Nilus, and Niger, and the Riuer of Amazons haue) 10 mile or more of like descent.

And, although I know well enough, that water being (as it is) heauy and flexible, will slide away at any inequalitie, and therefore am altogether perswaded, that this rule of Vi­truuius touching conueiance of waters, is not to be taken as a rule of necessitie, to be obser­ued in the deriuing of them, as if water could not runne with­out that aduantage, (for in that respect the Conueiers of waters of these times, contēt themselues euen with one inch [Page 116] in 600 foote, as Philander also on Vitruuius, Philand in Vi­truu. l. 8. c. 7. hath obserued) but is rather to bee vnderstood as a rule of commodity, name­ly with relation to the expedi­tion and holesomenesse of the water so conueied, lest re­sting too long in the pipes it should contract from them some vnholesome qualitie, or else through the slacknesse of motion, or long closenesse, or banishment from the aire, it might gather some aptnesse and disposition to putrefie. Al­though I say, such excesse of aduantage as in the artificiall conueance of waters the forenamed authors require, be not of necessitie exacted, in the naturall deriuation of thē: yet neuerthelesse certaine it is, that the descent of riuers, being as it is continuall, and the course of some of them ve­rie long, and in many places swift, and here, and there head­long & furious, the difference of height or aduantage, can not but be great, betwixt the springs of riuers and their outlets, betwixt their first rising out of the earth, and their falling into the sea.

[Page 117]Vnto which decliuitie of the land, seeing the deepenesse of the sea doth in proportion answer (as I before declared) & not onely to the height of hils. It remaineth that we esteeme and determine that deepenesse to be a great deale more, then it hath beene hetherto by Philosophers commonly repu­ted. And although the deepenesse of the Sardinian sea (which indeede Aristotle acknowledgeth for the deepest part of the mediterrane) bee specially recorded by Posidonius in Strabo, Arist. Meteor l. 2. c. 1. Strabo. l. 1. longe post me­dium. to haue beene found but 1000 fadomes ( [...]) which is but a mile and one fift part: yet what may the depth in that narrow sea bee, compared to the hollow deepenesse of the vast Ocean? Or rather (to turne this Instance to our aduantage) if in so narrow a sea as the mediterraine is (whose bredth attayneth not where it is largest, 600 miles) the depth bee so great, what may wee esteeme the deepenesse of the huge Ocean to be, that is in many places aboue fiue times as broade? especially, seeing that the broader that seas are, if they be withall entire, and free from Islands, they are answerablie obserued to be the deeper.

But whether haue I beene carried by these Ele­phants and Whales? to what heights and depths, of Mountaines, and Seas? I pray you pardon mee, for I see I haue digressed, that is, transgressed, now I returne into the way againe.

NOw, if out of the former long discourse, I should collect a short somme, and estimate the proportion with respect to the whole earth, that each one of the forementioned religi­ons, haue to the other. It being first supposed, which vpon exact consideration and calcalation, will bee found to swarue very little from the truth, that the proporti­ons of Europe, Afrique, Asia, and America, are as 1.3.4 & 7. And that the professors of the foremen­tioned religions, possesse the seuerall portions and proportions, of each of them, which is before set downe: It will be found I say vpon these suppo­sitions (which the best Gographie, and histories doe perswade mee to bee true) that Christians possesse, neere about a fixt part of the knowne inhabited earth: Mahumetans, a fift part (not as Pos [...]el in p [...]aefat. Gram­mat. Arabic. Ludouic. Re­g [...]us de Vicis­situd. Rerum. l [...] [...]ue. some haue exceedingly ouerlashed, halfe the world or more) and Idolaters, two thirds, or but little lesse. So that, if we diuide the knowne regions of the world, into 30 equall parts. The Christians part is as fiue, the Mahumetans as sixe, and the Idolaters as nineteene, for the poore dispersed and distressed Christians, which are found in Asia and Afrique, mingled a­mong [Page 119] Mahumetans, and Idolaters, I receaue not in­to this account, both because they are but thinne dispersed, in respect of the multitudes of Mahume­tans and Idolaters in those regions among whom they liue (being withall vnder their dominion) and because also, many Mahumetans, are found min­gled among Christians in Europe, to recom­pence and counteruaile a great part of that num­ber.

Such therefore may be the generall proportion of Christians to Mahumetans and Idolaters, in the continents of the earth hetherto discouered, name­ly, in this our neighbour continent of the East com­prehending Europe, Afrique, and Asia, and in that other continent of the West, called America, and in the Islands belonging to them both. But if the South or Antarctique continent, be so large, as I am verily perswaded it is (euen no lesse, then that of the East before mentioned, which containeth Europe, Afrique and Asia together) then will the Idolaters be found to surpasse all the other religi­ons, in exceeding great proportion, for that the In­habitants of that South continent, are Idolaters, there is no question at all ( as I take it) to bee made, both because in the parts hitherto known, as name­ly in the region of Varro. l. 6. de Ling. Latina. Beach, ouer against Iaua, they were found to be so: And also, because they are knowne to be no other then Idolaters, that inha­bite all those parts of the other continents, that neighbour most towards them, from whom it is likely, they should haue receaued the change of their religion, if any were: for first, in Asia, both [Page 120] India, and the Islands of the Indian sea, whereof some lie close on the South continent. Secondly, in Afrique, the regions about the Cape of Buona Spe­ranza. And Thirdly, in America, the Countries that border on Magaglians Straite, which are the nee­rest neighbours to the foresaid continent of the South, are knowne to bee all ouerspred with Ido­laters.

Now that the South continent is no lesse then I before esteemed it, namely, then that of Asia, A­frique and Europe altogether, although I might be probablie induced to beleeue so, because it is well knowne, both (touching latitude) to approach in some parts neere the equator, and (touching lon­gitude) to runne along in a continuall circuite a­bout the earth, fronting both the other continents: Yet haue I also another reason of more certaine importance, to perswade me: Namely, because it is well knowne, that the land to the North side of the line, in the other continents (the old and new world) yet altogether is at least foure times as large as that part of them which lieth to the South. Now, forasmuch as it is certaine, Note: For touching the first of these suppositions. It is the propertie of water, euer to fall that way, where it findeth decliuitie. Wherefore, if the water, in the vpper face of it, were higher in one place then in another, it would necessa­rily fall, from the heigher po­sition to the lower, because it is heauie and flexible, & hath nothing in the open and free Sea, to let or hinder it. And consequently, would neuer rest setled and stable, till the face of it were leuelled, in an euen distance from the cēter. first by Archimedes his rule, Archimed. de Insidentib. A­quae l. 1. Pro­pos. 2. that the face of the sea, is in all parts naturally le­uell, or equally di­stant from the cen­ter of the water, for which equalitie, it [Page 119] hath obtained the name of Aequer & Aqua, Varro. l. [...]. de Ling. Latina. Isidor. Origi [...]. l. 3. c. 12 & Alij. as Gramma­rians say: Note: And touching the second if the earth were vnequallie poysed on opposite sides of the center, then must it fol­low, that the least and lighter masse of the earth should presse downe as forciblie, as the greater and weightier, be­cause it attaineth the center as well as it. But if it be graun­ted, which reason doth in­force, that the weightier part of the earth, should presse downeward, with greater force, and with more right challenge the center, then the lighter part: it must fol­low, that the lighter masse or side of the earth, must yeelde and giue place to the weigh­tier, so farre, till the center of that whole masse of the earth take possession of the center of the world (for till then, one side will be still heauier then the other) and so the opposite halfes of the earth, in respect of heauinesse, be brought on all sides, about the center, vn­to a perfect equilibration. And se­condly, by the Phi­losophers knowne rule, that the earth is equally poised on both sides of her owne center. Note: And the third may be esta­blished, by manifest de­monstration. Because, a clod of earth, suffered to fall from any point of the aire, where­soeuer, on the face of the sea (the same doth water, falling on euen & plaine land) when all is calme, and the aire not troubled with windes, nor the sea with waues, will descend by a perpendicular line, on the face of the water. In such sort I say, that the line by which it falleth maketh ex­actly equall and right angles on all sides, with the face of the water whereon it falleth. Therefore it is manifest, that the earth so falling, tēdeth di­rectly to the center of the wa­ter Because no straight line insisteth perpendicularly, on the face or circumference of any special body (as the water is) except only those that pro­ceede directly to the center of the sphaire: But certaine it is, that the earth is withal direct­ly carried toward it own cen­ter, therefore there is but one common center of the water and of the earth. And thirdly, that the center of the earth & of the water are all one (both of thē being indeede no o­ther thē the center of the world) which though some phan­tastical heads haue called into question yet no sound philo­sopher euer doubt­ed of: It followeth thereupon, that the earth should in an­swerable measure and proportion, lift it selfe and appeare aboue the face of the sea, on the south side of the line, as it doth on the north. [Page 122] And consequently, that what is wan­ting in the South parts of the two foresaid continents towards the coun­teruailing of the North parts (which is about three fiue parts of both the o­ther continents lai­ed together) must of necessitie be sup­plied in the conti­nents of the South. And yet I omit all the land, that may be about the Arcti­que Pole, beyond the Scythian or Sar­matian sea, which must be also coun­terpoysed in that Antarchtique conti­nent, for nothing comes within the compasse of my vn­derstanding, to bee hereto replied, ex­cept any would perhaps imagine, that either the sea [Page 123] on the South side of the equator, is verie shallow, or that the land of that cōtinēt, may be much high­er aboue the face of the sea, thē the land of the other two (& so equal in masse, though lesse in circuit) or that the earth on the south side of the E­quator, should be of a more ponderous disposition, thē on the North, in which cases, some cōpensation of weightines, may be made for the want of exten­tion. But of these three, the experience of sailers eui­dently refelleth the first, who in equall distance from the land, obserue an equall deepenesse of the sea, in both South and North latitude. And neither is there any experience, nor good reason that can be alleadged to establish either of the later: which, but that I haue alreadie too much offended by di­gressions, I could prooue I doubt not against all ex­ception. But this for a conclusion to this discourse, I dare pronounce touching that South cōtinent, that it wil certainely be foūd (in the after times, when it shall be better discouered) much larger then any globe or map hitherto extant, hath represented it.

Such therfore (as I haue declared) is the general state of Christianity at this present in the world, & the proportion of it to other religions. But because you require yet further to be specially informed of the diuers sorts and sects of Christians that are a­broad in the world, and withall of their diuers re­gions and religions, at least of those principall cha­racters [Page 124] of their religion, wherin they specially differ each from other, I will here set downe my second period, touching the generall differences of religi­ons, and of the seuerall parts of the world where they are maintained: and will now proceed to that particular consideration touching the sects of Christianity, and indeuour to giue you the best sa­tisfaction that my poore reading, and obseruation may inable me to performe.

THE sects therefore of Christi­ans, that carrie name & report at this present in the World, beside the Protestants and Ro­mans in the West, of whom I will bee silent, because you know their condition better then my selfe, are ¹ the Grecians, ² Melchites or Syri­ans, ³ Georgians, ⁴ Moscouites & Russians, ⁵ Nestorians, ⁶ Indians termed the Christians of S ^t. Thomas, ⁷ Ia­cobites, ⁸ Cophites, ⁹ Armenians, ¹⁰ Habassines, and ¹¹ Maronites. Of which eleuen sects, there be three Principall, namely the Grecians, Iacobites and Ne­storians, with which the rest haue, for the most part, [Page 125] either some dependance and deriuation, or neerer conuenience and agreement.

The Grecians acknowledge obedience to the Pa­triarch of Constantinople, vnder whose Iurisdicti­on are in Asia, Bellon. Ob­seruation. l. 1. c. 35. the Christians of Natolia (excepting Armenia the lesse, and Cilicia) of Circassia, of Men­grelia, and of Russia: As in Europe also, the Chri­stians of Greece, Macedon, Epirus, Thrace, Bulgaria, Rascia, Seruia, Bosina, Walachia, Moldauia, Podolia, and Moscouia: together with all the Islands of the Ae­gean sea, and others about Greece, as farre as Corfu, beside a good part of the large dominion of Polo­nia, and those parts of Dalmatia, and of Croatia, that are subiect to the Turkish dominion.

Of which great extendment of the Greeke Pa­triarchs iurisdiction, if you demand the reason: I haue obserued sundry occasions, from whence it hath proceeded. For first, his originall or Primi­tiue authority assigned, or rather confirmed to him, (as Bishop of the Jmperiall citie) by the coū ­cell of Chalcedon; contained all the Prouinces of Thrace, Concil. Chal­cedone [...]s. can. 23. and of Anatolia, ( Isauria, and Cilicia, onelie excepted, which belonged to the Patriarch of An­tiochia) and they were in all, no lesse then 28. Ro­mane Prouinces. Secondly, the voluntary submis­sion of the Grecians vpon their separation from the latin Church, greatly increased it: for thereby not onely Greece, Macedon, [...]spirus, Candie, and the Isles about Greece (in all seuen Prouinces) came vnder his obedience, but also Sicil [...]e, and the East point of Italie, named Calabria, reuolted from the Bishop of Rome, and for a long time, pertained to [Page 126] the Patriarch of Constantinople, Nouell. Leon. De ordine Metropolitan in Lib. 2. To­ [...]ri L [...]uris. as appeareth in the Nouell of Leo Sophus touching the order and precedence of Metropolitans, belonging to that Patriarchie. And by the like ordination set downe by Andronicus Paloeologus, in Curopalates, Orientalis. Curopalat. de Official. Palat. Constā ­tinop. prope sinem. where wee find, the Metropolitans of Syracusa, and Catana in Sicilie, of Rhegium, Seueriana, Rosia, and Hydruntum in Calabria, registred among the Metropolitans of that Iurisdiction. Thirdly it was inlarged by the conuersion of the north regions to Christian Re­ligion, performed by his Suffragans and ministers, euen from Thrace to Cromer. de. script. Polon. L. 1. Herdenst de Bell. Mosc. l. 1. Gu [...]guin. Descript [...]on. Moscou. c. 2. Russia and the Scythian Sea (the like whereof was the principall cause, that so farre inlarged the Bishop of Rome his Iurisdiction in the west parts of Europe.) And fourthly, by the Turks conquests made vpon the Westerne coun­tries, subiect before to the Bishop of Rome: all which, while partly, the former Bishops and Pa­stors fled, to auoid the Turks oppression (like the hireling that forsaketh the flocke, when he seeth the wolfe comming) and partly, while the Patriarch of Constantinople, to supply that default, was faine to prouide them of new ministers, they haue beene by little and little brought & trained to the Greeke religion.

Now as touching the proper characters of their religion, I must, for the better designing and re­membring of them, set before me some instance or patterne, to compare it, and other sects of Re­ligion withall: And that is most fit to be the Ro­mane Church, both because their differences with that Church specially, are in writers most ob­serued. [Page 127] So that, by that meanes my discourse may be the shorter, and yet no lesse perspicuous to you, that know the opinions of the Romane Church so well. The principall characters then of the Gre­cians religion, (for none but the principall you re­quire, and to mention euery slender difference of ceremonies, would be but tedious, and fruitlesse, (and is beside without my compasse) are these that follow.

• 1.
  Concil. Florent. Sess. 18. & sequentib. Ierem. Patri­arch Cōstant in Resp. 1. ad Germanos. cap. 1.
  That the holy Ghost proceedeth from the fa­ther onely, not from the sonne.
• 2.
  Cōcil. Flo­rentin. prope Initium. Respons. Grae­cer ad cardi­nal. Guisan. Quest. 9.
  That there is no purgatory fire.
• 3.
  Resp. cad. Graecor. Q. 5. Ierem. Patr. Resp. 1. cap. 1.
  That they celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.
• 4.
  Ierem. Resp. cad. c. 10. & 21
  And in leauened bread, and thinke it cannot be effectually consecrated in bread vnleauened.
• 5.
  Posseuin. de Rebus Mosco. uiae pag. 43.
  That they reiect extreame vnction.
• 6.
  Id. lib. citat. pag. 40.
  And confirmation.
• 7.
  Ierem. Res­pons. cap. 21.
  That they deny the soules of holy men to enioy the blissefull vision of God, or the soules of wicked men to be tormented in hel, before the day of iudgement. Th. a Ies. de Conu. gent. l. 6. c. 1.
• 8.
  Tom. vnio­nis inter no­uel. Constan­tin. Porphyro­gen. in Tomo 1 Tur. Orien­talis. lib. 2. Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. in Im pe Leon's philosophi.
  That they admit Priests marriages, namely, so that they may keepe their wiues married before their ordination, but must not marry after ordina­tion.
• 9.
  Resp. Grae­cor. ad Guisan Quest 8. Posse [...]i [...]. de reb. Moscou.
  That they prohibite vtterly the fourth mar­riage, as a thing intolerable. Insomuch, that (as we find recorded) their Patriarchs haue for that cause excommunicated some of their Emperours, al­though they had no issue left of their three former marriages.
• [Page 128]

  Posseu l [...]b. [...] pag. 41 et 2.

  [...]llamont on [...]oyag. l 2. c 21

  10. That they reiect the religious vse of massie images, or statues, admitting yet pictures or plaine images in their Churches.
• Vil [...]am. on Vo [...]ag. l. 2. c. 21 [...]t Alij.
  11. That they solemnize Saturday (the old sab­bath) festiually, and eat therin flesh, forbidding as vnlawfull to fast any Saturday in the yeare, except Easter Eue.
• Posseuin. l. [...] p. 42.
  12. That they obserue foure lents in the yeare.
• N [...]lus Epis­cop. Thes [...]al. de Primatu Papae Barlaam de primatu Papae et Alij. Leo. 9. epist. 1. [...] Episcop. Constātinop.
  13. That they eate not of any thing strangled, nor of bloud.

• Acrican. et in pluribus [...].

  S [...]bert. in Ch [...]onico ad An. [...]5 [...].

  Possen. de Reb Mosco. p 38. [...].

  14. And lastly, that they deny the Bishop of Romes primacy, and (reputing him & his Church for schismaticks) exclude them from their commu­nion: And so haue done, as I finde in Leo the ninth his Epistles, and in Sigebert, aboue these 500. years, And if you desire to see more differences of the Greeke and Romane Church, you may see them, (but they are of lesse importance then those I haue related in Posseuines booke of the matters of Mos­couia.

SYrians are the same, that in some Histories are termed Mel­chites: beeing esteemed for their number the Botar. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. ca. de Melchiti. greatest sect of Christians in the Ori­ent. The first, Postel. in Descript. Sy­riae. pag. 30. being proper­ly the name of their nation, And the second noting the property of their religion. Surians they were na­med (to let vaine fancies go) of the Citty of Tyre, which in the an­cient language of the Phoenicians, Gellius. l. 14. c. 6. Festus in D [...]ctione sarra▪ was called [...]. and certainelie, that Tyre was an­ciētly called Sar­ra, is recorded by the For Pos [...]els phantasie deriuing Suria from [...] is meerelie vaine, & beeing neuer so named in the Hebrew tongue, but al­waies [...], by which name also it seemeth anciētly to haue bene knowne, euen among the Grecians for [...] mentioned in Homer, are no other, as Possido­nius in Strad. l. 26. in fine. Strabo expounds him, then the Syrians: Strabo himselfe also recording in other places, that the Syrians Vitria histor. Oriental. c. 43 Niger in com­menta [...]. 4. Asiae. Postell. in de­scrip. Syriae. pag. 50. were called [...] in his time: And, that the Strad. l. 13. non long ante fine. naturall inhabitants of Syria, so called themselues. Yet ne­uerthelesse they were vulgarly knowne by the name of [...] a­mong the Grecians, because the Citie of [...], beeing the maine mart towne of all those parts, was the place, where they had their trade & commerce, with those Aramites. But when the Phoenician tongue began to de­generate into Chaldee, then the name of [...] was conuerted in­to Tur, the letter [...] beeing tur­ned into [...] & [...] in sound made [...]. As Vid. Scaliger as Fest. in di­ctione Sarra. et Guidon. Fa­bric. in Gram­matic. Chal­daea &c. they that obserue the differences of the Hebrew and the Chaldee, and the transiti­ons of the first into the latter, know to be ordinary. Roman writers: and it is also acknowled­ged by Strab. l. 1 post med. Burchard. descr. terrae Sanctae. Vitriacus, Niger, Postell and others, that the place of Tyre, [Page 130] (for the city was vtterlie ruined three hundred yeares ago) is still called the port of Sur, Hieron. in lib. de Nominib. Hebraicis. Plin. l. 5. c. 19. which name it seemeth to haue obtained, either because it was built on a Rocke, for so Burchardus that viewed the place hath obserued) which [...] in the Phoenician toung signifies: or else as Hierome de­riues it, of the straitnesse and scarcenes of roome, as being seated in a smal Iland (but 19. miles in circuit as Plinie noteth) a small Territory for such a City: or perhaps, because it was the strongest fortres (for that also [...] importeth) of all those Regions, as being founded on a rocke, enuironed with the sea, (for it was before Q Curt. l. 4. Alexanders time Plin. loc. ci­tabo. 700. paces distant from the firme land) mightily strengthe­ned by fortifications of Art, populous as beeing the Metropolis of Phoenicia, and exceeding rich as sometime the Cittie of greatest traffique in the World.

Of this city then, both the region and inhabi­tants of Suria obtained their names: but Melchitae [Page 131] as I saide they were termed, meerely in respect of their religion, wherein namely they altogether followed the examples and decrees of the Empe­rours. For whereas after the Councell of Chalce­don, infinite perplexity and trouble began to arise in the East parts, principally about the opinion of Eutyches and Dioscorus, of one only nature in Christ, which that councel had condemned, but notwith­standing found many that maintained it, and re­iected the Councell, in those Easterne countries: And thereupon the Emperour Leo began to exact, (as diuers other of his Successours afterward did) the suffrages and subscriptions of the Easterne Bi­shops, for the better establishment of the Councel. Niceph. Cal­list Histor. Ec­clesiast. l. 18. c. 52. Then began they that embraced and approued the authority of that Councell, because they followed the Emperours decrees, made in behalfe of it, to be termed by their aduersaries, Melchitae, of Melchi, saith Nicephorus, (rather [...]) which in the speech of Syria signifieth a King: (as one would say of the Kings Religion) whereas they that op­posed themselues to the Councell, were distracted into no lesse then twelue seueral sects, and not long after into many more, as the same Lib. 18. c. 45. Nicephorus hath recorded.

Now although the Syrians or Melchites, are for their religion meerely of the Grecians opinions. As:

• 1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the father.
  1.2.3.4.5. Ia­cob a Vitriaco Hist. Orient. ca. 75.
• 2. That they celebrate diuine seruice as solemn­ly on the Sabbath, as on the Lords day.
• [Page 132]3. That they keepe that day festiuall, eating therein flesh, and fast no Saturday in the yeare but Easter Eue.
• Villamont [...]n voyag. l. 2. c. 22.
  4. That their Priests and Deacons contract not marriage, being already in Orders, but yet retaine their wiues before married.
• 5. That the fourth Matrimony is vtterlie vn­lawfull.
• Villa­mont. loco ci­tato.
  6. That they communicate the Eucharist in both kinds.
• 7. That they acknowledge not Purgatory.
• 8. That they obserue foure Lents in the yeare, &c. And in a word, although they be meerely

  Vitriac. loco iam citato.

  Salignici [...]. Iti­ner. Tom. 8. c. 1 Bamugart. Pe­regrin. l. 2. c. 9. [...] Alij.

  of the same Religion & communion with the Greci­ans: yet are they not of the iurisdiction of the Pa­triarch of Constantinople, but of the Archbishop of Damascus, by the title of the Patriarch of Antio­chia. For Antiochia it selfe (where yet the name of Christians was first heard in the world, & was long knowne by the name of [...]) lying at this pre­sent in a manner wast, or broken and dispersed in­to small villages, of which, onely one, of about 60 houses, with a smal Temple belongeth to Chri­stians,

  Bellon. ob­ [...]eru. l. c.

  Chitrae. de stat. Ecclesiar. pag. 5.

  the Patriarchall seat was translated thence to Damascus (where as is reported are

  Bote [...]. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Maro [...]ti.

  Cru [...]. Tur [...]o. grar. l. 4 p. 296. ex relatione Gerlachij.

  aboue 1000 houses of Christians) and there remaineth. For al­though
  Boter loco [...] citato.
  the Patriachs of the Maronites, and of the Iacobites, whereof the former keepeth residence in Libanus, and the later in Mesopotamia, intitle them­selues Patriarchs of Antiochia, and by the Christi­ans of their owne sects, bee so acknowledged: yet do the Melchites, who retaine the auncient religion [Page 133] of Syria, acknowledge none for patriarche, but the Archbishop of Damascus, reputing both the other for schismaticks, as hauing departed from the o­bedience and communion of the true Patriarch. And yet, beside all these, a fourth there is, of the Popes designation, that vsurpeth the title of the Patriarche of Antiochia. For
  Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 1. ca. del Patriarcha la­tino d [...] Con­stantinopoli.
  euer since the Latines surprised Constantinople, (which was about the yeare 1200) & held the possession of the east Em­pire about 70. yeares, al which time the Patriarchs of Constantinople, were consecrated by the Pope: As also, since the holy Land, and the Prouinces a­bout it, were in the hands of the Christian Princes of the West, which began to bee about An. 1100. And so continued about 80. yeares, during which season the Patriarchs of Antiochia also, and of Ie­rusalem, were of the Popes consecration: Euer since then I say, the Church of Rome, hath, and doth still create successiuely, imaginary or titular Patri­archs (without iurisdiction) of Constantinople, Antiochia, Ierusalem and Alexandria, so loth is the Pope, to loose the remembrance of any supe­riority or title: that hee hath once compassed.

THe Georgians inhabite the Coun­try, that was anciently named Iberia, betwixt the Euxine and the Caspian Seas: inclosed with Sheruan (Media) East: with Men­grelia, (Colchis) West: with Tur­comania ( Armenia the greater) South: Volaterran. l. 11. c. de Sect. Syriae Prateo l. de Sectis. Hae­ [...]et. in Verbo. Georgiani. & Alij. And with Albania (Zuiria) North. The vulgar opinion of Historians is, that they haue obtained the name of Georgians, from their deuoti­on to S ^t. George, whom they principally honour for their Patron: and whose Image they alwayes beare in their military Ensignes. But yet, (as I take it) this vulgar opinion is but vulgar errour: Mela l. 1. c. 2. Plin. l. 6. c. 13. be­cause I finde mention made of the nation of the Georgians in those parts, both in Mela and Plinie, afore S ^t. George was borne, whosoeuer hee was. Touching the properties of whose religion this may be sufficient to obserue for all: That Paul. Venet. lib. 1 ca. 14. it is the same both in substance and ceremonies with that of the Grecians Chitrae. de statu Ecclesiat. pag 23 &. 50. & Alij. who yet are in no sort subiect (nei­ther euer were) to the Patriarch of Constantinople: but all their Bishops (being 18) professe absolute obedience to their owne Metropolitan, without any other higher dependance or relation. Who yet keepeth residence farre off, in the Monastry of St. Katherine in the Hill of Sinai. Prateo. de Haeret. [Page 135] sect. verbo Georgiani. Bernard. Lucemburg. in Catalog. Haeret. in Georgiani.

Next these, I must speake a little of their next neigbours, the Mengrelians and Circassians, ( Colchi and Zychi they were anciently called) seated be­tweene the Georgians and the Riuer Tanais, along the Coast of Maeotis and the Euxine sea, as being al­so Christians of the Greeke communion, and be­side, Bellon. Ob­seru. l. 1. c. 35. Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c. 7. of the Patriarch of Constantinople his obedi­ence, and Bellon. Ob­seru. l. 1. c. 35. Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c. 7. conuerted by his Ministers Cyrillus and Methodius, to Christian religion. Which religion notwithstanding at this present is exercised among them, not without some deprauation, and mix­ture of strange phantasies, Interiano della vita de Zychi cap. 1. Anan. Fabrica del Mondo Tratt. 2. Boter. par 3▪ l. 2. c. for the Circassians bap­tise not their Children till the eight yeare, and en­ter not into the Church, (the Gentlemen especial­ly) till the sixtieth (or as others say, till the forti­eth) yeare, but heare diuine seruice standing with­out the Temple, that is to say, till through age, they grow vnable to continue their rapines and robberies, to which sinne, that Nation is excee­dingly addicted. So deuiding their life betwixt sinne and deuotion, dedicating their youth to ra­pine, and their old age to repentance.

THe Muscouites and Russians as they were conuerted to Christianitie by the Grecians. Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. Cromer. de reb. Polon. l. 3. so haue they euer since continued of the Greeke communion and religion. Guagin. des­cript. Muscou. c. 2. Sacran. de error. b. Ru­thenor c. 2.

1. Denying the Holy Ghost to proceede from the Sonne.

2. Sigism. lib. citato. pag. 41 Sacran. de Re­lig. Ruthenor. cap. 2. Scarga. Polon. l. 3. c. 2. Reiecting Purgatorie, but yet praying for the dead.

3. Scargas. Po­lon. l. 3. c. 2. Guaguin. de­scrip. Moscou. c. 2. Beleeuing that holy men enioy not the pre­sence of God afore the Resurrection.

4. Ioan Metro­pol. Russ vbi supra pag. 32. Guagin descr. Muscou. ca. 2. Celebrating the sacrament of the Eucharist, with leauened bread, and requiring warme water to mingle with the wine.

5. Sigism. loc. citato. pag. 40. And communicating in both kindes,

6. Sigism. loc. citato pag. 40. Guaguin. loc. citato. But mingling both together in the Chalice, and distributing it together with a spoone.

7. Guaguin. I­bid. And receiuing children after 7. years old to the cōmunion, saying that at that age they begin to sinne against God.

8. Ioan. Metro­pol. Russ. vbi supra. apud. Sigism. pag. 31. Guagin. loc. citato. Sacran. de errorib. Ruthenor. c. 2. Omitting Confirmation by the Bishop.

9. Sacran. loc. citato. Denying the spirituall efficacie of extreame vnction.

10. Sigism. lib. alleg. pag. 47. Posseuin. de Rebus Moscou. pag. 2. Excluding the fourth mariage as vtterlie [Page 137] vnlawfull: whereas they approoue not the second, as perfectly lawfull, Guaguin. De­script. Mo­scou. cap. 2. but onely permit it, but tole­rate not the third, except on very important con­siderations.

11. Sacran de errorib. Ru­thenor. c. 2. Dissoluing mariage by diuorcement vpon euery light occasion or displeasure.

12. Sigism. lib. citat. pag. 28. Scarga. de vno pastor l. 3. c. 2. Admitting neither Deacons nor Priests to Orders, except they be maried: but yet Possein. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 1. Guaguin. loc. citat. prohibi­ting mariage to them being actually in Orders.

13, Posseu. lib. allegato. p. 44. Reiecting carued or massie Images, but ad­mitting the painted.

14. Ioan. Me­tropol Russ. vbi supr. p. 3 [...] Guaguin. loc. allegato. Reputing it vnlawfull to fast on Saturdayes.

15. Posseu. [...] Moscouia. pag. 42. Sacran. de error. Ruthen. cap 2. Or, to eate of that which is strangled, or of bloud.

16. Guaguin. loc. citat. Obseruing 4 lents in the yeare.

17. Sigism. lib. citato pag. 3 [...]. Boter Relat. par. 3. l. 1. c. de Moscouia. Refusing to communicate with the Roman Church.

And (to conclude) excepting the difference in distributing of the Eucharist, and exacting of mar­riage in their Priests and Deacons, there is not any materiall difference in points of religion, that I find betwixt them and the Grecians. With whom, they not onely maintaine Communion, but were also, and that not long since, (and of right still ought to be) of the same Iurisdiction and gouernement, for Posteuin. Rer. Moscou. Com 1. pag. 1. Guaguin. De­scrip. Moscou. cap. 2.their chiefe Metropolitan or Primate (who is the Archbishop of Mosco) was wont to bee confirmed by the Patriarch of Constantinople, but is now, and hath beene about some 60 yeares, nominated and appointed by the Prince (the Emperour of Russia) and vpon that nomination, consecrated by two or three of his owne Suffragans: Of whom euen all [Page 138] sorts together. Bishops and Archbishops, there are but Posse [...] lo­co proxime citato Sigism. in Moscou. pag. 28. eleuen, in all that large Dominion of the Emperour of Russia.

Thus is it with these sorts of Christians hitherto related, touching their religion, and gouernours. All which (as you may easily perceaue) are of the same communion, and in effect of the same religi­on with the Grecians: And beside these, some large parts of the King of Polonia his dominion, for Po­dolia, and for the most part Boter. Rel. pa. 1. l. 1. c. Russia. Gua­gu [...]n. Descrip­tion M [...]scou. c. 2. Russia Nigra, or Ru­bra as some call it (the larger Russia subiect for the greatest part to the Duke of Muscouia they tearme Russia alba) are of the Greeke religion. And although the Bishops of South Russia, subiect namely to the King of Polonia, submitted themselues almost 20. yeares agoe (An. 1594) to the Bishop of Rome, as Baron. Tom. 7. Annal. in fine. & Posseuin. in Apparsacr. in Rutheni. haue recorded, yet was it not without special reseruation of the Greeke religion and rites, as is manifest by the articles of condition extant. ap. Th. a Ies. de Conu. gent. l. 6. pa. 3. ca. 1. pag. 328 & seq. tendered by them to the Church of Rome and accepted, before they would accept of the vnion. So that it was not any reuolting from the Greeke religion, but onely (in effect) from the iurisdiction of the Greeke Patriarch, to the Pope, and that also with sundrie limitations. And in Sigism. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 27 Guag­u [...]in in loco iam citato. Wilna (the Me­tropolis of Lituania.) Although the Archbishop pro­fesse obedience to the Pope, yet are there also in that Citie, as Sigismund hath obserued, more Tem­ples of the Greeke religion ( Sigism. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 27 Guag­u [...]in in loco iam citato. there be 30 of them) then of the Roman. Sigism. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 27 Guag­u [...]in in loco iam citato. Epist. ad Chitrae. de Relig. Russor. [Page 139] So that if we should collect and put together all the Christian regions hetherto intreated of: which are all of the Greeke communion: And com­pare them with the parts pofessing the Roman Re­ligion, wee should finde the Greeke farre to ex­ceede, if wee except the Romane new and fo­raine purchases, made in the West, and East Indias.

THe Nestorians, who haue pur­chased that name, by their an­cient imitation, and maintai­ning of Nestorius his heresie, in­habite (though euery where mingled with Mahumetans, or with Pagans) a great part of the Orient, for besides the cuntries of Babilon, and Assyria, and Mesopotamia, and Parthia, and Media, wherein verie manie of them are found, that sect is spred and scattered farre and wide in the East, both Northerly to Cataya, and Southerly to India. So that in Marcus Paulus his historie of the East re­gions, and in Guil. de Rubr. It [...]. Tart. c. Paul. Venet. 1 l. 1. c. 38.2. l. eod. c. 39.3 c. 40.4 c. 47.5. c. 45. & 49.6. c. 48.7. c. 62.8 c 64. l. 2. c. 39. l. eod. c. 61 & 64. &c. others, we finde mention of them, and of no sect of Christians but them, in very ma­ny parts and prouinces of Tartarie: As namely in 1 Cassar, 2 Samarchan, 3 Carcham, 4 Chinchintalas, 5 Tanguth, 6 Suchuir, 7 Ergimul, 8 Tenduch, 9 Ca­raiam, [Page 140] 10 Mangi, &c. Insomuch, that beyond the ri­uer Tigris Eastward, there is not anie other sect of Christians to be found, for ought I can reade, ex­cept onely the Portugales, and the conuerts made by them in India, and the late migration of the Ar­menians into Persia.

The reason of which large spreading and preuai­ling of that sect so farre in the orient, if you enquire I finde to that purpose, recorded by Paulus Diaconus of Cosrhoes the King of Persia, Paul. Diacon. Histor. Miscel. l. 18, that he for the mor­tall hatred hee bare the Emperour Heracl [...]us, by whom he had beene sore afflicted with a grieuous warre, inforced all the Christians of the Persian Empire to Nestorianisme permitting no catholi­ques to remaine in all his dominions. By whose preaching, the Christian religion being farre there inlarged and propagated into the East (as it seemes both because those of the Persian dominion, were more Eastwardly then other Christians, and be­cause it is certaine, that all of them till this day ac­knowledge obedience to the Nestorian Patriarch in Mesopotamia, which Country was then part of the Persian dominion:) It is no wonder if sowing their owne tares and Christes wheate together, they propagated with the gospell also there owne here­sie. Shortly after which time, the Sarracens of Ara­bia (Mahumetans) conquering Persia, and bringing their religion, together with their victories into all that large dominion, there remained but little out­ward meanes and slender hope of their repaire and reformation from any sound part of the Church, (from which they were more now then afore di­uided) [Page 141] except what affliction and time, and the grace of God might worke and repaire in them.

Now touching their ecclesiasticall gouernment: The patriarch of the Nestorians, to whom all those of the East parts, acknowledge obedience (a num­ber of whose suffragan Bishops and Metropolitans, Sand de Visi­bil. Monarch. l. 7. An. 1556. Paul Venet. l. 1. ca. 15. you haue reckoned vp in Sanders booke de Visibili Monarchia, and whom they call Iacelich, saith Pau­lus Venetus Brochardus, and others, but mistake it (or else they of the East pronounce it amisse) for Catholich, Brocard. Des­cript. Tert. sanct. Leunclau. Pand. Histor Turc. §. 3. as is obserued by Leunclauius) hath his seat in the Cittie of Muzal, on the riuer Tygris in Mesopotamia, or in the Patriarchall Monasterie of S. Ermes fast by Muzal. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pag. 3. c. 4. In which Citie, though subiect to Mahu­metans, it is Aubret. M [...] ­rae. Notitiae. Episcopor. Orb. pag. 35. Mas. in Ortel. in The­saur. in Seleu­cia. Plin. l. 5. c. 25. Strab. l. 26. longa [...]ite Med. recorded, that the Nestorians re­taine yet, 15. temples, being esteemed about 40000 soules. Th. a Ies. l. 7. par. 1. c. 4. & the Iacobits. 3. which Citie of Musal, I either take with Masius and Orte­lius, to be the same, that anciently was called Se­lutia (and in Plinie Seleutia Parthorum) both be­cause Seleutia was, as Strabo saith, the Metropolis of Assyria, euen as Guili [...]l. Ty­rius de Bel. sa­c [...]o. l 21 c. 8. Musal is recorded to be: And al­so, because I finde the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of those parts, committed by the fathers of Concil. Ni­cen. Arab. l. 3. c 33 & 34. the Nicene councell, to the bishop of Seleucia, assigning him with all, the name of Catholique, and the next place of Session in councels after the Bishop of Ie­rusalem, which name and authoritie in those parts, the Bishop of Mozal now hath. Or if Seleucia, were [Page 142] some other citie, Muzal, the patriarchall seate of the Nestorians, is either a re­mainder of the ancient Niniue, as Vitriacus, and Tyrius (who therefore in his historie calleth the Inhabitants of that Citie, Niniuites) haue recorded: Or at least, built neere the Ruines of it: Namely, ouer against it, on the other side of the riuer Ti­gris, as by Beniamin, who dili­gently viewed the place, is ob­serued, for Niniue (which hee noteth to bee dissolued into scattered villages, and castles) stoode on the East bancke of Tigris, on Assyria side: whereas Muzal is seated on the West banke on Mesopotamia side, be­ing yet both ioyned together, by a Bridge made ouer Tigris. now distroyed, Vitriac. histor Oriental. c. 3 [...] Tir. de Bel. sa­cro. l. 21. c. 8. as for certaine reasons I am in­duced rather to thinke, yet at least, the Patri­arcall seate was frō Seleucia trans­lated to Muzal, for the opinion of Scaliger, Scalig. ad Ch [...]on Euse­bij An. M.D. CCXIII. nam­ly, that Seleucia was the same, that is now cal­led Bagded, Beniamin. in Itinerar. in Medio. or new Babilon, my obseruations in Geographie and historie, will not suffer mee to ap­prooue. First be­cause Seleucia is remembred by Strabo to be 300 furlongs (37 miles and one or two) Plinie saith, Strabo. l. 16. Plin. l. 6. c. 26. a great deale more, distant from Babilon, whereas Bagdet is built close by the ruines of it. Secōdly, because I finde the posi­tiō of Seleucia in Ptolomie to bee two third parts of a degree, Ptolom. Geog. l▪ 6. c. 18 & 20. Dion. Histor. l. 10. Plin. l. 6. c. 26. more North then that of Babilon whereas Bagdet is more South. Thirdly, because in Dion, and others, Seleucia is named for a Citie of Meso­potamia, which Bagded is not, but in the prouince of [Page 143] Babilon, as being beneath the confluence of Tigris and Euphrates.

The Bishop of Muzal then, is Patriarch of the Nestorians. But yet at this present, if the Boter. Relat. par 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani. Thom. a Ies. de con [...]ers. gen [...] l. 7 [...] c [...] &relations of these times be true, there is a distraction of that sect: which began about 60 yeares agoe, in the time of Pope Iulius the third: the Nestorians in the North part of Mesopotamia (about the Citie of Cara­mit) submitting themselues to another Patriarch of the Popes erecting (that reuolting from the Bi­shop of Muzal, taking also on him, the title of the Patriarch of Muzal, which the Pope bestowed on him) hauing first rendred and professed obedience to the Sea of Rome, in which obedience it is said, that those Nestorians about Caramit doe still con­tinue.

Now touching the specialties of these Nesto­rians religion, in relation to the Roman: they be­leeue.

First, Vtriac. Hist Orient. c. 78. that there are two persons in our Sauiour, as well as two natures, but yet confesse, that Christ from the first instant of his conception, was perfect God and perfect man. Th. a. Ies. Ibid.

Secondly, Id. loco citat [...] that the blessed Virgin ought not to be termed [...] which yet now in some sort they Bo [...]er. Relat pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Nestoriani▪ Thom. a Ies de conu gent. l. 7. c. 2. qualifie, confessing hir to be the Mother of God the Sonne, but yet refusing to terme her the Mo­ther of God.

Thirdly, Boter. loco proxim. citat. that Nestorians condemned in the third and fourth generall councels, and Diodorus Tar sen­sis, and Theodorus Mopsuestensis, condemned for Nestorianisme in the fifth, were holy men: Reiect­ing [Page 144] for their sake, the third generall councell held at Ephesus, and all other councels after it, and speci­ally detesting (the mall of Nestorianisme) Cyrill of Alexandria. Th. a. Ies. Ibid.

Vitriac. Hi­stor. Orient. 78. Villamont. en voyages. l. 2. c. 23.4. They celebrate the Sacrament of the Eucha­rist, with leauened bread.

5. They communicate in both kinds.

6. They vse not auricular confession.

Villam. loc citat.7. Nor confirmation.

Et. 7. Sulak. Nestoriā. pro­fess. Tom. 4. Biblioth. Vet Patrum. pag. 1054.8. They contract marriage in the second degree of consanguinity. Th. a Ies. Ibid.

9. Their Priests after the death of their first wiues, haue the liberty of the second or third or oftner marriage. Th. a. Ies. Ibib.

Gulielm. de Rubric. Itiner. Tartar. C. 17.10. They haue not the Image of the Crucifix on their crosses.

THe Christians of India, vulgarly na­med the Christians of S. Thomas, be­cause by his preaching they are sup­posed to haue beene conuerted to Christian Religion: (and his bodie as is thought, remaineth among thē, buried in the citie of Maliapar on the coast of Choromandel) inha­bite in the neerer part of India: namely in that great Promontory, whose base lying betweene the [Page 145] outlets of the riuers Indus & Ganges, stretcheth out the sides far toward the South, (well nigh 1000. miles) till meeting in the point of Comori, they make, together with the base line forementioned, (betwixt Cambaia, and Bengala) the figure almost of an equilateral Triangle. In the more southerly part of this great promontory, I say, neerer to Cape Co­mori, about the cities of Coulan and Cranganor on the west side, and about Maliapur and Negapatan on the East side, doe these Christians of Saint Thomas dwell, being esteemed afore the Portugals frequē ­ted those parts, about Sommar. [...]. popoli Oriē [...] ­ap Ramus. Vol l. de V [...]agg [...]. p. 332. 15000. or Barbosa eod. vol. pag. 312. 16000. fami­lies, or after anothers account Boter Rei. p. 3. l. 2. c. della. noua Chri­stianita d'In­dia. 70000. persons. but on the west coast, the farre greater number of them is found, and especially their habitation is thickest, about Angamale, 15. miles from the citie Cochin northward, where their Archbishop kee­peth residence.

Now as touching their gouernement: Their Archbishop till 20. yeares since or little more, ac­knowledged obediēce to the Patriarch of Mozal, Boter. Relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. dell [...] vecchia Chri­sti [...]n [...] d'In­dia. Th. a Ies de conu. G [...]nt. l. 7 pa. l. c. 4. by the name of the Patriarch of Babi­lon, as by those Christians of In­dia he is still tear­med: and certain­ly, Pausan. in Attici [...]ante med. that the Patri­arch of Mozal For Mozal as I said afore, is ei­ther Seleucia, or succeeded into the dignity of it. And Seleucia is recorded to haue beene inhabi­ted by the cittizens of Babilon, whereof it was a Colony: And such a Colony, as in short time it Th. a Ies. de conu. gent. l. 7. part. 1. c. 4. exhausted Babilon it selfe, of all the Inhabitans, passing, by reason of the more cōmodious situation, to dwell at Seleucia. So that Seleucia beeing inhabi­ted by the Babilonians, and so becomming in stead of Babilon, the principall citty of the Pro­uinces of Babilonia, and Assyria, the citty Plin. loco proxim. citato obtained the name of Babilon of her inhabitants, (as well as Seleucia of her foun­der) as Plinie hath recorded: And the Patriarch of it, the title of the Patriarch of Babilon. And although Apud Ra­mus vol. 1. de viaggi. p. 313. Barbosa note, that subordination of the chri­stians of India, to be to the Pa­triarch of Armenia, (which no doubt he receiued from the In­dians relation, among whom he was) yet certaine it is, that hee meaneth no other, then this pa­triarch of Mozal: because those Armenians which he meaneth, are by himselfe obserued to haue for their vulgar language, the Arabique tongue, & to cele­brate their diuine seruice, in the Chaldee, both which agree with the Christians of Mozal, but neither of both with those of Armenia, whose language both in the vulgar and sacred vse, is knowne to bee no other then the Armenian tongue. As also, because the Indians are known to haue bin Nestorians, to which heresie the Armenians were most opposite, as beeing in a manner Iacobites. But as it see­meth, that Patriarch is saide to haue beene of Armenia, for the nearenesse of Mozal to the con­fines of Armenia., Plin. l 6. c. 26 challengeth their obedience, as be­ing of his Iurisdi­ction [Page 146] appeareth by the profession of Abil-Isu, a Pa­triarch of Mozal, of Pope Pius the fourth his Inue­sting (An. 1562) as is to be seene in Sanders booke de visicili Monarchia. Sander visib. Monarch. l. 7. pag. 642. But then, the Archbishop of these Indians, re­uolting from his former Patriarch, submitted him­selfe by the Por­tugalls perswasi­on, to the Bishop of Rome, [...]etay­ning notwithstā ­ding, the ancient religiō of his cun­try, which was al­so permitted by the Pope. In so much, that in a Synode held in Goa, for that pur­pose, hee would not suffer any al­teration to bee [Page 147] made of their an­cient rites or reli­gion, Linsel [...]ot. l. 1 cap. [...]5. as one that liued in those parts at that time hath recorded. But that Bishop beeing dead, his successour in ano­ther Synode, Posseuin. in Apparat. sacro in D [...]amperi­ [...]se conciliū. held by the Archbi­shop of Goa, at Diamper, not farre from Maliapur, An. 1599. made profession, together with his suf­fragans, and Priests, both of the Roman obedience, and religion, renouncing in such direct sort, the Patriarch of Mozal, and Nestorianisme, that they de­liuered vp all their books, to the censure of the Archbishop of Goa, and suffered their Liturgie, in the points that relished of Nestorianisme to be alte­red, euen in such sort as now it is to be seene in the last Edition of Bibliotheca veteriem Patrum. Biblioth. vet. Pat Auctorij Tom. 2. in fine.

But before this alteration of their religion was procured by the Portugals, those Christians of In­dia were Nestorians, Osorius de Rel. Emma­nuel. l. 3. Boter. Rel. p. 3. l. 2. ca. della vecchia Chri­stianitad In­dia. as hauing the dependance that I related, on the Patriarch of the Nestorians, they could not well bee any other. Some specialties of whose religion I finde thus recorded.

1. That they distributed the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kinds.

2. That they celebrated it with bread seasoned with salt, Odoard. Barbos. ap. Ra­mus. Vol. 1. pag. 313. ( pane salato, saith my Historian) and in stead of wine, (because India affordeth none) in the iuice of Raisons, softened one night in water & [Page 148] so pressed forth.

Nauigat. Io­seph: Indi, inter Rela­tiones Noui orbis. c. 134.3 That they baptized not their infants till they were 40. daies old, except in danger of death.

4. That they vsed not extreame vnction.

Ioseph. Ind. lib. citato. ca. 134.5. That their Priests were married, but exclu­ded from the second matrimony. Osor. de Reb. Ema­nuel. l. 3.

Osor. loco ante citato. Posseu. in Ap­para. sacro. in Diamperiense consilium. Thet. cos. l. 10. ca. 15.6. That they had no images of Saints in their Churches, but onely the crosse.

7. That detesting (the Mall of Nestorianisme) Cy­rill of Alexandria, they honoured Nestorius and Dioscorus as Saints, which yet mee thinks were strange, being of so contrary opiniōs, Ioseph. Ind. vbi supra. c. 133. as they were, the first, for two persons in Christ, as well as two natures: the second, for one nature, as well as one Person; Posseu. loco lam citato. but it may be that Dioscorus is by the rela­ter mistaken for Diodorus, who was indeed a great Nestorian, and for it condemned in the fifth general Councell.

Posseu. loco citato.8. That they denied the Primacy of the Pope.

Posseu. in Apparat. sacro in Nesto­ [...]iani.9. That their new Testament which in their Churches they formerly read, (and still doe) in the Syriaque toung, was by the Nestorians in sun­dry places, which are now altered by the Romans, corrupted to the aduantage of that heresie, wherin yet, I thinke the reporter is deceaued: because the same corruptions obiected to them, (wherof some are no corruptions at all, but agree rightly with the originall text, and much better then doth the vulgar Latine, by comparing whereof he examines them, and censures them for corruptions) the same I say, are found in the Syriaque edition that wee [Page 149] haue, being so farre from being corrupted by the Nestorians, Widmanstad. in praef. Testā ▪ Syriaci. that it was brought out of Mesopotamia into Europe (to be printed by Moses Mardenus, from the Patriarch of the contrary sect, namely, of the Iacobites. But yet notwithstanding, I am indeede certainly perswaded, that the Syriaque translation of the new Testa­ment (whosoeuer was the Authour of it) is nothing neere of that An­tiquity, The Imperfections of the Sy­riaque edition, consist partly in sundry defects: namely 1. of all the Reuelation: 2. of the Epi­stle of S. Iude: 3. of the second e­pistle of S. Peter: 4. of the secōd and third Epistles of S. Iohn: 5. of the history of the Woman taken in adultery, in the eight chapter of S. Iohns Gospel, con­taining the first eleuen verses: and 6. of the 7. verse of the fifth Chapter of the first Epi­stle of S. Iohn. Of which, the two last wants are no lesse foūd in sundry auncient Greeke co­pies, as Erasmus, Beza, Iunius & others haue obserued: And partly; beside these defects, in some (very few) faulty transla­tions. which the Syrians (as Bellar­mine and others report of them) pretend it to bee, Bellar. de Ver­bo Dei. l. 2. c. 4. namely to haue bene the work of S. Marke. First, be­cause S. Mark died in the 8. yeare of Nero, Hieron. de Scriptorib Ec­clesi [...]sticis, in Ma c Erasmus. Beza. Iunius. in. An­not. ad loc. praedict. as Hierome with others hath certainely recor­ded, after which time, many parts of the new Testa­ment, were writ­ten: as namely S. Iohns Gospell, the Acts of the Apostles, (for all the History from the 24. chapter to the ende, relateth occurents after S. Markes death) the Epistles of [Page 150] S. Paul to the Galathians, Ephesians, Philippians, Collossians, to Philemon, and the second to Timothy. Secondly, because that Syriaque translation is not to bee found once mentioned, in any of all those ancient and learned writers, that liued in those east parts, and diligently sought out and obserued the seuerall editions and translations of the holy scrip­ture. And thirdly, because the dialect discouereth it to be of a farre later age, then that of the Apo­stles: which they will soone finde to be so, (to omit some other euidences) that shall compare the Sy­riaque words recorded in the new Testament by the Euangelists, (which all are noted by Hierome and by others) with the Syriaque booke: as for ex­ample, Hieron. l. de Nominib. Hebr. [...], Mat. 6.24. Mamouno. [...], Ioan. 19.13. Gephiphto. [...], Mat. 27.33. Gogoultho. [...], Act. 1.19. Chakal demo, [...], 1. Cor. 16.22. Moraneto. And to be short, there is not almost any Syriaque worde recorded in the new Testament, which varieth not from that ancient pronouncing that was vsuall in the Apostles time, either in con­sonants, or vowels, or both: which could not bee the alteration of any short course of time.

THe Iacobites obtained that ap­pellation, as Damascene and Ni­cephorus haue recorded, Damas. l. de h [...]eresib. post med. Niceph. Hist. Eccles▪ [...] l. 18. c. 52. of one Iacobus surnamed Zanzalus, of Syria, who liuing about Anno. 530. was in his time a mighty inlarger of Eutiches sect, and maintainer of his opinion, touching the vnity of nature in our Sauiour: And his followers are at this day in great numbers, knowne by the name of Iacobites, in Syria, in Cyprus, in Mesopotamia, in Babi­lon and in Palestine. For, the Patriarch of Ierusalem, who keepeth his residence still in Ierusalem, (in which city, there yet remaine Chitrae. de stat. Ecclesia [...]. pag. 25. tenne, or more Churches of Christians) is also a Iacobite. But, al­though in al these forementioned regions, these Ia­cobites are found, (where they bee esteemed to make about Namely 15. Crus in Tur­co [...]rae [...]. l. 4. p. 297. 160000. families) or rather 50000. as Leonard the Bishop of Sidon, Bote [...]. Relat. pa 3 l. 2. c. de G [...]kobiti. the Popes visiter in those parts hath recorded. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. ca. 14. yet chiefly they inhabit in Aleppo of Syria, and in Caramit, and the mountaine Tur of Mesopotamia: But yet their religion vnder other titles, is exten­ded much farther, in so much that it is recorded to be spread abroad in some Breitenbach Peregrin. c. de Iacobit [...]. Vitria. hist. O­rient▪ c. 76. 40. kingdomes.

All which Iacobites of the places before speci­fied, haue, and long haue had, a Patriarch of their owne religion, (for I finde the Paul. Diacō. Hist. Miscell. l. 18. Patriarch of the [Page 152] Iacobites spoken of, Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. in He­raclio. in the Emperour Heraclius his time) to whom they render obedience. The Patri­archall Church of which sect, is in the Mirae. in No­titia. episcopor Orb. pag. 35. Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l. 2. c de Giacobiti. Monaste­rie of Saphran, neere to the citie of Merdin in the North part of Mesopotamia: But the Patriarch him­selfe, keepeth ordinarie residence, in the citie of Caramit, the ancient Metropolis of Mesopotamia, and which at this day, consisteth for the greatest part of Christians, for that Caramit is the same citie, which the auncient writers called Amida, Caramit, is Kara A­mida, that is (in the Turkish toung) black Amida, because it was walled with blacke stone. Sabellicus, Sabell [...]c. Sup­plem. Histor. l. 18. and others, haue left obserued, and A­mida to haue beene anci­ently the Metropolis of Meso­potamia, I finde in the sub­scriptions of the auncient councels plainely recorded. Concil. Chalced. Acti­on, 1, &c.

But till Eutichianisme so mightely preuailed in those parts, as to worke in them a detestation of the councell of Chalcedon, and a departure with­all, from their auncient obedience: They belong­ed till then I say to the Iurisdiction of the Patriarch of Antiochia, as being Notitia pro­uinciar. prouinces of the dioces of the Orient, which wee finde in the Concil. Con­stantinop. 1. prim. Con. 2. second Gene­rall councell, to be the circuit and limitation of that Patriarchs authoritie, which is the reason that the Patriarch of the Iacobites, keeping euer the name of Ignatius, intitleth himselfe Patriarch of Antiochia: And that the Mirae. Notit. ep [...]scop. Orbis p [...]. 36. Patriarch of Ierusalem, who is also as I said a Iacobite, acknowledgeth him (as some record) for superior: Hauing therein (if it be so) but in some sort returned to the auncient o­bedience, [Page 153] wherein the Bishops of Ierusalem stood to the Patriarchs of Antioch [...]a, euen till the time of the councell of Chalcedon: for then began Ierusa­lem, to be erected into a Patriachship: And (as we reade in the Co [...] A [...]on. 7. actions of that Councell) with the consent and allowance of the Patriarch of Antio­chia, the three prouinces of Palestina, which till then (An. 451.) belonged to Antiochia, were with­drawne from it, and assigned to the Bishop of Ierusalem for his Patriarchall Iurisdiction.

Now as touching the Characters of their Reli­gion.

1. They acknowledge but one nature, 1.2.3▪ 4. Iacob a Vitriaco, Histor. Orien­tal. c. 76. Villa­mont. l. 2. c. 22. and but one will and one operation, ex catechism. Iacobitar. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. ca. 15. in Christ (as there is but one person) and in token of that, they make the signe of the Crosse, with one finger onely, which the other Christiās of the East do with two.

2. They signe their Children before baptisme, many in the face, 2. Bucebing. Hist. Eccles. part. 2. pa. 33 [...]. Sali [...] I [...] ­ner. To [...] 8. c. 1. some in the arme, with the signe of the Crosse, imprinted with a burning Iron.

3. They vse Circumcision Saligniac. Itin. Tom. 8. c. 1. euen of both sexes. Vitriac. vt ibi.

4. They confesse their sinnes to God onely, nor to the priest, Th [...]a Ie [...] pa. 1. c 14.4. Bucebing. loco citato. Al [...] hons [...]. Castro. l. 4. conu [...] He [...]es. Tit Confeslie Baungar. Iti­ner. 2. c. 9. & as others record, but verie seldom, so that many communicate without auricular con­fession. Leonam Sidon. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 14.

5. They admit not of purgatorie, nor of praiers for the dead. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 23.

6. They consecrate the Eucharist in vnleauened bread Salign. Itin. Hieros. Tom. 8. c. 1. They minister the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kindes.

[Page 154]7. The priests are married.

8. They beleeue all the soules of iust men to re­maine in the earth till the day of Iudgement, ex­pecting Christs second comming, ex Catechism. Ia­ [...]obit.

9. They affirme the Angels to consist of two substances, fire and light. ex Catechism. Iacobit.

10. They honour Dioscorus and Iacobus Syrus as Saintes, but yet condemne Eutyches, as an Heretique. Patriarch. Iacobit. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7 pa. 1. c. 14.

These are the Properties (that I finde registred) of the Iacobites religion, namely of them, that are properly so called, and still retaine the auncient o­pinions of Iacobus Syrus. But it seemeth, that their principall errour, and which occasioned their first schisme and separation from the Church, Namely the heresie of Eutiches, touching one nature in Christ, is for the most part, long since abolished, for as Vitriacus hath long agoe recorded, Vitriac. Histor Orient. c. 76. they deni­ed to him (then the Popes legate in those parts, and demaunding the question) that they beleeued one onely nature in Christ: And being further asked, why then making the crosse, they signed themselues onely with one finger, their answer was, that they did it in acknowledgement of one diuine Nature, as also they did it in three seuerall places, in acknow­ledgement of three persons in that one nature. And beside of late time, Leonard another legate of Pope Gregories the 13 in those parts, hath recorded of the Patriarchs profession made to himselfe, that although they held indeede but one per­sonated nature to bee in Christ, resulting of the [Page 155] vnion of two natures not personated, yet they acknowledged those two natures to bee vnited in his person, without any mixtion or confusion, and that they themselues differed not in vnderstanding, but onely in termes from the Latine Church. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 14. And although (as it is storied by some writers of these times) some there bee a­mong them that still retaine that errour, yet cer­tainely, that it is no generall and receaued opinion among them, is most manifest, for wee haue ex­tant the confessions of the Tom. 4. Bi­blioth. Vete [...]. Patrum. pag. 1050. Iacobites of Mesopota­mia, and of those of Apud. Ba­ron. in fine Tomi. 6. Annal. Aegypt, and Zag. Zaho. de Religion. & Morib. Aethi­op. apud Da­mian a Goer. of Aethiopia, and of Confess. Armenior. Num. 26.27.28.29, &c. Armenia, that is to say, all sorts of Iaco­bites, out of which it is euident, that that errour of Eutiches, is clearly renounced, as articularly ac­knowledging, that the humane nature of Christ was taken of the Virgin, and of the same sub­stance with ours, and remained, after the adu­nation with the deitie (without any mutation of properties) distinct from the diuine nature: Vid. Concil. Chalcedon Action. 1 & Theodoret. de haeres. l. 4 in Eutiche. All which the heresie of Eutyches denied.

THe Sect of Christians named Cophti, are no other, then the Christians of Aegypt: And, it is the name of their Nation, ra­ther, then of their Religion, (in respect [Page 156] whereof, they are meerely Iacobites) for as Masius hath obserued, Mas. in Syror. Peculio. the Aegyptians in some ancient Monuments are termed Aegoph [...]i, whom vulgarly wee name Cophti, or Copti, and so they also name themselues, as may be seene, in the Confessions of these Aegyptians recorded in Baronius. Baron. in Le­ [...]at. Eccles. A­lexand. ad sed Apostolic. [...]om 6 An­nal. in sine. O [...]ted in The­ [...]a [...]o in Ae­gyp [...]s Sealig. ad Eu. seb [...] Chronic. ad An. M DC CXXXIV. D [...]us de Trib. secc. Iudaeor. l. 2. c. 14. tit. de Philacterijs. Damascend. de haeresib. post med. And certain­ly, that the Aegyptians themselues, name their Country Chibth, Ortelius after Theuet hath recor­ded: As also it is obserued by Scaliger, that in the Talmud it is called [...]. And, by Drusius, out of R. Dauid, and R. Shelomo, that Aegypt is by them na­med [...], but not without some traiection of let­ters [...] for [...] R. Dauid in praef. l. Radic. R. She­lom. in Exod. 13.

But touching their Religion (to omit curiosi­ties about the name) they differ not, as I said from the Iacobites. Insomuch that, (as Damascen hath obserued) the same sectaries, that first were termed Aegyptij, because among the Aegyptians, that heresie of one onely nature in Christ, found the mightiest patronage, were after of Iacobus Syrus a­boue mentioned, named in Syria Iacobites. And till this day Seuerus, Dioscorus and Iacobus, the princi­pall parents and patrons of the sect, are by the Ae­gyptians honoured in the memorials of their Litur­gies. Th. a Ies-l. 7. pa. 1. cap. 5.

[...] [...]oter. Rel. p. 3. l. 3. c de [...]hristiani del [...]gitio.1. Vsing Circumcision: Yet I am not very certain whether for religion, or, (which I obserued it be­fore to haue beene) as an ancient custome of that nation, which custome yet is reported Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6, Boter. p. 3. l. 3. c. de Christ. de Egitto, to bee now abrogated among them, by the perswasion of [Page 157] the Bishops of Romes Legates in a Synode held at Caire about 30 yeares agoe, An. 1583.

2. The confer the inferior sacred orders (vnder priesthood) euē to infants presētly after baptisme, altogether, their parents promising for them and performing in their steads (till they be 16 years old or thereabout) what they promise in their behalfes namely chastitie, and fasting euery Wednesday and Friday and in the 4. lents of the yeare. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 5. They repute not baptisme of any efficacy, except ministred by the Priest and in the Church in what necessitie soeuer. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 5.

3. Neither baptise their children afore the 40 day, though they should die without baptisme. Th. a Ies. Ibid.

4. Min [...]string the Sacrament of the Eucharist in both kindes. 2 Theue [...] in Cosm. de Le­uant. c. 48.

5. They minister the sacrament of the Eucha­rist in leauened bread. Th. a Ies. Ibid.

7. Giue the sacrament of the Eucharist to In­fants presently after their baptisme. Id. Ibid.

8. To sicke persons they neither minister ex­treame vnction nor the Eucharist. Id Ibid.

9. Athough they acknowledge the holy Ghost to proceed from the Father and the Son, yet in re­lating of the Nicene Creed, they leaue out those words (and from the Sonne) as the Grecians do. Id. Ibid.

10. They admit not to Purgatorie nor of prayer for the dead. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1.23.

11. They contract marriages euen in the second [Page 159] degree of consanguinity without any dispensation Tecla. Abissin. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.

12. They obserue not the Lords dayes nor o­ther feasts, except in the Citties. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid.

13. In celebrating of the Eucharist, they ele­uate not the Sacrament. Tecla. Abissin. Ibid.

14. Reiect all the generall counsels after that of Ephesus, expressely condemning the counsell of Chalcedon. Id. Ibid.

14. Read the Gospell of Nicodemus in their Li­turgies. Prateol. de Heresib. in Cophti.

15. Repute the Roman Church hereticall, and auoide the communion and conuersation of the Latins no lesse of Iewes. And although Baron. in fin. Tom. 6. Annal. haue registred an Am­bassage from Marcus the Patriarch of Alexandria to Pope Clement the 8. wherein hee is said to haue submitted & reconciled himselfe & the Prouinces of Aegypt to the Pope, yet the matter being after examined was found to be but a trick of imposture, as Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6. hath recorded.

16. Maintaining the opinion of one nature in Christ: Thom. a Iesu de Conu. gent. l. 7. par. 1. c. 5. yet in such sort, that although in the gene­rall position touching one nature in our Sauiour, they follow Eutyches, yet in the speciall declaration, at this day they differ very much from him. For they acknowledge him to be truely, and perfectly both God and man: 3. Thom. a. Ies. loc. citato. Botor. loc. cit. And, that the Diuine and hu­mane natures, are become in him one Nature, not by any confusion or commixtion of them, as Euty­ches taught: but onely by coadunation. Wher­in, [Page 158] although they catholiquely confesse, that there is no mutation of properties in either nature, being united in Christ, from what the diuine and human natures seuerally obtaine in seuerall Persons: Yet, being not well able (as it seemes) to distinguish be­tweene the nature and the Person, they dare not say there be in Christ two Natures, for feare they should slip into Nestorius heresie of two Persons. Which heresie of one onely Nature in our Saui­our, beginning with Eutyches, although after di­spersing it selfe into many branches, hath euer since the time of the Counsell of Chalcedon, by which Eu­tychianisme was condemned and for it, the Pa­triarch of Alexandria Concil. Chalced. Action. 3. Dioscorus deposed, beene nourished and maintayned, as by other Christians of the East, so specially by the Aegyptians. Inso­much, that not onely sundry Patriarchs of A­lexandria, and Antiochia, (but specially of Alexan­dria) together with many other Bishops of the East parts, their Suffragans, and adherents, are re­corded to haue maintained and aduanced, Euagr. l 3. c. 5.6.22.30.33. &c. Leont. de Sect. Action. 5. Niceph. l. 16. c. 2.4. & 5. & l. 18. c. 45. & sequent. that heresie of Eutyches but we finde moreouer, manie Synodes of those parts, registred or remembred in Euagrius, Leontius, Nicephorus, and the booke cal­led Synod 97.101.103, 108, 109 &c. [...], brought to light by Pappus &c. wher­in (in the behalfe of that heresie) the decrees of the Councell of Chalcedon were condemned. In which counsell, although we reade of the greatest Confluence of Bishops, that euer mette about the Establishment of any point in Christian religion (and yet beside the 630 Bishops present in that Councell, there are extant in the Ad sin Con­cil. Chalce­don. Tom. 2. Concil. Binij, Booke of Coun­cels, [Page 160] the suffrages of about 30 prouinciall Synodes, that by their Epistles to the Emperour Leo, confir­med it, together with all the Bishops of the West, by whom it was likewise receiued) yet notwith­standing all this, that heresie so preuailed in the East parts, and specially in Aegypt, wherof we now entreat, that from that time to this it was neuer cleared of it. But as there was neuer heresie that so grieuously wounded the Church of God, as that of Eutyches, (except perhaps Arrianisme) so was no part of the Church so deepely and deadly wounded by it, as that of Aegypt. So that, euen at this day, although the wound be in some sort hea­led, yet the wemme or scarre still remaineth. For it is not many yeares, since by certaine lesuits, Agents for the Bishop of Rome, some conferences were had with the Patriarch of Alexandria and his Synode, Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c. de Christiani de Egitto. wherein, although they confessed (if true relation be made of that conference) that Christ is true God and true Man: yet did they purposely refraine from mentioning two natures in Christ, lest they should by little and little slippe into the heresie of two persons.

Now as touching their Ecclesiastical gouernment they are subiect to the Patriarch of Alexandria Chitrae. de [...]at. Ecclesiar. pag. 21., whose Patriarchall seat is at this present translated, (and so long hath beene) to the Citie of Caire, in Legatio A­lex [...]ndrin ap. Ba [...]on. Tom. [...]. in fine. either of which Cities, ( Caire and Alexandria) there remaine at this day, but three Christian tem­ples a peece. Whereas Burchardus recordeth of his time (about 320 years agoe) that in one of them ( Caire) there were aboue 40. Burch, descr. ter. sanct. [Page 151] par. 2. c. 3. But yet, to the Iurisdiction of this Pa­triarch belong, not onely the natiue Christians of Aegypt, who are but very few, considering the ex­ceeding populousnesse of that Nation, (for they are esteemed as I sayd before, not to passe 50000) which in Burchardus his time, are by him recorded to haue beene aboue 300000. Id. pa. 2. c. 3. together with the small Remainder of Christians, that are found about the Bay of Arabia, and in Mount Sinai Eastward, or in Afrique as farre as the greater Syrtis Westward▪ but the Christians likewise of Aethiopia, acknowledge obedience to him. [...]. cap. 1 [...]5 For although Aluarez in his storie of Aethiopia haue related (as he doth also some other matters touching the ancien­ter condition of the Church, too grossely and bold­ly) that the Christians of Nubia, till their defection from Christianity, were of the Popes dependance and Iurisdiction, and receiued their Bishops by his consecration, (and say nothing of the Patriarch of Alexandria) yet certainely, that they were not so, is manifest, for besides that Saligniacus (himselfe the Popes protonotary, and whose trauaile had taught him some knowledge of the East parts, directly de­nieth the Nubians professing of obedience to the Bi­shop of Rome, obseruing, that they were gouerned by a Prelate of their owne, whom they termed the Priest of the law. Itiner. Tom. 8. c. 2. Beside that di­rect testimonie of his I say, there be other Euiden­ces. First, because there cannot be produced any In­stance, out of any Ecclesiasticall history, either an­cient or moderne (as I am certainely perswaded) to that effect. Secondly, because the fathers of the Ni­cene [Page 162] counsell, as we finde in Nicen. Con­cil. l. 3. c. 36. Gelasius Cizicenus, are knowen to haue assigned Aethiopia, whereof Nubia is a part, to the Patriarch of Alexandria his Iurisdi­ction. Thirdly, because the Patriarchship of Alex­andria, lyeth directly betweene Nubia and Rome, as being immediately at the backe of Aegypt. Fourth­ly, because the Nubians were in religion Iacobites, as a Roman Cardinal Vitriacus Brocardus, and others haue recorded, Vitriac. histor. [...]rient. c. 76. Brocard. de­ [...]ript. Terre. sanct. and as their baptising with fire re­membred by Burchardus and Saligniacus did mani­festly import Burch. descr. terr. sanct. pa. 2. c. 3. § 7. Saligniac. Itin. Tom, 8. c. 2. of which sect the Patriarch of Alexandria is knowen to be: which, had the Pope the assignement or confirmation of their prelates, it is vtterly vnlike they should haue been. Fiftly, be­cause in time of their necessitie, being left destitute of Bishops and Ministers, if they had pertained to the Bishop of Rome his Iurisdiction, they would ra­ther haue had recourse to him, for repaire of the de­cayed and ruinous state of their Church who both plentifully could, and no doubt readily would haue relieued them, rather, then suffered them to depart as they haue done, from the Christian faith: To him I say, they would rather haue resorted for supply, then to the K. of Habassia Aluarez. lo­ [...]o prox. cita­to. (as they did) be­ing of another patriarchall Iurisdiction. Certaine therefore it seemeth, that Nubia while it was Chri­stian, belonged not to Rome but to Alexandria: By whom, if the Nubians in their distresses were not re­lieued, no man can wonder, that knoweth the great want and misery of the Church of Aegypt.

NOW touching the Habassines. or midland Aethiopians, whe­ther they haue obtained that name, by reason of their habi­tations (in houses) which the Aegyptians called Auases, Strab. l. 2. et l. as Strabo hath obserued, (for the ancient books ha [...]e [...] not [...]) in difference from them, which dwelling neerer the Bay of Arabia, were called Trogloditae ( [...]) because they dwelled in caues, Plin. l. 5. c. 8. Solin. Polyhi­stor. c. 34. not in houses, as Plinie and others haue recorded: whe­ther I say, for that reason they haue obtained the name of Abassins, or no, let more curious men in­quire. But, as touching their Religion, they are in manner meere Iacobites: And their King (whome by errour wee call Prester Iohn) is sundry times in histories termed the Prince of Iacobites. And their leauing out of their memorials (in Liturg. Ae­thiop. tom. 6. Biblioth. ve [...]. Patrum. pag. 59. et 65.their Liturgy) the Councell of Chalcedon, by which the heresie maintained after by Iacobus Syrus was condemned whereas the Councels of Nice, of Constantinople, and of Ephesus are remembred, doth import so much. Zag. Zabo. de. Relig. et Mo­rib. Aethiop. [...] ap. Damian. a Goes. And in very deede considering the depen­dance, that the Church of Habassia, hath of the Pa­triarch of Alexandria, it is almost vnpossible but they should be so; for as Zaga Zabo an Habassine Bi­shop [Page 154] hath left recorded, although they haue a Pa­triarch of their owne, whom they call in their own language Abuna, (our Father) and he chosen by the Habassine monks of S. Antonies order, remaining in Ierusalem, yet are they limited to choose one of the Iurisdiction of Alexandria, and a You may obserue, which I in my reading haue done, that all the Patriarchs and other Bi­shops of the East, are monkes of the Orders either of S. Basil, or S. Anthony, for the Patriarchs of Constantinople, of Antio­chia & of Armenia, are monks of S. Basils order: the Patriarchs of Alexandria, of Aethiopia, of the Iacobites, and of the Maro­nites, are of S. Anthonies, And the Patriarch of the Nestorians either of both. monke of S. Antonie he must be. And beside that, the confirma­tion, and conse­cration of him, belongeth to the Patriarch of A­lexandria, and by him hee is sent with Ecclesiastical charge into Ha­bassia. And (to be short) their prai­er, in their [...] ▪ Ae­thiop. Tom. 6. Biblioth. Vet. [...] ▪ p. 62. pre­sent Liturgie, for the Patriarch of Alexandria, tear­ming him the Prince of their Archbishops, and remembring him before their owne Patriarch, euidently declareth their depen­dance and subiection to that Sea. Which supreme Ecclesiasticall power touching Aethiopia, to haue belonged very antiently to the Patriarch of Alex­andria, may appeare by the Arabique booke of the Nicene Councell, translated by Pisanus, [...] l 3. can. 3 [...] where that authority is found assigned, to the Patriach of A­lexandria, touching that Abuna of Aethiopia, (by [Page 155] the name of Catholique) and withall, to that Ca­tholique or chiefe Bishop of Aethiopia, the seuenth place in the Sessions of generall Councels, namely, next after the Bishop of Seleucia, (whose seat was next the Patriarchs of Ierusalem) by the decree of the same Nicene Fathers was allotted.

But if you desire a register of some special points of their Religion,

• 1. They circumcise their children the 8. day,
  Z [...]g Zab. de R [...]lig. et morib. Ae­thiop. ap. D [...] ­ [...]num.
  af­ter the manner of the Iewes: Euen females also as well as Males, wherein they differ from the Iewes.
• 2. They reuerence the Sabbath (Saturday) kee­ping it solemne equally with the Lords day.
• 3. They eat not of those beasts, which in the old Law are censured for vncleane.
• 4. They consecrate the Sacrament of the Eu­charist in vnleauened bread:
  Aluarez Hi­stor. Aethiop. cap 11.
  Contrary to the cu­stome of all the East,
  Aluarez. ibi.
  the Armenians excepted. Ne­uerthelesse Tecla an Habassine monke and Priest, saith that they celebrate ordinarily in leauened bread, but on the day of the Institutiō of the Lords supper (the thursday before Easter) they doe it in bread vnleauened ouer all Habassia. an. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 13.
• 5. And communicate in both kinds, which they receiue standing. And all of them as well of the Laity as Cleargy at leastwise euery weeke, the Priest ministring the bread,
  Tecla Abissin. ap. Th. [...] Ies. loc. alleg.
  and the Deacon the wine with a spoone. Tecla. Abissin. Ioel. Zag. Zab. de rel. But yet onely in the Temple, It beeing not lawfull for any (not the K. or Patriarch) elsewhere to communicate. After the receauing whereof it is [Page 166] not lawfull for them to spit that day till the setting of the Sunne. Zag. Zab. ibid.
• 7. And that euen to their yong infants, present­ly after they are baptized:
  Tec [...]a Abis­sin. ap. Tho. [...] Iesu. de con [...]. vers. gen [...]l. pa. 1. [...]. 13.
  which in their males is 40. daies after their birth, and in females 80. (ex­cept in perill of death, for then they are presentlie baptized. Tecla. Abissin. ibid.) til which time be com­plete, their women also enter not into the Temple. Zag. Zab. ibid.
• 8. They professe but one nature and one will in Christ, yet without any mixtion or confusion of the Diuine and humane substances. Tecla. ap. Th. a Iesuit. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13.
• 9. Beleeue the reasonable soules of men to bee traduced from parents by seminall propagation. Zag. Zab. de Relig. Aethiop. in fine. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 8.
• 10. Beleeue the soules of their infants departing afore Baptism to be saued, because they are sprung from faithfull parents, and namely the vertue of the Eucharist, receaued by the mother after con­ception to sanctifie the childe in her wombe. Zag. Zab. Ibid. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 1, c, 8. Aluar. hist. Aethiop. ca. 22.
• 11. They presently vpon commission of sinne resort to the confessour, and at euery confession, (though it were euery day) receaue the Sacrament of the Eucharist. Zaga Zabo. Ibidem.
• 12. They haue only painted, not massie images in their Churches. Tecla. vbi supra.
• 13. They accept onely the three first generall Councels, reiecting that of Chalcedon, for deter­mining [Page 167] two natures to bee in Christ, and for con­demning Dioscorus the Patriarch of Alexandria Tecla. Abis. ib.
• 14. Eleuate not the Sacrament in celebrating of the Eucharist, but keepe it couered:
  Aluarez. [...] loco.
  neither re­serue it after the communion.
• 15. To excommunicate obstinate sinners is pe­culiar to their Patriarch, which yet is not vsuall a­mong them except in case of Murther Zab. Zab. ibid.
• 16▪ Their Priests and other inferiour Ecclesia­sticall ministers (as also monks) liue by their labor, hauing no tithes for their maintenance, nor beeing suffered to craue almes. Zag. Zab. loc. citato.
• 17. But the conferring of Bishopricks, and other Ecclesiasticall benefices (except the Patriarchship) belongeth onely to the King Zag. Zab. ibid▪
• 18. Vse neither confirmation,
  Zaga. Zabo. loco. citato. Aluarez. lib. citato. c. 5.
  nor extreame vn­ction.
• 19 Admit the first marriage in their Bishops and Priests, but not the second, except their Patriarch dispense.
• 20. Eat flesh euery Friday (as on other daies) betwixt Easter and Whitsunday:
  Aluar. c. 13
  as on euery Sa­turday also through the whole yeare,
  Zaga Zabo, vbi supra.
  except in Lent.
• 21. Baptise themselues euery yeare on the day of the Epiphany, in Lakes or Ponds.

Concerning which first and last points, namely, of their circumcision, and annuall baptismes, I haue somwhat to obserue: Namely, first, touching their circūcision, that they obserue it, not so much perhaps, of religion, as of an auncient custome of [Page 158] their nation. For although their circumcising on the eight day, seemeth to imply that they receiued it from the Iewes, yet, their circumcising of both sexes, as certainely argueth, that they did not so. And, if the Habassines bee of the race of the ancient Aethiopians, the doubt may bee the lesse: because Herodotus and others haue recorded it, Herodot. l 2. par. a M [...]d [...]o. for an anci­ent ceremony of that nation. Or, if they be not of the Aethiopian race, Stephanus Py­ [...]ant. [...], in dictione [...]. but of the progenie of the A­rabians, as by Vranius in Stephanus Byzantius, it should appeare, recording them for a nation of the Arabians, neere to the Which seemeth to bee true, both because in the Liturg. Ae­thiop. in [...]om. 6 8 bl [...]thecae Ve [...]. pat. p. 59. Aethiopi­an Liturgie, they terme their owne kingdome the kingdome of Sheba, and also, because the KK. of Habassia, Zag. Zabo de Morib. Aeth [...] ­op. apud Da­mi [...]. deduce lineal­ly their discent, from the Q. of Sheba that came to see Salomon: which Sheba, is to the skilfull, certainly known to be in Ara­bia: and either the same, that wee call Arabia foelix, or some part of it And certainely it is obserued by learned men, that Arabia foelix; in the easterne tongue, is named [...], as Ara­bia deserta [...], and Arabia Pe­traea, [...], or [...]. Sabaeans: euen in this case also, the occasion and originall of circumcising a­mong the Abas­sines will bee dis­cerned well e­nough: namelie, because it is speci­ally storied, to haue bene a very anciēt ceremony among the Ara­bians: among whom it might haue beginning, by reason of the descent of manie of the Arabians, from Ismael, and from the other [Page 169] sonnes of Abraham, by Keturah, planted in Arabia, of which Sheba is by name recorded for one. Genes. 25.3. But yet, if the Abassines obserue circumcision, not, as an ancient nationall custome, Shindler. i [...] D [...]ctionar. Pen [...]. [...]lot. in [...] but in any sort for religion sake, then it may bee excused in such man­ner, as [...]. one of their owne Bishops hath professed, namely, that it is done onely in remembrance, and loue, and imitation of our Sauiour, because he was circumcised, and not for any other opinion of ho­linesse at all.

And secondly, touching their annual baptisings, in the feast of the Epiphanie, which they (with many auncients of the Church) suppose to be the day of our Sauiours baptisme, it is declared by the De Religion Aethiop. [...]ong. ant. med. Ae­thiopian bishop aboue mentioned, to bee practised among them, not as any sacrament, or any con­ceate of sanctification to be obtained by it, but one­ly as a memoriall of Christs baptisme, because as on that day hee was baptised in Iordan. Euen as the Posseuin. de Reb. Moscou. pag. 6. Moscouites also doe the like on the same day, in ri­uers, and for the same reason, which appeareth the more euidently to bee so, because this yearely bap­tising is no auncient ceremonie of the Habassins, but a fashion of late taken vp among them, as Aluarez, that liued long in those parts, hath related, as be­ing, namely the institution of Aluarez hi­stor. Aethiop. cap. 95. his grandfather, that then reigned in Habassia, being about 100 yeares agoe.

THe Armenians, for traffique to which they are exceedingly ad­dicted, are to bee found in multi­tudes, in most cities of great trade specially in those of the Turkish Empire, obtaining more fauour and priuiledge among the Turkes and other Mahu­metans, Vid. Postel. lib. de re. Lin­guis Tit. de Lingua Arme­nica. by a patent graunted that nation vnder Mahumets owne hand, then any other sect of Chri­stians. Insomuch that no nation seemeth more giuen to Marchandize, nor is for that cause more disper­sed abroade, then the Armenians, except the Iewes. But yet the natiue regions of the Armenians, and where they are stil foūd in the greatest multitude, & their religion is most supported, are Armenia the greater (named since the Turkes first possession of it Turcomania) beyond Euphrates, and Armenia the lesse on this side Euphrates, and Cilicia, now termed Carmania.

Now the Armenians touching their Ecclesiasti­call gouernement, were aunciently of the Iuris­diction of the Patriarch of Constantinople, as be­ing Notitia pro­ [...]nciar. Ori­ent. prouinces of the dioces called Pontica, which together with the prouinces of the dioces Asiana, and of Thrace (three of the thirteene dioceses, into which the whole Empire was diuided) were by the councell of Chalcedon, Concil. Chal­cedō. Can. 28. assigned, or else confirmed, [Page 171] to the Patriarch of Constantinople, for his iurisdicti­on. But at this day, and verie long since, euen before Photius his time (as is euident by his circular Epi­stle) the Armenians are departed, Photij episte ency [...]lica. ap [...]d Baron. Tom. 10. Annal. An­no. 863. both from the go­uernement of that Patriarch, and from the commu­on of the Grecians (whom at this present, they haue in more detestation then any other sect of Christi­ans) and that principally, for the very same occasi­on, for which the Iacobites of Syria withdrew their obedience from the Patriarch of Antiochia, namely the heresie of one onely nature in Christ. And euer since that departure, they acknowledge obedience, without any further or higher dependence, to two Patriarchs of their owne: whom they terme Catho­liques. Namely one of the greater Armenia, the fa­milies vnder whose iurisdiction exceede the num­ber of 150000 beside verie manie Monasteries. Le­onard. Sidon episc. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1 c. 19, who at this present Mirae Noti [...]. Episcop. Orb. pag. 36. Boter. Relati­on. pa. 3. l. 2 c. de Dioscoria­ni. keepeth residence, in the mona­sterie of Ecmeazin, by the citie, &c. Leonard. Si don. episc. ap. Tho. a Ies. loc. citato. by the citie of Er­uan in Persia, being translated thether by occasion of the late warres betwixt the Persians and the Turkes: but his auncient seate was Sebastia, the Me­tropolis of Armenia the greater: And the other Pa­triarch of Armenia the lesse, the families of whose iurisdiction are esteemed about 20000. Leonard. Sidon. vbi. supra. who aunciently kept at Concil. Chalced Acti­on. 1 in sub­scr [...]ption b. Me­litene, the Metropolis of that prouince, but now is resident in the citie of Sis, not farre from Tarsus in Cilicia, the middle limit on Interstitium, of those two Patriarchs Iurisdictions, being the riuer Euphrates.

[Page 172]Such at this present is the state of the Armenian Church, and the iurisdiction of their Patriarchs. But it should seeme, by that I finde recorded, by O­tho Phrisingensis, Otho Phrising l. [...]. c. 32. vpō the report of the Legates of Ar­menia, sent frō the Catholique, to the Bishop of Rome in his time, that the iurisdiction of the Catholique of Armenia, was then farre larger, as namely, that he had aboue a thousand Bishops vnder his obedi­ence: Except Otho perhaps mistooke, as I verily beleeue he did, obedience for communion: for as touching the communion, which the Armenians mainteined with other Iacobites, it extended in­deede verie farre: But the iurisdiction of Armenia, for ought I can finde in any record of antiquitie, contained onely foure prouinces, namely, the two Armeniaes before mentioned, the greater and lesse, and the two prouinces of Cilicia. In which small cir­cuit, that such a multitude of Bishop [...] should bee found, is vtterly vncredible, especially because we finde registers extant, both of the Bishops of the two Armeniaes, in the Tom. 1. Iuris Oriental l. 2. Nouell of Leo-Sophus the Emperour, touching the precedence of Metropo­litans: and likewise of the bishops of Cilicia, in De Bel. sacro l. 14 c. 12. Guilielmus Tyrius: and all of them put together, exceede not the number of thirtie. And although I finde that Nouel. 31. cap. 1. Iustinian diuided the two Armeniaes into foure prouinces (which yet to haue beene af­ter reduced 'againe into two, the Nouell of Leo e­uen now mentioned assureth vs) yet were not for that cause, the number of Bishops encreased anie whit the more.

Now, touching the properties of their religion.

[Page 173]1. They are charged with the opinion of one nature in Christ: Niceph. hist. Ecclesiastic l. 18. c. 53. yet not as Eutyches imagined it one, namely, by a permixtion and confusion of the diuine and humane natures, but yet by such a con­iunction and coalition of them, that they both to­gether, make but one compounded nature in our Sauiour, as the body and soule, but one com­pound nature in man. But neuerthelesse, it seemeth by the confession of the Armenians, which wee haue extant touching the Trinitie, sent by the mandate of the Catholique of Armenia, Confess. Ar­menior. Art. 26 27.28.29.30, &c. to the Pa­triarch of Constantinople, not 50 yeares agoe, that at this present, they haue vtterly renounced that phantasie. Alfons. a Castro. l. 5. cont. Haeres. Titul. de D [...]o. Haeresi. 13. Boem. de Mo­rib. gent. l. 2. c. 10.

2. They beleeue the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the father.

3. They celebrate the sacrament of the Eucharist with vnleauened bread (as the Romans doe.)

4. They denie the true body of Christ to be re­ally in the sacrament of the Eucharist vnder the Spe­cies of bread & wine. Nicepho [...]. loc. sup. citato. Luturgia. Ar­men apud Cassandrum de Liturgijs Guido sum. de heresib. They min­gle not water with wine in the Eucharist: An aunci­ent opinion & property of theirs, for I finde it Concil. Con­stantinop. 3. Can. 32. recor­ded of them (and condemned) in the sixt generall councell. Niceph. loc. citat. Liturg. Armenior. vbi supra. But they retaine it notwithstanding still.

5. They receaue infants presently after baptisme to the communion of the Eucharist, affirming that baptisme cannot bee conferred without the Eucha­rist. Boem. de Morib gent. l 2. c. 10. Guid▪ sum. de heresib.

6. They denie the virtue of conferring grace, to belong to the sacraments. Guido loc. alleg. They re­iect [Page 174] purgatorie, and pray not for the dead. Guido. in Sum. de haere­sib. Alfons. a Ca­str. l. 12. co [...]t. Haeres. Tit. de Purg [...]torio. haeresi 1. Boē. loc. citato Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c 17.

7. They beleeue that the soules of holy men ob­taine not blessednesse till the vniuersall iudgement. Th. a Ies. l 7. pa. 1. c. 17. They admit married priests, and as Burchardus hath recorded. deser. terr. sanct. pa. 2. c. 2. §. 9. admit none to be secular priests, Bellon. Ob­s [...]ru. l. 3. c. 12. Postel. in Lingua Tzer­uiana. except they be married. They rebaptise those that come to their communion from the Latine Church. Guid. Sum. de heresib. but exclude their second mariage.

Boem. loc. citat.8. They abstaine from eating vncleane beasts.

Nichol. Pe­regr. Orient. l. 4. c. 19. Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. Dios­coriani.9. They eate flesh on fridaies betweene Easter and Ascension day.

10. They fast lent most strictly, without egges milkemeats, flesh, oile, wine, &c. onely with fruites herbes, Vitriac. hi­stor. Orient. c. 7.9. rootes, and pulse.

11. They celebrate not Christmasse day when other Christians doe ( Dec [...]mb. 25.) but fast on it: And in stead of it, Vitriac. loc. citato. celebrate the feast of our Saui­ours baptisme, namely, on the day of the Epi­phanie. Boter. loco. [...]itato.

12. They solemnise the feast of the Annuncia­tion, the sixt day of Aprill. The purification the 14 of Februarie, &c.

THe Maronites who were so na­med, not of an heretique called Maron, as many false­ly write, Prateol. de sect. Here­tic. in verb. Maronitae. But of a holy man of that name, for wee finde mentioned in the booke of Councels the Monastery of S ^t. Maron. Concil. Constantinop. sub. Men. act. 5. the Monks only wherof at first were termed Maronites: they are foūd in small numbers, in Aleppo, Damascus, Tripolie of Syria, and in Cyprus: But their maine habitation, is in the Mountaine Libanus. Which although it containe in circuit about Posseuin. Appar. Sacr. in Maronitae. 700 miles and is pos­sessed onely in a manner by the Maronites, who for that priuiledge, namely to keepe them­selues free from the mixture of Mahumetans, pay the Turke Namely, for euery one aboue 12 yeares old 17 Sultanines by the yeare (the Sultanine weigheth a dramme of gold, about 7 ^s 6 ^d of our money) and for euery space of grounde 16. spannes square, one Sultanine yearely, as is recorded by Posseuine. large tribute: yet of all sects of Christians, they are the least, as being esteemed not to passe in all Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l 2. c. de Maroniti. Posseuin. loco citato. 12000 hou­ses, [Page 176] (all in scattered villages) beside a few Monaste­ries, by reason of the indisposition of Libanus in most places, for frequent habitation. For beside the craggednesse or steepenesse of that Mountaine, which maketh many parts of it in a maner inacces­sible, the higher Ridges of it, (which by Brocardus his relation are so eminent, Brocard. in D [...]s [...]r. Terr. s [...]nctae Tacit histori­ar l. vltimo that they may be discer­ned 40 leagues off) are also couered in a manner continually with snow, which it retaineth, as Taci­tus with Vit [...]iac. hist. O [...]i [...]nt. c. 84. Postell. de­sc [...]ipt. Syr [...]ae. pag 33. others, hath left recorded, notwithstan­ding the heat of that climate, euen in the nearest approach of the Sun. And is scarcely, as hath been obserued by Postell, in one Summer of thirtie to be found cleare of it: for which very cause and no o­ther, that Mountaine seemeth to haue gotten the name of Lebanon. For [...] in the ancient language of those parts (the Phaenician or Hebrew tongue) sig­nifieth White, [...] Patal pom. [...] in Dicti [...]. Album. and [...] Whitenesse: Euen as, for the like whitenesse of snow, Gerundensis hath remem­bred Canus (the highest part of the Pyrene hilles) to haue obtained that name. And as Festus suppo­seth the Alpes, for the same cause, to haue gayned theirs, that in the Sabine dialect being termed (saith he) Alpum, which the Romans in theirs named Al­bum. For so touching the originall of the name Libanus, Isidor. Origin l 14. c 8. had I much rather think, then be led by the phantasie of Isidorus & some Stuk. in Cō. ad Arrian. [...]e [...]plum M [...]r. [...]rythrae. p. 47. Adricom. Theatr terr. sanct. in. Nephtalim. Num. 63. others, namely, that Libanus, should purchase that name of frankincense which the Grecians cal [...] and the Iewes [...]. For, if it bee not true, which yet Theophrastus and Plinie write, that frankincense is gotten onely in Arabia foelix, (according with that of Virgil, Solis est [Page 177] Thurea virga Sabaeis) by reason of which propertie of place, to burne incense is termed in Tertullian, a­liquid Arabiae incendere: if that I say be not true, for indeed, I finde in Dioscorides, record of frankincense gotten in India, & in Pedro Cieza of the like in some part of America, yet is there no mention or remem­brance in any history of nature, or other, as I take it, that frankincense was euer gotten in the Hill of Libanus.

The Patriarch of the Maronites (to come nearer to our pupose) who is noted to be a Monke of S ^t. Antonie, and to haue vnder his Iurisdiction Theophrast. hist Plantat. l. 9. c. 5. Plin. l. 12. c. 14 Virg. Georg. l. 2. Tertull. de coron. [...] circa Med. Dioscorid de Medic. mate [...] l. 1. c. 7. 8. or 9. Bishops, keepeth residence for the most part in Libanus, in a monasterie of S ^t. Anthonie, and now and then in Tripolie: And is Posseuin. Appar. sacr. [...] Maronitae. one of them, that challenge the title of the Patriarch of Antiochia, kee­ping euer the name of Peter as the Patriarch of the Iacobites, the other challenger of the same dignitie, doth of Ignatius. But touching Religion, the Pa­triarch of the Maronites professeth obedience at this present, to the Bishop of Rome, yet but lately, in Clement the 8. his time: And both hee, and all the Boter. Re [...] ▪ pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Maroniti. Poss [...]uin. loc. citato. Maronites, are become of the Roman religion (be­ing the onely Nation of the East, except the Indi­ans, lately brought also to the Roman Communi­on, that acknowledgeth that obedience) and haue Posseu. loc. citat. Boter. loc. citato. Mirae: notitiae Episcop. Or­bis pag. 34. Tho. a Ies. de Conu Gent. l. 3. c. 3. a Seminary in Rome of Gregory the XIII his foun­dation, for the trayning vp of the youth of their nation in that religion. But before that alteration, these were the characters of their Religion,

• 1. That the Holy Ghost proceedeth only from the Father. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.
• [Page 178]2. That the soules of men were all created toge­ther from the beginning. Id. loc. citato.
• 3. Not to baptise male children together. Inter­rog. Patriarch. Maronit. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5.
• 3. That heretiques returning to the Church are to be rebaptised. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6.
• 5. That the childe is made vnclean by the touch of the mother till she bee purified, which after a male childe is 40 dayes, and 80 after a female, for which reason they baptise not their Infants afore those termes. Th. a Ies. loc. citat.
• 6. That they celebrated the sacrament of the Eucharist in both kindes. Posseuin. Appar. sac. in Ma­ronitae. Patriarch. Maronit. Interrog. 3. ap. Tho. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5.
• 7. And in leauened bread. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. c. 6.
• 8. Distributing to all the Communicants each one a peece of the same bread (which they conse­crate in great masses) together with these words of the Gospell, hee blessed and brake and gaue to his disciples, saying take eate &c. Mat. 26.26. Id. Pa­triarch. Interrog. 3. ap. Th. a Ies. loc. citat.
• 9. To distribute the Sacrament of the Eucha­rist to children before the vse of reason, & first pre­sently after baptisme. Th. a Ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5. §. 9. & cap. 6.
• 10. Not to reserue the Sacrament of the Eucha­rih. Patriarc. Maron. vbi supra.
• 11. Nor to carry it to any sicke person in dan­ger of death. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c, 5.
• 12. To omit confirmation by the Bishop. Patr. Maron, Int. 2. vbi supr.
• [Page 179]13. To exclude the fourth matrimonie, in euery person as vtterly vnlawfull. Id. Ibid. Interrog. 5.
• 14. That marriage is not inferiour to single life. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2, c. 6.
• 15. Vtterly to dissolue matrimony in case of a­dultery and marry another Patr. Maronit. Inter. 5. vbi supra.
• 16. That the father may dissolue the matrimo­nie of his sonne of daughter if he mislike it. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.
• 17. Not to ordaine young men Priests or dea­cons except they were married. Patriarch. Maronites Inter. 6. vbi supra. Posseuin. in Appar. sacr. in Maroni­tae. But yet to restraine their second marriage. Th. a Ies. Ibid.
• 18. To create children 5 or 6 yeares old sub­deacons. Patriarch. Maronit. Inter. 5 vbi supra.
• 19. That no man entreth the kingdome of hea­uen before the generall Iudgement. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.
• 20. Not to fast on the Lords day nor on the Sabbath. Th. a Ies. loc. citat.
• 21. In the daies of fasting not to celebrate masse till the Euening. Patr. Maron. ap. Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5.
• 22. Not to eate of any thing strangled or of bloud. Id. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6.
• 23. To exclude women during their monthly issues both from the Eucharist, and from the Church.
  Vitriac hi­stor. O [...]ient. c. 78. Tyrius de Bello sacro. l. 22. ca. 8.
  Patriar. Maronit. Interr. 8. vbi supra.
• 34. Their maine Errour was, the heresie of the Monothelites, touching one onely will and action in Christ. Which errour although they renounced [Page 180] about 400 yeares agoe, and reconciled themselues then,
  Saligniac. Iti­nor. Tom. 8. c. [...].
  to the Roman Church, at what time those parts of Palestine and Syria, were in the Christians hands, as
  Vitriac. & Tit locis [...]am [...].
  Iacobus a Vitriaco, and Guilielmus Tyrius, the one Bishop of Acon, and the other of Tyre, haue recorded: yet shortly after, when those parts were by Saladin, the King of Aegypt and Syria, recouered from the Christians, those Maronites relapsed, and forsooke againe the Roman communion, till the late times of Pope Gregorie the XIII. and Cle­ment the VIII. with whom they againe renew­ed it.

And, this heresie of the Monothelites, springing out of that bitter roote of the Iacobites, touching one onely nature in Christ, was the last of that lōg and wicked traine of heresies, which vpon the con­tempt of the councell of Chalcedon, exceedingly wasted and ruined the East Church, for after that the detestation of Nestorius heresie, touching two Persons in our Sauiour, (condemned in the third generall Councel) had so immoderately distempe­red the phantasies of Eutiches in Constantinople, & of the Patriarch of Alexandria, Dioscorus with o­ther their adherents, that they thought not them­selues safe enough from the heresie of two persons, till they were fallen into the other and opposite extremity of one nature in Christ, the Diuine and humane natures in Christ (in their conceits) by permixtion and confusion of substances, & of pro­perties growing into one, vpon their adunation: and withall, that the humane nature of Christ, was not consubstantiall to ours, but of another kind, & [Page 181] condition, which phantasies the fourth generall councell condemned. After I say this heresie of Eu­tiches and Dioscorus, had growne to that head in Ae­gypt & Syria, that like a violent & furious streame, whose course would not bee stayed, it bare downe before it all oppositions, and among the rest, that great & reuerend councell of Chalcedon, that had condemned it, and was contemned by it, it gaue occasion for an infinite traine of heresies to follow at the breach, which it had made.

For first (to omit infinite extrauagant branches, Vid. Nicepl or Histor. Eccles. l. 18 c 45. & [...] ­quent. Leont. de Sectis. Action, 5. &c. that sprang from it, and infinitely deformed the Church, renting with many schismes the vnity, & with as many heresies wounding the faith of it) It drew after it, the heresie of the passiblenesse of the deitie, because the deity of Christ, was become (in their conceits) the same nature with the humanity, that was passible. Secondly, (the absurdity of that being discerned) it occasioned an other extreme­ly opposite, namely of the Impassibility of the hu­manity of our Sauiour, (but on the same ground) because namely, it was become one nature with the deitie, which now we know to bee vnpassible. Thirdly, when the fondnesse of both were disco­uered, It bred a new deuise, touching one nature in our Sauiour (as the wit of Heretiques will better serue them, to deuise a thousand shifts to delude the truth, then their pride will suffer them once to yeelde and acknowledge it) It bred I say a new de­uise, namely, to be one, not by permixtion or con­fusion of substances, as Eutyches first taught, but onely by composition, the deitie and humanitie, [Page 182] by coalition becomming one nature in Christ, as the bodie and soule grow into one nature in Man. And fourthly, when this phantasie began also some­what to abate, and relent in manie: yet still a fracti­on as it were or rather a consequent of it was retai­ned (for indeede it implieth by necessarie conse­quence the vnitie of nature) namely that there was but one will, and one action of both natures in the person of our Sauiour. And God knowes what a traine and succession of heresies might haue fol­lowed these, if that Lord, whom they had infinitely wronged by their wanton and wandring conceats of him, had not, to stop the course and streame of their wickednesse and follie, brought on them, the Sarracens of Arabia, for euen while the Church, specially that of the Easterne parts, was in great perplexitie and trauaile, with the heresie of the Mo­nethelites (which I last mentioned) the Mahumetans of Arabia, like a mightie inundation brake forth, and ouerwhelmed all, and them first, that first, and most had wronged the Sonne of God, by fostering the forenamed heresies, and the infinite brood that sprung of them, I meane Aegypt and Syria, and to this day, both they, and the neighbouring nations that had beene infected by them, remaine in thral­dome. But yet as in the diseases and distempers of our bodies, contraries are vsually healed by contra­ries, so seemeth it to haue fallen out in the distem­pers of these mens religions, for as worldly prospe­ritie and wantonnesse of wit (ordinarie compani­ons) wherewith these nations in those times aboun­ded, bred in them their ordinarie children, namely, [Page 183] prosperitie of the world, pride, and wantonnesse of wit, errour, which couple in matter of faith and re­ligion, is wont to produce no better issue then he­resie. So on the other side hauing now at length, their harts humbled, and their wits taimed by that pouertie and affliction, wherein the tyrannie and oppression of the Arabians and Turkes hath long holden them, it seemeth the Lord hath taken pi [...]tie on them (as it is his propertie not to dispise humble and broken spirits, and to remember mercie in the middest of iudgement) and reduced them, or the most of them, to the right acknowledgement of his sonne againe. For certainely, that they and other Christians of the East, haue (at least in these later times) disclaimed and abandoned, those hereticall phantasies touching our Sauiour, wherein by their misleaders they had beene aunciently plunged (and which many Christians of these West parts, still charge them with all) doth manifestly appear, First of Biblioth. Vot. Patr. Tom. 4 pag. 1049 &. 1 [...]3. the Iacobites, and Secondly of the Confess. Armen. de Trinitate Art. 26.27.28.29.30. Nestorians, by their seuerall confessions, translated out of the Syriaque tongue by Masius, and extant in Bibliothe­ca Veterum patrum. Thirdly of the Baron Tom 6. Annal. in fine. Armenians, by their owne confession also, translated by Pretorius. Fourthly, of the De Relig & Morib. Aethi­op. ap. Domi­an. a Goes. Cophti, by the profession of their faith extant in Baronius. Fiftly of the Posseuin. Appar. sac. in Nestoriani. Habassines, by the relation of Zaga Zubo a Bishop of their owne. Sixtly, of the Posseu [...]n. lib. citat. in Maro­nitae. Indians, by their reconcilement to the Church of Rome mentioned by Posseuine. And Seuenthly, of the Boter Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. Maro­niti. Maronites, by their like reconcilement, recorded by him and by others.

ANd thus haue I related, the se­uerall sects of Christians, that are abroad in the world, with the places of their habitations, and the special characters (that are recorded) of their religions. One point notwithstanding of their difference, haue I left purposely as yet vn­touched, both for the amplenesse of the matter, and because I conceaue you would haue it declared se­uerally. Namely, touching the different languages, in which all these seuerall sorts of Christians, cele­brate their Liturgies or diuine seruice.

But first, to speake a word or two, of the publique seruice of the Iewes, and of the Mahumetans, in their Synagogues, and Meskeds (seeing I intreated before of those religions.) The Iewes where they obtaine libertie for their Synagogues, celebrate theirs, in the auncient Hebrew tongue, Michou. l. 2. de Sarmatia. c. 1. Crus. Turcog. l. 7. pa. 487. &c as Michouius, with manie others, hath related, and as in manifest, by their owne editions of their publique praiers, prin­ted both at Venice, and in Polonia, in that lan­guage.

But the Mahumetans haue theirs in the Arabique tongue (the natiue language of their prophet) as [Page 185] Georgeuitz, George [...]. De R [...]u [...]. [...] l 2. c. 1. Richer. l. 2. de Mo [...]b & In­stit. Turca [...]. C [...]. Turcog l. 7 pa [...]. 487. Richerius, and sundrie others haue re­corded: So that not onely in Arabia, and Aegypt, and Barbarie, and Palestine, and Syria, and Mesopo­tamia (in which parts the Arabique tongue is be­come the vulgar language) the Alchoran is read, and their publique deuotions exercised, in Arabique: but also in Greece, and Natolia, and other parts of the Turkish dominion, where the Greeke, and Turkish, and Slau [...]nique tongues are vulgar, as also in Persia, in Tartar [...]e, in India, where they haue other natiue, and peculiar languages, the Mahumetans reade the Alchoran Georgeuit [...] de Riti [...]i. Tur­car. l. 2. c. de Sacerdotibus. (which they suppose were profa­ned if it were translated into vulgar tongues) and performe their publique deuotions, in that lan­guage.

But Christians in celebrating of their diuine Litur­gies, differ touching the language verie much, Durand Rati­onat. [...]iti [...]nor. l. 4. ¶. 10. In­deede I finde it recorded in Durandus (but vpon what warrant and authoritie I cannot finde) that til the time of Hadrian the Emperour (that is about 120 yeares after Christ) their Liturgies were all ce­lebrated in the Hebrew tongue: And that then, the Orientall Church began, first to celebrate them in Greeke. Indeede mee thinkes it is possible, that the Christians of the Gentiles might in honour of the Apostles, retaine the Apostles Liturgies, in the verie tongue wherein by the Apostles themselues, they had beene first ordained, for it is not to be doubted, but Vide Baro­nium. Tom. 1. Annal. Ad An ch. 4 [...]. §. 14. many yeares passing (a­bout tenne) after our Sauiours assention, before the Apostles left Syria, and sundred themselues to preach the Gospell abroad in the world among the [Page 186] gentile & forraine nations. It is not to be doubted I say, but the Apostles, while they remained in Iurie, ordained liturgies in the Iewish tongue, for the vse of those Iewes, whom they had conuerted to Chri­stianitie: which liturgies by the Christian disciples of the Iewish nation, dispersed in manie prouin­ces of the gentiles, might together with Christian religion, be carried abroad, and gladly entertained among the gentiles. This is possible I say, but if it be also true (as I haue not obserued any thing in an­tiquitie that may certainly impeach the truth of it) yet that which is spoken by Durandus of those Li­turgies in the Hebrew tongue, must be vnderstood (I doubt not) of the Hebrew then vulgar and vsu­all, that is to say the Syriaque tongue: Not onely, because in that language, we finde them in these times, celebrated by the Christians of the East: but also because I can conceaue no reason, either, why the Liturgies should bee ordained by the A­postles in that language which the Iewes thēselues (the learned excepted) vnderstood not, if it were done for the Iewes: or else why the Gentiles, should translate them (or vse them so translated) out of the Hebrew into the Syriaque, seeing both were to them alike, vulgarly vnknowne, and not vnderstood. But howsoeuer it was in that most auncient and primi­tiue state of the Church, in and immediately fol­lowing the Apostles times, the difference certaine­ly among Christians in these present times, in that behalfe is verie great, some of them celebrating their liturgies in their owne natiue and vulgar, and some other in learned and forraine tongues.

[Page 187]The Christians then (to speake first of the first sort) that celebrate them in their owne vulgar languages, are the Armenians, Habassines, Moscouttes with Russians, Sclauonians, and Protestants.

For that the Armenians (howsoeuer otherwise in their ceremonies belonging to diuine seruice, they approch neerer as Bellon. Ob­seru. l. 3. ca 12. Vitriac. Hilt. Or. c. 79. Brocard. des­cript. terrae sanct. Michou. de Sa [...]mat l. 2. c. 1 Breitenbach. Peregrin. c. de Armen. Postel. de Lin­g [...]a Armenica. Bellon loco. [...]i. tato. Nichol. Peregrin. Ori­ent. l. 4. c. 19. Villamont de Voyages. l. 2. c. 23. Boter. Relat. pa. 3 l. 2. & Alij plures. Bellonius and others report, to the rites of the Latine Church, then any other sect of Christians) that they I say exercise their com­mon diuine seruice in the Armenian tongue, Iacobus a Vitriaco, Brocardus, Michouius, Breitenbachtus, and manie others, some of their owne experience, and others of certaine relation, haue left recorded. And namely, as touching the translation of the holy scripture into the Armenian tongue, which at this Present, is in solemne vse among them, the Arme­nians themselues as Sixt. Senens. l. 4 Biblioth. sanct in [...]oan­nes Constan­tinopolitanus Sixtus Senensis hath recorded, attribute it, to no other author then to Chrysostome: who also, out of the historie of George Patriarch of Alexandria, written of the life of Chrysostome, re­membreth it specially to haue beene Chrysostomes worke after his banishment from Constantinople, while he liued in those parts of Armenia, to which as wee reade Sozomen. H [...]st. l. 8 c. 22. Theodoret. l. 5. de Curand. Graecor. Af­fect. b. post. med. Roccha. in Bi­bliotheca Va­ticana. p. [...]57. Sozomen, hee was by the Empe­rours decree confined, and there died. And cer­tainely, that the holy scriptures, were translated into the Armenian tongue, before Theodorets time, who liued soone after Chrysostome, for he flourished about the yeare 440, Theodoret himselfe (although he name not the Author of the Translation) hath left recorded: as I finde also acknowledged by An­gelus Roccha, in his discourse of the Vatican Librarie, [Page 188] not onely that Chrysostome is sayd to haue transla­ted of the Scriptures into the Armenian tongue, but, that he is also celebrated among the Monu­ments of the same Vatican, as the Id pag. 155. & M [...]. Pansa de Biblioth. Vaticana, pa. 4 discors. 21. Aluarez. hi­stor. Aethiop. ca. 159. Inuentor of the Armenian characters still in vse.

And touching the Habassines, Aluarez a Portuguez that liued many yeares among them hath not on­ly left recorded, that they reade Scriptures in the Tigian tongue, which is a dialect of the Habassin, (for Tigia he noteth to bee that part of Habassia, which first receiued Christianity) into which language Sabellicus Supplem. Histor. l. 8. recordeth both the old and new testament to haue beene translated out of the Chaldee. But Idem c. 11. hee, with many Postell. de Ling. Indica. Theu. Cos. l. 2. ca. 14. Villamont. l. 2. ca. 24. Biblioth. Vet. Pat. Tom. 6. pag 55. Michou. l. de Sarmat. 2 c 1. Sigum. l. de Reb. Moscou pag. 46. Posseum. l. de Rebus Mose- pag. 4. Theu. Co [...]. l. 19. ca. 12. others, that they celebarte their Liturgy in their owne language, though the Chaldee be esteemed among them, as their learnd tongue, which also the Li­turgie it selfe (you may finde it in the new Edition of Bibliotheca veterum Patrum) if you marke the long answers of the People to the Priest, in their Praiers doth euidently import.

And no lesse certaine is it also, of the Muscouites and Russians, that their Liturgies are likewise mini­stred in their vulgar tongue (being a kinde of Sla­uonian) though sometimes intermingling Greeke hymnes as Guaguinus hath obserued: Descript. Mo­scou. ca. 2. as is testified by Mathias Michou, by Sigis­mund, by Posseuine, by Theuet, and sundry others.

And as euident is it of the Illyrians, whom wee commonly call Slauonians Bapt. Palat. de Ra [...]. scri­bend. Roccha in Biblioth Va­tican pag. 162 that they also exercise their publique diuine seruice in their owne lan­guage: which to haue beene allowed them by the [Page 189] Pope, at the suit of Cyrill their Bishop, or as Auentin. l 4. Annal. others say, of Methodius (but the difference is of no impor­tance, for they both liued in the same time, and were companions in preaching the Gospell to bar­barous nations) Aeneas Siluius and others haue re­corded. Aen. Silu in Hist. Bohe­mica. c. 13. Auentin. loc. citat. Rocch. loc. citato. And, in particular of the Liburnians, (the more Westerly part of the Slauouians) it is affirmed by Auentine: and of the Dalmatians, (the more Ea­sterly part of them) by Angelus Roccha, that they celebrate their liturgies in their owne language: Which, Roccha saith the Dalmatians are most cer­tainely perswaded to haue beene of Hieromes deui­sing. But yet in determining the Antiquity of that custome, Roccha that referreth it to Pope Paul the second is greatly mistaken: Because wee finde it to haue beene much more anciently granted them by Pope Iohn the eighth that they might both reade the Scriptures, and celebrate masse, in their owne tongue, as appeareth by the same Epist. 247. Ioan. Papae. 8. in Tom. 3. Concil. par. 2. ap. Bin. pag. 990. Roccha. lib. citato p. 168. Popes Epistle extant, to Sfentopulcher. And euen Roccha himselfe (forgetting himselfe) confesseth it in another place, to haue beene obtayned of the Pope by Cyrill, who was about 600 yeares ancienter then Paul the se­cond. And certainely (now I am speaking of Popes) of no other Iudgement touching diuine ser­uice in vulgar tongues, seemeth Pope Innocent the third to haue beene (and perhaps it was also the de­cree of the Councell of Lateran) charging that in citties, Concil Late­ran. c 9. & in Decret. l. 1. Tit. 31. ca. 14 where there as concourse of diuerse nati­ons, that differed in languages, and ceremonies, di­uine seruice and the sacraments, should be celebra­ted according to that difference.

[Page 190]But to speake a little in particular of the vulgar translation of the holy Scripture vsed among the Dalmatians: It is not onely affirmed by sundry wri­ters to be the worke of Hierome, but Hierome him­selfe in his Epistle to Sophronius, seemeth to Hosius de Sacro Verna­cul. legendo. Postell▪ de lin­gua Illyrica. Eraim. De cla­rat 37. ad cen­sur. theolog. Paris. some learned men to intimate so much, But yet there is another translation also of the Scriptures into the Slanonique tongue, later then that of Hieromes as Sixt Senens. l 4 Biblioth. Sanct. in Hie­ronymus Stridonensis Scalig Dia­trib. de Lin­g [...]s Europae. & alij plu [...]es. Scaliger hath obserued, being written in the Seruian character (as the former is in the Dalmatian) vsed in Rascia, Bosina, Bulgaria, Moldauia, Russia, Moscouia, and other nations of the Slauonian language in the Easterne parts, that celebrate their Liturgies after the Greeke Ceremonie, and professe obedience to the Patriarch of Constantinople: Of which later translation Sixt. Senens. loco citato. Hieron. in E­pist ad So­phron. Tom. 3 Scalig. loc. iam citato. Auentin. l. 4. Annal. Pansa de Bi­blioth. Vati­can par. 4. Discor. 23. Methodius the companion of Cyrill in preaching of the Gospell to Gentile Nations is cer­tainely reported to haue been the Author. Which Cyrill (if you question what hee was) was neither he of Alexandria, nor he of Ierusalem, as Mutius Pansa hath vainely imagined, but another, farre later then either of them, whom in the Slauonique tong they call Chiurill, one that liued about the yeare 860. namely, he that in the time of the Emperour Michael the third, and Pope Nicholas the first toge­ther with Methodius, first brought the Mengrelians, Circassians and Gazarans, and after that Martyrolog. Rom. Martij. 9 Michou. de Sarmatia. l. 1. c 7. many of the Slauonians) to the faith of Christ, as Michouius hath recorded. Neither neede we any other testi­mony, to refell the phantasie of Pansa touching Cy­rill of Ierusalem, then Pansa himselfe, as namely ac­acknowledging, that Cyrill was the Inuenter of an­other [Page 191] sort of Illyrian characters then by Hierome had beene formerly deuised (for of the Dalmatian characters, that are in vse in Dalmatia, Liburnia, Istria, Morauia, Postell de Ling. Dalma­tica. Roccha. Bi­blioth. Vati­can. pag▪ [...]61. & Al [...]j plu [...] ­mi. Silesia, Bohemia, Polonia &c. Hierome is acknowledged to be the Author) It could not bee therefore Cyrill of Ierusalem, as being ancienter then Hierome, and by him registred in his catalogue of Writers. And indeede (to make an end) what rea­son or occasion might the Bishop of Ierusalem haue to deuise characters for the Illyrians?

But to intreate a little more (on this occasion) of translations of the holy Scripture, made by the ancient fathers into vulgar languages: Besides those already mentioned, of Hierome and Chryso­stome, by the one, into the Dalmatian, and by the other into the Armenian tongue; It is also recor­ded by Socrates, and Nicephorus, and sundry Socrat. Hist. Eccles. l. 4. c. 27. Niceph Hist. Eccles. l 11. c. 48. Tripart. Hi­stor. l. 8. c. 13. Paul. Diacon. Hist. Miscell. l. 12. Sozomen. l. 2. c. 37. Socrat l. 2. c. 32. Vulcan. in praef. de Lit­tur. & Lingua Getarum. Inscrip. Vet. pag. 146. others of Vulphilas, bishop of the Gothes one more ancient then either of the former, for hee flourished in the time of Constantius the Emperour, and was succes­sor to Theophilus, whose subscription wee finde in the first Nicene Councell (being the same man, to whom the Inuention of the Gothique Alphabet is likewise attributed by the same Authors) that hee translated the holy Scripture into the Gothique tongue. A copie of which translation is remem­bred by Bonauentura Vulcanius, to be yet remaining in some Librarie of Germany: And it may be, that the Gothique translation of the foure Euangelists, mentioned by Gruter in the booke of ancient In­scriptions, to be of a thousand yeares antiquity and remaining in the Abbey of Werdin, might be part [Page] of that translation of Vulphilas: But yet that besides these translations into vulgar languages, hitherto mentioned of Vulphilas, Chrysostome, and Hierome, the holie scriptures were likewise aunciently trans­lated into the languages of many nations, is affir­med by Hierome: And in particular (although the translators names be not recorded) into the Aegyp­tian, Hieron. in praesat. in 4. Euangel. Persian, Indian, Scythian, & Sarmatian tongues, nay into all the languages of other nations, as The­odoret, Theodoret. l. 5. de Carand. Graecor Affe [...]ibus post med. that flourished in the time of the Ephesine and Chalcedon councels (almost 1200 yeares agoe) hath left testified: As also in the following times (yet aunciēt) we reade of the like translations of the Scriptures, to haue beene made by V [...]sco. in Chron. Hisp [...]n ad An. 717. Iohn Arch­bishop of Siuill into the Arabique, about An. 717, which then was the vulgar speech of that part of Spaine and some part of it, into the Saxon or English by Beda, about the same time: Into the Slauonique by Io [...]n. Treuis. l. 5. c. 24. Methodius about An. 860. &c. Into the Italian by Auentin. l. 4. Annal. Iacobus de Voragine about An. 1290. &c.

Sixt. Senens. B [...]bl Sa [...]ct l. 4. in Iacobus Ar­chiepiscopus Genuensis.And now to intreate of those sects of Christians that celebrate their liturgies in learned and forraine tongues: which the vulgar people doe not vnder­stand: I finde onely three languages, wherein they are all performed. Vitriac. Hi­stor. Orient. [...]a. 77. Barbos. in Vol. [...]. de Viaggi. a­pud Ra [...]u [...]. pag. 3 [...]3. V [...]liam l 2. c. 1 [...] Boter Rel. par 3. l. 2. c d. Nestoriani. Namely, the Greeke, the La­tine, and the Chaldee, or Syriaque tongues.

And First, touching the Chaldee or Syriaque, in it are celebrated the liturgies of the Nestorians, as Vitriacus, Ba [...]bosa, V [...]llamont, Boter [...], and others haue recorded: for Genebrard that pronounceth peremp­torily the Hebrew tongue, and not the Syriaque to be the vsuall language wherein all the orientall na­tions [Page 193] minister their diuine seruice, bewraies but too much, Genebrard. Chronog. l. 3. ad. An. Chr. 3 [...]. both his bouldnesse and his ignorance, as being not able, I am certainely perswaded, to produce any historie, or other lawfull testimonie, that recordeth the Liturgies of any Christians in all the East, to be performed in the Hebrew tongue. But yet it may bee obserued, that where in sundrie writers we finde it mentioned, that the N [...]storians exercise their diuine offices in the Chaldee, we are not to vnderstand them of the pure and auncient, but of the degenerate or Iewish Chaldee, which be­side the Chaldee and Hebrew whereof it is princi­pally tempered and compounded, hath much mix­ture also both of Greeke and Arabique, such as the Iewes language was after our Sauiour and his A­postles time, that is (in a word) the Syriaque, for the Iewish Chaldee (to declare this point a little bet­ter) is of two sorts: One of those that returned not againe after the captiuitie to Ierusalem, but setled themselues to inhabite about Babilon, whose lan­guage (although somewhat degenerating also from the right Chaldee) is termed the Babilonian tongue, of which sort, the Iewes dialect of Neardea in Meso­potamia (the compilers of the Babilonian Talmud) was: The other of those that returned from the captiuitie, whose language is properly termed the Syrian or Ierusalem Chaldee, varying somewhat far­ther from the natiue Chaldee then the former, by reason of the mixture of forraine words, Arabique, Greeke, Roman, and others, which in course of time it contracted: In which dialect, the Talmud and Targum, both named of Ierusalem, and the [Page 194] bookes of the later Rabbines, are written. And in this second sort of Chaldee, is the holy scripture by the East Christians translated, and their Liturgies at this day celebrated.

Oser. de R [...]b. Emmanuel. l. 3 Posseuin. in Appar. sacr. in Diam [...]eriense Concilium. Linschot. l. 1. c. 15.Secondly of the Indians, that they in like sort per­forme their Liturgie (not in the Hebrew, as is con­fidently affirmed by Genebrard, but) in the Chaldee or Syriaque, is testified by Osorius, Posseuine, Lins­chot, &c. and confirmed by their Liturgie, extant in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum, which is there remembred to be translated out of the Syriaque. Bibl. Vet. Patr. in Auctario. Tom. 2. in fine.

And so doe Thirdly the Iacobites: Namely, they of Mesopotamia, of Babilon, of Palestine, of Syria, and of Cyprus, which are peculiarly knowne by that appellation. Vitriac. Histor Orient. c. 76. Of whom Vitriacus long since obser­ued, that they read the diuine scriptures, in a lan­guage vnknowne to the Lay people: And that lan­guage by the new Testament Vide Wid­manstad. in paraefat. Testa­menti. Syriaci. brought from them by Moses Mardenus into Europe, to bee printed (for the more commodious dispersing of it abroade in their Churches) we now certainely know to be the Syriaque tongue, euen as it is also knowne and Post. de lin­gua. Chaldaic. Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Gia cobiti. re­corded touching the rest of their diuine seruice, that it is performed in the same Syriaque language, which they terme the Chaldee. And it is thought, that the Liturgie commonly termed Anaphora Ba­si [...]ij, which, we haue by Masius translated out of the Syriaque into Latine (and is found in Bibliotheca Ve­terum Patrum) is the Iacobites Liturgie: Biblioth. Vet. Pa [...]. Tom. 6. pag. 27. which lan­guage although it be now vnknowne among them, (their clarkes or learned men excepted) yet that it was vulgarly vnderstood, when that liturgie was [Page 195] first ordained, the long answers of the people to the priest, in their praiers which wee finde in it, may be demonstrations. But touching the old testament, which they haue also (as Arias writes he hath heard from their owne relations, Arias. Montan. in Admonit. praefix. Biblijs Reg. de Versi­one Syriaca. Postel. i [...] Lin­gua Chaldaica and Postell, that he hath seene) vsuall in all those East parts in the Syriaque tongue, it is specially obserued by Arias Monatanus, to be translated, not out of the Hebrew, but out of the Greeke of Origens emendation.

And Fourthly, of the Cophti or Christians of Ae­gypt, it is likewise Boter. Relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c de Christiani dell Egitto. obserued, that they celebrate their liturgies in the same language: (reading yet the Gospell after it is done in the Chaldee, in the A­rabique tongue, which is now, and long hath beene the vulgar language of Aegypt.) And it may further appeare, beside the testimonie of histories, by the Liturgie of Seuerus, Patriarch of Alexandria, in vse among them, translated out of Syriaque into la­tine by Guido Fabritius.

And Fifthly, Posscu [...]n. in Appar. sacro in Maronitae. Postel. de ling. Chaldaica. Villam. l. 2. c. 24. the Maronites in their Liturgies, (which Posseuine obserueth to bee the Liturgies of Peter, of Iames, and of Sixtus) vse the same Syria­que language (the Arabique being also their vulgar) as beside Posseuine, Postell, also, and Villamont, and o­thers haue recorded.

And so doe Sixtly, and lastly (to make an end of this reckoning) the poore Christians of the Isle of Zocotora (an Island after Barros his dimension of 60 miles in length and 27 in bredth) without the bay of Arabia, Barros. de Asi­a. Decad. 2. l. 1. cap. 3. for although I finde it questioned touching the religion, whether they bee Iacobites or Nestorians; Iuan Barros affirming the first (and it [Page 196] may seem so for their nerenesse to the dominions of Habassia) and Ananias proouing the latter because they are vncircumcised, Anan. Fab. ic. del. Mondo. Trat. 3. p. 292. which Iacobites are not, and professe obedience to the Patriarch of Mozal, who is knowne to be Patriarch of the Nestorians: yet in this they both agree, that their diuine seruice (such as it is) is performed in the Chaldee tongue. Boter. Relat. par. 3. l. 3. de Christiani di Socotena. And although Botero relate it to be done in the Hebrew, yet hee meaneth (out of doubt) not the auncient and pure Hebrew, but the latter or degenerate lan­guage of the Hebrew, that is to say the Syriaque. As the other also that affirme the publique and so­lemne deuotions either of these Zocotorini, or anie other Christians in all the East, or South parts of the world, to be red in the Chaldee, require also the like interpretation: Namely to be vnderstoode, not of the right, and Babilonian, but of the Iewish and corrupted Chaldee.

But now to speake of those Christians, that cele­brate their Liturgies in the Greeke tongue: I obserue them to be these.

1. The Graecians themselues: Namely all they whose vulgar speech the Greeke tongue is, inhabi­ting in Greece, and a great part of N [...]tolia, of Mace­don, and of Thrace, together with all the Islands of the Aegaean Sea, and the other manie scattered I­slands, about the coasts of Greece. But yet they doe it, not in the present vulgar, but in the pure and auncient Greeke tongue, whereof as I before ob­serued, the common people vnderstande but little: vsing namely, on festiuall daies, the auncient Li­turgie of Basil, and on common daies that of Chry­sostome, [Page 197] as Ieremie a late Patriarch of Constantino­ple hath recorded. Ierem. Resp. 1. ad Germano [...] cap. 13. And namely, as touching the ho­lie scriptures, vsing the Septuagints Greeke transla­tion, and specially that of Lucians Emendation. At least it was so with them in Hieromes time (and I finde no mention at all recorded of any alterati­on) who obserueth the Edition of the 70 Interpre­ters by Lucianus, Hieron. in praef ad Lib. Paralipom. to haue beene receiued in vse from Constantinople as farre as Antiochia: As also that of Origens emendatiō, from Antiochia to Aegypt and in Aegypt, that of Hesychius. But (howsoeuer it may be touching the edition vsuall among them) yet certainely, that the Graecians haue not the scrip­tures translated into the vulgar Greeke, the Theodos. Zygomal in e­pist. ad Crus. l. 7. Turcog [...] [...] ­cae. pag. 431. Graeci­ans themselues haue directly recorded.

2. The Syrians, namely those, that for distincti­on of religion from the Iacobites (who likewise in­habite Syria) are termed so, that is to say the Mel­chites, for they (hauing the Arabique for their vul­gar language) as they agree in other points of their religion, and ceremonie, and order of diuine ser­uice, with the Grecians, so doe they as touching their Liturgie, in language also, as is obserued by Vitriac. Hi­stor. Orient. c. 75. Ha [...]tho. l. de. Tartaris▪ c. 14. B [...]eiten­bach. Peregrin. c. de Surianis. Bau [...]ngart. Pe­regr. l. 2. c 9. Villamont. l. 2 c. 22. Boter. Rel. pa. 3. l [...]. c. d [...] Melchi [...]i. Vitriacus, Haiths, Breitenbachius, and manie o­thers.

3. The Georgians, who hauing for their vulgar speech, a peculiar language of a middle temper (which well agreeth with the position of their Countrie) betwixt Tartarian and Armenian, as Ges­ner and Postell and R [...]c [...]ha in their bookes of lan­guages haue obserued, exercise notwithstanding their liturgies in the Greeke tongue, as Vitriac. lib. citat. c. 80. Iacobus a [Page 198] Vitriaco, Gesner. [...]i­thrid. in Lin­gua Georgian. Postel. de 12. Ling. Tit. de Ling. Georg. Roccha. de Dialect i [...] G [...]orgiana, & in Grae3 [...]a Vet. Baumgart. loc [...]. Villa­mont. l. [...]. c. 23. Gesner, Postel, Roccha, and diuerse others haue certainely recorded.

4. The Circassians: who yet in such sort cele­brate their diuine seruice in the Greeke, that their priests themselues by reason of their grosse igno­rance, vnderstand not what they reade Inter [...]an. de [...] ­la vita de. 1. Zychi [...]ca. 1 [...] Bellon. Obser­uat. l. 1. c. 35. as In­tireano (that liued among them) hath remem­bred.

5. And lastly, in the Greeke tongue are cele­brated, the Liturgies of all the monasteries, that are of the Greeke religion, wheresoeuer dispersed within the Turkish dominions, in Afrique or Asia: As in mount Sinai, the Cities of Petra and Eltor in Arabia: In Ierusalem, Alexandria, Damascus, and in sundrie other places, as Bellonius with others hath left recorded.

And to come at last to the nation, that cele­brate their Liturgies in the Latine tongue: To speake of them, euen this little will be enough: Namely, that all the Christians, that are found of the Roman Communion, in America, and in Afri­ca, celebrate their liturgies in the Roman tongue. As all likewise in Europe (except the Slauonians aboue mentioned.) And in Asia, except the two new Roman purchases, of the Maroni [...]es in Syria, and of the Christians of Saint Thomas in India, who retaine still, the old accustomed language, which as I obserued before, is in the Liturgies of both those Nations, the Syriaque tongue.