[Page] THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

THE DESCRIPTION OF GERMANIE.

M. D. XCVIII.

TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE ROBERT EARLE OF ESSEX AND EWE, EARLE Marshal of England, Viscount Hereford and Bour­chier, Lord Ferrers of Chartley, Bourchier and Louaine, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Master of the Queenes Maiesties horse, and one of her Maiesties most honorable priuie Councell.

THE woorthines of this Author well knowen vnto your honor, putteth me in some hope of pardon for my presumption: in presenting vnto your Honors view, and crauing a fa­uourable acceptance of my bold vn­skilfulnes. For if Historie be the treasure of times past, and as well a guide, as image of mans present estate, a true and liuely pattern of things to come, and as some terme it, the work-mistresse of experience, which is the mother of prudence: Tacitus may by good right cha­lenge the first place among the best. In iudgement there is none sounder, for instruction of life, for al times, to those which oft read him iudiciously, nothing yeel­ding to the best Philosophers: no woord not loaden with matter, and as himselfe speaketh of Galba, he vseth Imperatoria breuitate: which although it breed difficul­tie, yet carrieth great grauitie. I present him therfore to your Honors fauourable protection in regard of him­selfe: but yet no otherwise then as a glasse, representing in liuely colours of prowesse, magnanimitie and coun­sell; not onely woorthie personages of ages past and gone, but also your L. owne honorable vertues, wherof [Page] the vvorld is both vvithes & iudge. If your L. vouch­safe to receiue him (though greatly darkened of that he first was, and verie much dimmed in respect of the Hi­storie alreadie in our toong) into any degree of fauour, I little doubt but others will both looke on him, and the better like and allow him; for here belovve we receiue either light or darkenes from aboue. Vespasians exam­ple wrought more than a lawe: for obsequium in princi­pes, and aemulandi amor, to speake with Tacitus, maketh that to be in greatest request, which perhaps in it selfe deserueth least. VVhatsoeuer my vnskilfull paines hath beene, my zeale and deuotion to your Honor I present vvith it; vnto whom I wish al good hap and fe­licitie, with the accomplishment of vertues and Hono­rable desires.

Your Honors most humbly deuoted RICHARD GRENEWEY.

TO THE READER.

THat which most men alleage (courteous Reader) as a cause of publishing vnto the world their commendable endeuours; as commaundement of superiours, intreatie of friends, or such like: causes yeelding some excuse, if things well done by them needed any; that can I no way pretend: though no man hath iuster cause to inuent somewhat to excuse that, which (well knowing and confessing my owne insufficiencie) I should by no inducements haue beene drawen vnto. For I wanted not iudgement to know, that to performe this I vndertooke as I ought, was a matter beyond the compasse of my skill: yet ne­uerthelesse my will ouercomming my owne iudgement and rea­son in vndertaking, I haue ventured my credit to the wide sea of common opinion, and dangerous censure; and knowing the best haue followed the woorst. A fault perhaps pardonlesse, in the rigoroust censure, and which bred in my selfe a long time distrust and feare: yet at last, incouraged by hope to find some milder iudges for my boldnes, I ventured this labour, and performed it thus meanely as thou seest: trusting the courteous Reader, if in ought I haue pleasured him, will affoord me his good woord for my good will, and in that I haue done amisse pardon, and a fauourable construction for my paines. And although in reason it seemeth, I should most of all feare the cen­sure of the learned (if any such vouchsafe to read this tran­slation) in regard they best can, and with quickest insight pearce into my want of skill, iudgement, and vnderstanding; [Page] yet in those is my greatest hope, because they be learned. Cause sufficient to feare no captious or carping constructions, as a propertie ill beseeming their good qualitie and education. I was well assured that he who best might, would take no further paines in this kind: nor hearing of any other which would, I thought some could be contented to haue it rather il done, than not at all. Friendly Reader, I craue pardon for my faults, and desire thou wouldest fauourably beare with my ouer­sights.

Farewell.

THE FIRST BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

The Proeme of Tacitus, containing the forme of gouernment vntill Augustus time: with the subiect of this worke.

THE citie of Rome was in the beginning gouerned by Kings. Libertie and the Consulship L. Brutus brought in. The Dictators were chosen but for a time: the Decemuiri passed not two yeeres: neither had the Consularie au­thoritie of the Tribunes of the soldiers any long conti­nuance: nor Cinna, nor Sillaes dominion: Pompey and Crassus quickly yeelded to Caesars forces: Lepidus and Antonie to Augustus; who entitling himselfe by the name of Prince, brought vnder his obedience the whole Romane state, wearied and weakened with ciuill disor­ders. But as well the prosperous, as vnprosperous successes of the ancient Common-wealth, excellent writers haue recorded: neither wanted there woorthie & singular wits, to deliuer Augustus exploits; vntill they were by the ouerswarming of flatterers vtterly discouraged. Tiberius, Caius, Claudius and Neroes actions, they yet liuing and flourishing, were falsly set downe, for feare; and after their death, through fresh ha­tred, as corruptly as before. Whereupon I intend to deliuer some few things done in Augustus later times: then Neroes raigne, and other occurrents as they fell out, without passion or partialitie, as being free from motiues of both.

1. The meanes by which Augustus came to the empire: and whom he chose to succeed.

AFter that Brutus and Cassius were slaine, and no armes now publikely borne; Pompey defeated in Sicilie; Lepidus disarmed; Antonie killed; and no chiefe leader of Iulius Caesars faction left, but onely Augustus: he would no longer be called Triumuir, but in shew contented with the dignitie of a Tribune to defend the people, bearing himselfe as Consul: after he had wound into the fauour of the soldier by giftes; of the people by prouision of sustenance; and of all in generall with the sweetenes of ease and repose; by little and little taking vpon him, he drew to himselfe the affaires of Senate; the dutie of magistrates and lawes, without con­tradiction of any: the stowtest by war or proscriptions alreadie spent, and the rest of the nobilitie, by how much the more seruiceable, by so much the more bettered in wealth, and aduanced in honors: seeing their preferment to growe by new gouern­ment, did rather choose the present estate with securitie, than striue to recouer their olde with danger. That forme of gouernment the prouinces disliked not, as mis­trusting the Senates and peoples regiment by reason of noble mens factions; co­uetousnes of magistrates: the lawes affoording no securitie, being swaied hither [Page 2] and thither by might, ambition, and corruption. Besides this, Augustus labouring by some stay, to settle the soueraigntie, aduanced Claudius Marcellus his sisters sonne being very yoong, to the pontificall dignitie and Aedilship: and M. Agrippa meanly descended, but in martiall exploites warlike, and a companion in his victories, to be twise Consul togither; and after Marcellus death chose him to be his sonne in lawe. And his owne house not failing, he bestowed the title of Emperor vpon Tiberius Nero and Claudius Drusus his wiues children; and adopted Caius and Lucius, Agrip­paes children: and making shew to the contrarie; yet his earnest desire was, they should be called Princes of youth, and chosen Consuls elect, before they had cast off their praetext or infants garments. But when Agrippa was dead, and Lucius going into Spaine to take charge of the armie, and Caius returning wounded out of Ar­menia, by hastie fate or trecherie of their stepmother Liuia: Drusus also dead long before, onely Nero was left of all Augustus sonnes in lawe. Vnto him all men now crowched and fawned; being receiued the adopted sonne of Augustus; copartner of the empire; associate of the Tribunitian dignitie; shewen to the campe as successor; not as before by secret deuises and practises of his mother, but openly perswading the Emperor thereto. For she had so enthralled the sillie olde man, that Agrippa Posthumus his onely nephew, he had confined in the Iland Planasia: in deede, badly trained vp in liberall sciences, and sottishly bragging of his strength and actiuitie of bodie; but yet neuer detected of any notorious vice. He gaue Germanicus sonne vnto Drusus, charge ouer eight legions, by the riuer of Rhene; and commanded Tiberius (albeit he had a sonne of his owne) to adopt him, the better to establish the succes­sion with mo staies than one. Wars there were none at that time, but onely against the Germans; not so much in regard of enlarging the empire, hope of bootie or reward, as to blot out the dishonor receiued, when he lost his armie with Quincti­lius Varo. All was quiet in the citie; the old names of the magistrates vnchanged; the yoong men borne after the victorie at Actium, and the greatest part of the old, during the ciuill wars: how many were there which had seene the ancient forme of gouernment of the free Common-wealth? Thus then the state of the citie turned vpside downe, there was no signe of the olde laudable customes to be seene: but contrarie, equalitie taken away, euery man endeuored to obey the prince; misdoub­ting nothing whilest Augustus yet strong in bodie, was able to defend himselfe, his house, and peace. But when he grew olde and feeble with sicknes, and that the end of his gouernment, and hope of a new was not far off: some few, but in vaine, dis­courst of the commodities of libertie; some feared war; some desired it: but the greatest part vsed lauish speeches, and spred rumors against the next coniectured successor. Agrippa they accounted by nature cruell, and through the indignitie of his late disgrace easily kindled; yoong, and rawe in state matters; vnable for so great a charge. In deede, Tiberius was of conuenient and ripe yeeres, expert in feates of war; but possest with the hereditarie pride of the Claudian familie: yea manie appa­rent sparkles of crueltie did burst out in him, howsoeuer he went about to suppresse them. Besides, he was brought vp in a house, which knew how to raigne: the Con­sulship was more than once cast vpon him with triumphes. During the time that he was at Rhodes (cloking his exile vnder colour of retiring himselfe) he dreamte of nothing but reuenge, dissimulation, and secret meanes of licentious lusts: withall, he had his mother at hand; vntolerable in all imperfections incident to the sexe: and thereby they were to obey a woman, and two yoong men, which would in the meane space oppresse, and in time rent in peeces the Common-wealth.

II. The death of Augustus: and Tiberius Nero made Emperour.

WHilest they thus debated the matter, Augustus maladie increased; and as it was suspected by some, through the lewde practise of his wife. For not many months before a rumor was spread, that Augustus with the priuitie of a few, accompanied only with Fabius Maximus, had conueyed himselfe to the Iland Planasia, to visite his nephew Agrippa, both weeping tenderly at their meeting, with manifest tokens of loue, and a hope conceiued that the yong man should be recalled and restored to his Grandfathers house. Fabius disclosed this to Martia his wife, and she to Liuia, and C. Nauus to Caesar: for not long after Fabius (doubtfull whether by his owne procurement or not) being deceased, his wife Mar­tia among other her lamentations at her husbands funerall, was ouer-heard to ac­cuse her selfe, as the cause of her husbands death. But howsoeuer the matter passed, Tiberius had scarse put foote in Illyricum, when by letters from his mother he was recalled in post haste: not being well knowne, when he arriued at Nola, whether there were any breath yet left in Augustus or not. For Liuia had beset the house with a watchfull and straight gard, sometimes giuing out that Augustus was on the mending hand; and so hauing made all sure on all hands, as the time and occasion required: the same rumor which not long before gaue ioyfull newes of Augustus a­mendment, now published that he was dead, and Nero in possession of the Empire. The first exploit this new Prince did, was the murdering of Posthumus Agrippa; whom a Centurion resolute and appointed for the purpose, and taking him vnar­med, and misdoubting nothing, yet could hardly dispatch. Tiberius made no words of this to the Senate, but pretended that it was done by his fathers appointment; who (as he said) had giuen charge to the Centurion which had the garding of him, to make him away incontinently after he had intelligence of his death. Little doubt but Augustus, complaining of the yong mans vntowardly behauior, caused his exile to be confirmed by decree of the Senate: but yet he neuer persisted long in de­siring the death of any of his; neither was it credible that to assure the estate to his wiues sonne, he would seeke the bloud of his owne nephew. But very likely it is, that the yong mans death was hastened by Tiberius feare, and Liuiaes hatred: the one as iealous, least he should bandie for the soueraigntie: the other through the natu­rall hatred incident to all stepmothers. When the Centurion brought him word (as the manner of seruice was) that he had fulfilled his commandement, he answe­red presently, that he commanded him no such matter, and that he should answere it before the Senate. When this newes came to Crispus Sallustius eares (who being inward in greatest secrets with Tiberius, had by letters giuen the Centurion order how to proceede) fearing least his owne turne should be next, dangerous to him alike: to confesse the truth, or to stand to a lye: aduised Liuia that she should not in any wise diuulgate the secrets of her house, the counsell of friends, and seruices of souldyers; and that Tiberius should beware of weakening the power of soueraign­tie, in referring all things to the Senate: the qualitie of absolute rule being such, that it could not stand but in one alone. Now at Rome the Consuls, the Senators, and Gentlemen ranne headlong to seruitude; and the more nobler the fairer shew, and the more hastie; but with a composed and setled countenance, least they should seeme ouerglad of the death of the last, or discontented with the new Prince; they tempered their griefe with ioy, and lamentation with flatterie. The two Consuls [Page 4] Sext Pompeius, and Sext. Apuleius did first sweare allegeance to Tiberius Caesar: and after into their hands, Seius Strabo, and C. Turrianus, the one Captaine of the Gard, the other chiefe officer for prouision of corne. After them the Lords of the Senate, the souldiers, and the people. For Tiberius would haue all things begun by the Consuls, as the manner was in the ancient free common wealth: as though he had not resolued with himselfe whether it were best for him to accept of the Empire or not. No not so much as the Edict to call the Lords of the Senate to counsell, but was proclaimed in vertue and authoritie of a Tribune; which dignitie he had recei­ued in Augustus time. The words of the Edict were not many, and deliuered in modest termes. That he would only consult what pomp and honor were fit to be done for his father: and that he would not depart from the body: which should be the onely publike charge he would vndertake. Neuerthelesse when Augustus was dead, he gaue the watchword to the gard: placed the watch: disposed of the souldi­ers: managed all the affaires of Court, as if he had been Emperour. The souldiers waited on him to the place of publike assemblies; to the Senate house; and dispat­ched letters to the Camp; as though he had bene in full possession of the state; irre­solute in nothing, but whē he should speake in the Senate. The chiefest cause procee­ded of feare; least Germanicus, who had so many legions at commaundement; such strong aides of confederates; and so exceedingly beloued of the people; should ra­ther hold, then expect the possession of the Empire. He stoode on his reputation likewise, and seemed rather to be called and chosen by the Common-wealth, then creepe in by the canuasing of a woman, and adoption of an old man. It was after­ward further knowne, that he vsed that lingering doubtfulnes, the better to sound the affection of the Nobilitie; for obseruing their countenance, and wresting their words to the worst, he bare them all in minde. In the first meeting of the Senate, he would haue nothing debated, but Augustus last will and testament; which being brought in by Vestaes Virgins, declared Tiberius and Liuia to be his heires: and that Liuia was adopted into the Iulian familie, and entituled by the name of Augusta. After them he substituted his nephews, and nephews sonnes: and in the third place the Peeres of the citie, which in generall he hated: yet he did it to win fame and glory with posteritie. His legacies were moderate, like vnto other citizens, sauing that he gaue as well to the common sort, as the rest of the people, foure hundred and thirty fiue thousand nummos: Three pound uen shillings 11. pence q. cee. to euery souldier of the Pretorian band a thou­sand; 7. li. 16. s. 3. d. to euery one of the legionary cohorts which consisted of citizens of Rome, three hundred 46. s. 10. d. ob..

III. The solemnities of Augustus funerals, and the censure vvhich men gaue of him.

AFter that, consultation was had concerning the pomp and solemnities of the funerals; among which the most honorable and magnificent were iudged to be these. Gallus Asinius thought it meete that the dead corps should be brought through the triumphall gate; and L. Arruntius, that the titles of the lawes by him ordained, and the names of the nations by him vanquished, should be caried before him. Messalla Valerius added, that it was conuenient the oath of allegeance should euery yeare be renewed in Tiberius name. Who being demanded of Tiberius whether he had commaundement from him so to aduise? answered, that he did propound it of his owne free motion: and that in matters concerning the common-wealth, he would vse no mans aduise but his own, although it should be with danger [Page 5] and offence: so farre had flattery spread it selfe, that that only kinde remayned vn­practised. The Lords of the Senate after that cryed with one voyce, that they them­selues would carry the corps to the funerall fire on their shoulders: which Caesar did yeeld vnto with a modesty, yet sauoring of arrogancie. And admonished the people by Proclamation, that they would not (as in times past they had disturbed the buriall of Iulius Caesar of famous memory) carried away with ouergreat affection, so desire now that Augustus body should rather be burnt in the place of publicke assem­blies, then in Campus Martius, a place deputed to that vse. The day of the funerals being come, the soldiers were placed as it were a gard to the body, when as such as had eyther seene, or heard their fathers report, of the fresh and late yoke of cruell seruitude vnluckely attempted to be shaken off, and recouer their auncient libertie: then I say when the murdering of Iulius Caesar the Dictator, seemed vnto some a wicked, and vnto others a worthy deede; laughed to see that now an old Prince which had raigned so many yeares, and prouided heires to succeede him in might and wealth, should neede a gard of souldiers quietly to celebrate his funerals. This bred sundry speeches of Augustus, many maruelling at vaine and friuolous things: as that his death fell on the same day he was made Emperour: that he dyed at Nola in the same house and chamber, that before him his father Octauius did: they made it a great matter that he alone had been as oft Consull, as Valerius Coruinus, and C. Marius both together: that he had continued Tribune seuen and thirtie yeares; had beene honored with the name of Emperour one and twentie times; with many other old and new dignities bestowed or inuented for him. But among the better sort his life was diuersly commended or discommended: Some sayd, that the loue of his father, and the care of the Common-wealth, at that time when all lawes were dasht, droue him to ciuill warres, which can neuer be begun or prosecuted by any good meanes: and that he had yeelded in many things to Antony, and to Lepidus in like maner, because he would reuenge his fathers death. For seeing the one grew carelesse with age, and the other wasted with lasciuiousnes, there was no other meanes left to redresse all discords in the common-wealth, then to bring her vnder the obedience of one alone, who should gouerne; neuerthelesse not as King or Dictator, but as Prince. The Empire he had bounded with the Ocean, and other Riuers farre off: the Legions, Prouinces and Nauie, were linked and knit in peace and vnitie: iustice was ministred in the cities: the allies intreated with modestie: the citie beautified with sumptuous building: and if any rigorous dealing had bene vsed against some few, it was for setling of quietnes in the whole. Contrarily some sayd, that the loue of his father, the corruption of times, serued him but for a cloake and colour: and that he had stirred vp the old souldyers by gifts and bribery, through ambition and desire of rule; that being yet but yong and a priuate person, he had ga­thered a power; corrupted the legions of the Consuls; that he made a shewe only of fauouring Pompeius side: but had no sooner gotten by order of the Senators the fasces or knitch of rods, and the Pretorship; after the death of Hircius and Pansa, (both slaine by the enemie, or Pansaes wound poisoned, and Hircius murdered by the souldyers, or by Caesar the contriuer of the feate) but he seased on both their forces, extorted the Consulship, mauger the Senators; and the power assigned him to subdue Antony, he conuerted against the Common-wealth. He banished the citi­zens, diuided their lands, and gaue away their goods, which were things by the doers themselues discommended. In deede, the reuenge and pursuing his fathers death vpon Cassius and Brutus maybe tolerated (albeit it had bene conuenient for a publick benefit to haue layd aside priuate grudges) but he deceiued Pompey vnder [Page 6] colour of peace, and Lepidus vnder a shadow of friendship. Afterward he tolled on Antony with the treatie of Tarentum and Brundusium, and mariage of his sister, which deceitfull alliance he payed with the losse of his life. Doubtlesse a peace ensued this, but a bloudie one, as may witnes the death of Lollius and Varus, and in Rome it selfe, of Varro, Egnatius and Iulus. Neither did they forbeare to discourse of his domesticall affaires: as that he tooke Neroes wife from him, & asked the opinion of the Pontife in a scoffe, whether there might be a lawfull marriage betwixt them, she being with childe by her other husband, but not yet deliuered. They forgat not L. Atedius, and Vedius Pollios riot and lasciuiousnes. Finally, that Liuia was an intol­lerable and burdensome mother to the common wealth, and to the house of the Caesars a dangerous stepdame. There was no honor left for the gods, seeing hee would himselfe by the Priests and Flamines be worshipped in the temples, with all the ornaments belonging to the gods. Neyther was Tiberius chosen successor to the State for loue of himselfe, or care of the Common-wealth, but deepely inseeing into his loftie and bloudie disposition, he would by being so vnequally compared with so outragious a mate, win glory afterward to himselfe. And although Augu­stus had not many yeeres before vttered honorable speeches in Tiberius behalfe before the Lords of the Senate, when he sued to make him once againe Tribune: yet he interlaced some things among, touching his attire and behauiour, which in the excusing of him, seemed to turne to his disgrace and reproch.

IIII. Tiberius dissembling colour in refusing the empire: Augustus iudgement of three vvhich vvere desirous or vvoorthie of the Empire.

AVgustus funerals being ended according to the vsuall manner; a temple and religious ceremonies were instituted in honor of him: from that time for­ward all sutes and requests were made to Tiberius, who discoursing diuersly of the greatnes of the empire, and in modest termes of his owne insufficiencie, thought Augustus wisedome onely capable of so weightie a charge; that himselfe being assumed by Augustus, as an associate and partner in the state, had by good proofe learned, how hard a matter, and how subiect vnto fortunes change: rule and soueraigntie was. And seeing the citie was replenished with so many famous and woorthie personages, better it were and more ease, that manie, ioining their studies and cares togither, should vndertake the charge, than cast all vpon one mans shoul­ders. This speech carried greater maiestie than truth: for Tiberius either by nature, or by custome, yea euen in those things which he would haue knowen, spake alwaies darkly and doubtfully; but then of set purpose endeuoring to hide his drifts, wrap­ped himselfe more than euer, in a darke cloud of vncertaintie and ambiguitie. But the Lords of the Senate fearing all one thing (which was least some perill might en­sue, if he should doubt that they perceiued his dissimulation) began to lament; com­plaine; offer vp vowes; and lift vp their hands to the gods; to Augustus image, and to his owne knees; vntill he commanded the booke of remembrances to be brought foorth and read. That booke contained the wealth of the publike treasure; how many citizens and allies were in armes; what strength there was by sea; how manie kingdomes, prouinces, and countries yeelded obedience to the empire; what tribute was leuied; what customes; what necessarie charges issued out; what giftes; and al written with Augustus owne hand. Withal he gaue a politike instruction (yet whe­ther for feare or enuie vncertaine) how to restraine the empire within bounds and [Page 7] limits. Whilest these things were a handeling, and the Senators in most lowe and humble maner intreating, that he would accept the charge: Tiberius letting slip a word by chaunce, that as he was vnable to take charge of the whole; so he would vndertake the protection of any one part they should assigne him. Asinius Gallus asked him, what part, Caesar, wouldest thou haue committed to thy charge? Who being stroken into amaze with this vnlooked for demand, stood mute a while: then gathering his spirits to him, answered; That it ill befitted his modestie, to choose or refuse any one part of that, from all which he desired to be excused. Gallus replied (for by his countenance he coniectured he was offended) that he did not therefore demand that question, as thought he would seuer that, which was inseparable; but by his owne confession conuict him, that the Common-wealth was but one bodie, and therefore to be gouerned by ones onely wisedome. And continuing his speech added many things in commendation of Augustus: and called to remembrance Tiberius owne victories, and diuers notable things done for many yeeres in time of peace. But all this could not appease the Princes inueterate hatred against him: as though by marrying Vipsana daughter to M. Agrippa, once wife to Tiberius, he had carried too lostie a courage, and higher aspiring minde, than the priuate calling of a citizen; and sauoring of the headie and fierce humor of Asinius Pollio his father. After that L. Aruntius vsing speeches not vnlike vnto Pollio, offended alike. And al­though he bore Aruntius no old grudge, yet bicause he was wealthie, bold, learned, and in reputation with all men, he had him in iealousie. When Augustus drew to­wards his later end, discoursing who were likeliest to possesse the place after his death; who would refuse it although they should be chosen as meete: who being vnmeete and vnable, yet would desire it: who could discharge it, and would vnder­take it: said that M. Lepidus was for his sufficiencie able, but would refuse: Gallus Asinius greedie to laie holde on it, but was insufficient: L. Aruntius was not vn­woorthie, and if occasion were giuen would venter for it. All men agree that the two first were so named, but for Aruntius some put Cn. Piso: and howsoeuer it was, all sauing Lepidus, through Tiberius practise, for sundrie pretended crimes were made awaie. L. Haterius likewise, and Mamercus Scaurus troubled his iealous head: the one by saieng, How long Caesar wilt thou suffer the common-wealth to want a head? The other bicause he hoped that the petitions of the Senators should take effect, seeing he did not as he might, withstande the relation of the Consuls by being Tribune. He inuaied sharply, and that incontinently against Haterius, but let go Scaurus without any word: although he were more implacably offended with him then the other. And being wearied with the clamors of all ingenerall, and importu­nitie of some in particular, by little and little yeelded vnto their requests: not so much bicause he would confesse, he tooke the charge of the Empire on him; as to make an end of refusing, or being any more entreated. Certaine it is, that as Hate­rius went to the pallace to craue pardon of Tiberius; he narrowly escaped from be­ing slaine of the soldiers: bicause that casting himselfe at his knees as he was walking; either by chance, or happily hindered by Haterius, the Emperor fell: yet that danger did nothing mitigate his wrath: vntill Haterius making entreaty to Augusta, by hir earnest sute was protected. Exceeding great flatterie was vsed towards hir by the Senators, some being of opinion that she shoulde be called the foundres of the common-wealth, some the mother: and many that besides the name of Caesar, the sonne of Iulia should be added. But Tiberius answered that titles of honor ought to be moderately giuen vnto women: and that he would vse the same moderation in such, as should be bestowed on himselfe. This he did vpon enuie and [Page 8] iealousie: and therefore thinking hir greatnes to be his owne abasement, would not suffer hir to haue a sergeant before hir, or an altar to be dedicated in memorie of hir adoption, nor any such like honor. He entreated neuerthelesse that proconsularie authoritie might be giuen Germanicus Caesar, which was sent him by ambassadors, with commandement to comfort him for the death of Augustus. The reason why the like was not demanded in fauour of Drusus, was bicause he was there present and Consul elect. And as Augustus had ordained before, he did nominate twelue competitors, for the Pretorship, and bound it with an oath he woulde not passe that number, although the Senators exhorted that they might be increased. That was the first time that the election of Magistrates was taken from the people, and trans­ferred to the Lords of the Senate. For although vntill that daie all matters were swaied as best liked the Prince: yet some things were left to the fauour and voices of the Tribes. Neither did the people but with a vaine rumour complaine, that their right was taken from them; and the Senators seeing themselues deliuered of manie bribes and vnseemely sutes, were well contented to accept the authoritie: Tiberius so moderating the matter, that he commended onely fower competitors, which should be elected without sute or feare of repulse. The Tribunes of the people made request, that it might be lawfull for them to set foorth plaies at their owne costs, and recorde them in the Calendar of the Citie, and call them Augustales, by the name of Augustus. The Playes were graunted: but the costs and expenses were to rise out of the publicke Treasury: and that it should be lawfull for them to vse the triumphall robe in the race, but not be carried in a Chariot. Not long after the annuall celebration of these Playes, was cast vpon the Pretor, which was iudge betweene the citizen and the forrener.

V. A rebellion in Pannony, stirred vp by Percennius.

THis was the estate of the citie affaires, when the legions of Pannony mutined: for no new occasions, but only because the change of the Prince gaue licence of hurlyburly, and hope of gaine by ciuill warres. These were three legions of the sommer camps committed to Iunius Blaesus charge, who aduertised of the death of Augustus; and Tiberius entering to the gouernment (in regard of the vacation which then hapned, or ioy conceiued) neglected the accustomed care of his dutie. Herevpon the souldyers began to grow licentious and quarelsome, and gaue eare to the most dissolute and disordered: and in fine, hunted after riot and ease; set nought by all military discipline, and refused trauell and labour. There was one Percennius in the garrisons, who had bene sometimes a ringleader of factious com­panions on Stages and Theaters; afterward a common souldier; an impudent and saucy prater; well practised in disturbing assemblies, to shewe fauour vnto such actors as he fauored. This Percennius after the better sort were gone to their lod­gings, by little and little in secret conuenticles in the night, or in the shutting of the euening, gathered together, and stirred vp the vnexpertest of the souldyers, and such as were most doubtfull what entertainement they should expect after the death of Augustus. And when he had gathered about him of the most licentious a sufficient rabble, and readiest instruments of sedition, in manner of an Oration he began to question with them thus: Why they would like bondslaues be subiect to a small number of Centurions, and a smaller of Tribunes? when durst they seeke a redresse, if they would not now present themselues to the Prince with intreatie or the sword; [Page 9] whilest he is new, and not fully setled in the state? they had through cowardlines held their toong many yeares, some thirtie, some fortie in pay, ouergrowne with age, and many their limmes lost in seruice. And after they were licensed to depart, yet they were not at an end of seruice; but detayned vnder ensignes, indure as great toyle as before vnder a new name. And if any escaped so many hazards aliue, they were drawne into sundry countries, where vnder a colour of some lands, eyther moorish bogs, or barren mountanous crags were alotted to their share. Besides, seruice was painefull in it selfe and vnprofitable; their liues and bodies valued but at ten asses 7. pence ob. a day: hauing no better allowance to furnish themselues with weapons, apparell, and tents; and redeeme themselues from the cruell vsage of the Centuri­ans; pay fees of vacations from seruile ministeries: yet their stripes, wounds, hard winters, scorching sommers, bloudie battels, and fruitles peace had no end: and hope of redresse there was none, vnlesse certaine lawes were set downe for such as enter into seruice; as that euery ones pay should be bettered to a deniere 9. pence, coun­ting the denarius as 12. asses. a day; and none bound to serue aboue sixteene yeares; that from that time forward, they should not be detayned vnder ensignes, but receiue in the same camp they serued, their recompence in readie coyne. What? did the Pretorian bands, which receiued two deniers 18. pence. a day, and at the end of sixteene yeares were sent to their houses, op­pose themselues to greater dangers then they? yet he did not speake this to depraue or diminish the credite of the citie-gard, but because they should consider what a hard part they were offered; yet he for his owne part being lodged among sauage and barbarous people, did from his cabine see the enemie euery howre. The baser sort came murmuring about him, and stirred vp others with diuers encourage­ments: some reprochfully shewing the wales of their stipes; some their gray haires; some their ragged torne coates; some their naked bodies. At last they grew into such a fury and rage, that they purposed of three legions shuffled together to make one: but they changed that deuise very quickly, euery one through emulation coue­ting that honor for his owne legion: and pitched the three standarts and ensignes together: withall they threw vp mounds of turfes, and placed on it a Tribunall, to the end the seate might be more conspicuous. As they hastned to finish the worke, Blaesus came in among them, rebuking some, and hindering now one, now another, and crying alowde, In my bloud rather embrue your hands; for it is a lesser offence to slay the Lieutenant, then fall from the obedience of the Emperour. I will either with my life keepe the legions in faithfull allegeance; or being slaine by you, hasten your repentance. Neuertheles they held on their worke vntill they had brought it breast high; when at last being ouercome with his importunacy, they gaue ouer their enterprise: then Blaesus did in good and eloquent manner shew vnto them, that it was not conuenient that souldyers petitions should be caried to the Empe­rour by mutinie and rebellion. Neyther did the old souldyers vnder Emperours in times past, nor yet they themselues demaund of Augustus such vnlawfull and new requests; and that in an vnseasonable time: the new Prince was burdened with cares in the beginning of his Empire. Notwithstanding, if their purpose was to obtayne that in a time of peace; which being conquerors in ciuill warres, they neuer attemp­ted; yet why do they contrary to the dutie of allegeance, and order of seruice vse force? they should rather depute some Embassadors to Caesar, with publicke com­mission, to declare their requests. They all cryed immediately, that Blaesus sonne a Tribune, might vndertake the Embassie, and intreate that all such as had serued six­teene yeares, should be dismissed and sent home: which being graunted; then they would enioyne him the rest of his charge. The yong man being departed with this [Page 10] message, they surceased their rebellion. But the souldiers grew prowde that the Lieutenants sonne vndertooke to pleade the common cause; as being an euident token that they had wrung out that by force, which by modest demeanour they should neuer haue obtained.

VI. The rebellion continueth: a practise of Vibulenus against Blaesus.

IN the meane season, certaine bands of soldiers sent to Nauportum before the re­bellion began, to see the waies cleere, the bridges safe, & other conueniences for the warre: vnderstanding of the mutinie growen in the campe, snatched vp their ensignes; and sacking villages adioining, & Nauport it selfe, which might haue pas­sed for a reasonable free town; iniuried & reuiled the Centurions which went about to bridle them; first with scoffes and reprochful termes; then with blowes & stripes. But they had an especiall hart-burning against Aufidienus Rufus, the campe-master; whom they pulled out of his chariot, and loaded with a fardell of stuffe, & made him march formost of all the companie: now & then asking him in a mockerie, whether he bare so great a burden willingly or not; or whether so long a iourney seemed not tedious vnto him? This Rufus had long been a common soldier; then a Centurion; then the Camp-master: and sought to renew the ancient rigor of seruice: and being himselfe hardned to beare any labor and trauel, was so much the more cruel, bicause himselfe had endured the like. These companies ioining with the other legions, be­gan to rebell afresh; and stragling some one waie, some another; destroy and waste al about them. Blaesus to terrifie the rest, commanded some few, and especially such as had the greatest pillage, to be apprehended, whipt and cast into prison; for euen then the Centurions, and the better sort of the soldiers were obedient to the Lieutenant. But the prisoners drew backe, and resisted such as led them, catched holde and embraced the knees of the standers by; calling euerieman by his name, or by the name of the band he serued vnder, or cohort, or legion; crieng that they shoulde drinke all of the same cup: withall, they heaped iniurie vpon iniurie against the Lieutenant: called to witnes the heauens and the gods; and left nothing vn­done or vnsaide, which might serue to stirre hatred, mooue compassion, breed feare, or prouoke anger. The soldiers clustered all togither, brake open the prisons, set at libertie the prisoners, and shuffled in among themselues, the fugitiues and condem­ned of capitall crimes. This kindled the rage of the soldier: and more ringleaders ioined with them. Among whom one Vibulenus a common soldier, lifted on the shoulders of the standers by, before Blaesus Tribunall, began to speake vnto the dis­ordered and attentiue soldiers in this maner. You haue giuen light and life to these innocent and miserable wretches; but when will you restore life to my brother; and my brother to me? who, being sent vnto you from the Germane campe, to entreat of the common profit and good, was this last night murdered by his Fencers, which he hath alwaies readie armed to cut the soldiers throtes: answere Blaesus, where hast thou throwne his bodie? for the enimies themselues enuie not that I should burie him? And when I shall haue filled my griefe with kissing, and weeping ouer him, command me to be murdered also: so as these our companions burie him and me; slaine for no other offence, but bicause we furthered the common good and profit of the Legions. He inflamed his words with teares, beating him­selfe on the face and brest: then thrusting them from him on whose shoulders he was caried, and throwing himselfe at euery mans feete, droue them all into such amaze, [Page 11] and stirred such hatred, that part of the souldiers laid hands on Blaesus Fencers, and bound them; part on the residue of his familie; and part ran hither and thither, to seeke for Vibulenus brothers body. And if it had not appeared incontinently, that there was no such body found; if his slaues by torture had not denied any such pre­tended murder to haue beene committed; and further, that Vibulenus neuer had any such brother: the soldiers would hardly haue spared the Lieutenants life. Neuerthe­lesse, they thrust out the Tribune and Camp-maister, spoiled & robbed such as fled, slew Lucillius a Centurion, whome the souldiers by a nickname called Cedo alteran, giue me another, because that when he had broken vpon a souldiers shoulders his vine wand, his manner was to call alowde, giue me another; and when that was broken, another. The rest were saued by hiding themselues; only Iulius Clemens they kept aliue, because that hauing a readie and quicke wit, they thought him a meete man to be employed as an Embassador in the souldiers behalfe. Besides this, the eight and the fifteenth legions, were now ready to go together by the eates, because the eight legion demaunded Sirpicus a Centurion to death, whom the fifteenth de­fended: if the ninth legion had not interposed her selfe, first by way of intreatie; then menacing such as made light of them.

VII. Drusus is sent to appease the rebellion in Pannony: and the ringleaders punished.

WHen Tiberius had intelligence of these mutinies; although he were close, and a great dissembler of bad tidings; resolued to send his sonne Drusus vnto these legions, with certaine of the principallest Gentlemen of the citie, and two Pretorian bands; without any limited commission, but to determine there, as occasion best required. These bands were of extraordinary choise men, and stronger then any other were vsed to be, and a great part of his gard of horse­men, and the ablest Germans of his owne gard. Aelius Seianus also Captaine of the gard was sent with him, once an associate and companion to Strabo his father, and a man highly in credit with Tiberius; as well to be a guide to the yong Prince, as to shew vnto others the danger or reward of ill or well doing. When Drusus was come neere vnto them, the legions met him as it were to do their dutie; but not as the manner was, cheerefully with glittering ensignes, but in base and abiect habit; and in countenance although pretending sadnes, yet in deede were neerer wilfull ob­stinacie. After he was entered the trench of the camp, they set a strong gard at the gates, commanded some troupes to attend at certaine places of the camp, and the rest came and enuironed the Tribunall in huge multitudes. Drusus stoode vp, and with his hand commaunded silence to be made. When the souldiers beheld what a multitude they were, they made a dreadfull noise with hideous tunes; then anon turning their eyes towards Caesar, they quaked for feare: after that, they made a con­fuse murmuring and buzzing; then a cruell outcry; and on a suddaine all was husht againe; which bred as men were diuersly affected, either a feare in themselues, or in others. At last the tumult ceasing, he read his fathers letters, which contained what a speciall care he had ouer those most valorous legions, with whome he had sustai­ned many battels; and that as soone as his minde could be at rest, and the mourning for his father past, he would deale with the Lords of the Senate concerning their demaunds: that in the meane space he had sent his sonne which should graunt without delay, as much as for the present could conueniently be yeelded: and that the rest should be reserued to the consideration of the Senate, whom it was con­uenient [Page 12] should iudge as well what deserued fauour, as rigor and seueritie. They an­swered all in generall, that Clemens the Centurion had charge to propound their demaunds: he began with licence to depart after sixteene yeares, with recompence after the end of their seruice: and that their wages might be a denarius a day; that the old souldiers should not be constrained to continue vnder ensignes. But when Drusus began to pretend, that these were fit matters to be referred to the Lords of the Senate, and his fathers consideration; they cut off his speech with clamors, ex­postulating: That seeing he had no authority to augment their pay; nor ease them of their labor; nor benefit them any way; to what purpose was he come thither? But to beate and put them to death, euery man had authoritie. It was an old trick of Tibe­rius to frustrate the legions desires, with the name of Augustus: and Drusus doth now put the same in practice. Shall they neuer haue any sent them, but such as are vnder the power of another? It was strange, that the Emperour should referre only that to the knowledge of the Senate, which concerned the souldiers commoditie. It were as requisite the Senators aduise should be knowne, when a souldier should be punished, or brought to fight in battell. Did it stand with reason, there should be maisters appointed, to dispose of their rewards and recompence; and that without any iudge their punishments should be arbitrary? At last they go from the Tribu­nal and threaten with their fists those they met, of the gard, or Caesars friends and familiars, as desirous to pick quarrels, and raise sedition. But they bare a speciall grudge vnto Cn. Lentulus, because that he, for his yeares, and experience in martiall feates, in greater reputation then the rest; was thought to animate Drusus against the souldiers, and first of all reiect their licentious demaunds. Whom not long af­ter (foreseeing the danger he was in) going with Caesar to the standing camp, they enuironed him, asking whither he went? towards the Emperour, or towards the Senate? whether there he would be also against the legions profit? And withall comming fiercely vpon him, and throwing stones at him, all embrued in bloud, and certaine of present death, yet was succoured by such as came with Caesar. That night, which menaced great disorder, and outragious behauiour, was quieted by a meere chaunce. For the Skie being cleere and bright, yet the Moone seemed to be eclip­sed on a sudden; which the souldiers, being ignorant of the cause, construed as a presage of present ill lucke: and comparing their attempts, to the eclipse; were of opinion that their successe should be prosperous, if the goddesse should become cleere and bright againe. Whereupon they began with Trompets, Cornets, and o­ther brazen instruments, to make a lowd noise, now ioyfull, now sad, as the Moone appeared either cleere or darke. But when the black clowdes, rising, tooke from them the sight of the Moone, supposing she had bene hidden in darknes, and vtterly lost her light: as troubled minds fall easily into superstition, they began to com­plaine and lament, that, that portended their labours should haue no end; and that the gods turned their faces from their wickednes. Caesar thinking it expedient to make his profit of their feare; and gouerne that by wisedome, which fortune had offered; commaunded the Pauillions to be viewed; Clemens the Centurion to be called, and such others, as for their laudable vertues were best liked of the common sort: who thrusting themselues into the watch, the wardes, and gate-keepers, increa­sed sometimes their feare, and sometimes promised hope, saying: How long shall we besiege the Emperors sonne? what shall be the end of our reuolt? shall we sweare allegeance to Percennius and Vibulenus? shall we looke for our pay at their hands? shall they reward the old souldiers with lands? to be briefe, shall they take vpon them the gouernment of the Romane Empire, in Neroes and Drusus stead? [Page 13] were it not better that as we were the last which offended; so we should be the first to repent? Demaunds in common are slowly graunted: a priuat fauour is no soo­ner deserued, then obtained. These speeches troubled their mindes, and bred a mistrust among themselues: the yong souldiers forsooke the old: and one legion parted from an other. By little and little they returned to their allegeance; went from the gates which before they possessed: carried to their vsuall places the en­signes, which in the beginning of their rebellion they had pitched together. Drusus the next morning calling an assembly, although he were no great Orator; yet the worthines of his birth supplying that want, he condemned their former, and com­mended their present behauior. Assured them that he was not to be ouercome with feare and threatning: but if he perceiued in them a modest cariage, intreatie of pardon with submission; he would write vnto his father, that forgetting that which was past, he would giue eare to the legions suites. At their intreatie Blaesus, and L. A­pronius, a Gentleman of Rome, and one of Drusus company, and Iustus Catonius a chiefe Centurion, were sent againe to Tiberius. This done, Drusus counsellers dis­agreed in opinions: some holding it expedient, that expecting the Embassadors re­turne; the souldiers in the meane season should be gently intreated: some that sharp remedies ought to be vsed: affirming that there was no meane in the com­mon people; and vnlesse they were kept in awe, they would keepe others vnder. That they might easily be dealt withall whilest they stoode in feare; and therefore it was needefull that they should be brideled by their Generals authoritie: the ring-leaders of the reuolt executed, whilest yet the superstition held them in astonish­ment. Hereupon Drusus being naturally of a rough disposition, caused Percennius and Vibulenus to be put to death. Some say they were murdered in the Gouernors tent; others that their bodies were throwne out of the rampire to the terror of the rest. After this, a search was made for the principall captaines of the conspiracie: whereof some roming about the camp, were slaine by the gard: others the souldi­ers themselues deliuered, as a testimonie of their allegeance, into Drusus hands. But there did nothing more augment the souldiers distressed case, then an vntimely win­ter, continuall and cruell raines; that they could neyther put foote out of their tents; nor meete together: nor hardly keepe vp their standarts, through boisterous windes, and stormie showers, tossing them hither and thither. They were not yet rid of the feare, the heauens ire stroke them into: imagining that the starres grew not darke in vaine against their wickednes; and that the tempests fell vpon them for their lewde and villanous demeanor. There was no comfort left, but to abandon those vnlucky, and disloyall camps; and being purged of their offence by some pro­pitiatory sacrifice, each legion to repaire to his standing camp. The eight legion departed first; then the fifteenth. The ninth cried that they ought to tarry for Tibe­rius answere: but being discomfited by the others departure, preuenting imminent necessitie, voluntarily went away. Drusus not expecting the Embassadors returne, seeing all quiet for the present, went back to Rome.

VIII. A mutinie in Gallia, and many Centurions slaine: Germanicus loyaltie to Tiberius.

ALmost at the same time, and for the same causes, the legions of Germanie re­belled: so much the more violently, by how much the more in number: with great hope that Germanicus Caesar could neuer endure to be commanded by another: and that by following the humor of the legions, he would by main strength [Page 14] be master of all. There lay by the riuer of Rhene two armies: the one called the higher, vnder the Lieutenant C. Silius: the other the lower, vnder A. Caecina. But the Lord generall ouer them all, was Germanicus, then greatly busied in leuying of subsidies and taxations in Gallia. Those which Silius commanded, wauering and irresolute, looked into the successe of others reuolt: but the lower armie grewe into a rage and furie: the conspiracie beginning by the one and twentith and fift legions, which drew also to their side the first and the twelfth: all of them being in the same sommer campes, in the confines of Vbium, idle, or in very easie seruice. Aduertisement being come of Augustus death, a multitude of citie-borne bond-men, and after made free, newly mustered to be soldiers, giuen to licentiousnes, and impatient of labour: began to fill the mindes of the ruder sort, with these speeches. That the time was now come, that the olde soldier might demand a shorter time of seruice; the new greater pay; and all in generall an end of their miseries: and oppor­tunitie giuen to reuenge the crueltie of the Centurions. This was not spoken by one alone, as when Percennius incited the legions of Pannonie▪ nor vnto dastards looking that men of better courage than they should begin: but many seditious mouthes and voices, were at once heard to say; that the whole Romane state was in their hands; that by their victories it was growen great: and that of them the Em­perors tooke their surname. The Lieutenant, the rage of the multitude hauing ta­ken away his constancie, durst not resist them: when on the sudden like frantike men, with their swords drawen (a very olde subiect of quarrell and hatred in soldiers, and a beginning of crueltie) they fell on the Centurions; threw them along; laide them on with stripes; three score to one, to make euen number with the Centuri­ons. And hauing thus mangled and torne them, and slaine some, they threw them out of the trench, or into the riuer of Rhene. Among others Septimius fled to the Tribunall, and cast himselfe at Caecinaes feete: but was with such importunacie de­manded, that he could not but deliuer him to the butcherie. Cassius Chaerea (famous afterward to posteritie for murdering C. Caesar) then a yoong man, but of a stout and braue courage, made way with his sword, through such, as armed, went about to hinder his passage. After that neither Tribune, nor campe-master was obeied; the watch and warde, and whatsoeuer the present time required, was ordered, and distri­buted among themselues. Those which deepely looked into the disposition of sol­diers; iudged it a strong argument, of a great and implacable reuolt, that they were not scattered and diuided; nor any attempt giuen by a few; but grew insolent alto­gither: were quiet at once: with such a moderation and constancie, that thou woul­dest haue thought they had been gouerned by one head. In the meane season, newes was brought to Germanicus (who as I haue said, was leuying of subsidies and tributes in Gallia) that Augustus was departed. Germanicus had married Augustus niece A­grippina, and had by hir many children, and was Drusus, Tiberius brothers sonne, and nephew to Augusta: but greatly perplexed, by reason of his vncles and grandmo­thers secret hatred towards him; so much the more deepe and deadly, bicause vn­iust. This proceeded of the good will and remembrance which the people of Rome had of Drusus: all of them certainly beleeuing, that if he had gotten the soueraign­tie, he would haue sct libertie on foote againe: and hoping the like of Germanicus, bare him the like affection. This yoong Prince was of a milde disposition, very cour­teous, nothing at all resembling Tiberius in countenance, or couert and arrogant speech. Besides this, womens quarrels were mingled among, Liuia (as is the maner of all stepdames) exasperating Tiberius against Agrippina: a woman indeede easily mooued: but through hir chastitie, and loue towards hir husband, though other­wise [Page 15] of an inuincible stomacke, yet turned all to the best. But the neerer Germanicus was to the highest hope, the more he labored to settle Tiberius in the state: compel­ling the Sequans adioining, and the cities of Belgia to sweare their allegeance vnto him. Then vnderstanding of the hurly burly of the legions, departing in all speede, met the soldiers out of their campe, hanging downe the head; repenting them of that they had done. He was no sooner within the trench, but there was heard a con­fuse lamentation and complaint among them: some taking him by the hand as it were to kisse it, thrust his fingers into their mouthes, that he might feele they were toothlesse: others shewed their crooked bodies with age. Who perceiuing them confusely shuffled togither, commanded to separate themselues into companies, the easier to heare his answere: and beare their ensignes before them; the better to discerne their bands: wherein they obeied slowly ynough. Germanicus beginning with the reuerence of Augustus, fell by little and little into the praise of the victories and triumphes, and especially the famous exploites Tiberius had done in Germanie with those legions. Then extolled the vnitie of Italie; the loyaltie of Gallia; and how all other partes of the empire were quiet. The soldiers gaue eare vnto all this with silence, or with a small murmuring: but as soone as he began to touch their mutinies; expostulating; What was become of the modest behauiour of soldiers? where was the honor of ancient discipline? whither they had driuen their Tribunes and Centurions? they all vnclothed themselues, shewed him their wounds, scars, and marks of their stripes: then with a confuse note, how deerely they bought their ease and vacations; found fault with their small pay; the intolerable paines they were put to in working: by name condemning the rampires, trenches, seeking of stower, carrying of stones & timber, and all other prouisions, either necessarie in the campe; or to keepe the soldiers from idlenes. But the greatest clamors were heard to proceede from the old soldiers; whereof some hauing spent thirtie yeeres in ser­uice, some more; besought him to prouide for such ouer wearied poore soldiers; and not suffer them to end the rest of their daies, in miserie and paine: but deliuered of such labor and toiles, that they might at length enioie repose without penurie. Some demanded the legacie bequeathed by Augustus wil, and wished Germanicus all good fortune; offering themselues to his deuotion if he would take vpon him the empire. Whereat, as though he had beene distained with some villanie; he leapt from the Tribunall: and as he would haue departed: the soldiers turned their weapons to­wards him in menacing wise: vnlesse he would go backe againe. But crying that he would rather die, than falsifie his faith: drew his sword from his side; bent the point of it towards his brest, readie to haue thrust it in; if some which were neere him by catching hold of his hand, had not withheld him by maine strength. That part of the throng which was farthest behinde, and which is scarce credible, some other getting neerer & neerer, encouraged him to strike boldly; and one called Calusidius, offered him his naked sword; saying that it was better pointed than his. But that euen to the most furious, was thought a barbarous and sauage part, and an euill pre­sident. Caesars friends had time to conduct him to his pauilion: there they consulted what was best to be done; bicause newes came, that the soldiers were in hande to dispatch embassadors to the higher armie, to drawe them to the same attempt: and that they had determined to sacke Colen; and hauing imbrued their hands with that pray, run on to pill and waste Gallia.

IX. Order is taken against the disorder, by yeelding to the soldiers requests: Germanicus sendeth away his vvife and children.

GErmanicus feared so much the more, bicause he knew the enimie woulde not faile to inuade, as soone as he vnderstood of the dissension within Rome, and that the riuers side was vndefended. On the other side, if the allies and confe­derates shoulde arme themselues against the legions, it was to begin a new ciuill war. And that it was to the state dangerous a like; to vse either seueritie or liberalitie: and no lesse, to graunt the soldier all thing or nothing. The matter being thus deba­ted on both sides, it was thought good, that letters should be written in the princes name, containing: that such as had serued twentie yeeres, should be fully dismissed: and such as sixteene, discharged also; with condition onely to remaine vnder en­signes, and repulse the enimie. That their legacies left them by Augustus, should be doubled and paied. The soldier perceiued that those were sleights to win time; and therefore vrged a present execution: licence of departure was presently yeelded by the Tribunes; but paiment deferred. The fift, and one and twentieth legion, re­fused to go to any standing campe; vntill they had their paie in the same camps they serued in. Which they receiued of such prouision, as Caesar could either make by his friends, or had to serue his owne turne. Caecina the Lieutenant brought backe to Vbium, the first, and the twentieth legion, in base & disorderly aray: carying between the ensignes and standarts, masses of money, extorted from the Emperos treasure. Germanicus went to the vpper armie, and there without delaie, tooke the oath of allegeance, of the second, thirteen, and sixteenth legion; the fowerteenth yet resting doubtfull what were best. But they had all their discharge and money offered them vnasked. At the same time, certaine vexiliarie soldiers which continued vnder en­signes, and were placed for a guarde to the countrey, of two legions which before were at iarre, began a tumult in the countrey of the Chauceans: which was quickly suppressed by putting to death two of the soldiers. Which Mennius the Camp-master commanded rather for example, then right of his office. But the tumult growing hot, Mennius fled; and being found out, perceiuing that there was no safe­tie in lurking, tried what boldnes coulde auaile: saying; That they bent not their forces against the Camp-master; but against Germanicus their Generall, and Tibe­rius the Emperor: perceauing that those words daunted such as would haue hinde­red him, snatching vp an ensigne, went to the riuer side; and denouncing him a fugitiue and traitor which refused to follow; brought them to the winter standing campe, astonied, and not daring to attempt any thing. In the meane season the em­bassadors sent from the Senate to Germanicus, found him at Vbium, at the place cal­led the Altar. Where two legions, the first and the twentieth wintered, with the old soldiers lately dismissed and kept vnder ensignes. The timorous and troubled in conscience, were surprised with a sudden feare, least some were come by comman­dement of the Senate, to make frustrate all, they had wrung out by rebellion. And as the manner of the people is, alwaies falsely to accuse some one or other whom they suspect: so now they laide all the blame, on Munatius Plancus; who had beene Consull and chiefe in the Embasie: affirming him to be the author of that decree. And in the dead of the night, went to Germanicus, importunately demanding an en­signe which was in his house: and flocking togither brake downe the gates: entered his house; drew Germanicus out of his bed; and threatening to kill him, forced him [Page 17] to deliuer the ensigne. Then running vp and downe, they met with the embassadors, hearing of the desperate tumult, going to Germanicus: the soldiers iniuring them, and readie to kill them: and aboue others Plancus, who in regarde of his dignitie coulde not flee: hauing no other refuge left in distresse and danger, then to flie to the campe of the first legion: where imbracing the standard and ensignes, founde safetie as in a religious place. And had not Calphurnius, the standard bearer, garded him from the furie of the soldiers (a thing which seldome hapneth, euen among the enimies) an embassador of the people of Rome, in the Romans campe, had with his bloud polluted the altars of the gods. Assoone as it was daie, that the L. Generall, the soldier, and the attempts might be knowen; Germanicus entered the campe: and commanding Plancus to be brought to him, placed him in the Tribunall by him. Then sharpely rebuking their fatall rage, stirred vp by the wrath of the gods, and not the soldiers will: he openeth vnto them the cause of the embassadors comming: their priuiledges: bewailing with great eloquence, Plancus vndeserued hap; and the discredit of the legions. And hauing rather rauished then quieted the assemblie, sent away the embassadors with a garde of auxiliarie horsemen. During this feare, euerie man blamed Germanicus, that he went not to the vpper armie, where he shoulde haue both obedience, and aide against the rebels: that his fault had beene great inough, in dismissing the soldiers with money in their purses, and vsing them so curteously. And if he made no greater reckoning of his owne person; yet he had no reason to leaue his yoong sonne, and his wife great with childe, as a praie to furi­ous and mad men; breakers of all humane lawes. And that he should preserue them, at the leastwise, for their grandfather, and the common-wealth. He then weighing long what he were best to resolue: his wife refusing to forsake him; alleaging, that she was descended from Augustus, and protesting that she would neuer degenerate from hir bloud, whatsoeuer danger might be presented: at last embracing both hir and the child, with manie teares constrained hir to depart. Away then packt this la­mentable companie of women; and the Generals wife: fleeing with his little sonne in hir lap, with a heauie troupe of hir friends wiues about hir, lead away with hir for companie: those which remained behinde, no lesse sorrowfull then they. This re­sembled not a triumphing Caesar, marching out of his campe: but the bewailing and lamentation of a citie, conquered and sackt of the enimie. Which piercing the eares of the soldiers: they went out of their cabbines; enquiring what that dolorous tune was? and from whence proceeded that lamentable noise? And perceiuing those no­ble dames to go without any Centurion or soldier, to garde them; and their Em­perours wife destitute of hir accustomed traine, going towards Treuers, to com­mit hirselfe to the mercie of strangers: were stroken into shame and compassion: when they called to minde Agrippa hir father, Augustus hir grandfather, and Drusus hir father in lawe: and how she hir-selfe was for hir chastitie and childe bearing, honored of al: and how she had had, a childe borne and brought vp in their campe: whom by a militarie name they called Caligula: bicause that to win the fa­uour of the common soldier, he wore the same kinde of stocking or buskin as he did. But nothing did mooue them more, then the hatred to those of Treuers: and there­fore began to intreat, and hinder their going; praying hir that she would returne and remaine with them. Some ran before Agrippina; many turned backe to Germa­nicus: who through the late occasions, yet full of griefe and anger, vttered to the multitudes about him, this speech as followeth.

X. Germanicus Oration to the souldiers: the feare the Citie vvas in.

NOt my wife, or sonne, are deerer vnto me, then my father and the Common-wealth: but him, his owne Maiestie; the Empire, the other armies shall de­fend. I do now remoue my wife and children (which neuertheles I would willingly offer vnto death, were it to your glory and honor) from the sight of raging mad men: that all your lewd actions be purged with my bloud only; least if you should murder Augustus nephewes sonne, and Tiberius daughter in law, you should become guiltie of moe hainous crimes: for what haue you not dared to attempt these daies past? or what haue you left vnuiolated? By what name shall I call this assembly? Shall I call you souldiers, who haue besieged your Emperors sonne euen within the trench? or shall I call you citizens, by whom the authoritie of the Senate is so little regarded? You haue broken that law which one enemy obserueth to a­nother: violated the sacred freedome of Embassadors, and the lawe of Nations. Iulius of famous memory, repressed a sedition in his army with one bare word: cal­ling such Quirites, which drew back countrary to their oath of allegeance. Augustus of sacred memory, daunted the legions at Actium, with his looke. And as for vs, al­though we be neither of them, yet being extract from them, we thinke it strange and vnmeete, that the Spanish or Syrian souldier should contemne vs. Thou the first legion, and thou the twentith, the one hauing receiued ensignes of Tibe­rius, and the other a companion in so many battels, and enriched with so many re­compences, do you thus guerdon your Generall? Is this the message I shall carry my father (who receiueth but good tidings from all other Prouinces) that neither the yong, nor old souldier, can be satisfied with licence to depart, nor money in their purse? And that heere only, the Centurions are murdered, the Tribunes driuen away, the Embassadors shut vp? that the tents and riuers are stained with bloud? and that I my selfe, hold my life but at the curtesie of such as hate me? Why did you snatch out of my hands, the sword which I meant to thrust through my breast, the first day of our meeting? O vnaduised friends: yet he dealt better and more louingly with me, which offered me his sword; for by that meanes I should haue ended my life, before I should haue seene so many outrages in my army. You should haue made choise of a Generall, which would haue left my death vnpuni­shed; yet haue reuenged the death of Varo, and of the three legions. The gods forbid, that the Belgians, though offering themselues, should carry away the credit and the honor of succouring the Romanes, and brideling the Germans. Let thy soule, Augu­stus of sacred memorie, receiued into heauen, thy image father Drusus, and the re­membrance of thee, together with these souldiers whom shame and glory do enter into, wipe away this blot, and conuert this priuate rancor, to the destruction of the enemie. And you, in whom I perceiue another countenance and another will, if you purpose to restore the Embassadors to the Senate; yeeld dutifull obedience to the Emperour; and me, my wife and sonne: withdraw your selues from the contagion of the seditious, and go from them which haue beene the authors of this rebellion: that shall be a sure token of your repentance, and a bond of fidelitie. With these speeches the souldiers humbling themselues, confessed all to be true which was vpbraided them: and besought him that he would punish the faultie, and pardon those which were seduced, and bring them against the enemie: recall his wife and the legions child; and not deliuer him to the Gaules for an hostage. Germanicus [Page 19] excused the returne of his wife by the neerenes of her time, and winter; yet that his sonne should returne againe: and as for other things, that they themselues should see them performed. The souldiers then, being better perswaded, ran from place to place, layd hands on the most disordered persons, and brought them bound before C. Cetronius, Colonel of the first legion: who gaue iudgement and punishment on euery of them in this manner. The legions called together, stoode with their swords drawne before the Tribunal: and the offender shewen by the Tribune out of a high seate: and if the souldiers did cry that he was guiltie, he was immediately throwne downe headlong, and cut in peeces: the souldier reioysing in these massacres, as though himselfe thereby had bene acquited. Germanicus did not hinder them at all, seeing, that being done without his commaundement, as well the fact, as the enuie of it, should light vpon their owne necks. The old souldiers following that presi­dent, were anon after sent to Raetia, vnder colour of defending the prouince, from the inuasion of the Sweuians: but in deede, to draw them from those garrisons; yet breathing of crueltie, no lesse by that cruel meanes of redresse, then memorie of their former outrages. This done, he tooke a suruey of the Centurions: who being called by the Captaine, told their names, degrees, and countrey, what payes they had re­ceiued, and how many yeares: what exploits they had done in seruice, and with what donatiues rewarded. If the Tribunes and legions approued their valour and integritie, they kept their roomes: if by common consent, couetousnes, or crueltie were laid to their charge, they were cassirde. Things thus setled for the present, there arose immediately, a matter of no lesser waight then the former, through the headie insolencie of the fift, and one and twentith legion, lodged in winter standings threescore miles off, at Vetera. For they first led the daunce, and with their owne hands, committed the lewdest outrages: Nothing terrified with their fellowes punishment, continued impenitent, and still harbored anger in their breasts. Whereupon Caesar gathereth forces, prepareth a Nauy with confederates and allies, to send downe the Rhene: purposing if they were obstinate, to try it out in a maine battell. No tidings being all this while brought to Rome, of the successe in Illyricum: and vnderstanding of the rising of the Germaine legions; the citie trem­bling with feare, began to blame Tiberius, that counterfeiting a doubtfulnes of ta­king on him the Empire, mocked the Lords of the Senate, the weake & vnfurnished common people, and suffered the seditious in the meane time to rebell, which by the weake authoritie of two yong men could not be suppressed. That he should there­fore haue gone himselfe in person, and opposed his imperiall maiestie against them; at whose sight they would presently haue yeelded, being by long experi­ence skilfull, and carrying with him power to punish, or reward. If Augustus striken in yeares, could make often iourneies into Germanie: should Tiberius be­ing of a strong and able bodie, sit in the Senate, carping the Senators words? He had taken good order how to keepe the citie in seruitude: and that it was now time to applie some medicine to the souldiers minde, to induce them to a disposition of peace. Notwithstanding Tiberius standing stiffe in his determina­tion, resolued not to forsake the head of the empire, and hazard himselfe and the whole state. Many things troubled his minde: as that the Germane armie was the strongest: and the Pannonian neere at hand: the one leaning to the strength of the Gaules: the other, lying in the confines of Italie: doubtfull himselfe which first to go to; least the other being postposed should take it in disdaine. But his sonnes, might visit both: as a thing standing well with imperiall maiestie, bearing grea­ter state farthest off. The yoong men might be excused if they referred some things [Page 20] to their father: and if they should resist Germanicus and Drusus, he should be able to appease or ouerthrowe them. But if they should set light by the Emperor, what remedie could be then looked for? Neuertheles as though he would depart out of hand, he made choise of his followers, prouided his carriages in a readines, prepared shipping; then excusing himselfe, now with the hardnes of the winter; now with this, now with that: he deceiued first the wise, then the vulgar sort, and the prouin­ces a very long time.

XI. The first and the ninth legion kill many of the rebels: Germanicus ouer commeth the Marseans, beateth dovvne the temple of Tanfana. The death of Iulia.

BVt Germanicus, although he had an armie in a readines to reuenge vpon the rebels: thinking it conuenient neuertheles, to giue them some respite; to see whether they would be reclaimed by the example of the other legions: sent letters before to aduertise Cecina, that he was comming with a power: and that if they would not punish the offenders before his comming, he would without any respect make a generall slaughter of them all. These letters Cecina secretly imparted to the standard and ensigne bearers, and the better sort: perswading them to deli­uer all in generall from infamie, and themselues from death. For in time of peace each mans cause and merit was waighed; but in warre, the guiltie and guiltlesse pe­rished alike. They then sounding the mindes of those they thought fittest, and finding the greater number of the legionarie soldiers to continue dutifull; follow­ing the Lieutenants aduice, set downe a time when to cut off the lewdest, and most seditious among them. Then the watch-word giuen, they breake into their tents; slue them; none priuie to the cause but such, as were of counsell in the enterprise: neither imagining the beginning, nor the ende of this butcherie. The strangest manner of ciuill warre that euer happened was this: for without order of battell; not sallying out of diuers standings; but out of the same beds, in which they had eaten by day, and slept by night: they banded into factions; lanced their dartes: outcries were heard; wounds giuen; blood shed; but the cause vnknowen: fortune ruled the rest, and some honest men were slaine among. But it was no sooner knowne against whom this watch was intended, but the worst persons snatched their weapons likewise: no Lieutenant, nor Tribune present to bridle them: but euery man licenced to reuenge his fill. Germanicus anon after entering the camp, with many teares calling that a butchery, and not a medicine, commaunded the bodies to be burnt. The bloudie souldiers thirsted after the enemie, as a satisfaction of his furie: supposing that the ghosts of their companions could by no other meanes be appeased, then by receiuing honorable wounds in their wicked breasts. Caesar followed the souldiers heate, and building a bridge ouer the riuer, past ouer twelue thousand, drawen out of the legions; sixe and twentie cohorts of allies: and eight wings of such horsemen, as during the mutinie, were of good and modest cariage. The Germanes not farre off were iocand: whilest we for the death of Au­gustus, and by ciuill discords, kept holy day. The Romane army marching with speede, past the wood Caesia; and the bound begun by Tiberius, and encamped vpon it: fortifying the front and the back with a trench, and the sides with loppings of trees. From thence they marched through darke forrests, and consulting of two waies, which was best: the short and vsuall: or the vnbeaten and hardest: and therefore least doubted of the enemie. And hauing made choise of the longest, they [Page 21] hastened other things the more. For the scoutes had brought word, that the Ger­mans would spend that night in solemne feasting and banquetting. Cecina had charge to leade the way with a cohort lightly armed, and make plaine the passage of the wood; whom the legions immediately followed. The starre-light helped them, till they came to the villages of the Marsies: whom they beset round; being yet either a bed, or at table; without feare, and no watch set. So farre had they left all things at randon; nothing misdoubting warre; nor, being drunke, greatly caring for peace. Caesar deuided the legions greedy of pillage to waste the more ground, into foure pointed battels; and destroyed with fire and sword, fiftie miles; neither age nor sexe, mouing him to pitie: profane and sacred places, and the temple called Tanfana, a place of great fame among those people, he battered to the ground: the Romanes receiuing no wound, but slaying the enemie halfe a sleepe; or vnar­med, and stragling without order or aray. That slaughter stirred vp the Bructeri, Tubantes, and the Vsipetes; who beset the wood, that way the army should re­turne. Whereof the Captaine being aduertised, he marshalled his men in order at once, both to march and fight. Part of the horsemen with auxiliary cohorts lead the way: after them followed the first legion: the cariages inclosed in the middest, had on the left side the 21. legion; on the right, the fift: in the rereward, the twentith; and after them the rest of the confederates. But the enemie stirred not whilest the Romane camp marched through the wood: then lightly skirmishing with the flanks and the formen; set amaine on the hindmost: who being but slen­derly appointed, and amazed with the thick troupes of Germans, were readie to shrinke: had not Caesar stepped to the twentith legion; crying alowd, that now was the time to blot out the infamies of their former conspiracies: and shew valoure; and make haste to turne their former fault into glory and honor. This speech so infla­med their courages, that breking in suddainly vpon the enemies, droue them to an open place, and hewed them in peeces: and the vantgard getting out of the wood, began incontinently to fortifie and intrench. After that, they marched without disturbance: emboldened with their late successe, and forgetting what was past, were brought to their standing camps. These newes made Tiberius both glad and sory: glad, that the sedition was suppressed: sory, that Germanicus had purchased the souldiers fauour by largesse, and timely dismissing them: not alittle grieued also with the glory that Germanicus got in that warre. Yet he imparted these newes to the Senate, highly commending his exploites: rather in colour and shew of words, then beleeued that he spake from the hart. Drusus he commended also; and the suc­cesse of the Illirian rebellions, in fewer words, but more vnfainedly, and with better affection; yet confirmed all that Germanicus had graunted; and gaue the like to the armies in Pannonie. The same yeare Iulia dyed: confined first by Augustus her fa­ther for her vnchast life, in the Iland Pandateria: then in Rhegium, a towne seated vpon the Sicilian sea. She had beene Tiberius wife, whom she contemned as an vn­fit match for her; whilest Caius and Lucius flourished: which was the very inward and secret cause, why Tiberius withdrew himselfe to Rhodes. But hauing gotten to be Emperour, and that by the death of Agrippa Posthumus, her hopes were cut off; banished and infamous, with great want hungerstarued her: perswading himselfe that her long banishment, would haue smothered the speech of her death. The like occasion egged him to the like crueltie against Semp. Gracchus: who nobly descen­ded, quick witted, and eloquent to perswade to naughtines; seduced the same Iulia to lewdenes when she was M. Agrippas wife. Neither was that the end of their li­centiousnes; but the wilfull adulterer abused her companie, when she was Tiberius [Page 22] wife: incensing her to disobedience and dislike. Diuers supposing that the bitter letters, which she sent to Augustus her father against Tiberius, were of his inditing. Whereupon being banished to Cercina, an Iland in the Affrican sea, after foure­teene yeares exile: the souldiers sent to put him to death, found him on the shore as one expecting bad tidings. Of whom he requested some short time, to write his last will to Alliaria his wife; which being done, he offered his neck to the executio­ners: in the constancie of his death, not vnworthy the Sempronian name; though in his life he had degenerated. Some gaue out, that those souldiers were not sent from Rome, but from L. Asprenas, Proconsull of Affrike, by Tiberius appointment; hoping though in vaine, that the infamie of the murder should redound to Aspre­nas discredit. This yeare were instituted new ceremonies, by founding a societie of Priests, called Augustales: as in times past T. Tatius, desirous to continue certaine religious solemnities of the Sabins, ordained a companie of Priests called Titians. One and twentie of the chiefest of the citie were drawne by lot, and Tiberius, Dru­sus, Claudius, and Germanicus added to the number. These playes at their first begin­ning, were disturbed by a contention rising betwixt stage players: Augustus him­selfe fauoring the sport, to please Mecaenas; who was exceedingly caried away with affection towards Bathillus, and himselfe not disliking them, thought it no vnciuill matter, to shew himselfe at those disports, amongst the common people. But Tibe­rius was of an other humor; yet durst not on the sudden reduce the people to a straighter course, which so many yeares before had bene nuzled in pleasure and easie vsage.

XII. Germanicus inuadeth the Chatti. A strife betweene two noble men of Germanie, Armihius and Segestes. Arminius wife is taken.

DRusus Nero and C. Narbo being Consuls, a triumph was ordained in honor of Germanicus, the war yet continuing: for which although great preparation was made for the sommer following; yet he by a sudden incursion made on the Chatti, did anticipate it in the beginning of the spring. For a rumor bred a hope, that the enimies were banded into factions, some fauoring Arminius; and others Segestes: the one most loyall; and the other most disloyall vnto vs. Arminius dis­quieted Germanie: Segestes discouered often to Varus, but especially in the last ban­ket, after which armes were taken, a rebellion intended: and counselled him to cast himselfe, Arminius and the chiefest of the conspirators into prison: the people not daring any attempt, the ringleaders being taken away; and that he should haue time thereby to sift out the offenders from the innocent. But Varus by destinie, and Ar­minius violence died. And although Segestes was by common consent drawen to the war, yet he shewed himselfe very backward by his priuate grudge against Armi­nius increasing more and more; bicause he had taken away by force his daughter betrothed to another. Thus then the sonne in lawe being odious to the father: the fathers in lawe at vtter defiance betwixt themselues; that which should serue for a bond of friendship among friends, serued here for a prouocation of wrath and malice. Whereupon Germanicus committed fower legions to Cecinaes charge, fiue thousand auxiliaries, and certaine Germain bands leuied in haste, inhabiting the hither side of Rhene. Himselfe conducted the like number of legions, with twise as many confederates: and hauing builded a fort on the hill Taunus, where his father before him had appointed a garrison, led his armie without encombrance against [Page 23] the Chatti; leauing L. Apronius behinde him, to mend and make sure the passages by land and riuers: for by reason of a drought, and lownesse of the waters (a thing seldome seene in that countrie) they had marched a good way without danger; but feared raine and rising of the water at his returne. But his comming was so sudden vpon the Chatti; that the weaker sort by age, or sexe, were presently either taken or slaine: the yoong men swam ouer the riuer Adrana, and draue backe the Romans, which began a bridge: But at last driuen away themselues with shot of arrowes and other engins, entreating in vaine of conditions of peace: some fled to Germanicus: the rest abandoning their villages and houses, dispersed themselues in the woods. Germanicus hauing burned Mattium the capitall citie of the countrey, returned to­ward the Rhene: the enimie not daring to set on him as he retired, as his manner is, when he gaue grounde, rather vpon policie then feare. The Cherusci woulde willingly haue succoured the Chatti; but Caecinaes armie fleeting from place to place, kept them in awe: and ouerthrew the Marsi, which ventured to ioine battell with him. Shortly after embassadors came from Segestes, to craue aid against the violence of his countriemen, which had besieged him: Arminius bearing grea­ter sway, bicause he incited them to warre. For among barbarous people, the more audacious a man sheweth himselfe, the more loiall he is reputed; and the fittest in­strument in troubled times. Segestes ioined his sonne Sigismond to these embassa­dors; but being touched in conscience, was vnwillingly drawn to it: bicause that when the Germans rebelled, being priested at the altar of the Vbians, he brake his head-bande, which was the marke of his calling, and fled to the rebels. Yet trusting in the Romans clemencie, fulfilled his fathers commandement; and being courteously, receiued was conueied with a garde, to the shores of Gallia. After this Germanicus thought it conuenient, to conuert his power against those which besie­ged Segestes, whom he deliuered, with a great number of his kindred, and followers. Among whom there were many noble dames, and Segestes daughter, Arminius wife; affecting rather hir husband than father; and being taken, not once falling a teare, nor crauing fauor, ioining hir hands on hir breast, looked down vpon hir great belly. The spoiles of Varus ouerthrowe were at the same time brought in and di­stributed, as a bootie to the greatest part of such, as had yeelded themselues with Segestes. Who with a comely maiestie, and bolde courage, and loyaltie to the Ro­mans, began a speech in this maner. This is not the first day that the people of Rome, hath had experience of my constancie and loyaltie: for since Augustus of famous memorie, gaue me the priuileges of a citizen of Rome; I made choise of such friends or enimies, as might stand you in stead: not for any hatred to my countrie (for traitors are odious euen to those whose instruments they be) but bicause I iud­ged it profitable alike to the Romans and Germans: and preferred peace before war: for this cause I accused Arminius, rauisher of my daughter, and infringer of the league concluded with you, before Varus the generall. But when I was by the slacknes of the generall deferred to a farther day of hearing, hauing small hope of support in lawes; I besought him earnestly, that he would commit me, Arminius, and the rest of the conspirators, to straight custodie. I call to witnes that night (which if it had pleased the gods I would it had been my last) in which those things ensued, which deserue rather to be bewailed, than maintained. In fine, I laide irons on Arminius, and suffered the same in my selfe, by his faction. But seeing you haue vouchsafed me your presence; I prefer old quietnes before new garboiles; not ho­ping for any reward thereby; but onely to excuse my selfe from disloyaltie, and to serue for a conuenient meanes of reconciliation for the German nation, if they will [Page 24] rather repent than perish. For my sonnes youth and error I craue pardon: my daughter I confesse, was drawen hither by force. It resteth in you to determine, whe­ther it ought to be of greater force, to be with childe by Arminius; or be begotten by me. Caesar with a milde answere, promised his children & his kindred safetie: and himselfe his ancient seate in the prouince. This done he bringeth backe his armie, and with Tiberius liking, tooke vpon him the name of Emperor. Arminius wife was deliuered of a sonne; which was brought vp at Rauenna; of whom we will speake more hereafter, and how he serued for fortunes scorne.

XIII. Arminius stirreth the Germans to warre: seeketh reuenge: What danger Caecina vvas in. Germanicus burieth the legions vvhich vvere slaine vvith Varus.

THe newes being spred of Segestes yeelding, and gentle vsage, as mens mindes were affected to peace or warre; so they were mooued with hope or griefe. Arminius being fierce of his owne disposition vnderstanding that his wife was taken prisoner, and the fruite of hir wombe, a bonde slaue; became as it were mad: and raunging the Cheruscians countrey; craued for succour against Segestes, and Caesar; not being able to containe for outragious speeches: saieng That, that must needes be a braue father, a mightie Emperor, a woorthie armie, that coulde, with so much helpe, carrie awaie one sillie woman. He had defeated three legions, and so many lieutenants: not by treason, nor against women great with childe, but in the face of the enimie, and against armed men, atchieued his enterprises. And that the ensignes, which he had taken from the Romans, were to be seene in the woods of Germanie, offered vp in honour of their countrey gods. Let Segestes inhabite the conquered banks; and restore his sonne to his priestlie dignitie: that the Germans coulde neuer excuse it: that the Romans haue beene seene to beare their roddes, their axes, and gownes betweene Abbis and Rhene. Other nations being strangers to the Romane gouernment, could speak nothing, of their cruell punishments and grieuous tributes: and seeing they had shaken off those burdens; and that, that Augustus whom they placed among the gods, and Tibe­rius chosen after him, lost their labour; they shoulde not feare an vnexperien­ced yoong man, nor his mutinous companie. If they preferred their countrey; their kindred; their auncient life, before newe lordes, and newe colonies; they should rather follow Arminius, protector of their glory and libertie, then Segestes the author of reprochfull seruitude. These speeches incensed not only the Cherus­cians, but the neighbors adioyning also; and drew Inguiomerus, a man once in credit with the Romans, and vncle to Arminius by the fathers side, to their partie, which increased Caesars feare the more. And therefore least the whole waight of the warre should at once fall vpon him: he sent Caecinna with fortie cohorts of Romanes, to seauet the power of the enemie through the Bructeries countrey, to the riuer of A­misia. Pedo the Camp-maister had the conducting of the horsemen, by Frisia: him­selfe embarqued foure legions, and lead them through the lakes: all the horsemen, footemen, and the whole nauie meeting together at the said riuer; and receiued the Chauceans among them, who had promised them ayde. The Bructeri burning their owne countrey, Stertinius ouerthrew with a companie of light harnessed soul­diers, sent against them by Germanicus▪ and found betweene the slaughter and the bootie, the banner of the nineteenth legion which was lost with Varus. From [Page 25] thence the armie marched to the vtmost confines of the Bructeri, all the countrey wasted betwixt the riuer Amisia, and Luppia: not farre from the forest Tentoburgh; where the reliques of the legions which Varus lead, were reported to lye vnburied. Whereupon Caesar had a great desire to celebrate the captaines, and souldiers fu­nerals; all the armie moued to compassion: some calling to minde their kinsfolks; some their friends: and some in consideration of the hazards of warre, and the slipperie estate of man subiect vnto fortunes change. And hauing sent Caecina be­fore, to search out the secret places of the forest, and cast bridges and causeyes ouer the moist and deceiptful passages of the bogs, they marched those dolefull wayes, yrksome to behold, and dreadfull to remember. Varus first encamping seate, by the large circuit of ground it contained, and dimensions of the Principia, the place in the camp where the standard and ensignes are pitched. Sav. in mar. lib. 1. cap. 7. Principia, did shew that the inclosure was capable of three legions: then by a rampire halfe broken downe, and a shallow trench, they perceiued where the ouertoyled remnant was retired. In the middle of the field lay white bones, either scattered, or on a heape, as they had eyther resisted or fled: hard by, trouncheons of weapons, and horses ribs; and before them mens heads, fastened vpon the bodies of trees. In the woods were their barbarous altars, on which they sacrificed the Tribunes and chiefe Centuri­ons. Those which escaped aliue, or broke prison after the butchery, tould that here the Liutenants were slaine; there the standards taken: where Varus receiued his first wound; where with his owne vnluckie hand he slew himselfe. On what Tribunall Armin ius made his oration. How many gibbets he had set vp for captiues, and what ditches: and with what prowde disdaine he skoffed at the ensignes and standarts. The Romanes then which were present, sixe yeares after the slaughter, oppressed with griefe, yet more then euer kindled with rage against the enemie; couered with earth the bones of the three legions: as if they had been all their friends or kindred; howbeit it was vncertaine whether they buried the stranger or friend. Caesar to shew a gratefull memory of the dead, and himselfe to be partaker of their griefe, with his owne hands put the first turfe on their tombes; which Tiberius misliked: either as construing all Germanicus actions to the worst; or because the sight of the dead, vnburied, would make the souldiers more fearefull of the enemie, and lesse forward to fight: and because a Generall honored with the Augurall dignitie, and deuoted to most ancient ceremonies, ought not to meddle in mortuaries. But Ger­manicus pursuing Arminius, alreadie crept into inaccessible places; as soone as he found conueniencie, thrust his horsemen on him, and recouered the field which the enemie occupied. Arminius gathered his men together; and commaunding them to draw neere the wood, turned short on the sudden, and gaue them the watch-word which he had hidden there before, to breake out. Whereat the horsemen a­mazed, and the cohorts sent for a supplie, borne backe with those which fled; augmenting their feare, were almost thrust into the bogs, well knowne to the conquerors, and dangerous to the Romanes; had not Caesar come on with the le­gions in battell aray. Which stroke a terror into the enemie, and assured the cou­rage of the souldier: both the armies in the end parting on euen hand. Anon after the armie being brought to the riuer Amisia, he conducted the fleete and the legi­ons back againe, in the same manner they came thither. Some of the horsemen were commaunded to returne to the riuer of Rhene, still coasting the Ocean shore. Cae­cina who conducted another companie, although he was skilfull in the wayes, yet was charged to returne with all diligence by the long bridges; which was a narrow causey betwixt wide marishes, throwne vp in times past by L. Domitius. The rest of the countrey was miry, and full of fast binding clay, with some doubtfull brookes. [Page 26] Round about were woods, ascending little and little, which Arminius had filled, by a neerer way, and light armie, preuenting the Romans, loden with armour and carriages. Caecina doubting how he should at once, repaire those bridges, alreadie decayed with age, and driue back the enemie; thought it best to encamp in the same place; that whilest some were fortifying, others might skirmish with the e­nemie. The barbarians vsed all force to breake the wardes, and make way to the trench-makers: set on them, compassed them in; ranne from place to place; lea­uing nothing vndone, to disturb them. The laborers and the fighters made one confuse cry: nothing prospering on the Romans side. The place was nothing but a deepe mire, not firme to tread on, and slipperie to march: the waight of their corselets an hinderance, and they vnable to launce their iauelins in the waters. Contrarily the Cheruscians being a great limmed people, and accustomed to fight in bogs, were with huge speares able to hurt a farre off. To be briefe, the night deli­uered the legions from an vnluckie battell. The Germaines through prosperous successe, nothing wearied, but forbearing from rest; turned all the waters which rose in the mountaines, into the vnder grounds: whereupon the plaine being drownd, and so much of the worke ouerthrowne as they had cast vp, the Romaine souldier was put to a double labour.

XIIII. The Romans escape a great danger through the good conduct of Caecina.

CAEcina had then in qualitie of a soldier of commander fortie yeere receiued pay: and therefore being acquainted as well with the changeable euents of fortune as prosperous successes, fell nothing at all in courage: but pondering in his minde what might follow, found nothing more expedient, then to inclose the enimie in the wood, vntill the wounded, and the cariages were gotten before. For betwixt the hils and the marshes, there stretched out a plaine, capable of a small ar­mie. The legions were so placed, that the fift shoulde be in the right flancke; the one and twentieth in the left; the first to lead; and the twentieth to defende, if they were pursued. The night was vnquiet for diuers respects: the barbarous enimie, in feasting and banketting, songs of ioie, and hideous outcries filled the valleies and woods, which redoubled the sounde againe. The Romans had small fires, bro­ken voices, laie neere the trenches, went from tent to tent, rather disquieted, and not able to sleepe, then watchfull. The generall had that night a heauie dreame; which droue him into a feare: for he thought that he had seene Quinctilius Varus, rising out of those bogs, embrued all in bloud, calling him by name, and stretching out his hand towards him; which he thrust backe refusing to follow. At daie breaking, the legions appointed for the flankes, either for feare, or contempt, abandoned their standings; and seased on the fielde adioining beyond the marshes. Arminius al­though hee might safely haue, assaulted them, yet forbare a time. But he no sooner perceiued their bag and baggage to sticke in the mire, and ditches, and the souldiers troubled about it, disbanded and out of order, and the ensignes confusedly disorde­red; as it falleth out in such times, euery man busie to helpe himselfe, and deafe to harken what was commanded; but he encharged the Germaines to breake in, cri­eng aloud. Behold Varus, and the legions once againe vanquished by the same desti­nie. Hauing thus saide, accompanied with a choise band of horsemen, breaketh the rankes of the Romans, and especially woundeth their horses: which slipping, by reason of their owne bloud, and moisture of the bogs; ouerthrowing their masters, [Page 27] either trode vnderfeete, or scattered all they met. Much a doo they had about the ensignes, which they could neither beare vp, the shot came so thicke: nor pitch on the ground, it was so mirie. Whilest Caecina maintaineth battell, his horse was kil­led vnder him; from which being fallen, he had been taken by the enimie, if the first legion had not opposed herselfe. The greedines of the enimie was some helpe vnto them; being more thirstie of pillage then bloud: whereby the legions had leisure to­wards the euening, to win the open firme land. And yet their miseries did not thus end: They had defences to make: and stuffe wherewithall, to seeke: their tooles to cast vp earth, or cut turfes, were almost all lost: tentes they had none to couer them: nor medicaments to heale the wounded: and diuiding their meate partly stained with bloud, or beraied with dirt, they bewailed that vnfortunate darknes; and that onely daie left for so many thousands to liue. By meere chance a horse brake loose in the campe, and praunsing vp and downe, affrighted with noise, ouer­threw all he met in his waie: which stroake such a feare and terror in the souldiers harts, that thinking the Germans had broken vpon them; ran all to the gates of the campe, and especially to the Decumana, which was farthest from the enimie, and safest to flee awaie. Caecina being assured that it was but a vaine feare, yet not being able either by his authoritie, entreatie, or forcible meanes to staie their fleeing; cast himselfe a crosse the gate; and so mooued them to pitie, stopping the passage; bi­cause they would not tread on their captaines bodie. The Tribunes and Centurions shewed them withall, that their seare was false and without cause. Then assembling them in the Principia, and commanding silence, admonished them of the time and necessitie they stoode in. That their safetie onely consisted in their weapons; which yet they were to moderate by discretion: keeping still within their trench, vntill the enimie, with hope to breake vpon them, should drawe neere: and that then they shoulde rush out on euerie side, and so get to the riuer of Rhene. Whereas if they should flie, they should passe through more woods, finde deeper bogs, and the eni­mie more cruell then euer: but by conquering they shoulde purchase glorie and re­nowme: putting them in mind of those things which were esteemed deere at home, and of credit in campe: not once mentioning their disgraces and aduersities. This done, he assigned to the most couragious a horse: beginning with his owne; then with the Tribunes and Centurions, not respecting calling or quality: to the end that they should first inuade the enimie, and the footemen follow. The Germains, what with hope, what with greedines of praie, what with disgreeing opinions of captaines; were as much disquieted as the Romaines. Arminius thought it best to suffer them come out of their fort, and set on them in the bogs and marshes: but Inguiomerus aduise, though more cruell, was most pleasing to the barbarians: which was, that they should besiege the campe: perswading that by that means, the assault would be easier; more captiues taken; and the bootie entire and vntouched. As­soone then as it was day, they beate down the trenches, filled them vp with hurdles, grappled vp to the toppe of the trench, fewe souldiers resisting them, and those all stocke still in amaze. The cohorts within had the alarum giuen; the cornets and trumpets sounded; and with a great clamour sallied out couragiouslie, and hemmed the enimie in: casting in their teeth, that heere there were neither woods nor quag­miers, but the places and the gods indifferent to both. The enimies imagining it but an easie conquest, and that there were but a fewe to resist, and those but halfe armed; hearing the sound of the trumpets, and seeing the glittering of the armour; which seemed so much the greater, by how much the lesse they were esteemed: on a sudden were beaten downe and slaine, as men in prosperitie greedy, and in aduersi­tie, [Page 28] vncircumspect. Arminius and Inguiomerus fled, th'one not hurt, and the other greeuously wounded. The common sort were slaine as long as the daie and anger lasted: the legions returned at night to their forte. And although there were more wounded then the day before, and no lesse want of victuales: yet with the victorie they thought they had recouered, strength, courage, health, and all other neces­saries.

XV. The danger the legions vvere in vnder Vitellius. Tiberius renevveth the lavv of treason.

IT was noised abroad in the meane season, that the legions were besieged; and that the Germaine host was entering Gallia. And if Agrippina had not hin­dered the pulling downe of the bridge ouer Rhene; some through feare would haue ventured so lewde an action. Who being a woman of a great courage, tooke vpon hir for some daies the office of a Captaine: relieued the soldiers, as they had most need, with apparell and medicine. C. Plinius a writer of the Germaine warres, recounteth; that she went to the ende of the bridge and there staied, praising and thanking the legions as they returned. A matter which entered deepely into Tiberi­us minde: imagining with himselfe that it was not for nought, that she vsed such care and curtesie: that she sought not the fauour of the soldier against the stranger. That there was nothing left for the Emperors to do, if a woman tooke once vpon hir to visit the bands, go to the ensignes; and seeke meanes to corrupt the soldier? As though it had beene but a small point of ambition, to carrie her sonne about the campe in the attire of a common soldier, and call him Caesar Caligula. That Agrip­pina was now of greater credite with the armie, than the Lieutenants and Cap­taines; and that a woman had suppressed a sedition, which Caesars name and power could not do. All this was aggrauated by Seianus, well acquainted with Tiberius humour; and who had long before sowen seedes of hatred: which for the time he smoothered, bicause they should burst out the greater in the end. But Germanicus gaue P. Vitellius charge of the second & fowerteenth legion, which he had brought by sea, to conduct by land: to the ende the shippes might in the lowe water saile more easilie, or in the ebbing lie a ground more lightly. Vitellius had a quiet begin­ning of his iourney, a drie shore, and small flote: but by and by through a gale of northren winde, the aequinoxe falling out the same time, and the sea swelling ex­traordinarily; his armie was tossed hither and thither: the face of the earth was co­uered with waters, the sea, the shore, the fields, were all but one. The vncertaine sands coulde not be discerned from firme lande: nor the shelues from the deepe seas: their horses and cariages were drawen vnder water, and swallowed in the gulfes: dead bodies flotted and met one another: the soldiers disorderly mingled, now breast, now chin high in water; and sometimes loosing footing, either drowned or scattered. Encouragments tooke no place: & being thus tossed with waues, the valiant man was not distinguished from the coward: the wise not knowen from the foole; nor no difference betwixt counsell and chance; but all wrapped vp in like vio­lence. In the end Vitellius hauing gotten the higher ground, brought the rest of his companie thither, where they passed all that night without vtensiles, or fire: the greatest part either naked, or moiled, in no lesse miserable a taking, then the besiged by the enimie: for the end of those is glorious, and the death of these without ho­nour. The day shewed them land, and they passed to the riuer Visurgis, where Cae­sar was arriued with the whole fleet: into which he receiued the legions, repor­ted [Page 29] to haue beene drowned, and neuer beleeued to be aliue, vntill they sawe Caesar and the armie returned. Now Stertinius sent before to receiue Segestes brother Segimerus, who had yeelded himselfe; brought him and his sonne to Colen; and both pardoned; though Segimerus easlier then his sonne: because it was layd to his charge, that he had skoffed at Quinctilius Varus body. But to supplie these los­ses which the armie had sustained; Gallia, Spaine, and Italie, stroue who should furnish most; offering armour, horses, gold, and such things as they had most in a readinesse. Germanicus commending their loue and affection, accepted only their armour and horses, and furnished the rest with his owne charges. And to com­fort and mitigate the remembrance of their ouerthrow, with some courteous vsage; he went about to visite the wounded: praising in particular euery ones va­liantnes, and looking on their wounds; fed one with hope, and an other with praise: woon all by good words, and care, and made them constant to himselfe, and reso­lute to fight. The same yeare by decree of Senate, the markes of triumph were or­dained for A. Caecina, L. Apronius, C. Silius, for their noble exploites atchieued vnder Germanicus. And Tiberius refused the Title, of father of his countrey, which the people had often cast vpon him. Nor would not suffer any to sweare, to the obser­uation of his ordinances, although the Senate were thereto consenting: affirming, that all mortall things were mutable and vncertaine; and the higher he should clime, the slipperer his estate should be. Notwithstanding all this, they could not be perswaded that he meant well to the citizens; because he had put on foote a­gaine the law of treason, knowen to the ancients by the same name. But by vertue of that law other things were brought into question: as if any had betrayed the armie; stirred the people to sedition: badly managed the affaires of the common-wealth: impaired and weakened the maiestie of the people of Rome. But then deedes only were punished, words went scotfree. Augustus was the first, who vnder colour of this law, comprehended the examination of infamous libels: moued thereto by the insolent behauiour of Cassius Seuerus, who had defamed honorable persons, both men and women, with scandalous writings. Tiberius also, when Pom­peius Macro the Pretor asked whether iudgement should be giuen, touching the said crime, made answere; that the lawes were to be obserued. Tiberius was the more exasperated, through certaine verses cast abroad by an vncertaine author, against his crueltie, pride, and disagreeing with his mother. It shall not be amisse, if I rehearse, with what pretended crimes, Falanius and Rubrius, both meane Gentlemen of Rome were charged: to make it knowne by what beginnings, what sleights of Tiberius, an vtter ruine of the common-wealth was intended, then sup­pressed; afterward reuiued againe, and in the end, ouermastered all. Falanius accu­ser obiected against him, that amongst other worshippers of Augustus (for such fellowships there were almost in euery house as it had beene Colleges) he had re­ceiued one Cassius a stage-player, and infamous of his bodie: and that with his gardens he had sould Augustus image. Rubrius was accused to haue violated an oath made in Augustus name. When these things were brought to Tiberius notice, he answered: That his father had not a place assigned him in heauen by decree of Senate, because that honor should be conuerted to the ouerthrow of the citizens. That Cassius the stage-player, was wont to be admitted with others of the same trade, to the playes which his mother had consecrated to Augustus memorie. That there was nothing done against religion, if his image was sould, as the coun­terfets of other gods were, in the sale of their gardens and houses. And as for Ru­brius oath, it was to be held in the same accompt, as if he had deceiued Iupiter him­selfe: [Page 30] and that the iniuries done vnto the gods, ought to be referred to the care of the gods.

XVI. An accusation against Granius Marcellus, Orders against suing for dignities.

NOt long after, Granius Marcellus Pretor of Bithynia, was accused of treason by Caepio Crispinus his Quaestor: Romanus Hispo subscribed thereto: who en­tered into a course of life, which the calamities of times, and mens boldnes made famous. For being needie, obscure, and a busie companion, by secret informa­tion he so crept into the cruell humor of the Prince, that he was able in short time to endanger the estate of the best in the citie: thereby getting credit and authoritie with one, and hatred of many. He gaue an example, which many following, of beg­gers became rich, of base and contemptible persons, feared; procuring destruction to others, and in the end to themselues. He accused Marcellus to haue vttered bad speeches against Tiberius: which was an accusation ineuitable; because that ha­uing chosen out the greatest blemishes of Tiberius life and manners, because they were true; were beleeued. Hispo added, that Marcellus image was placed higher then those of the Caesars; and that the head of another of Augustus being cut off, Tiberius image was put vpon it: which so incensed him, that breaking silence, he cried out that he would himselfe, and that sworne, giue open sentence in that cause: to the end the rest should be inforced to do as he had done; for as yet there were some marks of dying libertie left in the Senate. Then said C. Piso. What place wilt thou take Caesar to deliuer thy censure? If thou wilt speake first, I shall haue a president to follow: if last, I feare I shall swarue from thee vncircumspectly. Aba­shed with this, the hotter vnaduisedly he had growne, the more repenting; he suffered the arraigned of treason to be quit. As concerning the extorsions, the cause was put ouer to the delegates. And not contented with the iudgements of the Senators, he assisted in the hearing of causes himselfe, and sate in the end of the Tribunal, least he should put the Pretor out of his chaire. Many orders were giuen in his presence against canuasing for offices, and noblemens suites: but whilest he laboured for iustice, libertie went to wracke. Whilest these things were adoing, Pius Aurelius a Senator, complained that his house was decayed and growne to ruine, by the raysing vp of a publick way, and conueyance of water: and craued aide of the Lords of the Senate in that behalfe. And where the Treasurers opposed themselues against it, he was relieued by Caesar, who payed him the value of his house: desirous to employ his money in honest actions: which vertue he long re­tained after he had shaken off al others. He bestowed About 7. thou­sand eight hun­dred and twelue pounds ten shillings. ten hundred thousand sester­ties vpō Propertius Celer, once Pretor, and now crauing licence to giue vp his roome, by reason of the pouertie his father left him in; and commanded others which made the same sute, to make it knowen to the Senate, that their petition was true: desirons to be accounted seuere in things well done: which caused others rather to indure their pouertie with silence, then by acknowledging it, receiue a benefit at his hands. The same yeere, through continuall raines the riuer Tibris rose so high, that it co­uered all the flat places of the citie; and in falling, there insued a great ruine of men and buildings. Whereupon a remedie being consulted of in Senate, Asinius Gallus was of opinion, that the bookes of the Sybils should be searched: which Tiberius hindered; as one who would hide from them, as well things diuine as humane. But he committed that charge vnto Ateius Capito, and L. Arruntius. Achaia and Mace­donia [Page 31] complaining of their heauie taxations: it was agreed in Senate, that they should no longer be gouerned by a proconsull, but by Caesar. Drusus being made ouerseer of a play of fencers, set foorth in his owne and his brother Germanicus name; because he seemed to take ouer great pleasure in shedding of blood; stroake a feare into the peoples minds, and as it is reported, was disliked of his father. Why Tiberius forbare to see this spectacle, it was diuersly construed: some thought be­cause he loathed to be in great assemblies: some because he was of a melancholy sad disposition: and also misdoubting least some should fall into comparison, betwixt him and Augustus, who was woont to be present at such plaies with courteous and milde cariage. I cannot thinke that his meaning was, to giue his sonne occasion to shew his crueltie, and mooue the people to offence; although some haue so repor­ted. The licentiousnes begun in the Theator the last yeere, grew now to a farther outrage: many not onely of the common people slaine; but soldiers and Centuri­ons, and a Captaine of the guarde, whilest they went about to bridle the insolencie of the people, and hinder them from vsing lauishing speeches against magistrates. That sedition was debated in Senate: many being of opinion that it it was conue­nient, that the Pretor should haue authoritie to whip the stage-plaiers. But Hate­rius Agrippa Tribune of the people contradicted him: whom Asinius Gallus re­buked in an oration: Tiberius holding his peace; suffering the Senate to vse that shadow of libertie. Yet Haterius preuailed, bicause Augustus had once declared the stage-plaiers to be free from stripes: and therefore not lawfull for Tiberius to infringe it. Many orders were layd downe touching the moderation and charges bestowed vpon plaies: and against the insolent behauiour of their fauourers; wher­of the chiefest are these. That no Senator should enter into a plaiers house: that the gentlemen of Rome should not accompanie them in publike places: that it was not lawfull to see their plaies but on the Theater. And that the Pretor should haue authoritie to banish such lookers on, as behaued themselues disorderly. The Spaniards had licence graunted them, at their request, to erect a Temple in honour of Augustus, in the free towne of Tarracon; which was a president for all the other prouinces to follow. The people making supplication, that they might be vnburde­ned of the imposition of one in the hundred of all things bought and sold, which began after the wars were begun: Tiberius answered by an edict that it was the one­ly stay of souldiers wages: and that the state would be ouercharged if the olde soldiers should not be dismissed after twentie yeeres seruice: and by this meanes, the order wrunge out to appease the soldiers, that the soldiers shoulde be dismissed af­ter sixteene yeeres seruice, was abrogated. After this it was propounded in Senate by Arruntius and Ateius, whether for the repressing of the inundations of Tiber, it were conuenient to diuert the course of the riuers and lakes, which were cause of his rising. Vpon this occasion, the ambassadors of other free townes and colonies were heard: and especially the deputies from the citie of Florence; requesting that Clanis might not be turned out of his owne chanell into Arne, as a matter greatly to their hurt. The like speech the Interamnates vsed, shewing that the fertilest tract of Italie should be lost, if (as it was intended) the riuer Nar should be cut into manie branches; and so all become a standing poole, if the new chanels were not capable of so much water. The Reatins did not in this case hold their peace: no way yeelding that the mouth of the lake Velinus should be dammed vp, where it discargeth it self into Nar: for so it would ouerflow al about it. And that nature had wel prouided for the necessitie of mans vse: hauing giuen all riuers, their course and mouth, and as well their bounds, as beginnings. That the religion of their allies was to be consi­dered, [Page 32] who consecrated vnto the riuers of their countrey, woods and altars. Yea that Tiber would not be depriued of his neighbour-riuers, and so run his course with lesser glory. In the end either through the intreatie of the Colonies, or difficul­tie of the worke, or superstition, Pisoes opinion was approued, which was, that there should be nothing changed. Poppaeus Sabinus was continued in the gouernment of Maesia, and Achaia and Macedonia added to his charge. For it was Tiberius man­ner, to continue men in their office and charge, either of warre, or iurisdiction, sometimes during their life; whereof there were diuers reasons giuen. Some said he did it, to auoid the tedious care of often prouiding; and that he would haue that to continue which he had thought once well done: some did interpret it to be done of enuie, because many should not enioy them: some, that as he was of a sub­tile wit, so of no resolute iudgement; as not choosing men of excellent vertue: and on the other side, hating vices. He feared least the best would attempt some­what against him, and the worst dishonor the state. Which doubtfulnes brought him to that passe at last, that he gaue the gouernment of prouinces to some, which he would not suffer to depart the citie. Concerning the election of Consuls, which was first obserued vnder this Prince, and afterward by others, I dare assure nothing: not only the authors, but the Prince himselfe doth so much differ in his orations. For sometimes not naming the suters, he described euery mans beginning, life, and what pay he had receiued; that a man might easily gesse who they were. At ano­ther time, not touching any of those particulars, he perswaded the suters, not to disturbe the elections, by bribing and canuasing: promising that himselfe would be a meane for them. And oftentimes he sayd, there were no more which pretended to be suters, but such only, whose names he had presented vnto the Consuls: and that others might bring in their names likewise, if they would trust either to their merit or fauor. But all was but faire words, and in deede deceiptfull and without ef­fect: and by how much the more they were masked with a colour of libertie, by so much the heauier and greeuouser a seruitude they were like to bring after them.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. The cause of the Parthian warres. Vonones driuen out of his kingdome.

SIsenna Statilius Taurus, and L. Libo being Consuls, the king­dome of the East, and the Romane prouinces rebelled: the beginning thereof proceeding from the Parthians; who ha­uing demaunded and receiued a King from Rome, yet con­temned him as a forrener, although he were descended of the Arsacides. Vonones was this King, who had beene before giuen in hostage to Augustus, by Phrahates. For although Phrahates had repulsed the armie and the Romane captaines, yet he shewed all duties and reuerence to Augustus. And the better to confirme friend­ship, sent some of his children to him: not so much for feare of vs, as distrust of disloyaltie in his owne subiects. After the death of Phrahates, and other suc­ceeding Kings, through murthers committed among themselues: Embassa­dors came to the citie, from the chiefe noble men of Parthia, to demaunde Vonones the eldest sonne of Phrahates. Caesar thinking that to be an honor to himselfe, enduing him with great riches deliuered him: and the barbarians, as their maner is at the change of a new Prince, receiued him with great ioy. Not long after the Parthian grew to be ashamed, that he had so much degenerated, as to demaund a Prince from another countrey; trained vp in the sleights of their eni­mies. That now the royall seate of the Arsacides was giuen and accounted among the Romane prouinces. Where is the glorie of those which murdered Crassus, and chased away Antonie; if Caesars bond slaue after so many yeeres seruitude should commaund and rule ouer the Parthians? He himselfe kindled their difdainefull minds, by swaruing from his predecessors manner of life; as going seldome a hun­ting; being carelesse of horses; carried in a charriot in the streetes; and loathing their countrey fare: his Grecian followers were scorned, and himselfe laughed at, for keeping vnder his seale his basest vtensiles. But the free accesse vnto him, his courtesie towards all men; vnknowen vertues to the Parthians; were accounted new vices: and bicause they were not vsed of their ancestors, were odious alike to the good and bad. Whereupon Artabanus, one of the Arsacides blood, brought vp with the Dahes, was raised against him: who in the first encoun­ter ouerthrowen, recouered newe forces, and enioyed the kingdome. When Vonones was ouercome hee fled to Armenia, then without a King; and be­twixt the Parthian and the Romane wealth wauering, through Antonies trecherie: who hauing vnder colour of friendship tolled vnto him their King Artauasdes, loa­ded him with chaines, and in the end depriued him of his life. Artaxias his sonne, hating vs for the iniurie done to his father, with the power of the Arsacides, defen­ded himselfe and the kingdome against vs. But when Artaxias was slaine by the treason of his neerest friends, Tigranes was made King of the Armenians, and brought by Tiberius Nero into the kingdom. Yet Tigranes raigne dured but a short time, nor his childrens: although they were, as the maner of strangers is, linked in marriage with the Armenians. Then by commaundement of Augustus, Artauasdes [Page 34] was appointed their King, and afterward driuen out: not without a great slaughter of our men. After that Caesar was chosen to settle the affaires of Armenia; who with the good liking of the Armenians, appointed Ariobarzanes, descended from the Medes, to be their King: a man greatly reckoned of for the comelines of his personage, and valiant courage. Ariobarzanes dying by misfortune, the Armeni­ans would endure none of his race: but tried the regiment of a woman called Era­tus, whom they expulsed in a short time: and lead an vncertaine and loose kinde of life, rather without a Lord, then in libertie: and in the ende receiued the fugitiue Vonones againe. But when Artabanus began to vse threatning; and that small aide was to be expected of the Armenians: and yet if he should be defended by our for­ces; it were to enter into war against the Parthians: Creticus Silanus gouernour of Syria sent for Vonones: and appointed him a guarde: and suffered him to inioy all pompe and sumptuousnes, and name of a King: from which mockerie how he pur­posed to deliuer himselfe, we will set downe in his place.

II. Germanicus maketh war in Germanie.

BVt it displeased Tiberius nothing at all, that the East parts were in an vprore; bicause that vnder that pretext he might draw Germanicus from his accusto­med legions, and by giuing him charge ouer new prouinces, expose him to trecherie and hazard. But he, by how much the more affectionate the souldiers were towards him, and his vnkle backward; by so much the more earnest he was to ha­sten the victory; and laide all the plots he could to giue the enimie battell: Dis­coursing with himselfe, what fortunate or vnfortunate successes had happened vnto him those three yeeres past, which he had spent in war amongst them: that the Germans in a pitched field and indifferent places would easily be vanquished: that they tooke aduantage of woods, bogs, short sommers, and timely winters: that his souldiers receiued not so great hurt by wounds, as by long iourneies and waight of their armor: that Gallia was wearied with furnishing horses: the long traine of ca­riage was subiect to ambushes; and not easily defended. But if he should take sea, the possession was open for him, and vnknowen to the enimie. Withall, that so the war might be sooner begun: the legions and victuals brought togither: the horses and horsemen conueied by channels and mouthes of riuers into the hart of Ger­manie. Hauing thus resolued, he sent P. Vitellius, and Scantius to leuie the subsidies of Gallia: Silius Anteius, & Caecina had charge of all preparation by sea. A thousand ships were thought to suffice: which were made ready with speed. Some were short, and narrow at the fore & hinder part, & broad in the middle, as stronger against the waues. Some were flat bottommed, to land without danger. Many had rudders at both ends, that the rowers altering their stroke on a sudden; might driue to land at either end. Many of them had bridges ouer, to carrie both their engins, horses, and prouision: swift of saile, and nimble with oares; in shew gallant and fearefull to the enimie, by reason of the soldiers cheerfulnes. The place appointed to meete at, was the Iland of the Batauians, as a place of easie arriuall; and fit to receine the armie: and frō thence to transport them to the place of battell. For the riuer of Rhene kee­ping one chanell, or else enuironing but fewe Ilands, at the entering of Batauia, is diuided into two riuers, and keepeth his name and swiftnes through Germanie vntill he fall into the Ocean. But by the coast of Gallia it waxeth broader, and run­neth not so swiftly: and changing his name, the inhabitants call it Vahales: which name, it afterward changeth againe into Mosa: so continuing vntill it fall into the [Page 35] same Ocean, with a great bredth. Whilest the ships were a putting from shoare: Caesar commandeth the Lieutenant Silius, with a bande of men lightly appointed, suddenly to inuade the Chatti. And himselfe vnderstanding that the fort of Lup­pia vpon the riuers side, was besieged, conducteth thither sixe legions. Silius by reason of sudden raines, did little else then bring away, some small bootie, and the wife and daughter of Arpas, prince of the Chatti. Neither did those which had besieged the forte, staie to fight; but slipt away, when Caesars comming was noised. Yet they had throwne downe the tumbe, lately built in honor of Varus legions, and the old altar erected for Drusus. The altar, the Prince reedified; and in memorie of his father, he and the legions ran a horse race; but thought it not conuenient to set vp the tumb againe: but fortified all passages betwixt the fort, Aliso, and Rhene, with new mounds and bulwarks. By this time the Fleete was come: and hauing sent before all prouision, and assigned the legions and confederates their shipping; him­selfe entered the ditch, called the Drusian ditch, where he made a prayer to Drusus his father, that hauing vndertaken the same enterprise, that he had done; he would willingly and benignly further him, with the example and memorie of his counsels and exploites. From thence he sailed prosperously, by the lakes and Ocean, vntill he came to the riuer Amisia, where the nauie was left, leauing the riuer on the left side of it. Wherein there was an ouersight, that they brought the shipping no higher, the souldiers being afterward constrained to land on the right side: whereby many dayes were spent in making of bridges to passe them ouer. The horsemen and le­gions passed the first arme of the sea, the waters being yet but small, without feare: but the auxiliary souldiers which followed, and Batauians, whilest they sported themselues, and shewed their skill in swimming, were some hindered and troubled, and some drowned.

III. Arminius dehorteth his brother Flauius from the Romans seruice.

AS Caesar was planting his camp, word was brought, that the Angriuarians were reuolted behinde him. And Stertinius was incontinently dispatched away with a companie of light horsemen, which reuenged their treason with fire and sword. Betwixt the Romaines and the Cheruscians ran the riuer Visurgis, and on the banke side was Arminius, with the rest of the nobilitie: who inquiring whether Caesar were come; and answere giuen him that he was: intreated that he might haue licence to speake with his brother Flauius, who was in the camp: faith­full and trustie to the Romaines: and who not many yeares before, had lost one of his eyes, vnder Tiberius. His request was graunted him: and as Flauius came neere, Arminius saluted him. And causing his followers to withdraw themselues, reque­sted that our archers which were placed in order on the banke side, should stand farther off; who being gone away, he asked his brother how he came to that ble­mish in his face. He named both the place and the battell. He asked him further, what rewards he had receiued? Flauius telleth him that his pay was augmented, sheweth his chaine, his crowne, and other military gifts: which Arminius skorned as base rewards of seruitude. After that, they grew to farther communication, the one extolling the greatnes of the Romans: Caesars wealth: the grieuous punish­ments inflicted on the conquered: and the clemencie vsed to such as yeelded: that neither his wife nor sonne were intreated as enemies. Arminius alleaged the dutie of his countrey: their auncient libertie: the gods of the inward parts of Germanie: [Page 36] that his mother and himselfe besought him; that he would not rather choose to be a traitor and forsaker of his countrey, then a captaine of his kindred, allies and nation. Growing from thence by little and little to hard words, although the riuer was betwixt them, they had coped; if Stertinius had not run in, and held backe Flauius, full of anger, calling for his armour and horse. Arminius was heard to threaten on the other side, and denounce battell: intermingling some latine words: for once he commaunded his countriemen; and receiued pay in the Romaine campes. The next day, the German armie presented it selfe in battell aray beyond Visurgis. Germanicus not thinking it the part of a commaunder, to hazard the le­gions, not hauing first made bridges, and appointed gards to defend them, passed ouer the horsemen at the foord. Stertinius and Aemilius, sometime captaine of the principall ensigne, were the leaders: who seperated themselues farre one from the other, to deuide the enemies forces. Carioualda, Captaine of the Batauians, where the riuer was swiftest sallied out: the Cherusci making as though they fled, tolled them to a plaine, enuironed with woods: and there turning againe, and spreading abroad, droue back those which made head; hotly pursued those which shrunke: then being gathered round in a ring, ouerthrew them; some neere, some farre off. Carioualda hauing long sustained the brunt of the enemie; exhorted his soul­diers closely together, to breake into the enemie troupes: himselfe venturing a­mongst the thickest, was beaten downe with darts; and his horse killed vnder him, and many noble men about him. The rest either through their owne valour, or aide of the horsemen, with Stertinius and Aemilius, escaped danger. When Caesar had passed the riuer Visurgis, he vnderstoode by a fugitiue from the enemie campe, what place Arminius had chosen to giue battell: and that other nations were assembled in a wood consecrated to Hercules, with intention to assaile the camp by night. The runnagate was beleeued: lights were seene: and the espiales getting nee­rer, reported they heard a great confuse noise of men and horses. Being therefore at a iumpe to hazard all, thinking it conuenient to founde the souldiers minde, he be­thought himselfe what was the fittest expedient to trie the truth. The Tribunes and Centurions brought him oftener, pleasing then true newes: the freed men were of a seruile disposition: in friends therewas flatterie: if he should call an assembly, that which a few should begin, the rest would applaude. That their minds would be best knowen, when they were by themselues; not ouerlooked: in eating and drinking they would vtter their feare or hope. As soone as it was night, going out at the Au­gural gate, accompanied with one alone, in secret and vnknowen places to the watch: casting a sauage beasts skin on his backe, he went from one place to another: stoode listning at the tents: and ioyeth in the praise of himselfe: some extolling the nobilitie of their Captaine; others his comely personage: many his patience, and courtesie: that in sports and serious matters, he was still one man: confessing there­fore that they thought it their parts, to make him some requitall in this battell, and sacrifice the traitors and peace-breakers to reuenge and glory.

IIII. Arminius and the Germans ouerthrow.

AMidst these things, one of the enimie campe, skilfull in the Latine toong: ri­ding close to the trench: promiseth a lowd in Arminius name, wiues, and lands, & a hundred About fifteene shillings seuen pence. sesterces a day, as long as the war cōtinued, if any would flee from the Romans, and come to his side. That brauado did greatly exasperate the legious: wishing among themselues: O that the day were come, that we might [Page 37] once come to ioine battell with them: saying, that they would take possession of the Germans lands, and bring away their wiues by force. They accepted of their words as a presage, and vowed they would haue their wiues and money for a bootie. A­bout the third watch the enimie assailed the campe, but threw no dart: bicause he perceiued many in a readines to defend their fortes: and no man remisse in his charge. The same night Germanicus in a pleasant dreame, thought he had beene offering of sacrifice, and that his pretext or robes of his infancie, had beene sprin­kled with holy blood, and that he receiued another at the hands of Augusta his grandmother. Emboldned with that dreame, and the Augures foretelling lucky suc­cesse, concurring with it: he called the soldiers to an assembly: and declared vnto them what things by wisedome he had foreseene: and what he thought expedient for the imminent danger of the battell. That not onely the open fields were com­modious for the Romans to fight in, but the woods also and forests; if they procee­ded by discretion. Neither were the barbarous huge targets, and long pikes so handsome, among trees and low shrubs; as darts and swords; and armour close to the bodie. They should therefore lay on thicke load; and strike at their faces with their swords. That the Germans had neither coat of fence nor helmet: and their bucklers were not ribbed with iron, or sinewes, but with osiars, or painted thinne boord. Their first rancke was in some sort appointed with pikes: but the rest had but short weapons burnt at the point. And although they were grim in counte­nance, and of some courage for a short fit: yet being once wounded they would flee and be gone without shame of discredit, or care of their Captaine: in aduersitie faint harted and timorous: but in prosperitie, vnmindfull both of diuine and humane lawes. If they desired an end of their wearisome iournies, and sea; in this battell they might ease themselues. Albis was now neerer then Rhene: Neither was there any further warre to be made, if in that place treading the steps of his father, & vncle, they would make him Conqueror. The heat of the soldier being inflamed with this speech of the Captaine, the signe of battel was giuen. Neither did Arminius nor the rest of the Germā nobility omit to incourage theirs on the other side, saying: These are the Romans which fled from Varus campe: who for fear of ioining battel, had rai­sed a rebelliō. Wherofsom their backs loadē with wounds; & others their sides tired & brokē with waues & tempests of sea; once more offered themselus to the enimy ful of ire, without hope of good; the gods being against them. They tooke sea, and chose out the bie-waies of the Ocean, least they should haue beene encountered as they came, or pursued, after they were repulsed. But when they shall come to handi­strokes, they shall find small refuge in the winde and oares. That now they should call to minde their coueteousnes, crueltie, and pride: was there any thing els to be done, then to maintaine their libertie; or die rather then be brought to seruitude? Thus encouraged, and demaunding battell, they were brought into a place called Idistauisum, betwixt Visurgis and the hils: not of one breadth, but now wide, now straight, as the riuer or iutting out of the hils did suffer. Behinde them was a wood of high trees: and betweene those trees a plaine and eeuen ground, which the Bar­barians had possessed with the entrance of the wood: the Cherusci put them­selues on the tops of the hils, to fall furiously vpon the Romans in the heat of the fight. The order of our battell was this. The aides of Gallia, and the Germans were placed in the front: followed with the foote archers: after them fower legions; and Caesar himselfe with two Pretorian cohorts: and a choise troupe of horsmen. After them so many legions more, with light horsemen, & bow men on horseback: and the rest of the confederates: all of them, most carefull to keepe their order and [Page 38] aray. Germanicus perceiuing the Cheruscians troupes to come fiercely toward thē; commanded the ablest horsmē, to charge him on the flanke, and Stertinius with the other squadrons of horsmē, to enuiron him, and set on him behind: promising to be himselfe at hand if neede required. In the meane season, eight Eagles (a very luckie signe) were seene to flee towards the entrance of the wood. Which the Emperour perceiuing; cried that they should march on, & follow the Roman birds; the peculi­ar gods of the legions. Wherupon the footmen brake in, & the horsmen sent before charged them on the flanke and on the backe. And which is strange to report, two companies of the enemie tooke a contrary flight: those which kept the wood, ran to the plaine: and those which held the plaine, hastened to the wood. The Cherusci being betweene both, were thrust downe from the hils: amongst whom with great valour, Arminius maintained the battell, with his hands, voice, and wounds. All his might he bent against the archers, to haue burst out that way, if the cohorts of Gallia, of Raetia; and the Vindelicians, had not opposed themselues with their en­signes. Neuertheles, by strength of bodie, and courage of his horse, he escaped; hauing first died his face with bloud, least he should be knowne. Some report that he was knowne to the Cherusci, which were among the auxiliarie bands of the Ro­mans, and let passe by them. The same either valour or guile, gaue Inguiomerus meanes to escape; the rest were slaine on euery side. And most of them endeuoring to swim ouer Visurgis, were either with the darts throwne after them, or force of the riuer, or waight of such as lept after, or with the banks which fell, killed or ouer­whelmed. Some cowardly fleeing away, sought to clamber the tops of trees, and there hiding themselues in the boughes, were shot through by the archers in a mockerie: and others brused by the ouerturning of the trees. The victory was great, and vnto vs not bloudie. From fiue of the clock, vntill night, the enemies were slaine, which filled ten miles of ground with dead carcasses, and armour. Some chaines were found among their spoiles; brought to emprison the Romans: as not doubting a prosperous successe. The souldiers saluted Tiberius by the name of Em­perour, in the same place where the battell was fought: and erected a mount of earth, as a token of victory: and put on it the armour of the enemie: and vn­derneath the names of the nations which they had conquered.

V. A second battellvvoon by the Romans against the Germans.

THe wounds which the Germans receiued, and their ouerthrow, did not so much fret and greeue them as this spectacle: in so much that those which were on the point to abandon their dwellings, and make preparation to passe the riuer Albis; catche vp their weapons, and demaund battell. The common sort, the chiefe Gentlemen, yong and old, assaile and endanger the Romans. At last they chose a place; enuironed with woods and a riuer, which had a narrow waterish plaine within it. The woods were enuironed likewise with a deepe marsh: sauing on one side, where the Angriuarians had raised vp a broad causey, by which their ter­ritories were separated from the Cherusci. The footemen stayed there: the horse­men hid themselues in the woods adioyning: that when the legions should enter the wood, they might charge them on the back. Caesar was informed of all their plots: he knew their deseignments, their places, their open and secret deuises, and turned the enemies fraud to his owne destruction. The charge of the horsemen and the plaine he committed to Seius Tubero Lieutenant: part of the footemen marched [Page 39] in order of battell to the wood: and part went about to win the causey: the hardest he vndertooke himselfe; and the rest he committed to the Lieutenants. They vnto whom the plaine fell, did easily enter it: but those which were to assault the causey were sore gaulded, & put backe, with blowes from aboue as if they had scaled a wall. The Captaine perceiuing that the enemy had the aduantage by fighting so neere, caused the legions to retire a little: and commaunded the sling-casters and stone­casters to let freely at them, and driue them from their fence. Many darts and speares were shot out of engins; and the more the enemies were in sight, the more wounds they receiued. The causey being taken, Caesar himselfe with his gard, cou­ragiously entered the woods, and fought with the enemy hand to hand: who had behinde him a marsh; and the Romans a riuer or mountaines: the place brought a necessitie of fighting to both partes: their hope consisted in their manhoode: and their safetie in the victory. The Germans were no lesse couragious: but they were ouercome by the aduantage of weapons, and manner of fight. For being a great multitude, and the place narrow, they could neither thrust out, nor draw back those long pikes; nor vse any nimblenes of body in running in, and stepping back: but were forced to fight, and not mooue a foote. Contrarily the Roman souldier, his shield close to his breast: his sword in his hand: gored the wide sided, and open faced barbarian: and by their slaughter opened a way through them. Arminius being now courageles, by reason of continuall danger, or fresh bleeding wound lately receiued: but Inguiomerus flue vp and downe the army, wanted rather fortune then courage. And Germanicus to be the better knowne, vnlaced his helmet, and be­sought them to continue the slaughter: captiues there was no neede of: only the generall butchery of the nation, would make an end of the warre. And in the eue­ning he draweth out one legion from the army; to make ready the camps: the rest filled themselues vntill night with the bloud of the enemie. And for the horsemen, it is hard to gesse which had the better. Then Caesar hauing praised the valour of the conquerors in an assembly, made a great heape of armour with this prowd title. The people betwixt Rhene and Albis being vanquished, Tiberius Caesars army doth dedicate those monuments to Mars, Iupiter, and Augustus. Of himselfe he added no word, for feare of enuie: or because the memory of the fact was sufficient testi­monie for him. Immediately after he commaunded Stertinius to make warre against the Angriuarians, vnlesse they would presently yeeld: who humbly intreating and yeelding to all that was demaunded, receiued generall pardon. But the sommer being now far spent, some of the legions were sent back to the standing camps; and Germanicus embarking many, conueyed them to the Ocean, by the riuer Amisia. At the first they had a quiet & calme sea: no noise heard, but the noise of the oares of a thousand vessels; which somtimes likewise were driuen with sailes: by and by haile powring downe out of blacke and thicke clouds; and sundry stormes and tempests, arising from all parts; and vncertaine raging surges depriued them of all foresight, and skill in gouerning their shipping. And the souldier fearfull and vnacquainted with the dangerous aduentures of sea, whilest he troubleth the mariners, or vnseaso­nably goeth about to helpe; hindered the office of the more skilfull. In the ende, the heauen, and all the sea gaue place to the southwind: which more and more pre­uailing, through the mountaines of Germanie, deepe riuers, and huge clouds; and growing more violent and boisterous through the cold of the North, neer which it is: tossed and scattered the shipping into the wilde Ocean, or rockie Ilands, or dan­gerous and vnknowen quicksands. Which being a little, but with much a doe escaped, by the changing of the sea, they went whither the wind droue them. They [Page 40] could neither cast anchor; nor pumpe out the water which came in on them. Horses of seruice and cariage; bag and baggage; yea their armour, they threw into the sea; that the ships might be lightened, which leaked at the sides; the billowes swelling more and more. By how much the Ocean is more violent, then any other sea; and Germany exceedeth other countries in roughnes and sharpnes of aire: by so much that misfortune exceeded others, in strangenes and greatnes: happening at the shores of the enimies land, or in so deepe and wide a sea; that it hath beene belee­ued to be the last, and beyond which there is no land. Some of their ships were drow­ned; many cast vpon Ilands far off: the souldiers, the countrey being vnhabited, pe­rished by famine: vnlesse it were such as releeued themselues with the horses as were cast a land. Germanicus gallie onely arriued at the Chauceans countrey: who seeing himselfe all those daies and nights vpon rocks, and points; crying that he onely was guiltie of the casting away of so many persons: could hardly be kept and staied by his friends, from casting himselfe into the same sea. At length the sea growing lower, and the wind more fauourable; the lame and vntackled shippes, with a fewe oares, or their garments spread in stead of sailes, or drawen at the taile of stronger, returned. Which Germanicus mending in haste, sent to search the Ilands: by which care many of the soldiers were gathered togither and recouered. The Angriuarians lately receiued into protection, deliuered some, which they had redeemed, of such as dwelt further in the land: some were cast into Britany, and sent backe by the petie Kings. As euerie man returned from far countries; he reported strange woonders; tempestuous stormes; birdes neuer before heard of; sea-monsters; doubtfull shapes, whether of men or beasts: which they had either seene, or imagined through feare.

VI. Germanicus being returned, wasteth the countrey of the Chatti: and recouereth an ensigne, lost with Varus.

BVt the fame of the nauie lost; as it did put the Germans in a hope, of beginning a new warre: so did it giue Germanicus stomack to curbe them. Wherupon he comanded C. Silius to goe against the Chatti, with thirtie thousand footemen, and three thousand horsmen: and himselfe inuaded the Marsi with stronger forces. Their Captaine called Malouendus; who not long before had yeelded himselfe, gaue notice how, that not far off, an ensigne of Varus legion was buried, and kept but with a slender guarde. A band of men was sent thither out of hand: with direction, that some should toll them out, and assaile them in the front; and others by inui­roning them behind, to open the earth and take out the ensigne: fortune shewing hir-selfe fauourable to both the companies. This made Caesar more forward, and ente­reth further into the land: wasteth, forrageth, rifleth the countrey; the enimie not daring to encounter him: or if at any time he did resist; he was straight driuen back: neuer (as they vnderstood by certaine captiues) fearing more in their liues. For they gaue out, that the Romans were inuincible, and not to be daunted with any misfor­tune; seeing that hauing lost their nauie, and armor; and after that the shores were couered, with the carcasses of their men and horses; they inuaded them a fresh, with the same courage, and like fiercnes: yea as if they had increased their number. From thence the souldiers were brought backe to their winter standing camps: glad that they had recompensed their misfortune by sea, with so prosperous a victorie. Caesar vsed great largesse, recompensing euerie man, to the value of the losse he had [Page 41] sustained. Little doubt, but the enimie grew faint harted, and began to consult, how he might intreat a peace: and that if the next sommer the wars should haue beene continued, there would be an ende of all. But Germanicus was sollicited by often letters from Tiberius, to returne and receiue the triumphe which was or­dained for him: that he had passed through many chaunces and accidents: that he had had prosperous successe in many battels: that he should remēber what grieuous and cruell losses he had sustained, not by any ouersight of the Captaine, but by the winds & waues of the sea: that he had bin sent nine times into Germanie by Augustus of famous memorie: where he had atchieued more noble exploites by counsel then force. So he had receiued the submission of the Sigambri: so the Sueuians, and the King of the Maroboduans were inforced to make peace: that the Cherusci and other rebellious nations, seeing the Romans had had a sufficient reuenge on them, might be left to war one against another. But Germanicus intreating for one yeere longer, to finish the enterprises he had begun; Tiberius assaulted his mode­stie more earnestly; offering him the consulship once more: which he should exe­cute in person. He added further, that if there were any more wars to be enterprised, he should reserue that subiect, for the glorie of his brother Drusus: who no other enimy being left, could not but by warring against the Germans, get the title of Em­peror, or win the crowne of laurell. Germanicus made no longer stay, although he knew well that those were but colours, sought through enuie, to draw him from the glorie he had alreadie purchased.

VII. Libo accused of treason, killeth himselfe.

ABout the same time Libo Drusus, one of the Scribonian familie, was accused for practizing against the state. The beginning, the order, and the end of that busines, I will set downe: because those things came then first to light, which for so many yeares had consumed and eaten the common-wealth. Firmius Cato a Senator, and one of Liboes inward friends, induced this vncircumspect yong man, and easily led to vanities, to giue credit to the Chaldeans promises, Magicians cere­monies, and interpreters of dreames: vainely and boastingly putting him in minde, that Pompey was his great grandfather; Scribonia, who had been Augustus wife, his aunt; the Caesars his cosen germans: and that his house was full of images and mo­numents of his predecessors. He incited him further to licentious riot: to take vp and borrow money, making himselfe a companion of his want on lusts and familia­rities, the better to wrap and conuince him with many euidences. When he had found witnesses sufficient, and such also of his seruants which were priuie to the whole matter, he desired he might be admitted to the speech of the Prince: and by meanes of Flaccus Vescularius, a Gentleman of Rome, and one of Tiberius famili­ars, discouered the matter, and the man. Caesar was content with the accusation, yet denied conference with Firmius the accuser: saying, that by the same messenger Flaccus, their speech might passe from one to the other. In the meane season he ho­noreth Libo with the Pretorship, inuiteth him to his table, neuer changed his coun­tenance towards him, nothing passionate in words (so skilfull he was in concealing his anger) and although he could haue preuented both his words and enterprises; yet he desired rather to know the manner of his proceedings: vntill one Iunius, solli­cited to conuince and raise infernall spirits by inchantments, vttered the matter to Fulcinius Trio, one amongst the promoters, compted quick and readie witted, and carelesse of discredit. This Trio accused immediately the partie: went to the Con­suls: [Page 42] and required that the Senators would heare the matter. The Senators were assembled, and giuen to vnderstand that they were to deliberate of an important and waightie affaire. Libo in the meane time changing his attire, went with certaine noble women from one house to an other, intreated his cosens, and craueth their good word in his extremitie: but all of them refused; some pretending one excuse, some another; fearing least they should be thought partakers of the same crime. The day come that the Senate sate; being through feare, or as some report, faining himselfe sick, weake and weary, was brought to the court gates in a chariot, leaning on his brother, and holding vp his hands, craued pardon of Tiberius; who receiued him, neuer once changing countenance. Then Caesar read the libels alowd, & their authors; so moderating himselfe, that he was not thought either to mitigate or ag­grauate any way the crimes. Besides Trio and Catus, there stepped foorth two other accusers, Fonteius Agrippa, and C. Liuius, striuing which had best right to pleade against him; vntill Liuius (because they would not yeeld the one to the other, and Libo came without any aduocate) promised that he himselfe would set downe seue­rally euery crime by him committed. Then he produced such sottish declarations, that among other things, they contained, how Libo had consulted with the Magi­cians, whether he should euer haue money enough, to be able to couer the Appian way, from Rome to Brundusium; with many such simple & friuolous matters, and more mildly to tearme them, pitifull. Yet the accuser enforced one thing more: that in one writing of Liboes owne hand, there were added certaine dangerous and vnknowne characters, to the names of the Caesars and Senators. And the partie ar­raigned denying it; it was thought good, that his bondmen which knew his hand, should be examined vpon the rack. And because that by an ancient decree of Se­nate, it was not lawfull to torture a bondman against the life of his Lord; Tiberius a subtile deuiser of new lawes, commaundeth them all to be sold to a publick Actor, that without preiudice of the decree, they might be tortured, as not being Liboes bondmen. Whereupon Libo desired that the matter might be deferred to the next day. And being at his house, intreated his neere kinsman P. Quirinius, to make the last intercession for him to the Prince: who had answere giuen him that he should intreate the Lords of the Senate. In the meane season his house was beset with a gard of souldiers, who in the entry made such a noise, that they might easily be both heard and seene. When as Libo loathing the very sight of the dainties ministred for his last comfort, began to call for some one to murder him: and taking his bond-mens right hands, and putting a sword in them; whilest they trembling with feare, and refusing to do it, ran from one place to another: ouerthrew the light on the table: in that mortall and deadly darknes, he thrust himselfe twise in the guts. At the grone when he fell, his freed men came running about him: but the souldiers seeing the murder, stoode aloofe. Notwithstanding, the accusation was prosecuted with like asseueration, and Tiberius swore, that if he had not voluntarily hastened his owne death, he would haue begged his life, although he had beene guiltie. His goods were distributed among the accusers, and Pretors roomes were extraordina­rily giuen to such as were of the Senate. Then Cotta Messallinus, gaue his opinion, that Liboes image should not be carried in the funerals of his posteritie. C. Lentulus, that none of the Scribonian familie should take vpon him the surname of Drusus. By the aduise of Pomp. Flaccus, certaine daies of generall processions were ordained. L. P. and Gallus Asinius, and Papius Mutilus, and L. Apronius, were of opinion, that gifts should be offered to Iupiter, Mars, and the goddesse of Concord; and that the Ides of Septemb. when Libo killed himselfe should be kept holy day. The dignities [Page 43] and flatteries of these men, I haue thought good to register, that it might be knowne that that was alwayes an old disease in the common-wealth.

VIII. An expulsion of Mathematicians. Areformati­on of abuses.

DEcrees of Senate were ordained, for the expulsing of Astrologers, and Ma­gicians Vide annotat. li. 1. hist. nu. 40. cap. 7. out of Italie: among whom L. Pituanius was throwen headlong from the Tarpeian rocke: and the Consuls punished P. Martius without the Esquilin gate, with the sound of trumpets, according to the auncient custome. At the next meeting of the Senate, L. Haterius once Consull, and Octauius Fronto, who had beene Pretor, spake much against the superfluous excesse of the citie. Where it was decreed, that they should not serue at their tables vessell of beaten gold, nor men weare silke aboue their degree. Fronto went further, and demaunded that there might be an order set downe touching their plate, houshould stuffe, and number of seruants: for it was yet a thing in vse; for the Senators to lay downe that for a decree, which they thought expedient for the common wealth. Gallus Asinius spake to the contrary: saieng, that with the greatnes of the Empire, priuate mens wealth was increased: which was no new matter, but of old times receiued likewise: that the wealth in Fabricius time differed from that in Scipioes; and yet all referred to the common wealth: which being but in meane estate, the citizens houses were thereafter. But now that it is growen to that magnificence; the estate of particu­lar men is bettered also. Neither is there anything too much or too little, either in plate, number of seruants, or other furniture of houshold, but in respect of the qua­litie of the owner. The reuenewes of a Senator were distinguished from a gentle­mans: not bicause they differed in nature; but as they were preferred in place, degrees, and dignities, th'one before th'other. These things are procured for the recreation of the minde, or health of bodie. Vnles peraduenture they would that the most noble, should take most cares vpon them, and hazard their persons in most dangers; and yet want those pleasures and comforts, which best serued to lenifie and make them more easie. The acknowledging of vices vnder honest termes, and the likenes of affections in the hearers mindes, caused Gallus to haue an easie assent. Tiberius added, that that was no time for reformation: & if there were any dissolutiō in maners, there should not want one to redresse it. Among these things, L. Piso re­prehending the ambition vsed in places of iudgement, corruption of iustice, crueltie of aduocates, the threats of accusers; protested he would be gon & forsake the citie, and lead his life far off in some retired and solitarie place in the countrie: and in so saying went out of the Senat house. Tiberius was mooued at this; and did what he could to pacifie him with faire words: and withall, was earnest with his neerest kins­men to stay him, either by intreatie or authoritie. Not long after the same Piso, gaue no lesse free testimonie of his griefe, by sommoning Vrgulania to appeere in iudge­ment; whom the fauour of Augusta had priuiledged aboue the course of lawes: But Vrgulania disobeying the sommonce being conueied into Caesars house, made small reckoning of Piso: yet he desisted not, although Augusta complained her credit was touched therein, and her calling embased. Tiberius thinking it a part of curtesie, so far to yeelde vnto his mothers request, as to promise he would goe to the Pretors Tribunall to defend Vrgulania: went out of the pallace, the souldiers being com­manded to follow a far off. The people which met him in the face, marked with what a setled countenance he went forward, protracting the time & the way with diuers [Page 44] discourses, vntill that (Pisoes friends labouring in vaine to disswade him from the suite) Augusta had commaunded the money which was demaunded to be brought to the Tribunall. That matter was so ended, not without some glory to Piso, and greater fame to Caesar. But Vrgulaniaes credit and authoritie was so ouer great in the citie, that she disdained to come, and giue witnes in a matter which was handled before the Lords of the Senate. And therefore the Pretor was sent to examine her in her house: when as the auncient custome was, that euen the Vestall virgins were examined as witnesses, in the common place of pleading and iudgement. I would not recite the matters propounded that yeare, but that the diuersitie of opinions, betwixt Gn. Piso, and Asinius Gallus in that point is worthie the knowing. For Piso was of opinion, that although Caesar had promised he would be present, that so much the rather he would prosecute his cause against Vrgulania: and that in the absence of the Prince, the Senators and Gentlemen might execute their charge, as a thing well beseeming the dignitie of the common wealth. Gallus, because Piso had first taken vpon him the colour of libertie, held, that there was nothing done with maiestie, and answerable to the dignitie of the people of Rome; but what was done in Caesars presence: and therefore, the assemblies of Italie, and meetings of Prouinces, were to be reserued vntill he would be present. These things were de­bated very hotly on both sides, Tiberius giuing them the hearing, and holding his peace, and in the end they were deferred. There arose another controuersie betwixt Gallus and Caesar. For Gallus was of opinion, that the assemblies for creation of Ma­gistrates, should be from fiue to fiue yeares: and that the Lieutenants of the legi­ons, who had executed that charge before they had been Pretors, should then be chosen Pretors elect: and that the Prince should euery yeare nominate twelue. Little doubt but this aduise went deepe, and reached to a secret of state. Caesar ne­uerthelesse, as though his authoritie should thereby be made greater, said, that it stoode not with his modestie to choose so many, and defer so many. And if the e­lection should be euery yeare, hardly could it be chosen, but some would be offen­ded, although such as had the repulse, might be comforted with hope to be chosen the next yeare. And how would they hate me, which should be deferred aboue fiue yeares? how could it be knowne in so long a time, what euery mans minde is, what his house, and fortune: If men grow too prowd in one yeare, what would they be if they should be cōtinued for fiue yeares? Magistrates should so be multiplied fiue for one: and lawes subuerted: which haue prescribed a time for suters to exercise their industrie, and to procure and inioy dignities. With this speech, in shew plausible, he confirmed the state to himself: he bettered the reuenews of certain of the Senators: and therefore it was the more to be maruelled that he accepted no better of the re­quest of M. Hortalus, a noble yong man, fallen into manifest pouertie. This Horta­lus was nephew to Hortensius the Orator, and by the liberalitie of About 7812. li. 10. s. ten hundred thousand sesterces giuen him by Augustus, perswaded to marry, and haue children, least so worthy a family should be extinguished. Standing therfore with foure of his sonnes before the entry of the Senat house, in stead of his opinion, in a full assembly of the Senat in the pallace, casting his eyes sometimes on the image of Hortensius, placed among the orators, and sometimes on that of Augustus, began as followeth. These children, Lords of the Senat, whose number and tender yeeres you see; I haue not begotten of mine owne accord: but bicause the Prince did so exhort me: and bicause my predecessors had deserued to haue issue to succeede them. As formy owne part, seeing I could neither attaine to wealth, nor win the peoples fauour through the alteration of times; nor yet eloquence, which is the proper ornament [Page 45] of our house: I contented my selfe if my small abilitie, were neither a reproch to my selfe, nor a burden vnto others. By the Emperors commaundement I tooke a wife: behold the ofspring and progenie, of so many Consuls and Dictators: which I speake not for enuie to anie, but to mooue pitie. They shall inioie O Caesar whilest thou dost flourish, such honours as thou wilt bestow vpon them. In the meane space defend from pouertie L Hortensius nephewes sonnes, brought vp by Augustus. Ti­berius perceiuing that the Senators were inclined to his speeches, was the more rea­dier to gainsaie him almost in these words. If all such as are needie begin to come hither, and craue for money for their children, they shall neuer be all satisfied, and the common-wealth vnable to supplie their necessities. Neither haue our prede­cessors permitted vs to digresse, from the matter put in deliberation; and when we should intreat of somewhat to the benefit of the common-wealth, debate how to better our priuate estates: and increase our substance with the hatred of the Senat, and Princes, whether they graunt or denie our requests. These are not petitions, but vnseasonable, importunate, vnlooked for crauing: to rise vp in this place and with the number and age of children, when the Lords are assembled to handle other matters, to assaile the modestie of the Senate, and vse the like violence vnto me, and as it were forciblie to breake open the publicke treasury: which if we wast by ambi­tion, must be supplied by vnlawfull meanes. Augustus of famous memorie, hath gi­uen thee money Hortalus, vnasked: yet not vpon condition that it should alwaies be giuen thee: for in so dooing, industrie would decay, and idlenes increase: if men had not a feare and a hope in them. And if all men should careleslie expect reliefe from others, they would be to themselues vnprofitable, and to vs burdensome. These & the like speeches, although they were heard with the approbation of such, whose custome is to applaude all the Princes actions, be they honest or dishonest: yet ma­nie held their toong, or secretly muttered: which Tiberius perceiued; and hauing paused a little: saide that he had answered Hortalus: Neuerthelesse if it so seemed good vnto the Lords of the Senat, he would giue euerie one of his male children * two hundred thousand sesterces. The rest gaue him thankes: Hortalus helde his toong, either for feare, or as retaining somewhat of the nobilitie of his auncestors, About 1562. li. 10. s. euen in extremitie of fortune. Yet Tiberius had no compassion afterward on him, although the Hortensian familie fell into shamefull pouertie.

IX. Clemens a bondslaue, counterfeiteth himselfe to be Agrippa: and his bold answere.

THe same yeere, an audacious part of a bondslaue had shaken the whole state with ciuill wars and discord; had it not beene preuented in good time. A bondman of Agrippas called Clemens, vnderstanding of Augustus death: with a courage more then seruile, purposed to go to the Iland Planasia, and by fraud or force bring away Agrippa to the German campe. But his enterprise was hinde­red by the slownes of a ship of burden: and in the meane season Agrippa being murdered, bending his mind to greater and dangerouser attempts; stealeth away his ashes: and being come to Coram, a promontorie of Ethruria, in vnknowen pla­ces hideth himselfe, vntill his beard and haire were growen out; being in fauour and yeeres not vnlike his Lord. This done, he whispereth it abroad, by fit compani­ons of his secrets: first (as in things forbidden commonly it is wont to be) by priuie rumors, that Agrippa was yet aliue: then openly, in the credulous eares of the [Page 46] weaker sort; or busie headed and turbulent: and therefore most desirous of nouel­ties. His manner was towards night to go to small townes; shewing himselfe a­broad, but seldome: nor stay long in a place. And bicause time, and the eie trie out truth; and falshood winneth credit on a sudden, and by vncertainties, he either left some speech of him where he had beene, or preuented it, before any was begun. In the mean time it was commonly reported throughout Italy, and beleeued at Rome, that Agrippa by the goodnes of the gods was preserued aliue. In so much that being arriued at Hostia: there great multitudes, and in the citie secret assemblies shewed signes of ioy: Tiberius being doubtfull and perplexed, whether he should make away his bondman by souldiers; or suffer that vaine credulousnes to vanish away with time. Thus wauereing betwixt shame and feare: sometimes thinking it no policie to make light of any thing: and sometime lesse to feare all things: in the end committed the matter to Sallustius Crispus. He chuseth two of his followers (or as some saie souldiers) and perswadeth them, as though they had fled for some of­fence to goe to him; offer him money; promise him loyaltie; and that they would stand to him in all dangers. They fulfilling his commaundement, espieng a night when he had no guarde: with aide sufficient, bound him, stopped his mouth, and drew him to the pallace. And when Caesar asked him, How he was made Agrip­pa: it is reported hee answered, As thou wast made Caesar. He could not bee brought by any meanes to disclose his confederates. Neither durst Tiberius punish him openly; but in a secret part of the pallace commaunded him to be murdered; and his bodie priuily to be conueied away. And although many of the Princes own house, Senators, and gentlemen, were reported to haue sustained him with their goods, & aided him with their counsell; yet there was no further enquirie made. In the end of this yeere a triumphall arch was erected neere to Saturnus Temple, for the recouerie of the ensignes lost with Varus, vnder the conduct of Germanicus, and Caesars good fortune. And a Temple built also of strong fortune, neere Tyber in the gardens which Caesar the Dictator had bequeathed to the people of Rome: and a Chappell dedicated to the Iulian familie; and an image to Augustus at Bouilles.

IX. Germanicus triumpheth: is sent to the East. The death of Archelaus King of Cappadocia.

C. Coelius, and L. Pomponius being Consuls, the seuenth Kalends of Iune, Ger­manicus Caesar triumphed for the victories gotten against the Cherusci, Chatti, and Angriuari, and all other nations inhabiting to the riuer of Albis. In which triumph were caried the spoiles, and captiues, and counterfeit of the mountaines, riuers, and battels; and so the warre was taken as ended, because he was forbidden to prosecute it any further. The comlines of his person, and tri­umphall chariot, loaden with fiue of his children, made the shew more gallant. But when they thought with themselues how vnluckie the peoples fauour was in his father Drusus: that his vncle Marcellus was taken from them in the flowre of his youth, & heate of the peoples loue: that the affection of the people of Rome was vn­fortunate, and of small continuance, they were all secretly striken into a feare. And although Tiberius gaue in Germanicus name, to euery one of the people * three About 46. 1. 10. d. ob. hundred sesterces a man, and made him his copartner in the Consulship; yet could neuer be accompted a sincere friend, but that he went about to remoue the yong man, vnder colour of honor, and forged pretences; or greedily taking hold of such [Page 47] as were offered by chaunce. King Archelaus had now fiftie yeares enioyed Cappa­docia, greatly disliked of Tiberius, because that during his being at Rhodes, he had vsed no shew of dutie towards him: which Archelaus did not omit through pride, but because he was so admonished by Augustus familiarest friends. For whilest C. Caesar yet flourished, and managed the affaires of the East, Tiberius friend­ship was suspected, as dangerous. The house of the Caesars was no sooner extingui­shed, and that himselfe was in possession of the Empire, but he tolleth Archelaus by his mothers letters to Rome: who not dissembling her sonnes displeasure, offered him all gentle intreatie, if he would come to him with submission. He then ignorant of the trechery, or misdoubting violence if he seemed to perceiue it, maketh haste to the citie: where being churlishly receiued, and anon after accused in Senate; not for the crimes which were pretended, but by anguish of minde, or feeblenes of age; and because not only base, but also things indifferent are strange and vnusuall to kings; he either willingly or naturally ended his life. The kingdome was afterward redu­ced into a prouince: and Caesar declaring, that with the reuenews thereof, the tribute of one in the hundred might be eased; made a decree, that from thence forward one should be leuied in two hundred. At the same time Antiochus, king of the Co­mageni, and Philopater, king of the Cilicians being dead, those nations were deui­ded among themselues, some desiring to be gouerned by the Romans, and others by Kings. And the prouinces of Syria and Iudaea, ouercharged with taxes, made supplication that their tributes might be diminished. These things therefore, with those which I haue rehearsed of Armenia, Tiberius sheweth to the Lords of the Senat: and that the tumults of the Orient, could no way be pacified but by Germa­nicus wisedome. As for himselfe, he was striken in age, and Drusus was not yet of ripe yeares. And thereupon by decree of Senate, Germanicus had the charge giuen him ouer all the prouinces, deuided by sea, and a greater commaunde whither soeuer he went, then any, which either by lot or Princes sending receiued gouern­ment. Now Tiberius had before remoued from Syria Creticus Silanus, who was by marriage allied to Germanicus, his daughter being promised in marriage to Nero Germanicus eldest son; & in his roome had appointed Gn. Piso to be Lieutenant, a man both rash and headstrong: not knowing what it was to obey, as hauing that fiercenes of courage naturally from Piso his father: who during the ciuill warres, ayded in most eager manner the sides which rose in Affrike against Caesar: then fol­lowing Brutus and Cassius faction; and licence graunted him to returne, forbare all dignities, vntill he was wooed to accept the Consulship, offered him by Augustus Caesars owne motion. But besides the hereditary courage of his fathers, the nobilitie and wealth of Plancina his wife, made him grow so insolent, that he would scarse yeeld to Tiberius, and contemned his children as far inferior to himselfe: not doub­ting at all but that he was chosen gouernor of Syria, to bridle and keepe vnder Ger­manicus hopes. And some beleeued that he had had secret commaundement by Ti­berius so to do: and without all peraduenture Augusta had put it into Plancinaes head, (emulation being a vsuall matter amongst women) to contend and quarrell with Agrippina. The court was deuided, some secretly fauouring Drusus, some Ger­manicus. Tiberius did leane to Drusus, as his owne, and of his bloud: but the small affection Germanicus vncle caried him, was cause that others loued him the more: and because that by the mothers side he was more nobly descended, hauing M. An­tonius for his grandfather, and Augustus for his vncle: whereas Pomponius Atticus, a Gentleman of Rome, great grandfather to Drusus, did not answere the honorable memories of the Claudians. And Germanicus wife Agrippina, did go beyond Liuia [Page 48] Drusus wife, in fruitfulnes, fame, and name. Neuertheles the brothers did excee­dingly well agree, nothing at all moued with the emulation and contentions of their kindred.

X. The Germans are at variance betweene themselues: an earth-quake in Asia.

NOt long after, Drusus was sent to Illyrium, to be trained vp in feates of warre, and to win the souldiers harts. And Tiberius thought it better, that the yong man lustly giuen, by the wanton lasciuiousnes of the citie, should be better fashioned in the camp, and himselfe in more securitie, both his sonnes being commaunders ouer the legions. But the colour was, that the Sweuians did craue aide against the Cherusci: for being rid of the Romans, and voide of forren feare, through emulation of glory, a thing vsuall in that countrey, they turned their armes against themselues. Ods there was none in the strength of the nations, or valour of Captaines, but that the name of a king, which Maroboduus tooke vpon him, was odious to the common people: and Arminius fauoured because he fought for libertie. And therefore not only the Cherusci, and their confederates: Armi­nius olde souldiers tooke armes: but the Sweuian nations also of Maroboduus kingdome. The Semnones and the Longobards tooke part: and ioyning with Armi­nius had preuailed; if Inguiomerus with a strong companie of his vassalles, had not fled to Maroboduus for no other cause, but onely being old and vncle to Armini­us, disdained to obey him being but yoong and his brothers sonne. They pitcht their battell with like hope on both sides: not vsing rouing incursions, or skirmi­shing in scattered troupes, as the manner of the Germans in times past had beene: but by long warring against vs, they had accustomed themselues to follow their en­signes, strengthen and aide one another, and obey their Captaines. Then Armini­us viewing his armie on horsebacke vaunted to all he met, that their libertie was re­couered; the legions slaine: & shewed in the hāds of many of the soldiers, the spoiles and armour which by force they had taken from the Romans. Contrarily he called Maroboduus a runnagate, vnskilfull in warres; that he had saued himselfe in the lurking holes of Hercynia: and then by gifts and embassies, entreated an agreement: that he was a traitor to his countrey, and one of Caesars followers: therefore that they should thrust him out; with no lesse hatred then they had slaine Varus Quincti­lius: that they should now call to minde so many battels: by successe of which; ha­uing in the ende driuen out the Romans; it is easilie seene who should haue the vp­per hand. Neither did Maroboduus on his side forget to vaunt himselfe, or inueigh against his enimie: but taking hold of Inguiomerus, told them that all the honours of the Cherusci consisted in that body: and that all that fell out luckily, was atchie­ued by his counsell. That Arminius a sot; vnexpert in matter of warre; attributed others glorie to himselfe: because he had entrapped by guile, three vnfurnished le­gions with their Captaine, nothing misdoubting their fraude; to the great losse of Germanie, & his owne ignominie; seeing his wife, & his son do yet endure seruitude. But as for him, he had maintained the honor of Germanie vnstained, being assailed by twelue legions, vnder the conduct of Tiberius; and in the ende parted with rea­sonable conditions. Neither did it repent him that it was yet in their choise; either to make war against the Romans, or accept of peace without bloudshed. Both parts being incensed with these speeches; yet other peculiar causes did more inflame them. Considering that the Cherusci, and the Longobardi, did fight for their aun­cient [Page 49] honours, or fresh libertie: and contrarily the others to inlarge their domini­ons. A fiercer encounter then this there was neuer seene: nor a more doubtfull issue: the right wings on both sides being slaine. And a new fight was hoped for, if Maroboduus (an euident token of a faint hart) had not retired to the hils: and be­ing somwhat weakned, by the back sliding of Traitors, withdrew himself to the Mar­comans, and sent Ambassadors to Tiberius to craue aide. Vnto whom it was answe­red, that he had no reason to craue the Romans aide against the Cherusci; seeing he aided the Romans nothing at all, when they fought against the same enimie. Yet as we haue said, Drusus was sent to make a peace. The same yeere twelue famous cities of Asia, were destroied by an earthquake in the night: a calamitie so much the grea­ter, by how much the lesse looked for. The vsuall meanes of sauing themselues in in like cases, by fleeing to the open fields, doing them no good at all; bicause they were swallowed vp by the opening of the earth. It is reported that huge mountaines were laide flat, and plaines raised vp into high hils: and fier flashed out among those ruines. And the disastre being more grieuous among the Sardians, then elsewhere; greater cōpassion was had on them: for Caesar promised them About 78 125 pound. an hundreth hundred thousand sesterces: and released thē for fiue yeeres space of all that they were to pay to the common treasurie. Next vnto them endomaged and relieued, were the Magnetians, neere vnto Sipylus. It was thought expedient for the same space, to discharge of all tributes, the Temnians, Philadelphians, Aegetians, Appolonienses and such as are called Moscenians, or Macedonians, of Hyrcania, and Hierocaesa­rea, Myrina, Cymen, Tmolum; and to send some of the Senators, to view and relieue their present estate. This charge was committed to M. Aletus once Pretor; least if one who had been once Consull ouer Asia, should haue beene deputed; there might some emulation haue risen betwixt equals; and thereby the busines hindered. Caesar did with no lesse gratefull bountie, shew his liberalitie when he bestowed the goods of Aemilia Musa, a rich woman, fallen to the fisque; vpon Aemilius Lepidus, of whose house she seemed to haue been. And the like when he gaue the inheritance of Patuleius, a rich gentlemā of Rome (albeit he was instituted heire in part) to M. Ser­uillius, whom he found to haue beene written in the first not suspected testament: hauing declared before, that both their nobilities were to be holpen with money. Neither did he at any time take any inheritāce, vnlesse he had deserued it by friend­ship. He did reiect all such, as being vnknowen to him; and for hatred vnto others, declared the Prince to be their heires. And as he did relieue the honest pouertie of the innocent: so the prodigall and needie through their owne behauiour, he put from the Senat, or gaue licence to depart: as to Vibidius Varro, Marius Nepos, Ap­pius Appianus, Cornelius Sulla, Q. Vitellius. At the same time, the Temples of the gods, begun by Augustus, and fallen to ruine by age or fire: he dedicated to Bac­chus, Proserpina, and Ceres, neer to the great Circus; which A. Posthumius had vowed. And in the same place the Temple of Flora, built by Lucius and Marcus, Publicius, Aediles: And also Ianus Temple, which C. Duillius had built neere the herbe mar­ket; who first of all others, had a prosperous fight by sea for the Romans: and deser­ued a triumphe by sea ouer those of Carthage. The Temple of hope, which in the same war Atilius had vowed, was dedicated by Germanicus.

XII. The accusation of Apuleia. Tacfarina maketh war in Affrica.

IN the meane season, the law against treason grew strong: and a pickthanke ac­cused Apuleia Varilia, Augustus sisters neece; that she had reprochfully scoffed at Augustus, Tiberius, and his mother: and that nothing regarding that she was by mariage allied to Caesar, she had abused her bodie. But as for the adulterie, there was sufficient order taken by the law Iulia: yet Caesar requested that the treason might be distinguished from the other crime: and that she might be punished, if she had spoken irreligiously against Augustus. As for that which she had spoken against himselfe, he would not haue it brought into examination. And being asked by a Consull, what he thought of those things she was accused of, against his mother; he held his peace. But the next time the Senate met, he intreated in his mothers name, that such words as she had vttered against her, might not be construed for a fault. Of treason also he acquited her: and intreated that the punishment of adul­tery, might not be seuerely enforced against her: perswading her friends, that ac­cording to the example of their auncetors, they would remoue her from her kin­dred aboue two hundred miles: and Manlius the adulterer was banished Italie and Affrike. When Vipsanius Gallus was dead, there arose a strife in subrogating a Pretor in his roome: Germanicus and Drusus both then being at Rome, fauoring Haterius A­grippa, neere kinseman to Germanicus: and some laboring to the contrary, desired that according to the lawes, amongsuters such should preuaile as had the greatest number of children: Tiberius reioycing, that the Senate debated the matter be­twixt his children and the lawes. Without doubt the law was ouercome: but ney­ther by and by; nor with a few suffrages; but after the same manner, as when the lawes were in greatest force. The same yeare the warre began in Affrike, Tacfari­nas being the captaine of the enemies. This Tacfarinas was a Numidian borne; and being an aide souldier, receiued pay vnder the Romans: then a forsaker of them gathered together certaine wandering companions, inured to robberies, thefts, and pillage: whom he marshalled into companies, and deuided into ensignes, ac­cording to the manner of seruice: and at last was reckoned a leader not of a disor­derly multitude, but captaine of the Musulanians: which being a strong nation neere vnto the desert of Affrike, hauing no dwelling in townes, tooke armes, and drew their neighbours the Moores with them, vnder their captaine Mazippa. Their armie was so deuided, that Tacfarinas should encamp himselfe with chosen men, armed after the Roman manner, and traine them vp in discipline and obedience. Mazippa with a companie lightly armed, should roue vp and downe, burne, slay, & terrifie. They had also perswaded the Cinithians, a nation not to be despised, to the like: When as Furius Camillus Procōsul of Affrike, hauing gathered a legion, & the confederates which were vnder ensignes (a small power if you respect the mul­titude of Moores and Numidians) and lead them against the enemie: and doubting nothing more then least they should shift off the battell for feare, with a hope of victory tolled them on, and in their hope ouerthrew them. Furius placed a legion in the middle, the cohorts lightly appointed, and two companies of horsemen in the wings. Tacfarinas refused not to ioyne battell: but the Numidians were vanqui­shed; and the Furian name, after so many yeares recouered the reputation of war­riors. For euer since that Furius, which recouered the citie from the Galli, & his son Camillus; the glory of being captaines hath remained in other families. And this [Page 51] man whom wee haue sooken of, not being a man of action, his exploites were the more willingly set foorth by Tiberius to the Lords of the Senate: who de­creed, that he should be honored with triumphall ornaments; which to Camillus, by reason he was of a modest behauiour, could no way be a cause of enuie.

XIII. Germanicus peregrination.

THe yeere following, Tiberius was the third time made Consull, and Germani­cus the second. But Germanicus tooke that dignitie at Nicopolis, a citie in Achaia, whither he came by the coast of Illyrium; hauing first visited his bro­ther Drusus, then making his abode in Dalmatia: and hauing had an vnprosperous voiage by the Adriaticall and Ionian sea. By reason whereof he spent some daies in repairing his nauie: and in visiting the coasts, which by the victorie of Actium were made famous; and the spoiles dedicated by Augustus: with the place where Antonie had camped; by those meanes renewing the memorie of his auncestors; for as I haue saide before, Augustus was his vncle, and Antonie his grandfather: and therefore in that place he sawe represented, things both ioifull, and dolorous. From thence he went to Athens; which being an ancient citie, and a confederate with the Romans: he woulde haue but one Lictor before him. The Graecians re­ceiued him with most exquisite honors, and represented the ancient exploites, and saiengs of his predecessors: that their flatterie might be so much the more gratefull and acceptable. And going from thence to Euboea, hepassed by Lesbos: where Agrippina in hir last deliuerie, had Iulia. Then desirous to visite places of antiquitie and fame, he went to the confines of Asia, Perinthum, and Byzans; cities of Thrace: then he entered the straites of Propontis: and the mouth of the Pontion sea. With­all he releeued the prouinces, which were wearied with ciuill discordes, and oppres­sions of magistrates. In his returne desirous to visite the sacrifices of the Samothra­cians, and sundrie other things; for change of fortune, and our beginning from thence woorthie of honor. The northren windes droue him backe againe. Then he coasted Asia, and came to Colophona, to consult with the oracle of Clarius Apollo. There is no woman as at Delphos; but a priest, vsually chosen out of certaine fami­lies, and for the most part from Miletum: doth heare onely the number and names of such as come to consult: then going downe to a den, and drinking a draught of the secret fountaine; giueth answer (being commonly ignorant in learning and ver­ses) in verses touching those things, which a man hath fore-thought in his minde. It is reported, that by circumstances of darke speeches, as the manner of the oracles is, he prophecied that Germanicus death was not farre of. But C. Piso, to the ende he might more speedily begin to effectuate his determination, sharpely rebu­ked the citie of Athens, alreadie amazed with his turbulent behauiour, indirectly carping at Germanicus, that contrarie to the dignitie of the Roman name, he had vsed too great curtesie: not towards the Athenians which had beene wasted by so manie miseries; but towards a rif-raffe of other nations: and those which were Mi­thridates confederates against Sulla; and Antonies against Augustus of famous me­morie. Other stale matters he obiected also against them; as that they had not prosperous successe against the Macedonians; and vsed violence against their owne citizens: bearing them also a speciall grudge, bicause that at his request they woulde not deliuer on Theophilus condemned of forgery, by the counsel of the Areopagites. From thence sailing with all celeritie by the Cyclades, and seeking out the shortest cuts, at the Iland of Rhodes, he ouertooke Germanicus: nothing ignorant how he [Page 52] had backbitten him: yet neuerthelesse such was his milde disposition, that when Piso was driuen through tempest against the rocks, and that his miscarieng might haue beene imputed to chance, he sent gallies to succour him, and so deliuered him from danger. But all this did not mollifie Pisoes hart, but scarse enduring one daies staie, forsaketh and preuenteth Germanicus. For being come to the legions in Syria; winning the basest of the common soldiers with gifts: he began to displace the old Centurions, and seuere Tribunes: and bestowe their roomes on his followers, or to the most lewdest: suffered idlenes in the campes: licentiousnes in the citie: vagrant and riotous souldiers to range the countrey: whereby they grew to such corruption, that among the common sort, he was called the father of the legions. Neither did Plancina containe hir selfe within the bounds of womanly modestie: but woulde be present at the horsemens exercise, as the running of the cohorts: and vse reproch­full speeches against Agrippina, and Germanicus: some of the better sort of soldiers, readie to follow hir humour, in bad actions; bicause there was a secret rumour spred that those things were not done with dislike of the Emperour. Germanicus knew all this: but his greatest care was to preuent the Armenians. That nation was in times past doubtfull and vncertaine to the Romans, not onely through their disposition and affection; but also through the situation of their countrey: which stretching into our prouinces, reacheth euen to the Medes. And being seated betwixt great kingdomes, are often in wars, through hatred to the Romans, and enuie to the Par­thians. King at that time they had none; Vonones being expulsed. But the nation fauoured Zeno, Polemon king of Pontus sonne, bicause that from his infancie, he had imitated the customes and attire of the Armenians; their hunting and banqueting, and other exercises of the Barbarians greatly esteemed: thereby winning the fa­uour as wel of the nobilitie, as cōmon people. Germanicus then in the city Artaxata, the noble men approouing it, in the presence of a multitude, crowned him King: & the rest doing him honor as their King, saluted him after the name of the city by the name of Artaxias. The Cappadocians being reduced to the forme of a Prouince; receiued Q Veranius for their Lieutenant: and to giue them a good hope of the Ro­man gouernment, some of the tributes vsually before paid to the Kings, diminished: & ouer the Comageni, then first reduced vnder the regiment of a Pretor, Q. Seruaeus was made gouernor.

XIIII. Germanicus, and Pisoes iarring.

ALbeit, all the affaires of the allies were setled in good order: yet Germanicus was nothing the more at his ease; by reason of Pisoes pride: who being com­manded either by himselfe, or by his sonne, to conduct part of the legions to Armenia, neglected both. At length they both met at Cyrrum, where the tenth legion wintered: Piso with a resolute countenance against feare: and Germanicus as I haue said the milder of the two, lest he should be thought to threaten. But his friends their crafts master in prouoking hatred; made the most of that which was true, & suggested much which was false, laying diuers things to his own charge, Plā ­cinas, & his childrens. In the end, Caesar in the presence of a few of his familiars, vtte­red som such speech to Piso, as anger & dissimulation doth suggest, & Piso answered with a proud submission, & so they departed open enemies. After that time Piso was seldome seen at Caesars tribunal; & if he did assist at any time, he shewed himselfe fro­ward, and alwayes dissented openly from him. In a banket made by the king of the Nabateans, when there were presented crownes of great waight to Caesar and A­grippina; [Page 53] and light ones to Piso and the rest: He was heard to say, that that banket was made to the sonne of a Romane Prince, and not to the sonne of a king of Par­thia: and withall threw away his crowne, vttering many speeches against the super­fluitie of the banket: which although Germanicus could hardly digest, yet indured all patiently. Whilest these things were adoing, Embassadors came from Arta­banus, king of the Parthians, calling to minde their friendship and alliance with the Romans, and desiring that they might renew right hands: and that in honor of Ger­manicus, he would come to the banke of Euphrates. And requested in the meane time, that Vonones might not remaine in Syria, least he should by messengers, draw the noble men of the countrey round about, to ciuill dissentions. Touching the alli­ance, Germanicus answered magnificently: but concerning the kings comming, and the honor done to himselfe, he answered ciuilly, and with great modestie. Vono­nes was remoued to Pompeiopolis, a sea towne in Cilicia; not so much at Arta­banus request, as to spite Piso; vnto whom he was most acceptable, for many bene­fits and gifts bestowed vpon Plancina.

XV. Germanicus voiage to Aegypt and Thebes. Maroboduus and Catualda, both expelled, flee to the Romanes.

WHen M. Silanus, and L. Norbanus were Consuls, Germanicus went to Aegypt, to see the antiquities of the countrey; but pretended a care of the prouince: where he opened their storehouses, and brought downe the price of corne: and did other things, to win the fauour of the people: as to go without souldiers; weare open shoes: apparell himselfe like the Grecians: imita­ting P. Scipio, whom we haue heard to haue done the like in Sicily, when the war was hottest against the Affricans. Tiberius hauing lightly blamed him for his behauior and apparell, did most sharply rebuke him, that contrary to Augustus order, & without the princes licence, he had entered Alexandria. For Augustus a­mongst other secrets of state, had reserued Aegypt; and forbidden all Senators, Noblemen, and Gentlemen, to enter into it, but with permission, least Italy should be oppressed with famine: who soeuer should be maister of that prouince: being the key of the sea and land: and easily defended with a small power, against a strong host. But Germanicus, not knowing that his voiage was misliked, went vp Nilus, begin­ning at the towne Canopus, which the Lacedemonians built: because Canopus the gouernor of their ship was buried there, when Meuelaus going backe to Greece, was carried to a contrary sea, and land of Libya. The next mouth of the riuer from thence, is dedicated to Hercules; the first of which name was borne there, as the in­habitants do report; and of whom all which come after him, of like valour and vertue, tooke their surname. After that, he visited the great monuments of aun­cient Thebes: where yet were to be seene Aegyptian letters in old buildings, which contained their ancient wealth. And one of their auncientest Priests, being commaunded to interpret those letters in the countrey language; related, that in times past there had dwelt in that citie, seauen hundred thousand persons, of age fit to beare armes: and that with that armie King Rhamses had conquered Libya, Ae­thiopia, Media, and Persia, Bactria, and Scythia, and the countries which the Sy­rians, and the Armenians, and the Cappadocians, their next neighbours inhabited: and that their dominion reached from the Bithynian to the Lycian sea. There were also read the tributes imposed ouer nations, the weight of siluer and gold, the num­ber [Page 54] and furniture of horses and armour: the gifts giuen to the Temples, the Iuory, sweete sauours: and what plentie of corne; what vtensiles euerie nation was char­ged to furnish; which were no lesse magnificall, then are now commaunded, by the forces of the Parthi: or power of the Romans. But Germanicus was yet tied to other miracles: whereof the chiefest was, the image of Memnon made of stone; when it was stroken with the sunne beames yeelding a sound like a mans voice: and the Pyramides as great as mountaines, on the not passable sandes; built a vie by Kings in times past to shew their riches: and the ditches wrought by handie worke to receiue the ouerflowing of Nilus; so narrow in some places, and so deepe in o­thers, that the bottome cannot be found by any search. From thence he came to Elephantines, and Syenes, in times past the bounds of the Roman Empire, which now openeth to the red sea. Whilest Germanicus spent that sommer, in visiting ma­ny Prouinces, Drusus gate no small honour, by sowing sedition in Germanie: and incensing them to pursue Maroboduus already weakened, euen to his vtter ruine. Among the Gotones, there was a noble yoong man called Catualda, who through Maroboduus violence hauing before fled his countrey; things standing nowe in doubtfull termes; ventured a reuenge. And with a strong power, entered the fron­tiers of the Marcomans: and hauing corrupted the chiefe noble men to his confe­deracie, forceth the Kings pallace, and a castle hard by. Where he found the olde spoiles of the Sueuians and the base rascals of our Prouince: and certaine mar­chants; whom intercourse of Marchandice, and a desire of increasing their wealth; or last of all a forgetfulnes of their countrey; had drawen from their own dwellings to the enimies countrey. Maroboduus being forsaken of all hands: had no other re­fuge left, but the mercie of the Romans. And hauing passed the riuer of Danub, where it coasteth the Prouince of Notica; wrote vnto Tiberius, not as a fugitiue and suppliant, but putting him in minde of his former fortune and estate: alleaging that when sundrie nations inuited him to their alliance, being sometimes a renow­ned King, he preferred the amity of the Romans before them al. Caesar answered him, that he should haue a sure and honorable dwelling in Italie, if he listed to remaine there: but if any thing of greater aduauncement should happen vnto him, that he should depart with the same safe conduct he came thither. Afterward he declared in Senat, that the Athenians had no such cause to feare Philip; nor the people of Rome, Pyrrhus and Antiochus, as this man. An oration of his is yet extant, where­in he extolleth his power; the strength of the nations he had vnder him; and how neere an enimie he was to Italie; and what plots he had deuised to roote him out. Maroboduus was receiued at Rauenna; that if at any time the Sueuian should waxe insolent; he was in sight as it were alwaies readie to returne. But he departed not Italie the space of eighteene yeeres, and grew old with losse of reputation, through ouer great desire of liuing. The like hope had Catualda, and no other refuge: for not long after being driuen out by the Hermunduri, vnder the conduct of Vibilius, he was receiued and sent to Forum Iulij, a colonie of Gallia Narbonensis. The bar­barous people which followed both these; lest being mingled among others, should disturbe the quiet Prouinces: were placed beyond Danubium betwixt the riuers Marus, and Cusus; and a King giuen them of the Quadian nation.

XVI. Wars betwixt Rhescuporis and Cotys. Rhescupo­ris is sent to Rome.

NEwes being come that Artaxias, was by Germanicus made King of Arme­nia: the Lords of the Senat ordained that Germanicus and Drusus should enter into the citie ouant, or with a small triumphe; and that arches should be erected about the sides of the Temple of Mars the Reuenger, with the images of the two Caesars: Tiberius being more glad that he had established a peace by wise­dome; then if he should haue ended the war by a maine battell. Now he determi­ned by some subtiltie to set vpon Rhescuporis King of Thrace. That countrey once hauing beene vnder Rhoemetalces: after his death, Augustus gaue part of it to his brother Rhescuporis, & part to his sonne Cotys. In that partition, the erable grounds, the cities, and places adioining to Greece fell to Cotys share. That which was vnha­bited, wilde, and lying neere the enimie; to Rhescuporis. The dispositions also of those Kings were such, that the one was tractable and of a milde condition; this stout, co­ueteous, and impatient of a companion: and both at the first liuing in cunning and dissembled concord. Then Rhescuporis began to exceed his bounds; and draw that to himselfe which was giuen Cotys, and vse violence if he resisted: but not so hotly in Augustus time; whom he feared being the author of both kingdomes, would re­uenge if he were despised. But vnderstanding of a chaunge of the Prince, he sent in troups of theeues, beat downe his castles, and sought occasions of warre. Nothing did more trouble Tiberius, then that those things which were once setled, should now be disturbed: and therefore making choise of a Centurion dispatcheth him a­way to signifie to the Kings, that they should not in any case enter into armes: and thereupon Cotys dismissed presently the aide he had prepared. Rhescuporis with a fai­ned modestie, requesteth a place of meeting, to ende their controuersie by confe­rence: neither did they long doubt of the time, place, and conditions; the one yeel­ding to all with a facilitie of nature; the other accepting all with a fraudulent mea­ning. Rhescuporis as he pretended to conclude this agreement; maketh a banket: & whē the night was far spent with great myrth, much eating & quaffing of wine; he loaded vncircumspect Cotys with chaines: who perceiuing the treason, besought him by the sacred ceremonies of the kingdom, the gods of the same familie, & by the en­tertainment of his table, he would vse no such violence. Hauing thus made himselfe maister of all Thrace, he wrote to Tiberius, that there were conspiracies wrought a­gainst him, and the contriuer of them preuented. And withall, pretending warre a­gainst the Bastarnians, and the Scythians, maketh himselfe strong with a new power of footemen and horsemen. Tiberius wrote to him coldly againe, that if there were no fraude in his doing, he might trust to his innocencie: but neither he nor the Senate could discerne the right from wrong, vnlesse they knew the cause: & therefore that he should deliuer vp Cotys, and come to them, and purge himselfe of the enuie of the crime. Those letters Latinius Pandus Propraetor of Moesia sent with the souldiers, vnto whom Cotys should be deliuered. But Rhescuporis balancing be­tweene anger and feare, and desirous to be guiltie rather of the fact committed, then only attempted; commandeth Cotys to be slaine: and vntruly gaue it out, that he had killed himselfe. Yet for all this, Caesar altered not his intended course, but af­ter Pandus decease, whom Rhescuporis accused to haue beene his back friend, made Pomponius Flaccus an old souldier, and with whom the king was very inward, and therefore a more fit instrument to deceiue, for the same cause especiall gouernor [Page 56] of Moesia. Flaccus being gone to Thrace, by way of great promises, perswaded him, although doubtfull, and calling to minde his owne wickednes: to enter into the Romane garrison, where he was garded with a strong companie, vnder colour of honor. He had Tribunes and Centurions at hand to counsell and perswade him: and the further he went, the greater gard: and at last knowing in what termes of necessitie he stoode, they brought him to the citie: where being accused in Senate by Cotys wife, he was condemned to be kept far from his countrey. Thrace was af­terward deuided betwixt Rhaemetalces his sonne, who was knowne to be an enemie to his fathers proceedings, and Cotys children: which not being of full age, Trebel­lienus Rufus, who had beene Pretor in the meane season, was made gouernor of the kingdome: following the example of our predecessors, who sent M. Lepidus into Aegypt, to be gardian to Ptolemeus children. Rhescuporis was caried to Alexandria, and there going about to escape, or because it was so fathered on him, was killed. At the same time Vonones, who (as we haue said) was confined in Cilicia, hauing corrupted his keepers, vnder colour of going a hunting; attempted all meanes to escape to the Armenians; from thence to the Albanians, and Heniochians, and to his Cosen the king of Scythia. And forsaking the sea coasts, gote into bywayes and forrests: and by the swiftnes of his horse, posted with all speede to the riuer Pyramus. The borderers vnderstanding the kings escape, hauing broken down the bridges, & he not able to passe at any foord, was taken by the riuers side, and bound by Vibius Fronto, captaine of the horsemen. Anon after Remmius Euocatus, vnto whose charge the king was first committed, as it had bene in an anger, thrust him through with his sword. Wherupon it was the easlier beleeued that he had so slaine Vonones, as one guiltie and consenting to his escape, and therefore fearing he should be bewraied and accused.

XVII. Germanicus sicknes and death. The variance betwixt him and Piso.

BVt Germanicus returning from Aegypt: and perceiuing that all which he had commaunded, either in the legions or townes, left vndone, or changed cleane contrary; began to vse grieuous and contumelious speeches against Piso: and he to requite Caesar with no lesse dangerous attempts. Whereupon Piso determi­ned to depart Syria: but staying a time by reason of Germanicus sicknes; when he heard of his amendment, and that the vowes were accomplished for his health: he droue away by his sergeants the beast brought to the altar, and disturbed the preparation made for the sacrifice, and the solemne meeting of the people of An­tioch. Then he went to Seleucia, expecting the euent of his sicknes which he fell againe into: the rage thereof so much the more greeuous, through an opinion that Piso had poisoned him: for there were found pulled out of the ground, and wals, charmes, verses, and enchantmēts: and Germanicus name engrauen in sheetes of lead: ashes halfe burned, and tempered with corrupt bloud, and other sorceries, by which it is thought, that soules are dedicated to the infernall powers. Some also were accused to haue bene sent from Piso, to espie in what state he was in. That droue Germanicus both into anger and feare, considering with himselfe: if his house should be besieged; if he should lose his life in the sight of his enemies: what should happen after to his wofull wife, and his yong children? he saw that the poison see­med slow in working: but Piso hastened, that he might alone haue the gouernment of the legions and the prouince. But Germanicus was not so destitute of friends, [Page 57] that the murderer should inioy the rewards of the murder. And hereupon enditeth a letter to him, in which he renounceth his friendship. Some adde, that he com­maunded him to depart the prouince. Piso made no longer delay, but looseth anker, and moderated his course to returne the sooner, if Germanicus death should open him a way to Syria. Germanicus being a little amended, and in some hope: then growing feeble againe; when his end was at hand, he spake to his friends about him in this manner. If I should die a naturall death, yet should I haue iust cause of griefe against the gods: that by an vntimely death, they shuold take me in my youth from my kinsfolks, children, and countrey. But now being brought to this passe by the lewde practise of Piso and Plancina, I leaue in your breasts for my last prayers; that you signifie vnto my father and my brother, with what crueltie torne, with what fraude circumuented, I haue ended my miserable life, with a most naughtie death. If the hopes conceiued of me haue moued any; if neerenes in bloud any: yea, if enuie towards me when I liued: they will weepe, that he who hath sometimes flourished, and escaped so many battels, should now end his life by the guile and treachery of a woman: you shall haue occasion to complaine to the Senate, and de­maund the execution of lawes. This is not the chiefest dutie of friends, to shew their affection towards the dead, by a slow and dull complaint; but remember and execute that which they commanded. Yea, such as knew not Germanicus, wil weepe for him: If you did rather loue me then my fortune, you will reuenge my death. Shew the people of Rome Augustus neece, and the same my wife, and my chil­dren which are sixe in number: the accusers themselues will haue compassion; and those which pretend wicked commaundements, shall either not bee be­leeued, or not pardoned. His friends taking him by the right hand, swore they would rather lose their life, then omit reuenge. Then turning to his wife, in­treated hir by the memorie of him, and by the children common betweene them, that she would lay aside all haughtines, and submit her courage to raging for­tune: lest returning to the citie, she stirred not with emulation of greatnes more powerable then her selfe against her. Thus much he vttered openly, and other things in secret; whereby it was coniectured he stoode in feare of Tiberius. Not long after he yeelded vp the ghost, with great lamentation of the Prouince and countries a­bout; forren nations and Kings lamented also: so great was his courtesie to his allies; and mildnes to his enimies. He was no lesse venerable to those which sawe him, than to those which heard of him: and did so well temper the greatnes of high estate & grauitie; that he auoided both enuie & arrogancie. His funerals although he had neither images nor pompe: yet by the commendation and memorie of his vertues, were honoured of all men. Some there were which compared his fauour, his age, and manner of death, by reason of the vicinitie of the places wherein they died, vnto Alexander the great. For being both of a comely stature, noble paren­tage, not much aboue thirtie yeeres of age: they died in strange countries, by the trecherie of their owne people. But this man was courteous towards his friends, moderate in pleasures, & his children certaine, begotten in marriage by one woman. Neither was he to be counted a lesse warrior then the other: although he were not rash, & hindered to reduce vnder the yoke of seruitude the Germans daunted with so many victories. And if he alone had, had the supreme managing of affaires, and power, & a name of a King: so much the sooner he would haue carried away the prise & renowne of warfare, by how much he did excel him in clemencie, temperancie, & other good vertues. His bodie before it should be burned, was laid naked in the mar­ket place of Antioche, which was the place appointed for his buriall. Whether he [Page 58] shewed any tokens of being poisoned or not, it is vnknowen: for diuers did diuersly interpretit; either as they were inclined to pitie Germanicus, or suspected to fauour Piso. This being done, the Lieutenants & the Senators which were present, cōsulted amōg themselues, whom they should make gouernor of Syria; & the rest not greatly contending: it was long debated betwixt Marsus & Gn. Sentius; & in the end Marsus yeelded to Sentius being his elder, & prosecuting the suite more eagerlie. He sent to Rome one Martina, a woman infamous in that Prouince for empoisoning, but deerly beloued to Plancina, at the suite of Vitellius & Veranius, & others, which framed their acusations, as against one already guilty of the fact. But Agrippina wasted with sor­row & feeble of body: yet impatient of delaying reuenge; took shipping with Germa­nicus ashes with her, and her children: all men taking compassion, that a woman so nobly descended, and who not long since in regarde of her stately marriage, was honored and reuerenced by all men: should now carrie in her lap, those lamentable relickes of her husband: incertaine of reuenge; doubtfull of herperson; so oft ex­posed to fortunes mercy by her vnluckie fruitfulnes.

XVIII Piso is doubtfull vvhether he should returne to Syria or not. And prepareth an armie against Sentius.

IN the meane season a messenger, ouertaketh and aduertiseth Piso, at the Iland Cous, that Germanicus was departed. Which tidings he receiued intemperate­ly, offered sacrifices, visited the temples, nothing moderating his ioy; and Plan­cina growing more insolent, then first changed the mourning weede, she ware for the death of hir sister, into a ioifull attire. The Centurions flocking about him, told him, that he had the good will of the legions, at his deuotion; that it was his best to returne to the prouince, wrongfully taken from him, and now voide of a gouernour. Whereupon taking aduise what was best to be done; his sonne M. Piso, was of opinion that he shoulde make all haste to the citie: that there was nothing yet done which might not be answered: and that weakesuspicions, and vaine re­ports were not to be feared. The variance betweene him and Germanicus, was woor­thie perhaps of some rebuke, but not punishment: and by taking the prouince from him, his enimies were satisfied. But if he should returne, Sentius being against him, a newe ciuill warre would begin. Neither would the Centurions and souldiers con­tinue on his side; with whom the fresh memory of their captaine, and the loue deepely printed in their harts towards the Caesars woulde preuaile. Domitius Celer, one of his inwardest friends, perswaded the contrarie. That he ought to take the time when it was offered: that Piso and not Sentius was made gouernour of Syria: vnto him were the fasces, and dignitie of Pretor giuen, to him the legions commit­ted. If any violence should be offered by the enimie, who should more iustly oppose his armes against them, then he, who hath receiued the authoritie of a Lieutenant, and speciall commission? Rumors grow stale and vanish away with time: and often the innocent are borne downe with fresh enuie: but if he had a power at hand, and his forces increased, many things which could not be foreseene, by meere chaunce might turne to the better. Do we hasten to come to Rome, with Germanicus ashes: that Agrippinas lamentation, and the vnskilfull multitude, at the first rumor, should laie hands on thee, vnheard and vndefended? Thou hast for thee Augustas consci­ence, and Caesars fauour, though in secret. And none bewaile more braggingly Ger­manicus death in outward shew, then such as in their harts are most glad. Piso be­ing [Page 59] forward enough of himself to haughtie attempts, was with small adoe drawen to this opinion. And sending letters to Tiberius, accuseth Germanicus of riot and pride: and that himselfe was driuen out of the prouince, bicause there might be a way made open to innouation: that he had againe taken charge of the armie, with the same fidelitie, as he had alreadie gouerned it. Withall, he commanded Domitius, with a galley to saile into Syria: and auoiding the coasting of the shoare, and letting passe the Ilands, take wide and open sea. Then marshalling and arming runnagates, and rascall base companions, and sailing ouer to the continent, he intercepted an ensigne of yoong and rawe souldiers, which were going to Syria. And writeth also to the Lords of Cilicia, to send him aide: the yoong man Piso being nothing slacke in the seruice, although he was against the vndertaking of the warre. Wherefore passing by the coast of Lycia, & Pamphylia, meeting with the ships which had con­ueied Agrippina to Rome, each side hating one another; made themselues readie to fight: yet both sides fearing the one the other, they proceeded no further then to hard words. Mirsus Vibius sommoned Piso to come to Rome to answere for him­selfe: who scoffingly answered him againe, that he would come and appeere, when the Pretor which was to inquire of poisonings, would appoint a day as well for the plaintif, as defendāt. In the meane time Domitius being ariued at Laodicea, a citie in Syria; and going to the standing camp of the sixt legion, as most fit for new enterpri­ses, was preuēted by the Lieutenāt Pacuuius. Sentius openeth that by letters to Piso; warning him not to go about to tempt the armie with corrupters, nor raise any war in the Prouince. And such as he knew to haue Germanicus in minde, or were aduer­saries to the enimies, he assembled togither: putting them oftē in mind of the great­nes of the Emperor, and how the common-wealth was assailed; and thereupon ga­thereth a strong power readie to fight. Yet neither Piso, nor his side, although his enterprises fell out otherwise, than he expected; did let slip that which was of most safetie for the present; but putteth himselfe in a verie strong castle in Cilicia, called Celenderis. For by sorting and medling togither the runnagates, the new and raw soldier lately taken, his owne and Plancinaes slaues, and the aides which the Lords of Cilicia sent, he marshalled them in forme of a legion. And then affirmed that he was Caesars Lieutenant: but drouen out of the Prouince committed to him; not by the legions, for they called him thither; but by Sentius, which cloaked his priuate malice with false crimes: therfore that they should stād stoutly to the battel; bicause the soldiers would not fight, when they should see Piso whom heretofore they called their father. If they would proceed by order of iustice, the right was on his side: if by armes, he wanted not strength. Then he displaied his companies in order of battell, before the castle on a steepe craggie hils side: the rest being inuironed with sea. On the contrarie side the old soldiers, with their supplies were marshalled into rankes. On this side was the strength of souldiers: one that of place. In courage and hope there was great oddes also: and on their side no weapons, but rude and clownish, prepared for a present shift. And when they came to handie strokes; there was no lōger doubt who should haue the vpper hand, but til the Roman cohorts could win the plaine ground: which done, the Cilicians shewed their backs, & shut themselues in their fort. In the meane space Piso went about, but in vaine, to assaile the nauie which waited not farre off. Then returned to the castle againe, now tormenting himselfe vpon the wals; now calling to euerie souldier by his name, and offering re­wards: assaied to raise a mutinie, and did so much preuaile, that the standard bearer of the sixt legion, went with his ensigne to his side. Then Sentius commaunded the cornets and trumpets to sounde; gaue an assault to the rampiers; caused laddres [Page 60] to be put vp; and the ablest men to follow; and the others out of engines to shoote dartes, stones, and fire brands. In the end Pisoes obstinacie being ouercome; en­treateth that hauing yeelded vp his weapons, he might remaine in the castle, vntill Caesar were consulted, who should be gouernor of Syria. The conditions were not accepted; nor any thing graunted him: but onely, that he should haue shipping and safe conduct to the citie.

XIX. Great bewailing for Germanicus death: strange religions suppressed: loose life restrained in women of account.

BVt when Germanicus sicknes was noised at Rome; and as in newes it falleth out, the farther it goeth, augmented to the worser: all men burst out into anger, griefe, and complaints: saying, that therefore he was sent to forren countries: that was the reason why Piso had the prouince committed to him: this was the effect of Augustaes secret conference with Plancina: that the auncient men said most truly of Drusus, that the courteous and modest disposition of children doth dislike such as raigne. Neither were they made away for any other reason, but because, libertie restored; they had a meaning to reduce the people of Rome to a certain equalitie. These speeches of the common people, the newes of his death did so much kindle; that before any edict of Magistrates, before any decree of Senate was made, vacation being taken of themselues; the places of iudgement were aban­doned; houses shut vp; silence and mourning euery where: nothing of all this counterfeited or done for ostentation. And although they did not abstaine from outward tokens of mourning, yet in their harts they mourned much more. Certaine Merchants returning by chaunce out of Syria, Germanicus yet liuing, bringing ioy­full tidings of his health, were presently beleeued, and spread abroad: and as they met one another (although they had scarse heard the tale to the end) yet they re­ported it againe, and they againe to others, still making it more, and increasing their ioy. They ran vp and downe the citie, went about to wrest open the gates of the temples: the night furthered their credulousnes, and in the darke euery man more readie to affirme. Neither did Tiberius gainsay these false reports, but let them vanish away with time. But then the people, as though he had beene a second time taken from them, greeued more bitterly. Such was his funerall pomp done in me­mory of him, as either mens loue, or pregnancie of conceipt could inuent: as that his name should be sung in a Salarian verse, which Mars priests were wont to sing: that in the roomes of the Augustall priests, chaires of estate should be placed, with garlands of oake: that his image grauen in Iuory, should be caried before the Cir­censian plaies: and that none should be created Flamen or Augur in Germanicus place, vnlesse he were of the Iulian familie. At Rome, and at the banke of Rhene, and on the hill Amanus in Syria, were erected arches, with an inscription of his ex­ploites: and that he died for the common wealth: a sepulchre at Antioch where his bodie was burnt: a tribunal at Epidaphna, where he ended, his life. It would be hard to number the images and places in which he was honored. And when some thought it conuenient that he should haue a sheeld of exquisite gold and greatnes, dedicated him among the authors of eloquence: Tiberius saide he should haue none but such as was vsuall, and equall to the rest: for neither was eloquence to be iudged of by fortune: and that it was a sufficient honor for him, if he were put in the number of auncient writers. That which before was called the band of yong men, [Page 61] the Gentlemen called Germanicus cuneum, or pointed battell: and ordained that the squadrons of horsemen should follow his image the Ides of Iuly. Many of these ceremonies yet remaine; some were presently left off; and some, time wore out. But whilest this griefe was yet fresh in euery mans memorie; Liuia Germanicus sister, and Drusus wife, was at once deliuered of two sonnes: which being a thing rare, and welcome, euen to meane families, did so reioice the Prince, that hee could not containe (for euen casuall things he attributed to his glorie) but must needes bragge before the Lordes of the Senate, that no other of the Romans of his greatnes, had euer before had two male children at a birth. But in such a time euen that also, brought griefe vnto the people; as though that Dru­sus increase of children, would the rather depresse Germanicus house. The same yeere womens lasciuious life, was punished by seuere decrees of Senat; and ordai­ned that none should put their bodies to sale, whose grandfather, father, or husband had beene a gentleman of Rome. For Vistilia descended of a pretorian familie, had made hir loose licentious life knowen to the Aediles; according to a receiued cu­stome among the auncients; who thought it a sufficient punishment for vnchaste women, if publickly they confessed their lewdnes. And Titidius Labeo, Vistilias hus­band, was called into question, bicause he had not inflicted the punishment of the law, on his wife manifestly taken in the offence. But he for his excuse, alleaged that the three score daies giuen to deliberate, were not yet past; and therefore thinking it enough to punish Vistilia; she was confined in the Iland Seriphon. It was deba­ted in Senat touching the rooting out of the Aegyptian & Iudaical ceremonies: & a decree made that fower thousand libertines of competent age, infected with that su­perstition, should be conueied into the Iland Sardinia, to suppresse robberies com­mitted there: and if they should die through the vnwholesomnes of the aire, the losse were but vile and small: and that the rest should depart Italie, if before a certain day they would not forsake those prophane rites. When those things were done, Caesar propounded, that another virgin should be receiued in the roome of Oecia; who with verie great integritie, seuen and fistie yeeres, had beene gouernesse of the ceremonies of the Vestall virgins: and gaue thankes to Fonteius Agrippa, and Domitius Pollio; who offering their daughters, stroue in dutie to the common wealth. But Pollios daughter was preferred for no other reason, but bicause her mother had continued wife to her first husband: Agrippa hauing diminished the reputation of his house with diuorcement. Yet Caesar in regard the other was preferred, did comfort her with About 78. 2. pound. 10 shil. ten hundred thousand sesterces for her dowrie. The people com­plaining of a dearth of corne, he put downe a price for the buier; promising to paie of his owne in euerie bushell Three pence ob. q. two nummos. Yet for all this, he would not take vp­pon him, the title of father of his countrey, before offered him: but did sharp­lie rebuke them, who had called his affaires diuine, and him Lord. And therefore vnder a Prince which feared libertie, and hated flatterie; all speeches ought to be briefe; and yet can hardly escape captious construction. I finde in auncient writers of that time, that Adgandestrius Prince of the Chatti, letters were read in Senat, promising Arminius death, if poison were sent him to commit the deed. And that it was answered him, that the people of Rome vsed not to reuenge on their enimies by treachery and priuie meanes; but openly and armed. Wherein Tiberius equal­led himselfe to the old Roman Captaines, which did forbid king Pyrrhus to be poiso­ned, but disclosed it vnto him. Now Arminius, the Romans being departed, and Maroboduus expulsed, earnestly coueting the kingdome, had the people as defen­ding their libertie against him: and being assailed, and fighting with doubtfull [Page 62] fortune, was slaine by the fraud of his own neerst familiars. Doubtlesse the deliuerer of Germanie; and who prouoked, not as other Kings & Captaines had done, the first springing vp of the people of Rome; but when they flourished most in rule and Empire. In his battels, he had doubtfull fortune, sometimes luckie, sometimes vn­luckie; but neuer was ouercome in war. He liued full seuen and thirtie yeeres, and was Prince twelue. To this day he is famous amongst barbarous nations; but in the Annales of the Greeks, which admire nothing but their own dooings vnknown; and not greatly spoken of among the Romans. Who whilest we extoll auncient things, are careles of our owne time.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Agrippina commeth to Rome: Germa­nicus funerals.

AGrippina although it were winter, yet stil continuing her voiage by sea, arriued at last at the Iland Corcyra, ouer against the coast of Calabria: where as one without meane in mourning, and vnable to endure, she rested a few daies to settle her mind. In the meane time, her arriuall knowen, her deerest friends, and especially souldiers which had serued vnder Germanicus; and manie also which she knew not, from the townes round about: some thinking it to be their dutie towards their Prince; and many following them flocked to Brundisium, being the neerest and safest place of landing. And as soone as her ships were discerned a far off: not onely the hauen and places neere the sea side; but the walles and house tops, and other places, from whence a man might farthest kenne; were filled with a mourning and heauie multitude of people: asking (as not knowing what was fittest for the time) one another, whether they should receiue her with silence, or acclamation, when she came out of her ship. But when by little and little the ships drew neere, they sawe no cheerefull rowing, as the manner was wont to be: but all of them composed to sadnes. But being come to land with her two children; holding the funerall pot with her husbands ashes in her hand, and her eies fixed on the ground: all men began to bewaile and lament alike. Neither couldest thou haue discerned the lamentation of kinsfolkes from the stan­ger; nor the women from the men: sauing, that the fresh griefe of such as went to meete her, exceeded the lamentation of her traine, alreadie wearied with long con­tinuance of sorrow. Caesar had sent two companies of his guarde to meete them: and gaue further charge, that the magistrates of Calabria, the Apuleians, & Cam­panians, should solemnise the last obsequies in memorie of his sonne. The ashes were carried on the Tribunes and Centurions shoulders; the ensignes vntrimmed; and the fasces or knitch of rods, turned downewards, went before: and when they passed by any colonies, the common people in mourning weede, and gentlemen in their attire called Trabea, according to the wealth of the place, burnt garments, sweete odors: with other accustomed funerall solemnities. Yea such whose townes were far off, yet met them; erected altars; offered sacrifices to the infernall gods; witnessing their dolour with teares and cries. Drusus went to Terracina with his brother Claudius, & Germanicus children, which had remained in the citie. The Con­suls, M. Valerius, & M Aurelius (who began then to enter into office) the Senat and a great part of the people filled vp the way, scattered hither & thither, weeping, as e­uery mans affection was. Flattery there was none: all men knowing, that the death of Germanicus, ioyfull to Tiberius; could badly be dissembled, howsoeuer he counter­feited the contrary. Tiberius and Augusta, abstained from mourning in publicke: iudging it a thing, vnder their maiestie, if they should be seene openly to lament: or least, the eies of all men obseruing their countenance, should espie they did but counterfeit. I finde not in any author, or diurnall register, that his mother Antonia [Page 64] did any thing woorthie memorie in that sole [...] when as besides Agrippina, Drusus, and Claudius, the rest of his bloud, are by name written of: either hindered by sicknes, or in minde ouercome with sorrow, coulde not endure the sight of so heauie a griefe. I should easlier haue beleeued, that Tiberius and Augusta, which kept within doores, made hir do the like: that their griefe might be iudged equall: and that the grandmother and vncle, should seeme to haue kept in, by the example of the mother. The day that the ashes were put in Augustus tombe, was sometimes with silence desolate and still; and on the sudden vnquiet with weeping: all passages of the citie were full: Campus Martius shined with burning torches. There the sol­dier with his weapons; the magistrates without the markes of their dignitie and cal­ling; and the people gathered into tribes and companies cried: that the common-wealth was fallen to ground; and no hope left: and that so openly, and boldly, that thou wouldest haue beleeued, they did not remember by whom they were gouer­ned. Yet nothing went so neere Tiberius hart, as the ardent affection men bare Agrippina: calling hir the honour of their countrey; the onely bloud of Augustus; the patterne of antiquitie: and turning towards the heauen, and the gods, praied that hir issue might long continue, and ouerliue the wicked. Some desired that the funerals might be celebrated with publike pompe: comparing the magnificence and honors that Augustus had vsed for Drusus, Germanicus father. And, that he in the hardest time of winter, went as farre as Ticinum: and how neuer once de­parting from the bodie, accompanied it to the citie. That about the coffin were the images of the Claudians and Iulians: that he was bewailed in the place of publike assemblies: praised with an oration before the people: and all honors done him, which either our auncestors or later times could inuent. But Germanicus had not so much as the vsuall solemnities done for him: his body through distance of place, was in some sort burnt, in strange lands: but by so much the more, honours shoulde nowe haue beene bestowed vpon him, bicause fortune had denied him the first. His brothers went to meete him but one daies iourney: his vncle not so farre as to the gate. Where are the auncient customes become? why was not his image put be­fore the Beere; and verses sung in memorie of his vertues? why was he not praised, and bewailed, with the vsuall representation of mourning? All this was well known to Tiberius; and to suppresse the speech of the common people, he admonished them by edict. That although many notable Romans had died for the common-wealth: yet none had euer beene bewailed with such an ardent affection. Which was to him and vnto others also honorable, so as there were a meane vsed. For the selfe same things are not seemly for noble men, the Emperor and the common peo­ple. It was conuenient that small houses, or cities shoulde mourne and lament, in fresh griefe; and after their griefe take comfort againe: but now it was time to con­firme the minde, as Iulius Caesar, hauing lost his onely daughter; and Augustus his nephewes: did cast off all sorrow. It was needlesse to alleage auncient examples, to shew how oft the people of Rome, had suffered constantly the losse of armies; death of captaines; and the vtter ouerthrow of noble families. That princes are mor­tall, and the common-wealth euerlasting. Therefore that they should take their so­lemnities againe: and bicause the shew of the Megalensian plaies was at hand, re­turne to their pleasures.

II. Piso commeth to Rome, vvhere he is accused: and killeth himselfe.

THe vacation ended, euery man returned to his busines: and Drusus went to the armie of Illyricum: the people bent to demaund a reuenge of Piso; com­plained that he in the meane time now here, now there, in the pleasant coun­trey of Asia, and Affrike, with a prowd and subtill delay, did shift off the proofes brought against his lewdnes. For it was commonly rumored, that Martina, as I haue before said, a woman infamous for poisoning, was sent to Rome by C. Sentius, and being suddenly dead at Brundisium, had no token vpon her that she had taken her owne bane; and that the poison was found hidden in a knarle of her haire. But Piso hauing sent his sonne before him to the citie, with lessons how to pacifie the Prince, went towards Drusus, not hoping to finde him cruell in his behalfe, for the death of his brother, but rather fauorable, as being rid of such a concurrent. Tibe­rius to make a shew of vpright dealing, hauing entertained the yong man courte­ously, vsed the like liberalitie towards him as he was accustomed to do to the noble mens children of such as he was familiar with. Drusus answered him, that if the ac­cusations layd against him were true, the greatest griefe should be his: and for his owne part he could wish they should be false and vaine; and that Germanicus death might be preiudiciall to none. These words were openly vttered, and not in secret; neither was it doubted at all, but that Tiberius had before hand taught him his les­son; when as being plaine, simple, and yong, yet shewed the cunning of the old man. Piso hauing past ouer the Dalmatian sea, and left his ships at Ancona, went by Picenum, and after by the Flaminian way, ouertooke the legion which was brought from Pannony to Rome, to lye in garrison in Affricke: being common in euery mans mouth, how in the campe and in the way he did often shew himselfe to the souldiers. From Narnia (whether it were to auoide suspition, or because such as stand in feare are irresolute in their determinations) being conueyed by Nare, and anon after by Tiber, he increased the euill will of the people towards him, because he landed neere the Caesars tombe: on a day when the shore was full of people: many followers after him: and Plancina accompanied with a traine of women, both, pleasant and cheerefull in countenance. Among other causes of enuie and hart-burning, Pisoes house was one, looking on the market place, trimmed to feast and banket in, where nothing could be hidden. The next day Fulcinius Trio, accused Piso before the Consuls. Vitellius and Veranius, and the rest which had followed Germanicus, alleaged that that was their office, and that Trio had no part therein: and that as witnesses and openers of the cause; and not as accusers, they were to re­port that which Germanicus had giuen them in charge. Trio relinquishing the accu­sation, obtained licence to accuse his former life: and the Prince intreated to receiue the hearing of the cause to himselfe: which the defendant refused not, as misdoub­ting the Senators, and peoples good will: and contrary, being well assured that Ti­berius regarded not rumors, but would leane to his mothers conscience: and that the truth; or things beleeued and wrested to the worst, might easilier be discerned by one iudge: whereas hatred and enuie beare the sway where there are many. Tiberius was not ignorant, how waightie a cause he vndertooke, and how diuersly he was censured: and therefore calling some of his familiar friends about him, hearing the menaces of the accusers; then the request of the partie arraigned, re­ferred the whole cause to the Senate. In the meane season, Drusus returning from Illyrium: although the Senators had decreed, that for receiuing of Maroboduus, [Page 66] and exploits done the sommer past, he should enter the citie, ouant, or with a small triumph: yet deferring that honor for the time, he entered priuately. After that Piso had demauded T. Arruntius, Fulcinius, Asinius Gallus, Aeserninus, Marcel­lus, Sext. Pompeius for his aduocates; and all of them alleaging diuers excuses, M. Le­pidus, L. Piso, and Liueneius Regulus vndertooke his defence: the whole citie being attentiue to know how Germanicus friends would stick vnto him; what hope the partie arraigned had; whether Tiberius were able to maister his affections, or would shew himselfe. All these things were greedily expected of the people: neuer shew­ing themselues more attentiue, nor at any time licencing themselues a more secret speech of the Prince, or suspicious silence. The day that the Senat met, Caesar made a premeditate oration, tempered in this sort, saying: That Piso had beene his fa­thers Lieutenant and friend, and giuen by him to Germanicus as a coadiutor, by the authoritie of the Senate, in the administration of the affaires of the East: but whe­ther he had there exasperated the yong Prince, through disobedience and conten­tion: and whether he had shewed himselfe glad of his death: or villanously had made him away; that they should iudge of that with vpright consciences. For if being Lieutenant, he hath gone beyond the bounds of his office: and shaken off his dutie to his lord generall: and reioysed in his death, and my griefe: I will hate him, and estrange him from my house, and reuenge, not the Princes, but priuat grudges. If any villanous deede be detected in him worthie of reuenge, euen in the death of any priuat person, affoord your selues, and Germanicus children, and vs, his father, reasonable and iust comfort. And examine also whether seditiously and muti­nously Piso hath stirred vp the armie: whether by ambition he hath sought to win the fauour of the souldiers: whether he returned into the prouince by force of armes: or whether these things be false; and made greater then they are, by the accusers: with whose ouergreat affection I haue iust cause to be offended. For to what purpose should his body be shewen naked; be handled of the common people; and bruted abroade among strangers, as though he had beene empoiso­ned; if these things be yet vncertaine, and are to be inquired of? I lament true­ly, and am greeued for my sonne, and alwaies shall. But I hinder not the defen­dant, to alleage all he can, for the purgation of his innocencie: or if Germanicus had any fault woorthie of reprehension. And I beseech you, not to take the crimes as already prooued, bicause the cause is ioined with my sorrow. If either his neernes in bloud, or his owne faithfulnes, hath yeelded him anie to defende his cause; helpe him, as much as in you lieth, either by your eloquence or care, in this his extremitie. To the same labour and constancie, I exhort the accusers. Germanicus this onely priuiledge we will affoord aboue the lawes: that his death shall be rather inquired of in the Curia, then in the Forum: before the Senat, then other Iudges. Let all the rest be debated with like modestie, nothing regarding Drusus teares: or my griefe: or if anie slaunders be forged against me. After that, the accusers had two daies gi­uen them to bring in their accusations; & after sixe daies were past, the defandāt had three more to iustifie himselfe. Then Fulcinius began with stale and friuolous mat­ters: as that he had gouerned Spaine ambitiously, and couetously. Whereof being conuicted, he could not be interessed; if he could purge himselfe of the later crimes: nor if he could defend himselfe from that accusation; yet was he not acquitted, if greater matters were laide to his charge. After him Seruaeus, and Veranius, and Vi­tellius with like affection; but Vitellius with greater eloquence obiected that Piso, for hatred to Germanicus and desire of innouation, had so farre corrupted the com­mon soldier with licentiousnes and iniuries towards the confederates: that of the [Page 67] lewdest sort, he was called the father of the legions. Further, that he had vsed cruel­tie against euery good man; and especially against Germanicus followers & friends: in the end, that he had killed him with poison and inchantments. Then, that he and Plancina vsed wicked ceremonies and sacrifices: that he had borne armes against the common-wealth: that he woulde neuer haue appeared in iudgement, had he not been ouercome in battell. In manie things his defence was weake: for he coulde not denie but that he had woone the soldier by ambition: or that he had not expo­sed the prouince as a praie, to the lewdest sort: nor the iniurious speeches against the generall. Onely he seemed to haue purged himselfe of the empoisoning: which indeed the accusers did not sufficiently prooue: accusing him to haue empoisoned Germanicus meate with his hand, which was infected, as he sate aboue him at a ban­quet. For it seemed absurd, that he should dare so bold an attempt, amongst other mens seruants, in the sight of so many standers by, and in Germanicus owne pre­sence. And thereupon he offered his familie, and was verie earnest that his seruitors might be examined vpon the racke. But the Iudges were implacable for diuers re­spects: Caesar bicause he had made warre against the prouince: the Senators, bicause they could neuer beleeue, but that Germanicus died by trechery: and that they had expostulated the matter by letters the one to the other. Which Tiberius did no lesse denie then Piso. Withall, the outcrie of the people was heard before the Senate house, that they woulde not temper their hands, if he escaped by sentence of the Se­nate. And they had drawen Pisoes images to the Gemonies; and broken them in peeces, if they had not beene saued, and put in their places againe, by the princes commaundement. Piso was caried backe in a chariot, by a Tribune of the Pretorian band, diuersly rumored: whether he followed him as a garde for his safe­tie, or executioner of his death. The like hatred was toward Plancina, but greater fa­uour: and therefore it was doubted, how farre Caesars authoritie woulde reach in hir behalfe. As long as there was any hope left for Piso, she promised to take part of whatsoeuer fortune with him: and if it so fell out, to be his companion in death. But she was no sooner pardoned through Augustaes secret intreatie, but she began by little and little, to separate hir-selfe from hir husbande, and bring hir defences a­part. The which when Piso perceiued, to aboade his vtter destruction: doubting whether he should make any further triall in iudgement: his sons perswading him, he hardneth himselfe, and goeth once againe to the Senate. Where his accusation being renewed, and the Senators voices against him; and hauing endured all things aduers and cruell: he was amazed at nothing more, then that he saw Tiberius with­out pitie, without anger, resolute, and not swaied with any affection. Being brought home from thence, as though he had premeditated some iustification for the next day: he writeth, sealeth, and deliuereth some fewe lines vnto a freed man. This done, he gaue himselfe to the accustomed care of his bodie. Then the night being farre spent, his wife going out of the chamber; he commaundeth the doores to be shut: and the next morning earely, he was found with his throte cut, the sword lying on the ground. I remember I haue heard of auncient men, that Piso was often seene to haue a little booke in his hands which he published not: but as his friends said, it contained Tiberius letters, & Commission against Germanicus: and that he had pur­posed to disclose it to the Lords of the Senat, and accuse the Prince; had he not beene deluded by Seianus vaine promises: and that he killed not himselfe, but that some one was sent to murder him. But I will not assure, either of those things: although I ought not to conceale it to haue been vttered by those, which liued vntil I came to mans estate.

III. Pisoes letters to Tiberius: Plancina is quit.

CAEsar hauing changed his countenance into sadnes; perswading himselfe that, that death of Pisoes would breede him enuie: questioned oft in Senat how Piso had behaued himselfe, the day before he died; & how he had passed the last night. And he answering most things wisely; and some inconsiderately; reciteth the cōtents of the writing made by Piso almost as followeth. Being oppres­sed by the conspiracies of my enimies, & enuie of a false crime: so far, that there is no place left to my innocencie and truth: I call the immortall gods to witnes O Caesar, that I haue liued with all loyaltie towards thee; and no lesse dutie towards thy mo­ther. And I beseech you, that you would be an aide and staie vnto my children. A­mong which Cn. Piso is guiltles of my fortune whatsoeuer it be: seeing he hath liued all this while in the citie. M. Piso did alwaies disswade me from returning to Syria. And I would to God, I had rather yeelded to the counsell of my yoong sonne, then hee to his olde father. And therefore I beseech you most ear­nestlie, that being innocent, hee suffer not the punishment of my demerit. By the seruice of fiue & fortie yeares, by the fellowship of the Consulship which we bore together, once liked of Augustus the father, and a friend to thee; I recommend vnto thee as my last request, my vnfortunate sonnes life. Of Plancina he added no word. After this, Tiberius excused the yong man of the ciuill warres, because the sonne could not disobey the fathers commaundement: withall, he had compassion on the noblenes of his house, and his owne heauie fortune, howsoeuer he had deser­ued. Of Plancina he spake with shame and discredit: pretending his mothers in­treatie: against whome euery good man was incensed, and secretly complained, saying: Is it lawfull then for the grandmother to looke vpon the murderesse of her nephew, talke with her, and take her out of the hands of the Senat, that iustice might not be executed? Shall not that haue place in Germanicus, which the law doth permit all other citizens? Caesar was bewailed by Vitellius and Veranius: Plancina de­fended by the Emperour and Augusta: that now she might conuert her skill and poisons which she had so happely experimented, against Agrippina and her chil­dren, and satiat the good grandmother and vncle with the bloud of a most miserable house. Two dayes were spent vnder colour of examining the cause: Tiberius vrging Pisoes children, to defend their mother: and when the accusers and witnesses, had spoken a vie against her, and no man answered for her, pitie increased more then enuie against her. Aurelius Cotta being first demaunded his opinion (for Caesar propounding the case, the magistrates spake first) gaue his censure that the me­mory of Piso should be blotted out of the Chronicles: that part of his goods should be confiscated; and part bestowed vpon Gn. Piso his sonne; with condition that he should change his name: that M. Piso being deposed from his dignitie, and recei­uing About 39060 pound. fiftie hundred thousand sesterces, should be exiled for ten yeares: and Plan­cinaes life pardoned at the suite of Augusta. Diuers points of that sentence were mi­tigated by the Prince, as that Pisoes name should not be wiped out of the Fasti: see­ing that M. Antonius, who had made warre against his countrey; and Iulius Anto­nius name, who had violated Augustus house, remained: and M. Piso he deliuered from infamie, and graunted him his fathers goodes, neuer as I haue often sayd, greedie of money: and at that time more easilier pleased, for shame that Plancina was quit. And when Valerius Messallinus propounded, that there should an image [Page 69] of gold be set vp in Mars their reuengers temple: and Cecina Seuerus an altar erec­ted to reuenge. He hindered both, alleaging that those things were to be dedicated and offered for forren victories, and that domesticall aduersities ought to be buried in sorrow. Messallinus added, that thanks should be giuen to Tiberius and Augusta, to Antonie and Agrippina, and to Drusus for Germanicus reuenge, not once mentio­ning Claudius. And L. Asprenas asking Messallinus before the Senate, whether he had willingly omitted him? Claudius name was then first added. The more I me­ditate with my selfe of things done both in old and later times; the more the vn­certainties and vanities of fortune in mortall affaires come to my remembrance: for in fame, hope, estimation, all men were rather destined to the soueraigntie, then he, whom fortune had kept hidden for the future monarch. A few dayes after Caesar perswaded the Lords of the Senate to bestow the dignitie of Priesthood vpon Vitel­lius, Veranius, and Seruaeus: and hauing promised his voice to Fulcinius for the ob­taining of any dignitie, aduised him not to ouerthrow his eloquence with rashnes. And that was the end of reuenging Germanicus death: many things diuersly re­ported; not only among such as then liued, but in times consequent. So doubtfull are all waightie matters; whilest some take all as certaine, howsoeuer they heare it: others report a truth otherwise then it is: posteritie adding to both.

IIII. Wars renewed in Affricke vnder Tacfarinas: who is defeated by Apronius: Lepida condemned for changing a childe.

BVt Drusus being gone out of the citie, once more to learne future things by the flieng of birds; entereth in againe, with a small triumphe. And a fewe daies after, Vipsania his mother died, onely of all Agrippas children, of a natu­rall death: because it was certainely beleeued, that some died by the sword; others by poison or famine. The same yeere Tacfarinas, who as I haue saide was the last sommer driuen out by Camillus, renueth the warre in Affricke: at the first by ro­uing pillages; vnreuenged by reason of his sudden comming; then by wasting of vil­lages; and carrieng away great booties; and last of al not far from the riuer Pagyda he besieged a Roman cohort. One Decrius was Captaine of the fort, a lustie man, and of good skill in matters of warre: who taking that besieging as a disgrace to himselfe; encourageth his souldiers to fight in open fielde; and marshalled his armie in order of battell before the fortresse. The cohort being beaten backe at the first brunt: he runneth in among the weapons of such as fled; rebuking the standard bearers, that a Roman souldier would shew his back, to a few vntrained raw traitors. And hauing receiued wounds, and an eie stroken out; yet put himselfe in the face of the enimie; neuer leauing of fighting, vntill he was forsaken of his companie and slaine in the place. Which when L. Apronius (who suceeded Camillus) vnderstood: being more perplexed with the shame of his own people; then glory of the enemie: he draweth out by lot (a rare matter in those daies though in old times practised) euerie tenth person of the dishonorable band, & beateth him with cudgels to death. Which seueritie wrought so great good, that an ensigne of old souldiers, in number not aboue fiue hundred; defeated Tacfarinas armie, going about to assault a fort cal­led Thala. In which battell Ruffus Heluius, a common souldier, got the credit of sauing a citizens life: on whom L. Apronius bestowed chaines and a speare. Caesar added a ciuicall crowne to them: finding fault rather then offended, that Apronius [Page 70] had not giuen it by his proconsularie authoritie. But Tacfarinas perceiuing the Nu­midians to be daunted, & refusing to besiege any longer, scattered his war; giuing ground when he was pursued: and following a fresh when their backes were turned. Which maner of fight vsed by the Barbarian, molested and kept the Roman plaie, to no purpose. But after that greedy of pray, he drew to the sea coastes, and there encamped. Apronius Cesianus being sent thither by his fathers appointment, with a troupe of horsmen and aid cohorts; adding vnto them the rudest of the legions; had a prosperous fight, and droue the Numidian to the desarts. Lepida, who be­sides the honor of the Aemilian familie, from which she was descended; had L. Sulla, and Cn. Pompeius for hir great grand-fathers, was accused at Rome, for fai­ning hir selfe to haue had a childe, by P. Quirinius, a rich man and without children: and also of adulteries and empoisonings: and that she had consulted with the Chaldeans against the house of Caesar: hir brother Manius Lepidus defending hir cause. Quirinius being offended, and separated from hir; yet had commiseration on hir, although she were both infamous and faultie. In the hearing of that cause, it was harde to gesse the princes minde; he did so turne and winde himselfe, and inter­lace tokens of anger with clemencie: hauing first of all requested that matters of treason should not be debated at that time. Then he drew M. Seruilius, once Con­sull, and other witnesses to broach such matter, which he woulde seeme to haue sup­pressed: and sent to the Consuls Lepidaes seruants, whom he had garded before with a companie of soldiers: & would not suffer them to answer by torture, to such inter­rogatories as did appertaine to his house. Neither that Drusus Consull elect should first yeeld his opinion: which some construed to be a point of ciuilitie; that others shoulde not be forced to do the like: others did wrest it to crueltie: and that he should neuer haue giuen place, but to condemne the partie called in question. Le­pida, the day of hearing falling out when the plaies were to be shewen; entering the Theater with a companie of noble women: calling on hir auncestors with a dolefull lamentation; and Pompey himselfe, whose monuments and images were there in view: mooued such great compassion, that the people gushing out in teares, began to curse Quirinius: wishing him all crueltie and misfortune: vpon whom be­ing old and without children, and of base parentage, she was bestowed, who had once beene destined a wife for L. Caesar, and daughter in law to Augustus. Not long after hir lewde behauiour was discouered; by torturing hir slaues: and all of them condescended vnto Rubellius Blandus opinion, which was that she should be bani­shed. Drusus yeelded vnto his opinion, although others were mildlier bent. Then Scaurus, who had had a daughter by hir, obtained, that hir goods should not be con­fiscate. At last Tiberius declared, that he was assured also by P. Quirinius slaues, that she sought to poison him, as being an enimie alwaies to noble houses. And so in a short compasse of time, the Calphurnians lost Piso: and the Aemilians Lepida. But D. Silanus being restored to the Iunian family, was a comfort vnto it: whose for­tunes I will lay downe.

V. Decius Silanus touched vvith adulterie: Papias Poppaeus lavve against single life.

AS fortune was fauourable to Augustus in gouernment of state: so in house­hold matters vnluckie and improsperous: his daughter and Neece which he banished the citie, being both of incontinent life: and the adulterers pu­nished with death or exile. For perceiuing the offence to be common in the mouth both of man and woman; and terming it by a rigorous name, of religion [Page 71] violated, or treason; he passed the bondes of his auncestors clemencie, and his owne lawes. But I will lay downe the endes of others, and what hath hapned in that age: if hauing finished this which I haue begun I shall haue longer life, to vndertake farther matter. Decius Silanus, who was accused to haue commit­ted adulterie with Augustus Neece, although there was no seuerer punish­ment decreed against him, then that he shoulde be depriued of Caesars friend­ship; yet interpreting that to be a banishment, durst neuer intreate pardon of the Senate and the Prince, vntill Tiberius came to be Emperour; and that by his bro­ther M. Silanus credit and authoritie, for his great nobilitie and eloquence highly esteemed. But Silanus thanking Tiberius: he answered before the Lords of the Se­nate, that he was glad of his brothers returne from a long peregrination: and that he might lawfully so do, because he was not expulsed by decree of Senate or law: yet that the offence committed against his father, was entire: and that by Silanus returne, those things were not made frustrate which Augustus had decreed. He re­mained after this in the citie, but as a priuat man without office. After this, they debated the matter concerning the moderation of the law Papia poppaea, which Augustus stroken in yeeres, had ordained after the Iulian lawes, for augmenting the punishment of single life, and enriching the publick treasure. Neither for all that, were marriages and education of children the more frequented: the single life hauing taken strong roote: whereby the multitude of the endangered by the law, growing greater, most houses were subuerted by the interpretations of enfor­mers: and as heretofore through lewdnes of life; so now by lawes the estate of many was ouerthrowne. This giueth me occasion to speake more at large of the beginning of lawes; and by what meanes we are come to such an infinite multitude and varietie of them. In most auncient times no disordinate desire raigned: euery man liued without reproch and vice; and therefore without punishment and re­straint of lawes; neither was there any neede of reward, when as euery man desired honest things of his owne will: and where nothing was demanded against custome, nothing was forbidden by feare. But after that equalitie was banished, and that ambition and violence crept in, in stead of modestie and shame; rule and domi­nion tooke footing, and continued for euer among many nations. Some presently, or after they were weary of kings, desired rather lawes: which at the first were simple, mens minds being yet rude. And aboue the rest, fame commended those of the Cretensians which Minos gaue: and those of the Sparteans, which Lycurgus: and not long after Solon prescribed more, and more exquisite, to the people of A­thens. Romulus ruled vs as pleased himselfe: then Numa bound the people with ceremonies, and diuine lawes: some were found out by Tullus and Ancus: but the chiefest law-maker was Seruius Tullius, which kings themselues were bound to o­bey. Tarquinius being driuen out; the people made many against the factions of the Senators, to defend their libertie and establish concord. Then ten men were chosen, to collect all the best lawes of other countries; out of which they composed twelue tables: the end of lawe and equitie. As for the lawes which followed, al­though they were sometimes made against malefactors for their misdemeanors; yet notwithstanding for the most part, they were brought in, through the dissention of the communaltie and noble men: for getting of vnlawfull dignities: or driuing out of noble men; or other disorders. By this occasion, the Gracchi, and the Satur­nini were disturbers of the people: and Drusus no lesse prodigall vnder pretence of the Senators name, corrupted his companions with hope, or mocked them by sun­drie oppositions against them. Neither did they omit in the warre of Italie, nor in [Page 72] the ciuill warre, to make many lawes: vntill L. Sulla the Dictator, the former lawes either abolished or changed: after he had added many vnto them; forbare sometime from making any more, though not long by reason of Lepidus turbulent demaunds: and because that not long after, licence was yeelded the Tribunes to mannage the people, as themselues lusted. And now not in generall, but against particular men lawes were ordained: and thereby in a common wealth most corrupt; lawes vpon lawes were multiplied. Then Cn. Pompeius being a third time Consull, and chosen for reformation of manners; being more seuere in punishing then the offence de­serued; was the author and ouerthrower of his owne lawes: and lost those things by armes, which he had defended by armes. From that time forward there was conti­nuall discord twentie yeares together: no custome; no law obserued: the most lew­dest enterprises escaped vnpunished: and many vndone for well doing. At length Augustus Caesar being the sixt time Consull, and setled in the state, abolished those things, which being Triumuir himself had commaunded: and gaue new lawes to be obserued in time of peace and vnder a Prince. Straighter lawes were made by him; and spies appointed to watch the trāsgressors: and many induced through recōpen­ses graunted by the lawe Papia poppaea; that if any forbare from the priuileges of parents, ceast from marriage, and had no children: that then the people who was the common father of all, should inherit their goods. But the pickthanks went farther, and informed against many, not only in the citie, but also through all Italie, and where soeuer else the citizens were: and ouerthrew many mens estates, and droue a terror into all: if Tiberius in prouiding a remedie had not chosen by lot, fiue such as had beene Consuls, fiue as had beene Pretors, and so many of the rest of the Senators, which soluing many intricate quirks of this lawe, were some ease for the present time.

VI. Nero is recomended by Tiberius to the Senat: and marrieth with Iulia, Drusus daughter.

ABout the same time, he recomended Nero, one of Germanicus children, now entered into his youth, to the Lords of the Senat: and requested that he might be dispensed with for the office of Vigintiuirat: and (which to all men seemed ridiculous) be lawfull for him to demaund the Questorship, fiue yeeres soo­ner then the lawes did permit: pretending that the same was graunted him and his brother at Augustus request. But I doubt not, but at that time, some secretly laughed at that demaund. Yet these were the first beginnings of Caesars rising; and the aun­cient custome more in euerie mans eies: and a lighter band of alliance, helde to be betwixt the father in lawe, and his wiues children; then the granfather and his ne­phew. The Pontificall dignitie was likewise bestowed vpon him: and the first time he entered the place of common assemblies; he gaue the people a donatiue: verie ioyfull to see Germanicus ofspring now of full age. Their ioy was augmented by Neroes marrieng of Iulia, Drusus daughter. And as these things were gratefull to the people; so went it against their stomacks, that Seianus should be destined father in law to Claudius son, as a disparagement to their nobility: & that at their own motion they exalted Seianus, who cōceiued ouer great hopes in his mind. In the end of that yeere died L. Volutius, & Sal. Crispus, two noble personages. Volusius was descended of an auncient stocke; but neuer higher then a Pretors roome: himselfe obtained a Consuls roome: & was made Censor for the chusing of bands of horsmen; & the [Page 73] first gatherer of riches, whereby that house rose to that greatnes. Crispus was a gen­tleman borne, and so called and adopted by that excellent writer of the Roman Hi­storie C. Sallustius, bicause he was his sisters nephew. But he, although he had a rea­die entrance for obtaining of dignities; yet following the example of Maecenas ne­uer once being Senator, had greater authoritie and power, then many which had triumphed and beene Consuls. Yet differed from his auncestors in manner of life; as being neat, fine, and bountifull, very neere riotousnes; and was of a great capa­citie, and in courage able to performe great matters: and so much the more liuely; by how much in vtter shew he seemed drousie and heauie metled. Therefore whi­lest Maecenas liued, next vnto him his credit was best: and after his death, trusted with greatest secrets of state; and priuie to the murdering of Posthumus Agrippa; and growne into yeeres, helde rather a shadowe of the Princes friendship, then the substance. Euen so fell it out with Maecenas; either so by the course of the heauens decreed, that Princes fauour is seldome euerlasting; or bicause both haue their fill: those when they haue giuen all they can; these when there is nothing left to desire. Now followeth the fourth time Tiberius; and the second that Drusus was made Consull: a thing woorthie of remembrance, that the father and the son were fellow officers: for two yeeres before, Germanicus had the same dignitie with Tiberius: but that was no ioie to the vncle; neither he so neere in blood vnto him. In the beginning of that yeere Tiberius went to Campania, vnder colour of getting his health; yet indeed by little and little to absent himselfe; or else that the father being away, Drusus might alone mannage the whole Consulship. It fell out by meere chance, that a matter of small moment growing to a waightie contention, brought the yoong man to great credit. Domitius Corbulo, who had beene Pretor, complained before the Lords of the Senat, on L. Sulla a noble yoong man, that he gaue him not the place at a play of fencers. For Corbulo, made his age; the custome of the countrey; and the fauour of the auncient men: on the other side, Mamercus Scaurus, and L. Arruntius, and other of his kinred, stucke vnto Sulla. Orations were made on both sides: and examples of old times brought, sharpely rebuking the ir­reuerence of youth: vntill Drusus qualified the matter with a fit discourse; and Cor­bulo satisfied by Mamercus the most excellent Orator of his time, and vncle, and fa­ther in law to Sulla. The same Corbulo exclaiming that many high waies of Italie were broken, and not passable; by reason of the fraude of the vndertakers of the worke, and negligence of magistrates in great; accepteth willingly the finishing of that busines. Which did not so much turne to à publick benefit, as the destruction of many: whose wealth and fame he tyrannised by condemning them, and setting their goods to sale.

VII. Whether Captaines and Gouernors of prouinces should haue their vviues vvith them.

NOt long after, Tiberius sent letters to the Senate; aduertising them that by Tacfarinas incursions, Affrike was againe in armes: and that with the aduise of the Lords it were needfull, that a Preconsull were chosen, skilfull in mat­ters of warre; of an able bodie, and a sufficient man for this war. Which entrance Sextus Pompeius hauing gotten, of vttering his malice against M. Lepidus; accused him to be a coward, beggerly, and a dishonour to his auncestors; and therefore not to be admitted to lot, for the gouernment of Asia. The Senators were on his side; who thought Lepidus rather meeke then a coward; and the small wealth [Page 74] left him by his father; and his nobilitie past without reproch, rather they iudged a credit, then an ignominie. And therefore he was sent into Asia. And touching Affrica, it was decreed that Caesar shoulde chuse one himselfe for that charge. Whi­lest these things were a dooing, Seuerus Caecina was of opinion, that no magistrate vnto whom should fall the gouernment of a Prouince, shoulde haue his wife follow him: hauing first often repeated, the good agreement betwixt him and his wife: that he had sixe children by hir: and that he propounded nothing publikely to be executed, which he had not obserued at home: not suffering his to go out of Italie, although he had had commanderie in wars fortie yeeres in many prouinces. It was not in vaine, said he, ordained in times past, that womē should not be drawen to cō ­federates and forrein nations. For it was incident where women followed, that in peace they were a hinderance by riot and sumptousnes: in warre by feare; and made the Romane armie, like the Barbarians going to warre. That sexe was not onely weake and vnable to take paine; but if it got the bridle, cruell, ambitious and greedy of rule. To marche among the souldiers, to haue the Centurions at com­mand; we haue seene a woman of late: and to ouersee the cohorts exercise, and the legions horseraces. That they should consider, that as oft as any were accused of extortion and polling, more was obiected against their wiues, then themselues. That the lew dest persons of the prouinces, did by and by cleaue vnto them. They woulde intermeddle and conclude of all affaires: by this meanes two were courted, and two iudgement seats. Women being wilfull, commaund proudly; and brideled by the Oppian and other lawes; now hauing gotten the raines in their hands, rule houses, places of iudgements, and armies. This was heard but with the good likin of a fewe: many interrupting him, and saying, that that was not the matter propoun­ded: nor Caecina a fit censurer to swaie a matter of so great importance. Valerius Mes­sallinus, sonne vnto Messalla, in whom appeared the image of his fathers eloquence, answered immediately as followeth. Many hard and irksome customes of our pre­decessors, haue beene changed into the better and pleasanter. Neither was the citie besieged as in times past: or the prouinces at defiance with vs; and some few things are graunted to womens necessities: which are so farre from ouercharging the con­federates; that they are not burdensome to their husbands houses. Other things were common as well to the husband as the wife; and no hinderance at all therein to peace. True it is, that warres are to be vndertaken by armed men: but vnto such as returne after their labours, what more honester solace then a mans wife? But some haue fallen into ambition and couetousnes. What? of magistrates them­selues, are not many of them subiect vnto sundry affections? yet it cannot be, that none should be sent into the prouince. But oftentimes the husbands haue beene corrupted by the naughtines of their wiues: are therefore all single men vncorrupt? The Oppian lawes were once in vse, the state of the common wealth so requiring; but afterward somewhat of their rigor was remitted and mitigated, because it was then expedient. It was in vaine to couer our cowardlines with new names; for it was the husbands fault, if the woman exceeded the meane. In fine, it were not well done for the weakenes of one or two, to take from husbands their companion in prosperous and aduerse fortune: and withall, a sexe [...]ake and fraile by nature, to be left alone, and exposed by her owne licentiousnes, to the lust of others. Matri­mony could hardly be kept vndefiled, their husbands being present: what would become of them, if they should be forgotten for many yeares, as it were by diuorce­ment? therefore they should so preuent faults committed abroad, that they forget not the dishonors of the citie. Drusus added somewhat of his owne matrimony, [Page 75] and that Princes most often visit the remotest parts of their Empire. How oft had Augustus of famous memory gone to the East and West, accompanied with Liuia? That himselfe, had gone to Illyrium; and if it were expedient, was readie to go into other countries: but yet not alwayes willingly, if he should be drawne from his most deere wife, and mother of so many children, common betweene them both. And so Caecinas sentence tooke no effect.

VIII. What abuses were committed by running to the Princes images. Warres in Thrace.

THe next day that the Senat met, Tiberius hauing courtly rebuked the Lords of the Senate by letters, because they did cast all the cares on the Princes neck, nominated M. Lepidus, and Iunius Blaesus, one of them to be chosen Pro­consull of Affrike. And both of them being heard, Lepidus very earnestly excused himselfe; pretending the feeblenes of his bodie; his childrens age; and a daughter mariageable: respecting also (though thereof he made no mention) that Blaesus was Seianus vncle; and therefore sure to carry it away. Blaesus answered as though he would haue refused, but not with the like asseueration as the other; yet had a fauou­rable hearing of flatterers. Then many secret complaints were made knowne: for euery lewd companion, if he could catch hold on Caesars image, might freely, and without punishment, iniury honest men with opprobrious speeches, and rayse en­uie against them: yea, freed men and bondslaues also, were feared, threatning with words and fists their patrons and maisters. Whereupon C. Cestius a Senator vttered these speeches: That in deed Princes were like vnto gods: but yet the gods heard no supplications but iust: neither had any refuge to the Capitol, or other temples of the citie, that they should vse that as a defence against all misdemeanor. That the lawes were abolished and vtterly ouerthrowne: seeing that Annia Rufilla, whome he had condemned of fraude before the iudge, did threaten, and vse re­prochfull speeches against him, in the place of assemblies and before the Curia: he not daring to trie the lawe with her, because she had Caesars image ouer a­gainst her. Others muttered the like, or bitterer speeches then these; and be­sought Drusus that he would shew exemplarie punishment vpon her: and being called and conuicted, was condemned to prison. Likewise Considius AEquus, and Coelius Cursor Gentlemen of Rome, were by commaundement of the Prince, and order of the Senate punished, for forging crimes of treason against the Pre­tor Magius Caecilianus. Both turned to Drusus commendation, bicause that by him who conuersed in the citie with all companies, in familiar communication; the secret deseigments of his father were qualified. Neither did the yoong mans riot greatly dislike them; reputing it a lesser fault, to employ the day in buildings, and the night in banquetting; then giuen to no pleasures, alone heauily to passe the daie in lewde practises and deuises. For Tiberius and the accusers were not yet wearied. But Ancharius Priscus accused Caesius Cordus, Proconsull of Creete, of powling the countrey: and added treason, which was a supplie when all other accusations failed. When Caesar perceiued that Antistius Vetus, one of the chiefe noble men of Macedonia, was acquited of adulterie laid to his charge: hauing re­buked the iudges, drew him in againe, to purge himselfe of treason; as being sediti­ous and a confederate with Rhescuporis in his counsels: when as hauing slaine his brother Cotys, he intended warre against vs. Whereupon he was banished into an Iland; neither commodius for Macedonia, nor Thrace. For Thrace, the kingdome [Page 76] being diuided betwixt Rhoemetalces and Cotys children; vnto whom by reason of their infancie, Trebellienus Rufus was made Tutor; through the strangenes of our manners, fell to rebell afresh: no lesse blaming Rhoemetalces then Trebellienus, bi­cause they suffred the iniuries done to their people to escape vnpunished. The Coe­laletae, and the Odrusetae, all strong nations; tooke armes vnder diuers Captaines, for basenes of birth not vnlike: and therfore could not grow to any cruel battel. For some troubled the present state; some passed the hill Haemus, to draw such to them as dwelt a far off: most of them, and those of better gouernment, besieged the King and the citie Philippopolis, built by Philip King of Macedon. Which when P. Vel­leius vnderstood, who was Captaine of the next armie: he sent a certaine companie of horsemen, and a band of footmen lightly appointed, against those which romed about for pillage; or to seeke more succour: himselfe brought his strength of foot­men to raise the siege; all ending prosperously; the forragers slaine; and a dissention growing amongst the besiegers: the King sallied out against these; the legions arri­ued in seasonable time. This deserued not the name of an armie or battell: in which a few vnfurnished straglers were slaine without any blood-shed on our side.

IX. The Galli vnable to pay their taxations rebell: Iulius Florus and Iulius Sacrouir being their Captaines.

THe same yeere the cities of Gallia, by reason they were greatly indebted, began a rebellion: the chiefest firebrand among the Treueri being Iulius Florus, and with the Aedui Iulius Sacrouir: both nobly descended, and whose aunce­stors had atchieued valiant acts; and therfore made citizens of Rome: then a rare thing, and a guerdon onely of vertue. They by secret conferences, hauing drawen to them the most audacious; or such whose pouertie, or feare of punishmēts for their misdeeds, were ready to plunge themselues into any enterprise: resolued that Florus should stir vp the Belgi, and Sacrouir the French neerer at hand. In their conuenti­cles therfore & meetings; they began to cast out seditious speeches of their cōtinual tributes; the greatnes of vsury; the cruelty & arrogancy of gouernors; & that the sol­diers fell togither by the eares when they heard of Germanicus death. That that was a notable time offered, of recouering their libertie: if now in their flourishing estate they woulde weigh, howe poore Italy was; howe weake the citie souldier; and no strength in the armies, but what was in strangers. There was almost no citie which was not infected with the seedes of that commotion. The Andecauians, and the Turonians were the first which burst out: of which the Andecauians were subdued, by the Lieutenant Acilius Auiola; with a bande of men which laie in garrison at Lugdunum. The Turonians were ouerthrowne by the legi­onarie souldier; which Visellius Varro, Lieutenant of lower Germanie, sent vnder the same captaine Auiola: and certaine of the chiefe gentlemen of Gallia, which brought him aide; the better thereby to cloake their reuolt, and when occasion ser­ued, rebell with more assurance. Sacrouir was seene to demaund battell of the Ro­mans bare headed, as he saide to shewe his valour: but the captaines said he did it to make himselfe the better knowne; thereby to be spared from their darts. Tibe­rius being consulted vpon that point, made no reckoning of the disclosing of it; but nourished the warre by doubting. Florus in the meane time helde on his pur­pose; enticed a wing of horsemen, enrowled at Treuers, and trained vp in our seruice & discipline; that hauing slaine the Roman merchants, which there vsed trafficke; he might begin the warre: fewe of the horsemen were corrupted; but most continued in their alleageance. Other rude indebted persons, or followers, tooke armes; and [Page 77] went towarde the forrest called Arden: but the legions from both armies; which Visellius, and C. Silius had set to crosse them, droue them backe. Iulius Indus being of the same citie; and an enimie to Florus (and therefore more foreward to shew his valour) being sent before with a choise power; scattered and defeated that dis­ordered multitude. Florus escaped the conquerours hands, by vncertaine lurking holes; and at last perceiuing the souldiers to set on his places of refuge, slewe him­selfe with his own hands. And that was the end of the rebellion of those of Treueri. It was a matter of great difficultie to suppresse the Aedui; by reason their city was more wealthie; and the aide which should haue subdued them farther off. Sacrouir had with certaine armed cohorts, gotten possession of Augustodunum, the chiefe citie of the countrey; and taken the noblest mens children of all Gallia, which there followed their studies; as a pledge to win and binde their parents and kindred: and withal, secretly distributed weapons which himselfe had caused to be made, to al the youth. They were in number forty thousand; the fift part armed as the legions were: the others with hunting staues, hangers, & such other weapōs, as hūters vse. To these were added certaine slauish fencers; couered according to the countrey fashion, from top to toe, in armour of iron; vnapt and vneasie to strike; but to withstand impenetrable, whom they call Crupellarij. These forces were augmented, though not by any open cōsent of cities adioining; yet with euery mans particular good wil: the Roman captaines striuing & doubting who should haue the conducting of the warre; both desiring it. But Varro being old and feeble, yeelded to Silius, who was in his prime. It was currant in Rome, that not onely the Treueri, and the Aedui, but also that threescore and fower cities of Gallia had reuolted; and the Ger­mans ioined with them: that Spaine was wauering; and all (as the nature of a re­port is) beleeued, more then it was. Euery good man with a care of the com­mon-wealth was greatly grieued: many disliking the present state, and desirous of alteration, reioysed euen in their owne harmes: and blamed Tiberius that in so great a hurlyburly, he woulde still spende his labour in hearing accusers libels. What (saide they) shall Iulius Sacrouir bee condemned of treason in Senate? at last some were founde, which with armes woulde suppresse these bloudy libels of accusers: that a miserable peace was well changed for warre. Tiberius so much the more composed to a careles securitie, changed neither place nor countenance; passed ouer those dayes after his accustomed woont, either through haughti­nes of courage; or because he knewe the matter to be lighter then the report. In the meane time Silius marching on with two legions, hauing sent a power of allies before, wasteth the villages of the Sequans, which were borderers and confede­rates with the Aeduans. Anon after he marcheth speedily with his armie to­wardes Augustodunum: the standard-bearers striuing who shoulde make most haste: and the common souldier fretting, and chasing likewise, least he should rest the night as he was wont: only that they might see the enemie, and be seene, that would be enough for the victorie. Twelue miles off, Sacrouir appeared in the champian countrey. In the front he had placed his men couered with iron: his co­horts on the wings: and those which were halfe armed in the rereward: himselfe mounted on a goodly courser, amongst the chiefest of the citie; went to the soul­diers, and put them in minde of the ancient glory of the Galli; and how oft they had defeated the Romans. How honorable a thing libertie was to the conquerors: and how intollerable seruitude would be, if they should be vanquished againe. This exhortation was not long nor pleasing: for the legions drew neere in battell aray: the townesmen wanting discipline, and ignorant of seruice, did neither see nor [Page 78] heare what was best for them. Silius on the contrary side, although his hope had taken away all occasions of encouraging them, yet cried: That it was a shame for them, being conquerors ouer the Germans, to be brought against the Galli, as a­gainst enemies: and that of late one cohort had vanquished the rebellious Toro­nians; one wing the Treueri: a few troupes of horsemen of this same armie, had put to flight the Sequans. By how much the richer the Aedui are in money, and abounding in pleasures, the lesser courage they had. Breake then in vpon them, and binde them, and flee to those which run away. At that all of them giuing an out­cry, the horsemen compassed them in: the footemen set on the point: and the wings made small resistance. Those in complet yron harnes, stuck somewhat to it: their plates resisting, and beating back the darts and swords: but the souldier snat­ching his hatchets and axes, as though he were to breake through a wall, hewed their couering and carcasses. Some with poles or forks ouerthrew this sluggish lump: leauing them for halfe dead lying on the ground, not once going about to rise. Sacrouir goeth first to Augustodunum; then, for feare least it should be yeel­ded, to the next village, with a few of his trustiest friends; where he slew him­selfe with his owne hands, and the rest one another: and the village being set on fire ouer them, they were all burnt together. Then at last Tiberius wrote to the Senate, that the warre was begun and ended: neither adding nor taking away from the truth. And that the Lieutenants had behaued themselues faithfully and valorously; and himselfe directed them with counsell. And withall yeelded the reasons, why neither he nor Drusus went to the war; magnifying the greatnes of the Empire: and that it was not meete that Princes, if some one or other towne rebell, should forsake Rome; from whence all other gouernment was de­riued. Now bicause there was no cause of feare, he would goe see and settle the present estate of things. The Lords of the Senat derceed vowes and processions for his returne, with other conuenient ceremonies. Dolabella Cornelius onely whilest he went about to exceed others, falling into absurd flatterie, thought it meete that he should from Campania enter into the citie, ouant. Wherupon Caesar wrote, that he was not so needie of renowne, that hauing vanquished most stout and prowde nations; and receiued or refused in his youth so many triumphes; he would in his old age hunt after a vaine reward of a voiage neere the citie.

X. Lepidus maketh an oration in defence of C. Lutorius accused of treason.

ABout the same time, he made request vnto the Senat that Sulpitius Quirinius death, might be solemnised with publicke funerals. Quirinius was not of the auncient patritian familie of the Sulpitians; but borne at Lanuuium a free towne: a valiant warrior; and forwards in all his charges: was Consull vnder Au­gustus of famous memorie. Then hauing won by assault the fortresse of the Homo­nadensians in Cilicia; the markes of triumphe were awarded him; then giuen as a guide to C. Caesar in the regiment of Armenia: and when Tiberius was at Rhodes, shewed him all duties of loue; which Tiberius did open in Senat, praising his duti­fulnes towards him; and accused M. Lollius, to haue perswaded C. Caesar to seditions and lewdnes. But vnto the rest, the memorie of Quirinius was nothing pleasing, by reason as I haue saide, of the danger he brought Lepida into, and miserable niggish­nes, and powerable old age. In the end of the yeere a cari-tale, accused C. Lutorius Priscus a gentleman of Rome; who had composed notable funerall verses vpon [Page 79] Germanicus death, and receiued money of Caesar for them: obiecting that he had made them in honour of Drusus being sicke: to the ende that if he had died, they should haue beene published for greater reward. Those verses Lutorius, vpon vaine glorie had read in P. Petronius house, in the presence of Vitellia, his mother in lawe, and many other noble women. As soone as the pickthanke had shewed himselfe; the rest forced by feare to giue witnes: onely Vitellia stood to it, that she had heard nothing. But more credit being giuen to such as testified to his ouerthrow: sen­tence of death was pronounced against him, by Haterius Agrippa Consull elect. Against whom M. Lepidus began to speake in this manner. If we consider, Lords of the Senat, with what a wicked toong Lutorius Priscus hath polluted his minde, and mens eares: neither prison, nor halter, nor any seruile torments, could suffice to punish him. But if lewd and heinous facts be without meane: yet the moderation of a Prince; your own and your auncestors examples do mollifie the punishments and remedies of them: vaine things do differ from wicked; and words from villa­nous deedes. And therefore iudgment may be giuen; by which neither this mans offence goe scot-free; & we not repent vs, either of our clemencie or seueritie. I haue often heard our Prince complaine, if any by killing himselfe hath preuented his cle­mēcy; Lutorius life is yet in safety: who being kept aliue, will neither breed danger to the cōmon-wealth; nor put to death, serue for example to others. As his studies were full of follie and without sence, so they are likewise vaine, and quickly at an end. Neither is there any cause to feare any great or serious matter in him; who be­wraying his owne imperfections; doth creepe not into mens, but womens breasts. Yet let him be expulsed the citie. Which I iudge to be all one as if he had been con­uicted of treason. Among all the Consuls onely Rubellius Blandus agreed with Le­pidus: the rest following Agrippaes opinion; Priscus was lead to prison; and imme­diately depriued of his life. The fact Tiberius with his accustomed ambiguitie of words, blamed in Senate: extolling the zealous affection of seuere punishments of princes iniuries, though small: yet entreated them that they woulde not so rashlie punish wordes: praised Lepidus, and rebuked not Agrippa. Whereupon a decree of Senate was made; that their orders shoulde not be caried to the treasurie before ten daies were expired: and that so long the condemneds life should be prolonged. But the Senators had no licence to repent, and reuoke their sentence; and Tiberius not to be pacified by tract of time.

XI. Tiberius letter touching reformation of abuses.

THe yeere following, C. Sulpitius, and D. Haterius, were created Consuls: all being quiet from forrein troubles: but seueritie against superfluities suspected at home: which was growen to exceeding excesse in all things, wherein mo­ney is lauishly spent. Some of their expences, although more vnreasonable; yet were cloaked, by dissembling their prices: but gluttonie and belly-cheere, euerie man commonly speaking of; put them in feare, least the prince shoulde rigorouslie proceed according to the ancient prouident frugalitie. For C. Bibulus beginning; the other Aediles shewed also, that the law cōcerning excesse of expences, was nought set by; and the sumptuousnes of moueables which was forbiddē, daily increased: and that it coulde not be redressed by any reasonable meanes. And the Lordes of the Senate being demanded their aduise, referred the whole matter to the prince. But Tiberius often pondered with himselfe, whether such exorbitant lustes coulde be­brideled or not: whether the brideling of them would not bring more hurt, then be­nefit [Page 80] to the common-wealth: how vnseemely and dishonorable it would be, to vn­dertake that which could not be effected: or if it could, with the ignominie or infamie of noble men: and in the end he sent letters to the Senate to this purpose. It would be peraduenture conuenient, Lords of the Senate, that in other matters, I should be demaunded my opinion in your presence: and speake what I thought to be behouefull for the common wealth: but in this relation it was better to withdraw mine eyes; least that you, noting the countenāce, and the feare of euery one of such, which should be deprehended of this shamefull lauishing; I should also see them, and take them as it were in the fault. If the Aediles vigilant and carefull men, had before hand asked my aduise; I know not whether I should rather haue perswaded them, to let passe strong and rooted vices, then go so far; that it should be knowne how vnable we be to redresse some kinde of abuses. But they truly haue done their dutie, and I wish that other magistrates would also fulfill theirs. To me it is neither honest to hold my tongue; nor easie to speake: because I haue neither the office of an Aedile, Pretor, nor Consull. Some greater matter is required of a Prince, and of greater importance: and when as euery man attributeth to himselfe the prayse of things well done: the faults of all men in generall redounde to the dislike of the Prince alone. What shall I begin first to forbid, and reduce to the auncient cus­tome? your huge and spacious countrey houses? the number of your seruitours of diuers nations? the quantitie of siluer and gold? your painted tables, and brasen images of maruellous and exquisite workemanship? superfluousnes of apparell both in men and women? and those things which are proper vnto women, as pretious stones, for which our money is transported to forren nations, or enemies? I am not ignorant that these things are blamed in bankets and meetings, and a meane wished for. But if any would make a lawe, or lay downe a punishment for them; those them­selues which complaine, will exclaime that the citie is ouerthrowne; that the ruine of the nobilitie is sought for: and that there is none free from this crime. But we see that old inueterate diseases of the body cannot be cured, but by sharp and rough re­medies: the corruptor and the corrupted; the weake and burning desire, is to be quenched with no lighter remedies; then the disordinate appetites were, which kindled the minde. So many lawes inuented by our auncestors; so many made by Augustus; those by obliuion, these (which is a greater offence) abolished by con­tempt, haue caused all superfluities, to be more bold, and practised. For if thou wouldest do that which is not yet forbidden, feare least thou be forbidden it. But if thou hast without punishment transgressed things forbidden, there is neither fur­ther shame nor feare left. Why then in times past was prouident sparing vsed? be­cause euery man did moderate himselfe: because we were citizens of one citie: and our dominions not reaching out of Italy, we had not the same prouocations: by victories had against strangers, we haue learned to consume other mens goods; by ciuill wars our owne. How small a matter is that whereof the Aediles do admo­nish vs? how little to be reckoned of, if we regard other things? But truly no man doth put vs in minde, that Italy doth want the ayde of forren nations; that the life of the people of Rome, is tossed with the incertaintie of sea and tempest: and if the strength of the prouinces should not aide and succour the Lords, slaues, and posses­sions: our woods forsooth, and our farmes, would they maintaine vs? This burden, Lords of the Senate, the Prince doth sustaine: which being omitted, the common-wealth would fall to the ground. In other things, euery man must giue himselfe a lawe: let shame amend vs: necessitie the poore; sacietie the rich. Or if there be any of the magistrates, which doth promise vs so much industrie, and seueritie, that he [Page 81] can preuent and redresse these things: I do both praise him, and confesse that I shall be vnburdened in part of my labour. But if they will accuse faults; and hauing gotten glory thereby, raise priuie hatred, and leaue it on me: beleeue me, Lords of the Senate, I am not desirous of displeasures: which although I run into, and that very greatly, and for the most part vniustly, for the common wealth: yet by good reason, I refuse them, and intreate that those be not thrust on me, which will be nei­ther profitable for me, nor you.

XII. Examples do more then lawes in reformation of abuses: the Flamines are hindered for being gouernors of Prouinces.

CAEsars letters being heard, the Aediles were discharged of that care: and the sumptuousnes of their tables, which from the end of the war at Actium, vntill the wars in which S. Galba got the soueraigntie for an hundred yeeres, lauishingly vsed, began by little and little to be left off. The causes of this chang it shall not be amisse to seeke out. In times past, rich and great houses of noble men fell to decay through their magnificence; being then lawfull to winne the fauour of the people, of confederates, and Kings, to court and be courted. And as euerie man was most sumptuous in his house, furniture, and prouision: so he was accoun­ted most honorable, and followed with a greater traine. But after they began to murder one another, for priuat quarrels, proceeding of this pompe; and that their greatnes was their ruine; the rest tooke a wiser course. And withall, new men which were often taken out of free townes, colonies, and Prouinces, and chosen to be Senators; brought in with them the frugalitie, which they had vsed before in their owne houses. And albeit, many of them either by fortune, or their owne in­dustrie; grew to wealth in their age: yet they kept the same minde and custome they brought with them. But Vespasian was the chiefest author of this strict kinde of life; himselfe obseruing the auncient manner of liuing: for then a desire of pleasing and imitating the Prince, wrought more, then either punishment of lawes, or feare. Vn­lesse peraduenture, we thinke that there is in all things a certaine change: and as there is an intercourse and change of time; so also an alteration of customes and manners. Neither were all things in auncient times better then ours; but our age hath left vnto posteritie manie things worthie of praise and imitation. But let such honest contentions between vs and our predecessors, stil continue amongst vs. Ti­berius hauing gotten the fame of moderation, by repressing the accusers: sent let­ters to the Senat, requesting the Tribuniciall authoritie for Drusus. That terme of highest dignitie Augustus inuented, to auoide the name of King or Dictator: and yet vnder another title signified a soueraigntie aboue other magistrates. After this he chose M. Agrippa, as an associat of that dignitie: and after his death Tiberius Ne­ro, lest the successor should be vnknowen; thinking thereby to cut off others vnlaw­full hopes; trusting to Neroes modestie, and his owne greatnes. By which example, Tiberius did then assure the soueraigntie to Drusus, when as whilest Germanicus liued, he held his iudgment indifferent betweene them both, not preferring the one before the other. But in the beginning of his letters, hauing humbly prayed vnto the gods, that they would prosper his counsels to the good of the common-wealth: he spake some few words, and those truly, of the yoong mans behauiour; as that he had a wife and three children; and was of the age that he himselfe was called by Augustus of famous memorie, to vndertake the same charge. Neither could it be [Page 82] saide that hastily, but after eight yeeres triall; hauing suppressed seditions, and set­led the wars, and triumphed, and beene twise Consull: he was taken to be an associ­at of a knowen labour. The Lords of the Senat conceiued the drift of his oration; whereby their flatterie towards him was the more artificiall. Yet notwithstanding there was nothing newly inuented: but ordained onely, that the images of the Prin­ces; the altars of the gods; Temples and arches; and such vsuall honours should be erected for him. Sauing that M. Silanus demaunded and opined that in publicke and priuate monuments, the Consuls names should not be prefixed; but theirs who had Tribuniciall authoritie; a thing greatly dishonoring and debasing the Consu­lary dignitie. Q. Haterius, who had counselled that the decrees made that day in Se­nat, should be written in letters of gold; was mocked for his labour: that an olde man should vse to his infamie such filthie flatterie. Whilest these things were a do­ing, the gouernment of Affrica was continued in Iunius Blaesus. Seruius Malugine­sis a Flamen Dial, or Iupiters Priest; sued that he might draw lots for the gouernment of Asia: saying, That it was vainely spread abroad, that it was not lawfull for Iupiters Priests to go out of Italie. And that they had no other law then the Priests of Mars and Quirinus. And if these had gouerned the Prouinces, why was it vnlawfull for the Diales? that there was no law of the people, touching that matter, found in the bookes of ceremonies. The high Priest had often celebrated Iupiters sacrifices; if the Flamen had beene hindered by sickenes or publicke affaires. Seuentie and two yeeres, after that Cornelius Merula was murdered, no man was put to supplie the place; and yet the ceremonies neuer ceased. And if his creation could be omitted for so many yeeres, without any hinderance to the sacrifices: how much easlier might a man be absent, with the Proconsularie dignitie for a yeere? In times past they were forbidden to goe out of the Prouinces, through the priuat grudges of the high Priest: now through the fauour of the gods; the high Priest was the soueraign aboue all men; not subiect vnto emulation, malice, or priuat affection. Against which when Lentulus the Augur, and others had diuersly spoken; in the ende they resolued to expect the censure of the high Priest. Tiberius hauing deferred the hea­ring of the Flamins right, moderated the ceremonies, which were decreed in honor of Drusus Tribuniciall dignitie: rebuking by name the insolencie of that sentence, which would haue had the decree written in letters of gold, against the custome of the countrey. Drusus letters were also read; which although they seemed to tend to modesty, yet were reputed most proude. They complained that things were growen to that passe; that the yoong man hauing receiued so great honour, yet vouchsafed not to visit the gods of the citie; nor shew himselfe in Senat; or begin at least his authoritie in his owne countrey. But forsooth, he is let by warre, or hindered in some strange countrey; when indeed he solaceth himselfe at his pleasure, in the shores and lakes of Campania. This lesson had the ruler of the world taught him; this did he first learne of his fathers Counsels. Although the olde Emperour should disdaine, to come and shewe himselfe to the citizens; and pretend his yeeres, and trauell for an excuse: yet what impediment hath Drusus, but onely his arrogancie?

XIII. A reformation of Sanctuaries.

BVt Tiberius strengthening in himselfe the soueraigntie: left the Lords of the Senate a shadow of their auncient estate, by sending the requests of the pro­uinces to their examination. The licence and impunitie of ordaining Sanctu­aries, [Page 83] and priuiledged places increased throughout the cities of Greece. The temples were filled with most lewd bondslaues: in the same refuges, were receiued debtors against their creditors; and suspected of capitall crimes. Neither was there any authoritie able to bridle the sedition of the people; protecting all villanies, no lesse then the ceremonies of the gods. Whereupon it was concluded, that the cities should send their Embassadors with their priuiledges, which some left off of their owne accord as falsly vsurped: many trusted to old superstitions or pleasures done to the people of Rome. The pomp of that day was great in shew: in which the Senators considered of the prerogatiues of their predecessors; the agreements of confederates; the decrees of kings, which had bene before the Romans had gotten such great power and authoritie: and the religions of the gods themselues, being yet in the disposition of the Senate, to confirme or alter all; as in times past they could haue done. The first which shewed themselues in Senate, were the Ephesians; declaring that Diana and Apollo, were not borne in the Iland Delos, as the common people did beleeue: and there was in their countrey a riuer called Cenchrius: and a wood called Ortygia, where Latona being great with childe; and leaning against an oliue tree which is yet in the place, brought forth those two gods: and that by the commaundement of the gods that wood was made sacred. And that Apollo himselfe did in that place flee from Iupiters anger, after he had slaine the Cyclo­pians. After that Bacchus the conqueror in warre, pardoned the Amazones, which humbling themselues there, caught hold of the altar. And that the ceremonie of that temple increased by Hercules permission, when he inioyed Lydia: which was not diminished when the Persians had dominion ouer it. After that the Macedo­nians; then we had maintained the same priuiledges. Next vnto those came in the Magnesians, building their reasons on L. Scipio, and L. Sullaes constitutions: the one driuing out Antiochus; and the other Mithridates: and extolled the loyaltie and vertue of the Magnesians; and commaunded that Diana Leucophrynes priuiledges should not be violated. Then followed the Aphrodisienses, & Stratonicenses, allea­ging an order made by Caesar the Dictator; and another later decree of Augustus of famous memory, for the pleasures done them, in taking part with their side, during the time of their faction: praysing them, that they had sustained the assaults of the Parthians; nothing at all changing their constancie towards the people of Rome. But the Aphrodisienses maintained the priuiledges of Venus temple: and the Stra­tonicenses Iupiter and Triuias ceremonies. The Hierocaesarienses fetchte their matter from a farther beginning, inducing their Dianapersica, and a temple dedica­ted by king Cyrus: and told a tale of Perperna, of Isauricum, and many other Empe­rours; which graunted that holines not only to the temple, but to two miles com­pas. Then followed the Cyprians, declaring that they had three temples: whereof the most auncient was builded by Aerias, and consecrated to Venus Paphia: the se­cond by his sonne Amathus, and dedicated to Venus Amathusia: the third to Iupiter Salaminius, built by Teucer, when hee fled from his father Telamon. The Embassadors of other cities were heard likewise: with whose multitude the Lords of the Senate being wearied, some fauoring one side; some another: and be­cause they contended which had merited most, they referred the matter to the Consuls: that looking into the right of the cause, if they contained any se­cret abuse, they should bring the whole cause againe to the Senate. The Consuls besides those cities which I haue aboue named, spake of another priuiledged place for malefactors, dedicated to Aesculapius at Pergamum: affirming that the rest were grounded vpon obscure beginnings, in respect of their antiquitie. The Smyrnaeans [Page 84] alleaged an oracle of Apollo, by which they were commaunded to dedicate a temple to Venus Stratonicis: the Tenians a verse of the same Apollo, commaunding them to offer an image and temple to Neptune. The Sardians brought in matters of later memory; that to be Alexander the conquerors gift: and the Milesians did the like, vsing king Darius name for their franchise; but both of these did worship Diana and Apollo. The Cretensians made request that the image of Augustus might haue some priuiledge: and decrees of Senate were made, by which with great honor, yet moderation was prescribed vnto all; and commaundement giuen in those very temples to erect altars for a sacred memorie: yet so, that vnder colour of religion, they should not fall into ambition.

XIIII. Iulia Augusta falleth sick: Seianus called into question.

ABout the same time, a grieuous sicknes which Iulia Augusta fell into, caused the Prince (perfect amitie being yet betwixt the mother and the sonne, or else secret hatred) to hasten his returne to Rome. For not long before, when Iulia had dedicated an image to Augustus of famous memory, not farre from Mar­cellus theatre, she had set Tiberius name vnder her own: which he (as it was thought) taking as an vnder-valuing of the maiestie of a Prince, smothered vp with a great, but a secret hartburning against her. But then the Senat had decreede, that there should be processions made to the gods, and the playes called Magni, exhibited by the chiefe Priests, the Augurs, the fifteen, togither with the seuen, and those of the fellowship of Augustus, called Augustales. L. Apronius was of opinion, that the Heraulds should be ouerseers of those plaies: which Caesar spake against, making a difference in the rights of the Priests, alleaging examples for it. For the Feciales or Heraulds neuer had such high authoritie; and that therefore the Augustales were put to them, bicause it was a peculiar Priesthood of that house, for which the vowes were made. My meaning is not to laie downe any other opinions; but such as are either notable for their honestie, or shamefull for their infamie: which I suppose, to be the chiefest point belonging to Histories; that vertues be not slight­lie passed ouer with silence; and that men haue a feare of bad speaking and dooing, least he become infamous with posterity. But those times were so corrupted with fil­thie flatterie: that not only the chiefest of the citie were forced in that seruile maner to keepe their reputation; but all such as had beene Consuls; the greatest part of such as had bin Pretors; & also many pedary Senators rose vp & stroue, who should propound things most base and abiect. It is written, that as Tiberius went out of the Curia, he was woont to saie in Greeke. O men ready to seruitude! as though he, who could of all things least suffer publicke libertie; did yet abhorre such base and seruile submission: falling by little and little from vnseemely flatteries, to lewder practises. C. Silanus Proconsull of Asia, being accused for polling the Prouince; was also prosecuted by Mamercus Scaurus, who had beene Consull; by Iunius Otho Pretor; by Brutidius Niger Aedile; all of them layeng to his charge, that he had violated Augustus diuinitie, and set nought by Tiberius maiestie. Mamercus allea­ged old examples, how L. Cotta had bin accused by Scipio Africanus: S. Galba by Cato the Censor: and P. Rutilius by M. Scaurus. A matter verie vnlikely, that Scipio and Cato should vse any such reuenge; or Scaurus great grandfather to this Mamercus, the dishonor and reproch of his auncestors, by so dishonorable and infamous a trade. Iunius Othos old occupation was to keepe a schoole; then made a Senator by [Page 85] Seianus authoritie, brought his obscure beginning, into obloquie by impudent en­terprises. Brutidius, a man well qualified; and if he had taken a right course, likely to haue come to honorable preferment; ouer much haste pricked forwardes: and at the first went about, to out go his equals; then his superiors; and last of all to flee aboue his owne hopes: which hath beene the ouerthrow of good men; who con­temning that which by a little patience, is had with securitie; hasten to that which gotten before his time, breedeth their ruine and destruction. Gellius Poplicola, and M. Paconius, increased the number of informers: the one being Silanos treasurer; the other his lieutenant. Little doubt but Silanus was blame woorthie for his cru­eltie, and rauenous dealing: but many other matters came togither, dangerous euen to the innocent: for besides that, he had so many Senators against him; he was to answere alone, the eloquentest of all Asia: and for that cause chosen to accuse: being himselfe vnskilful, and appalled with his own danger: cause sufficient, to haue dasht the best practized out of matter. Tiberius himselfe not refraining to presse him with words and countenance, asked him many questions; not giuing libertie to refell or replie: yea oftentimes he must confesse, lest Tiberius should seeme to haue asked in vaine. And withall, the publike actor had bought Silanus bondmen, to the end they shoulde be examined by torture. And bicause none of his kinsmen nor friends might helpe him in his danger, accusations of treason (a bonde and neces­sitie to stop euery mans mouth) were thrust among. Whereupon certaine daies of delay being demanded, he let fall his defence: and taking courage sent letters vnto Caesar, interlaced with intreatie and odious termes. Tiberius, that the causes he charged Silanus with, might haue an example of excuse; commandeth Augustus recordes, touching Volesus Messalla, Proconsul of the same Asia, to be recited, and a decree of Senate made against him. Then demanded L. Pisoes opinion: who ma­king a preamble of the princes clemencie; was of aduise that he should be banished to the Iland Gyarus. The rest gaue the like verdite: sauing that C. Lentulus, thought it meet, that the goods which came by Silanus mother (for he was by another mother) should be separated from the rest, and giuen the sonne: Tiberius according therto. But Cornelius Dolabella, hauing rebuked Silanus for his behauiour; followed the vaine of his flatterie further: and added. That none, who liued a reprochfull and infamous life, should draw lots for the gouerment of any prouince: & that the prince should be iudge thereof. The lawes did punish crimes committed: but howe much better would it be for vs, and our confederates, if we did prouide that no offences shoulde be committed? Against which, Caesar himselfe spake; and said: That he was not ig­norant what the speech had beene of Silanus: but that no iudgements ought to be giuen at the rumour of the people. Many had behaued themselues in the prouin­ces, better then was hoped for; and others not so bad as it was feared: for some by managing of weightie matters, haue beene stirred vp to a better carriage and beha­uiour: and others haue become more slothfull and lasie. And that a prince coulde not comprehend all things in his owne knowledge: neither was it expedient, that he should be drawen to this, and that, by others ambition. That lawes were ordai­ned against factes alreadie committed, bicause future things are vncertaine. So it was ordained by our auncestors, that when the offences had gone before, punish­ment should follow: Therefore they would not alter those things, which were in­uented by wisedome, and alwaies obserued. That princes had charge sufficient, and power inough: if their power grew great, the lawes grew weake. That absolute au­thoritie was not to be vsed; as long as the lawes were open. By how much the sel­domer Tiberius shewed any popular behauiour; by so much the more ioyfully it was [Page 86] accepted. And being wise (if he were not carried away with anger) in moderating the rigorous censures of others: added that the Iland Gyarus was barbarous, and vnhabited: and therefore that they woulde shew so much fauour to the Iunian fa­milie; and to one who had beene of the same colledge with them; that he shoulde rather be sent to the Iland Cythera: which was also the request of Torquata, Silanus sister, a virigin of good life: vnto which censure they all condescended.

XV. More accusations prosecuted. A decree touching Iupiters priests. Tacfarinas driuen by Blaesus out of Affrike.

AFter this, the Cyrenenses were heard: and Caesius Cordus condemned of pol­ling the prouinces, at the sute of Ancharius Priscus. L. Ennius a gentleman of Rome, accused of treason, bicause he had conuerted the image of the prince, to common vses in plate; Caesar forbad to be receiued amongst the crimi­nall persons. Ateius Capito openly complaining, and by a kinde of libertie saieng: That power of determining such a matter, ought not to be taken frō the Senate, nor so heinous a crime passe vnpunished. That the Emperour might be as slowe as he lusted, in punishing iniuries done to himselfe: yet that he ought not to pardon such as were done to the common-wealth. Tiberius vnderstood these things as they were indeed, rather then as they were spoken: and so persisted in opposing himselfe. Ca­pito was so much the more noted; bicause that knowing what appertained to diuine and humane lawes; discredited the common good: and the commendable arts he had learned at home. Then there grew a scruple: in knowing, in what temple the gift should be placed, which the gentlemen of Rome had vowed to fortune Eque­stris, for the health of Augusta. For although there were many temples in the ci­tie, of that goddesse: yet there was none which bare that surname. In the ende there was one so called found at Antium: and all the ceremonies in the townes of Italie, and temples, and images of gods, to be vnder the right, and empire of Rome: and therupon the gift was placed at Antium. And seeing the matter was debated touching the religions; Caesar declared the answere: which not long before he had deferred, against Seruius Maluginensis: and recited the decree of the chiefe priestes; which was: That as oft as the Flamen, Dial, or Iupiters priest, fell into any sicknes, he might be absent from the city; with licence of the chiefe priest: so as it were not aboue two nights; or in daies of publike sacrifice: nor oftner then twise in one yeere. Which being ordained in Augustus time, did manifestly shew, that the ab­sence for a yeere, or administration of prouinces, was not graunted to the Diales. And the example of L. Metellus the high pontife, was alleaged, who in the like case had kept Aulus Posthumus the Flamen in the citie. And thereupon the lot of Asia was bestowed vpon him; who of the Consuls was next vnto Maluginensis. At the same time Lepidus made request vnto the Lords of the Senate, that he might at his owne charges, reedifie, and adorne Paulus Aemilius temple, the ornament of his memorie: for at that time publike munificence was in vse: neither did Augustus blame Taurus, Philippus, Balbus, for bestowing spoiles taken from enimies: or the ouerplus of their wealth, to the ornament of the citie, and glorie of posteritie. By which examples, Lepidus although he had no great store of money, did renewe the honor of his auncestors. Pompeius theatre, consumed by casuall fire; bicause there was none left of the familie, of abilitie to performe it; Caesar promised to build at his own charges, and leaue it stil the old name. And withall he highly extolled Seianus, as though through his labour and watchfulnes, the violence of that fire had beene [Page 87] staied, from hurting any more then that one thing: and the Senate ordained an image to be erected in honour of Seianus in Pompeius theatre. And not long after when Caesar had honored Iunius Blaesus, proconsull of Affrike, with the ornaments of triumph: he said that he attributed that to Seianus honour, whose vncle he was. Yet Blaesus owne acts deserued that honour. For although Tacfarinas had beene often put to the woorst: yet renewing his aide in the middle of Affrike, he grewe to that arrogancie, as to send embassadors to Tiberius, and require a place for himselfe, and his armie to inhabite: or else threatned an endles warre. It was reported that Cae­sar neuer more grieued, at any disgrace done vnto himselfe, or the people of Rome; then that a traitor, and theefe, should deale like an enimie. There was neuer so much graunted Spartacus; after he had defeated so many armies of Consuls; and burnt Italie vnreuenged; yea when the common-wealth was greatly weakned, by Serto­rius and Mithridates great warres: that he shoulde be receiued by couenant into safe conduct: & therefore much lesse that Tacfarinas a theefe; the Roman empire being in most flourishing state, should be hired with a peace and lands to inhabite. He committed the whole matter to Blaesus, with charge that he shoulde induce the rest, to lay down their armes; with warrant that they should sustaine no hurt; yet that he should lay holde on the captaine by all means possible: through which pardon many came in. Not long after they vsed the same maner of fight, against Tacfarinas, as he had vsed against others: for bicause he, inferior to the Romans in strength, though better in theeuery; made many inroades; by scattered companies, decei­ued his enimie: and laid many traines to intrap him. Their companies were there­fore set in order, and marched against him: of which the lieutenant Cornelius Scipio was the chiefe: who lay in waite in that coast where Tacfarinas did waste and trouble the Leptins, and the Garamantes, places of refuge: On another side Blaesus son lead his owne power; least the Cirtensien villages shoulde be entised to take part with Tacfarinas, In the middle, placing fortresses and strong holdes, in conue­nient places; with choise soldiers: the captaine himselfe brought the enimie to a narrowe straight, and disaduantage: bicause that which way soeuer he should bend; some of the Romane soldiers were in his face; some in his sides: and often some in his backe, and so, many slaine and intrapped. Then diuideth the three armies againe into many other companies: with centurions of knowen valour ouer them. Neither did he as the custome was; retire his forces in the ende of sommer; or put them in standing campes of the old prouince: but as it had been in the beginning of warre; his fortresses well manned, by light horsemen, and skilfull in those deserts; he gaue Tacfarinas often changing his cabbins small rest: vntill his brother being taken, he retired in the end with more speede, then was for the allies profit: such being left be­hinde by whom the warre might rise againe. But Tiberius taking this to be an ende of this warre, gaue Blaesus that honour, that he should be saluted Emperour by the legions: being an old custome towards such Captaines, as had shewen valour for the common-wealth, with ioy and acclamations to be saluted by that name by the conquering armies. There were many Emperours at one time, but none aboue an other. Augustus had graunted that name to some; and Tiberius at that time to Blaesus. That yeere died two notable men, Asinius Salonius, nephew to M. Agrip­pa; and Pollio Asinius, and brother to Drusus, and destined to be Caesars neeces hus­band; and Capito Ateius of whom we haue spoken before; by the studies of the ciuill lawes risen to the highest dignitie in the citie: but his grandfather Sullanus was but a Centurion, and his father Pretor. Augustus hastened the Consulship vpon him; that by the dignitie of that office, he might be preferred before Labeo Antistius [Page 88] skilfull in the same studie: for that age had at once two ornaments of peace. But La­beo was more desirous of incorrupted libertie; and therefore held in greater estima­tion: and Capitoes pleasing humor better accepted of Princes. To him, the iniurie of not being higher than a Pretor, was a commendation: to this, because he gate the Consulship, grew of enuie hatred. And Iunia, whose vncle was Cato, and was C. Cassius wife, and M. Brutus sister, died threescore and fower yeeres after the Phi­lippensen warre. Her Testament was much talked of among the people; bicause that being verie wealthie, when she had named all the peeres and noblemen, and bestowed some legacie vpon them, she omitted Caesar: which he tooke in good part; not hindering but that her funerals should be solemnised with an oration be­fore the people assembled, with all other ceremonies. The images of twentie noble houses, were caried before her; and the names of the Manlians, the Quinctians, and others of like nobilitie. But Cassius and Brutus did shine aboue the rest, bicause their images were not seene.

THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Of Seianus beginning; his qualities; and by what meanes he aspired to the Empire.

CAsinius, and C. Antistius being Consuls; Tiberius had nine yeeres managed the affaires; and aduanced his house to a flourishing estate: (for the death of Germanicus he reckoned amongst his prosperities) when as fortune began on a sudden to worke alteration: in him waxing cruell; or giuing authoritie to such as were. The beginning proceeded from AElius Se­ianus Captaine of the guarde; of whose power and authoritie I haue before spoken. I will now lay downe his beginning, and qualities: and by what sinister meanes he went about to clime to the soueraignty. He was borne at Vulsinium, sonne of Seius Strabo, gentleman of Rome; and in his first youth followed C. Caesar, Augustus nephew: not without a rumor, that for money he had suffered his bodie to be abused by Apicius, a rich man and a prodigall. Then by sundrie sleights he had so wrought Tiberius, that being close and secret towards others: yet to himselfe had made him open and vncircumspect. Not so much by his cunning and fraude (for such deuises were his owne ouerthrow) as by the anger of the gods against the state of Rome; by whose ruine and rising it fell alike. He was of body able to endure labour; of mind bold; in his owne actions secret; an infor­mer against others; as proud as flattering; in shew modest; but inwardly greedie of aspiring: for which cause, he vsed sometime largesse and lauishing; but more oftner industrie and diligence; meanes dangerous alike, when they are dissemblingly vsed to win a kingdome. His forces, which at the first were small, he augmented by re­ducing the cohorts into one campe, which before were scattered abroade in the ci­tie; that they might receiue their charge togither, and by their number & strength, and seeing one another, breed a confidence to themselues; and a feare to others. He pretended that the souldier liuing scattered, grew riotous: and if any sudden at­tempt should be enterprised, their strength would be greater vnited, then separated: and that they would liue more seuerely, if their garrison were lodged far from the wanton allurements of the citie. As soone as his trenches were finished, he began to creepe into the souldiers mindes by going vnto them, and calling them by their names: withall, made choise himselfe of Centurions & the Tribunes. Neither did he abstaine from ambitiously courting the Senators; aduauncing his followers with honours, and rule of Prouinces: Tiberius being so facile and prone to allow of his dooings, that not onely in priuat speeches; but in Senat also and before the people, extolled him as an associat of his labours: and suffered his image to be set in the Theaters, and publike places of assemblies, and ensignes of the legions. But Caesars house being full; a yoong sonne; nephewes of full age; hindered his plots: And bicause it was not safe making away of so many at once by violence; his treche­rie required time to accomplish his wickednes. He resolued then to vse the couertest way; and begin with Drusus; against whom through fresh quarrels he was greatly incensed. For Drusus being impatient of a concurrent, and therefore easily mooued: [Page 90] a contention rising by chance betweene them, bent his fist to strike Seianus; and he his to saue himselfe: Drusus dasht him on the mouth. Hereupon leauing no­thing vntried, he thought it the readiest way to addresse himselfe to Liuia Drusus wife. She was Germanicus sister, in her youth of a hard fauour; but afterward ex­celled in beautie. Her Seianus counterfeiting an ardent and burning loue enticed to adulterie: and after he had obtained the first breach of honestie (for a woman ha­uing once lost her chastitie, what will she refuse to do?) put her in hope of mariage, and fellowship in the Empire; and perswadeth her to kill her husband. Thus she, who was Augustus neece, and Tiberius daughter in law; and had children by Dru­sus; defiled herselfe, her auncestors, and posteritie with adulterie by a meane man; leauing an honest and present estate for the hope of a wicked and vncertaine. Eude­mus a friend and Phisition of Liuias, was made priuie to these plots; who vnder co­lour of his arte was often vsed in secret conferences. He putteth away Apicata his wife, by whom he had three children, least his lemmon should haue her in iealousie. But the greatnes of the enterprise droue them into a feare; bred prolongings; and sometimes diuers sorts of counsels. In the meane space in the beginning of the yeere, Drusus one of Germanicus children, was come to mans estate; and those things renewed vpon him, which the Senat had ordained for Nero his brother. Tiberius made an oration tending to the great commendation of his sonne; bicause he ten­dered his brothers children with a fatherly affection. For Drusus (although it be a hard matter for rule and concord to dwell together) shewed himselfe indifferent to the yoong men; or at the least, was not an enimie to them.

II. A suruey of the legions and souldiers: Drusus poiso­ned by Seianus.

TIberius old, but fained determination of going to the Prouinces, is put on foote againe: pretending that there were a great number of old souldiers; and that the armies were to be supplied with a new muster. For voluntarie men now wanted: or if there were anie; they were not of so vertuous and modest a ca­riage: bicause that for the most part, they are needie and vagrant persons which voluntarily follow the wars. Withall, he tooke a short viewe of the legions, and what Prouinces they defended: which giueth me occasion to declare, what strength the Romans had then in armes; what Kings their confederates; and how much lesse the Empire then was. Italie had in both seas two nauies; the one at Misenum, and the other at Rauenna; & certaine Galleies called rostratae to defend the coast adioi­ning to Gallia: which Augustus had taken in the victorie at Actium; & sent to Foro­iuliense, well appointed with sea men. But the principall strength consisted of eight legions neere vnto Rhene; a staie as well to the Germans, as Galli. Spaine newely subdued had three legions. King Iuba had the Mauritanians, as a gift giuen him by the people of Rome: the rest of Affricke had two legions; and Aegypt the like num­ber. Then all from the beginning of Suria vnto the riuer Euphrates, which contay­neth a great countrey, receiueth fower legions: Hybero, and Albanus, and other Kings being borderers, which by our greatnes are protected against forrain Kings. Thrace was vnder the gouernment of Rhoemetalces, & Cotys children: and the banck of Danubium, two legions garded in Pannonia; and two in Maesia. The like number was in Dalmatia, which by the situation of the countrey lie behinde them: that if on the sudden Italie should neede aide they were at hand. Albeit the citie had her pro­per souldiers; three citie cohorts, and nine Pretorian; almost all chosen out of [Page 91] Etruria, Vmbria, old Latium, and old Romans, sent thither to dwell. The Galleies of confederats lay in the most commodious places of the Prouinces; the companies of horsemen; and aides of cohorts; not much inferiour in strength: though not easilie laide downe, through their vncertaine flitting hither and thither; some­times moe, sometimes lesse; as time and necessitie required. I thinke it also expedient to discribe the other partes of the common wealth, and howe they had beene gouerned vntill that daie: being the yeare, in which the state beganne to decline, by Tiberius growing woorse and woorse. In the beginning, publicke and priuat affaires of greatest importance, were handled before the Lords of the Senate: and the chiefest licenced to opine and debate mat­ters: Tiberius himselfe rebuking them if they fell to flattery. In bestowing of offices he had regard to their auncestors merite in seruice abroad; or lawdable acts at home: such only preferred: due authoritie reserued vnto the Consuls and to the Pretor: the meaner officers, each one exercising his owne function: and the lawes, (matter of treason excepted) duly executed. But for prouision of corne, and le­uying of tributes, and other publick commodities; certaine societies of gentlemen of Rome had charge of. Caesar committed his owne affaires to honest and tried per­sons: and to some vnknowne, if they were wel spoken of: and such as were once cho­sen, continued still, and grew old in the same charge. The people were distressed with a great dearth of corne; yet no fault thereof in the Prince: but with as great care and diligence as he could, remedieth the sterilitie of the ground, and rough passages of the sea: and gaue order that the prouinces should not be oppressed with new taxations; and the old be borne, without couetousnes and crueltie of magi­strates. Caesar had small possessions in Italie; and a reasonable number of seruitours; and in his house a few freed men; and if he had a sute against any priuate person, he tried it by law in the place of iudgement: all which he maintained, not with any courteous and mild course, but sternely and feared; vntill by the death of Drusus all was turned vpside downe. For whilest he liued there was no alteration; because Seianus beginning to rise, sought meanes to win credit, and feared least Drusus would reuenge, who neuer dissembled his hartburning, but often complained: That his sonne being aliue, he had another coadiutor in the Empire: and what wanteth that he is not his companion? That the first steps to soueraigntie are hard; but once entred into, there will want no fauorers, nor followers: forts he had built as he liked best: charge giuen him ouer souldiers: his image was placed amongst C. Pompeius monuments: and that he should haue his nephewes common to the Drusian fami­lie: that hereafter Modestie must be prayed vnto, that he would be contented with his greatnes. He did not vtter these speeches seldome or to a few; and his wife be­ing corrupted, his secrets were bewrayed. Seianus therefore thinking it time to make haste, chooseth a slow working poison; the better to father his sicknes vpon some casuall disease; which was giuen Drusus by Lygdus an Eunuch: as eight yeeres after it was knowne.

III. Germanicus children are in Senate recommended to the Lords by Tiberius. Drusus funerals, and how he vvas empoisoned.

BVt Tiberius all the time of Drusus sicknes, shewed no signe of feare; perhaps because he would shew his constancie: yea being dead, but not buried, he en­tered into the Senate, and put the Consuls which sate on a lowe seate, as [Page 92] a token of their sorrow, in minde of their honors and calling. And hauing mastered his owne griefe, comforted the Lords of the Senate, which powred downe teares with a continuall speech, saying: That he knew well he might be blamed, for shew­ing himselfe in Senate, in so fresh a griefe: when the communication of deerest friends and kinsfolks was scarse seene, nor hardly the day, by many which lamented and mourned. Neither were they to be condemned of weakenes; yet he for his part had sought for stronger comforts, out of the bosome of the common wealth. And hauing compassion on the Empresse old age, and tender yeeres of her nephewes, and of his owne decaying age, intreated that Germanicus children, the only com­fort of present miseries, might be brought before them. The Consuls went out, and emboldening the yong men in that which they should say, brought them before Tiberius, who taking hold of them, said. Lords of the Senate, I deliuered these fa­therles children to their vncle; and besought him, although he had issue of his owne, that he would bring them vp and cherish them, as if they were his owne bloud: and make them worthy for himselfe and posteritie. Drusus being taken from among vs, I turne my prayers to you, and beseech you in presence of the gods, and our countrey, that you would receiue, and gouerne Augustus nephewes sonnes, descended of worthie progenitors; and accomplish therein my dutie and your owne. These Nero and Drusus, shall be in stead of fathers vnto you. You are so borne, that all your good and euill appertaine to the common wealth. With great weeping were these words heard, and prayers made that the yong men might pro­sper: and if he had then ended his oration, he had filled the harts of the hearers with compassion towards himselfe, and glory. But being fallen into vaine discourses; as such as had beene often laughed at, of yeelding vp the gouernment: and that the Consuls or some other should take the care vpon him, he discredited that which was both honest, and true. The same solemnities which were ordained for Germa­nicus, were appointed for Drusus; and as the manner is of the last flattery, some­things added. His funerall in pomp of images was very magnificent: hauing be­fore him in a long procession Aeneas, the beginning of the Iulian familie: all the kings of the Albani: and Romulus the founder of the citie. After him followed the nobilitie of the Sabins, Appius Clausus, and the images of the rest of the Clau­dians. In deliuering Drusus death, I haue followed that which many true writers haue vttered: but I will not omit a very strong report of those times, yet currant in euery mans mouth, which is, that Liuia being alreadie corrupted to all dishone­stie of bodie by Seianus: he was sayd to haue abused Lygdus bodie likewise: in age and beautie highly pleasing his maister, and of all his seruitours of best credit; who being made priuie to the practise, the place and times agreed when the poison should be giuen, grew to that audaciousnes, that he turned all vpon Drusus head: and by secret aduertisement, accused him to haue gone about to poison his father; and gaue Tiberius warning, to take heede of the first drinke his sonne should offer him at the table. Whereupon by that fraud, the banket being begun, the old man presented Drusus the cup which he had receiued; who ignorant of the practise, like a raw yong man dranke it vp, increasing thereby the suspition, as though for feare and shame, he had swallowed that death which he had prepared for his father. This was the common rumor, which wanting a ground, and certaine author, thou mayest easily refute: for who is he though but of meane wisedome, much lesse Ti­berius, experienced and beaten in waightie affaires, not hearing his defence, would haue offered his sonne his death, and that with his owne hands; a thing remediles if he should repent it? Why had he not rather tortured the minister of the poison? [Page 93] sought out the author, and vsed that delay, which vsually he did euen against stran­gers, towards his owne sonne; neuer before detected of any lewd fact? But because Seianus was thought to be the inuentor of all bad actions, through the great good will Caesar bore him, and the hate which the rest bare to both; things were belee­ued, although fabulous, and vncredible; report speaking alwayes the worst of Prin­ces deaths. The order of this fact hath been otherwise discouered by Apicata, Seia­nus wife, and by torturing of Eudemus and Lygdus: and no writer found so great an enimie to Tiberius, although all hath beene sought that may be sayd, and inforced against him, that hath obiected any such matter. The cause why I layd downe and blamed the common rumor, was, that vnder a manifest example, I might discredit false reports; and pray such into whose hands our labours shall come, that they would not esteeme more of common, vncredible tales, greedily receiued, then of truth not falsified into miracles.

IIII. Seianus practises to destroy Agrippina, and Germani­cus children: stage-plaiers expulsed Italie.

BVt whilest Tiberius praised his sonne before the people assembled; the Senat and the people rather for a shew, then from the hart, put on a mourning coun­tenance: yet in their mindes reioyced, that Germanicus house began to flourish againe: which beginning of fauour, and Agrippina their mother not well dissem­bling her hope, hastened their ouerthrow. For when Seianus perceiued that Drusus empoisoners escaped vnpunished; and no publicke mourning of the people for his death; emboldned in wicked actions, bicause his first attempts had good successe; began to cast with himselfe, by what meanes he might extinguish Germanicus chil­dren, the vndoubted successors to the Empire. For all three poison he could not, by reason of their keepers faithfulnes, and Agrippinas inuincible chastitie. He began therefore to inueigh against her obstinacie, and stirre Augusta hating her of olde, against her; and incensed Liuia with the memorie of her late fact; suggesting that her pride; bearing it selfe vppon her fruitfulnes in children, by the fauour of the people gaped after the soueraigntie. This plot of his he prosecuted by the helpe of craftie accusers; amongst whom he had chosen Iulius Posthumus, a man noted of infamous life with Mutilia Prisca, a principall fauorite of the grandmother, and fit instrument for his practises, being highly in Augustas bookes: an old woman of her owne disposition desirous of rule, and therefore easily estranged from her daughter in law Agrippina. He had likewise inueighled Agrippinas neere kinred, to puffe vp her haughtie spirits, and vse hard speeches of Augusta. But Tiberius intermit­ting no care of publicke affaires; and embracing busines for solace; heard the cau­ses of citizens, and the suites of confederates: and by his perswasion, decrees of Se­nat were made, that the citie of Cibyratica in Asia; and Aegiris in Achaia, damni­fied by an earth-quake, might be relieued by remitting them three yeeres tributes. And Vibius Serenus Proconsull of farther Spaine, being condemned for publicke violence, through the crueltie of the time, was banished into the Iland Amorgus. Carsius Sacerdos accused, as though he had helped the enimie Tacfarinas with corne, was quit; and C. Gracchus for the same crime. This Gracchus being verie yoong, was carried by his father Sempronius to the Iland Cercina, as a companion of his exile: where growing to mans estate amongst banished men, and ignorant of libe­rall artes; by turning and winding base marchandise in Affrica and Sicilia, he gay­ned his liuing: and yet he escaped not the dangers of greater fortune. And if AE­lius [Page 94] Lamia, and L. Apronius, which gouerned Affrica, had not defended his inno­cencie; through the noblenesse of his vnfortunate stocke, he had tasted of his fa­thers calamities. That yeere came Ambassadors from cities of Greece; reque­sting that the auncient right of priuiledged places, might be confirmed at Iunos Temple at Samium, and AEsculapius Temple, at Cois. The Samians grounded themselues on a decree of the Amphictyons; to whom belonged the principall exa­mination of all matters; when the Grecians building cities through Asia, were Lords of the sea coasts. The antiquitie of the Coi was not vnlike; hauing withall the merite of the place: for when by King Mithridates commaundement, all the Ro­mans were slaine throughout all the cities and Ilands of Asia: they saued in the Temple of AEsculapius as many as they found. After this the Pretors hauing made many complaints, though in vaine against the stage-players: at last, Caesar spake of their vnrulines and immodest behauiour; as hauing seditiously attempted many things in publicke, and many vndecently in priuate houses. And the Oscian play, a light sport pleasing the peoples humor, grew to such insolencie, that the Lords of the Senate were faine to interpose their authoritie, for the suppressing of it; and then the stageplayers were expulsed Italy. Caesar had further griefe the same yeere, partly by the death of one of Drusus children, and partly by the death of Lu­cillius Longus his friend, and partaker of all his fortunes, prosperous or aduerse: and among the Senators, his only companion, when he withdrew himselfe to Rhodes. In regard whereof, the Senate ordained, that although he were but of meane parentage, yet that he should haue the funerals of a Censor, and an image in Augustus forum: at the charge of the common purse. For at that time the Senat managed all the affaires; in so much, that Lucillius Capito, Procurator of Asia; the Prouince accusing him, was forced to purge himselfe before them: the Prince assuredlie auouching that he had giuen him no authoritie; but ouer slaues, and mo­ney matters between partie & partie. But if he had vsurped the authoritie of a Pre­tor, or vsed the strength of souldiers, he had therein contemned his cōmaundement; & therefore that they should heare the allies: and so the matter being heard, he was condemned. For which cause; and by reason that the yeere before C. Silanus was punished: the cities of Asia decreed that a Temple should be built in honour of Tiberius; his mother; and the Senat; which they perfourmed after they had li­cence. And for the same cause Nero gaue thankes to the Lords of the Senat, and to his grandfather: with the ioyfull acceptance of the hearers; as representing Germa­nicus, yet fresh in memorie to their mindes: thinking that him they had both heard and seene. The yoong man was of great modestie, and comelines, woorthie of a Prince: the more gratefull, through the danger he was in, by Seianus knowen ha­tred against him.

V. How Iupiters Priests were chosen: Tiberius small affec­tion to Germanicus children.

ABout the same time of chusing a Flamen Dial, in Seruius Maluginensis place, who was dead: and of making a new law, Caesar himselfe spake. For the olde custome was, that three patriciens should be named togither; borne of pa­rents which had been married with a solemnitie called confarreation; of which one shoulde be chosen for the Priest. And it fell out that, that iust number coulde not bee founde, the vse of confarrcation, or marriage with a cake of Wheate, either not vsed, or only of a few: whereof he alleaged many reasons, though the [Page 95] chiefest was, the carelesnes of men and women: and withall the difficulties of the ceremonies, which were willingly let slip. And when should he go out of his fathers authoritie, which should obtaine that Priesthood, or she who was married vnto him? therefore that was to be redressed by decree of Senate, or by a law, as Augu­stus himselfe had changed somewhat of that rude antiquitie, and reduced it to the present vse. Those things therefore being debated which touched the ceremonies, it was determined that nothing should be altered in the makings of those Priests: but a law was ordained, that she who was married vnto a Flamen, by reason of the sacrifices, should be vnder the power of hir husband: and that in other cases she should be as others were. And Maluginensis sonne was chosen in his fa­thers place. And that the priestly dignitie should better be regarded, and they the readier to vndertake the ceremonies; it was ordained that to Cornelia the virgin, who was chosen in Scantias place, shoulde bee giuen About seauen score and six­teene pounde, and fiue shil­liugs. L L. S. xx. sesterces: and that as oft as Augusta entered the theatre, she should sit among the Vestals. Cornelius Cethegus, and Visellius Varro being Consuls, when the Pontifes, and follo­wing their example, the other Priests, made certaine vowes for the health of the Prince, they commended Nero and Drusus to the same goddes: not so much for loue of the yong men, as for flattery, which in corrupt times is dangerous alike; either not at all, or too much. For Tiberius neuer a friend to Germanicus house, grie­ued impatiently that the yong men should then be equalled vnto him in his old age: and sending for the chiefe Priests, asked them whether they had done that at Agrippinas intreaties or threates: and although they denied it, yet were somewhat rebuked: the greatest part being his neerest friends, and kin, or chiefe gentlemen of the citie. Neuertheles in Senate he admonished them in an oration, that none should hereafter puffe vp the fickle minds of the yong men to pride, by vntimely and ouer-hastie dignities. Seianus vrged eagerly, that the citie was no lesse deuided into factions, then in time of ciuill warres; some terming themselues to be of Agrip­pinas side; and more would if they were not preuented: and no way to redresse a waxing diuision, but by cutting off some one or two of the forwardest. Hereupon he beginneth with C. Silius, and Titius Sabinus, Germanicus friendship being dange­rous to both: to Silius, because that hauing had charge of a great armie seauen yeeres together, and vanquished Sacrouir in Germanie, and obtained the orna­ments of triumph, the higher his fall, the greater the feare in others would be. Many were of opinion that Tiberius was the more vehemently incensed, by reason of his owne lauishing toong, ouermuch vaunting that his souldiers had alwayes continued dutifull, when as others had growne to mutinies: and that Caesars state had bene shaken, if those legions had bene desirous of innouation: which Caesar construed as an embasing to his greatnes, and disabling him of abilitie to requite: for good turnes are no longer well taken, then they may be recompensed: when they grow greater, then hope of requitall; in stead of thankfulnes they breede hatred and ill will. Sosia Galla, was Silius wife, badly thought of by the Prince, because she loued Agrippina. It was therefore thought conuenient to begin with these two, and not meddle with Sabinus for a time. The Consull Varro being thrust in, to accuse them, vnder colour of a quarrell betwixt his father and Silius, became an instru­ment to gratifie Seianus with his owne discredit. The defendants intreating some delay, vntill the accusers Consulship were expired, Caesar denied it, affirming it to be a vsuall matter for magistrates to call priuate persons into question: and that the authoritie of the Consull was not to be infringed, through whose watchfulnes the common-wealth was kept without danger. That was a common tricke with Tibe­rius, [Page 96] alwaies to cloake new coyned mischiefe with old words. Therefore with great protestation, as though he had proceeded with Silius by order of law; or the matter belonged to Varro as Consull; or therein consisted the safetie of the common-wealth: the Senate was called, the partie accused not once opening his mouth; or if he began to purge himselfe, stuck not to vtter by whose malice he was oppressed. He was accused to haue had intelligence with the beginners of the warre: that he had discredited his victorie by his couetousnes; and other things against Sosia his wife, nothing a long time spoken of Sacrouir. And doubtles the accusation of polling the prouince could not haue serued their turne, had they not prosecuted all vnder treason: but Silius preuented his imminent condemnation, by his owne vo­luntarie death. Neuerthelesse that contented not, but were greedie his goods should be confiscate, not to pay the stipendaries; for none of them demaunded ought: but because Augustus liberalitie was at an end, he tooke a particular ac­compt of all that was due to the publick treasure: which was the first time that Ti­berius shewed himselfe greedie of other mens money. Sosia was driuen into banish­ment by Asinius Gallus Consull: who also aduised that part of the goods should be confiscate; & part left vnto his children. But Lepidus contrarily, that the fourth part of the goods should be giuen to the informers, according to the law; and the residue to his children. I finde that this Lepidus was in those dayes a graue and wise man: who altered into the better many things, which others by cruell flatterie had ordai­ned: which he did with such moderation, that he kept in, with Caesar in no lesse fa­uour then authoritie. Which causeth me to doubt, whether it happen as in other things by fatall destinie and natiuitie, that Princes are fauorably enclined to some, and to others hardly bent; or whether anything consist in our counsels, to single out a course free from ambition and danger, betweene selfewill stubbornes, and filthy flattery. But Messallinus Cotta being no lesse nobly descended, differing from Lepidus, was of opinion; that by decree of Senat it should be ordained, that gouer­nors of prouinces, though faultles themselues; yet should be punished for their wiues crimes, no lesse then for their owne.

VI. Calphurnius Piso accused and condemned. The last vvarre vvith Tacfarinas, and his death.

AFter this, they debated Calphurnius Pisos case, a noble man and of a fierce cou­rage. He as I haue said, seeing what credit pickthanks were in, openly prote­sted in Senate that he woulde depart the citie: and little regarding the autho­ritie of Augusta, was so bolde as to sommon Vrgulania, out of the princes house: which Tiberius for the present seemed not to take in euill part. But bearing it in minde although the heate of displeasure was cooled, yet he forgat it not. Granius also accused Piso of secret speeches, vsed against the maiestie of the emperour: ad­ding that he had poison in his house; and that he entered the Senate house with a weapon. This of the weapon was past ouer as not credible: but for other things ag­greuated against him, he was arrained, but not conuicted; bicause he was preuented by death. Afterward Cassius Seuerus cause was handeled; a banished man, of base parentage, and lewde life; but a great Orator. Who had raised so many enimies against him, that by the iudgement of the Senate sworne, he was confined to Creet: where following the like practises, drew on his head old and new hatred: and at last being depriued of all his goods, and banished; spent the rest of his life in the Ilande Seriphium. About the same time, Plautius Siluanus Pretor; the cause why, not [Page 97] knowen; threwe his wife Apronia downe headlong from a high place. And being brought before Caesar by L. Apronius his father in lawe, as a man troubled in minde, answered as though she had killed hir-selfe, when he was a sleepe, and wholy igno­rant of the matter. Tiberius goeth foorthwith to his house, and searcheth the cham­ber; where he perceiued by the print of hir feete, tokens of hir striuing against him, and the thrusting of hir foreward: which he reported to the Senate: And Iudges appointed to examine the fact. Vrgulania Siluanus grandmother, sent hir nephewe a poniard to dispatch himselfe: which some thought to haue beene done by the princes counsell; by reason of the league of friendship betwixt Augusta and Vrgula­nia. Siluanus hauing tried in vaine to kill himselfe with the poniard, in the end cau­sed his vaines to be cut. Not long after, Numantina his first wife accused, by charms and witchcrafts to haue put hir husband out of his wits, found innocent, is quit by the prince. That yeare the people of Rome was deliuered of a long warre against Tacfarinas the Numidian. For the captaines which till then had beene sent against him, hauing obtained the markes of triumph: sought no further how to extinguish the enimie. For there were now three images in the citie crowned with baies: and Tacfarinas still continued spoiling and forraging Affrica; and augmented his for­ces by the aide of the Moores: which vnder Ptolemy, Iubaes sonne, a carelesse youth, changed their seruile state, and gouerment of freed men, into warre. The king of the Garamantes was a receiuer and partaker of his booties, and pillages: not that hee marched with an armie, but onely by sending light horsemen, which a farre off were thought to be more then indeed they were. And in the prouince it selfe; some for need; and som of a turbulent humor ioined with him: bicause Caesar considering how well Blaesus had bestirred himselfe, called home the ninth legion; as though there had beene no enimies left at all in Affrica. And Dolabella Proconsull for that yeere, durst not staie them; fearing more the commandement of the prince, then the incertaintie and danger of the warre. Vpon this, Tacfarinas gaue it out, that the Romans had their hands full; were distracted with other nations: and therefore purposed by little and little, to retire out of Affrike. And then that the rest might easilie bee ouercome, if all which preferred libertie before seruitude, woulde ioine and couragiously bend their forces against them: and gathering more strength, encampeth before Thubuscum, and laieth siege to it. But Dolabella draw­ing all the forces hee could make into one: partly the name of the Romans striking a terror into their harts; partly bicause the Numidian is not able to indure the force of the footemen; at the first encounter, leuied the siege; fortified the most conuenient places: and withall, beheaded the chiefest of the Musulani, which began to reuolt. In the end taught by experience of so many battels, that this fleeting enimie was not to be pursued with a maine campe; Dolabella sent for King Ptolemy with his countriemen; and diuided his forces into fower companies; vnder the charge of seuerall Lieutenants and Tribunes. The out-riders and forragers were conducted by certaine chosen Moores: himselfe at hand to giue direction to all. Not long after tydings came that Tacfarinas had encamped and erected ca­bins at an old ruinous fort, which himselfe had once burnt, called Auzea; trusting to the place being inuironed with mightie great woods. Then the light horsemen and wings; not knowing whither, were lead away withall speed. And at the daw­ning of the day, with the sound of trumpets, and a dreadfull noise set on the enimies, halfe sleeping, halfe waking; their horses vnreadie, or dispersed abroad at pasture. The Romans footemen were close ranked; the troupes of horsemen in good order; all things in a readines for battell. The enimie on the other side in all things vnpro­uided; [Page 98] had neither weapons, order, nor counsell, among them: but were haled, ta­ken, and slaine like beasts. And euerie souldier irked with the remembrance of his labours; and how oft desirous to cope with the enimie he had beene deluded; fild himselfe with reuenge and blood. Aduertisement was brought from one compa­nie to another, to pursue Tacfarinas well knowen to them all: and that there would be no ende of that warre, if the Captaine were not slaine. But he with a chosen guard about him; seeing his sonne alreadie taken, and the Romans on euerie side of him, rushing in among their weapons, with the losse of his life, escaped captiuitie. And that was the end of that warre. Dolabella desiring the honour of triumphe, Tiberius denied it him: and gaue it Seianus, least his vncle Blaesus commendation should be obscured. But Blaesus was neuer the more esteemed; and the denying of the honour to Dolabella, augmented his honour: bicause that with a lesser armie he had taken manie notable prisoners; slaine the Captaine, and caried away the fame of ending the warre. The Ambassadors of the Garamantes, a people sel­dome seene in the citie, came after the death of Tacfarinas, all astonied, as being of the conspiracie to satisfie the people of Rome. After this, Tiberius vnderstanding of Ptolemaeus diligence in his warres, renuing the old custome, sent one of the Sena­tors to him with an Iuorie staffe, and embrodered or wrought gowne; which were woont to be the auncient gifts of the Lords of the Senat; and to giue him the grea­ter honor called him King, companion, and friend of the people of Rome.

VII. A rebellion of bond-slaues suppressed: Serenus accu­sed by his owne sonne.

THe same sommer beginnings of warre, attempted in Italie by bond-men, were suppressed by meere chaunce. The beginner of this tumult was T. Curtisius, sometimes a souldier of a Pretorian band; who at the first in secret conuenti­cles, in Brundisium and townes adioyning; then by writings publikly spread abroad, tolled to libertie, the rude and fierce bond-slaues dispersed in the woods: when by the fauour of the gods, there arriued three Galleies for the vse of passengers in that sea. And Curtius Lapius rent gatherer in those countries; vnto whom by lot fell the Prouince Cales, according to the auncient custome, hauing in a readines a power of sea souldiers; discomfited the conspirators, who then did but begin their enter­prise. Caesar sent out of hand Staius a Tribune, with a strong Power; who brought the Captaine himselfe, and the ringleaders of this bold attempt to the citie; greatly afeard of the multitude of bond-men, which increased to a huge number; the free borne decreasing dayly more and more. The same men being Consuls, there hap­pened a bloodie example of calamitie and crueltie, the sonne accusing the father: both called Q. Vibius Serenus; both brought before the Lords of the Senat: the fa­ther out of banishment deformed, poore and vnhandsome, bound in chaines; and his sonne pleading against him: who finely and featly attired with a cheerefull countenance; affirmed that secret practises had beene wrought against the Prince; and certaine firebrands of war sent into Gallia to raise a rebellion; himselfe being both accuser and witnes. He charged Caecilius Cornutus once Pretor, to haue furnished them with money: who through the wearisomnes of trouble, accoun­ting the danger his bane, hastened his owne death. But contrarily the defendant, stoutly turning towards his sonne; shaking his irons, called the gods to reuenge; praying that they would send him to exile againe; to lead his life far from such cu­stoms; and inflict condigne punishment vpon his son. And affirmed constantly [Page 99] that Cornutus was innocent, and frighted with a false accusation; which should easily be perceiued if some others were appeached also: for himselfe could not practise the death of the Prince, and an innouation with one only companion. Then the accuser named Gn. Lentulus, and Seius Tubero: Caesar himselfe being asha­med, to heare the chiefe of the citie, and his deerest friends, Lentulus very aged, and Tubero of a weake body, accused of raising a rebellion, and disturbing the common-wealth: and therefore both were incontinently acquited. The fathers bondmen were put to the racke, which made against the accuser: who through the wickednes of his fact, growing halfe frantick, and terrified with the speech of the people, which threatned either to cast him headlong from the Robur, A place in the prison from whence malefactors were throwne headlong. Festus. or draw him in peeces; or punish him as a parricide, departed the citie: but brought back from Rauenna, was forced to end his accusation: Tiberius nothing at all dissembling the old grudge he bare Serenus the banished. For after Libos condemnation, by letters he vpbraided Caesar, that his seruice only was vnrecompensed; with some other things, more peremptorily, then safely, to prowd eares, and readie to take offence. Eight yeeres after, Caesar cast this in his dish, many waies carping his actions in the meane space: although contrary to his expectation, through the constancie of his bondmen, the rack could extort nothing against him. When all had giuen sentence that Serenus should be punished, according to the auncient custome; Tiberius to bleare their eyes, and dissemble his grudge, would not allow of the sentence. Gallus Asinius was of opinion, that he should be confined in Gyarum or Donusa; which he misliked also, saying, that both those Ilands wanted water: and that to whome life was graunted, things necessary for life ought to be graunted: whereupon Serenus was caried backe to Amorgum. And because Cornutus had slaine himselfe, it was propounded in Senat whether the informers should loose their rewards; if any arraigned only of treason and not condemned, slew himself. Which they had all followed, if Caesar had not sharply and openly, contrary to his accustomed manner, complained in de­fence of the informers, saying: that by that meanes the lawes would be brought to nothing, and the common wealth run to ruine; and that it were more tollerable to abolish the lawes themselues, then take away the keepers of them. By this meanes the promooters, a race of men found out for a common ouerthrow and destructi­on, and neuer duly punished, were allured with rewards. These continuall causes of sorrow, were sauced with some small contentment: for C. Cominius a gentleman of Rome, conuicted of scandalous verses against Tiberius, was pardoned at the in­treatie of his brother a Senator. A strange case, that knowing what was best (for sottish or senseles he was not) and what fame followed clemencie; yet he desired ra­ther cause of heauines and sorrow. Neither is it a matter of deepe insight to know the peoples affection, when they extoll Princes actions from the hart; and when from the teeth outward. And Tiberius himselfe at other times, cunningly premedi­tating his words, and with staggering and stammering deliuering his minde: yet when he meaneth good in deed vnto any, findeth his toong readie and loose. But when P. Suilius somtimes rent gatherer to Germanicus, was conuict for taking of mo­ney for giuing iudgment, & therfore expulsed Italie: his opinion was that he should be banished into some Iland, and that with such vehemencie, that he bound it with an oath, to be profitable for th ecommon wealth. Which for the present time was taken for a rigorous sentence; but after Suilius returne, turned to his commenda­tion; whome subsequent times sawe mightie, but a slaue to money: a long time as he lusted, but neuer as he ought vsing Prince Claudius friendship. The same punish­ment was ordained against Catus Firmius a Senator, as falsly accusing his sister of [Page 100] treason. Catus as I haue alreadie said, had inueighled Libo; then betrayed him and brought him to destruction. Which seruice Tiberius not forgetting, though pre­tending other causes, intreated that he might not be banished; but that he should be deposed from the Senate, he hindered not. I am not ignorant that many of those things which I haue rehearsed, and which I shall rehearse hereafter, will seeme of small moment, and not worthy the writing. But I wish not that any should com­pare our annales with the writings of the auncient historiographers of the people of Rome: for they reported with a free discourse, of mightie great warres, winning of townes, of Kings taken and slaine: or if they came to domesticall affaires, they recorded the discords betwixt the Consuls and the Tribunes; lawes concerning distribution of lands among the common people; and iarres betweene the com­munaltie and nobilitie. But the scope of our discourse is streight, and our labour inglorious: the times I write of being peaceable and quiet, or no great warres: the state of the citie dolefull; and the Prince carelesse in dilating the Empire. Yet it shall not bee lost labour to looke into those things, which at the first seeme light; oft yeelding instruction of greater matters. For all Nations and Cities are gouerned by the people; or Peers; or one alone. A forme of com­mon-wealth constituted of one of these, may better be praised, then found: or if it chaunce to be found, it cannot long continue. Therefore as in times past the people bearing swaie, or the Lords of the Senate; the humor of the com­munaltie was to be knowen: and the meanes how with greatest discretion they were to be dealt withall: and they iudged most wise and experienced; who had deepliest entered into the disposition of the Senators & nobilitie: so the state being now changed; and the regiment consisting in one alone; it shall be conuenient to note those things, which vnto that forme of gouernment doth best appertaine. For there are but few, which by wisedome, distinguish honest things from dishonest; and profitable from hurtfull; but most men are taught by others euents. And my writings bring more profit then delight; for situation of countries; varietie of battels; the death of famous Captaines; do feede and recreat the readers mindes. But we heape vp bloodie commaundements; continuall accusations; deceitfull friendships; the ouerthrow of innocent persons; and causes bringing the like end; matters tedious for want of varietie. The old writers had also this aduantage, that they had no detractors of their writing or fewe: not being materiall to any, whether he had praised the Affrican or Roman armies. But many are yet aliue, whose predecessors suffered punishment or infamie vnder Tiberius gouernment. And al­though their familie be extinguished; yet thou shalt find many, which for confor­mitie of manners, thinke that others misdeedes are obiected against themselues. Glorie and vertue haue enimies likewise, according to the disposition of euerie mans minde; framing reasons contrarie to that which his own inclination is neerest vnto. But I will returne to my first purpose.

VIII. An oration of Cremutius in defence of his Annales: Tiberius would not suffer the Spaniards to build a Tem­ple in his honour.

COrnelius Cossus, Asinius Agrippa being Consuls; Cremutius Cordus was ac­cused of a new crime neuer before heard of, that in certaine Annales by him published, he had praised M. Brutus, and said that C. Cassius was the last of the Romans. His accusers were Satrius Secundus, and Pinarius Natta, Seianus cli­ents, [Page 101] which was his ouerthrow. Caesar with a sterne looke hearing his purgation; which Cremutius being assured to lose his life, began in this manner. I am accused for words (Lords of the Senate) bicause in deedes I am innocent. But they were neither against the Prince, nor his father, whom the lawe of treason doth com­prehend. I am said to haue commended Brutus and Cassius; whose acts manie haue written, and all in honorable termes. T. Liuius an excellent writer, as well for eloquence as truth; did so much extoll Gn. Pompeius, that Augustus called him a Pompeian: yet that no breach of friendship at all. Scipio Afranius, did neuer call this selfe same Cassius, this Brutus, theeues and parricides, as now adaies they are ter­med, but often worthie & famous men. Asinius Pollioes writings do deliuer an hono­rable memorie of them: Messalla Coruinus extolleth Cassius as his Captaine: and both flourished in wealth and honour. When M. Cicero had in a booke extolled Cato to the heauens; what did Caesar the Dictator, but answere him in an oration as if he had beene before the iudges? Antonies epistles, Brutus orations, haue I confesse many vntrue and bitter speeches against Augustus. Men read Bibaculus and Catullus verses, which are stuffed with reproches against the Caesars. But yet Iulius and Au­gnstus of famous memorie winked thereat: whether with greater moderation or wisedome, I know not: for things of that qualitie neglected vanish of themselues; but repined and greeued at, argue a guiltie conscience. The Grecians, whose not onely libertie, but vnrestrained licence escaped vnpunished, I speake not of: or if any felt himselfe greeued, he reuenged words with other words. It hath bin alwaies a matter of free libertie, and least subiect vnto detraction, to speake of those whom death had exempted from hatred and fauor. Do I incense the peope by orations to ciuill warre, with Cassius and Brutus alreadie in armes, and masters of the Philippian fields? Do not they (who ended their life aboue seauentie yeeres agone) as they are knowen by their images which the Conqueror himselfe hath not pulled downe, so retaine some remembrance of them by writings? Posteritie doth render vnto euery man the commendation he hath deserued. Neither will there want some if I be con­demned, which will make mention, not onely of Cassius and Brutus, but of me also. Hauing thus saide, he went out of the Senat, & ended his life by abstinence. Order was giuen by the Senators, that the Aediles should burne his bookes, which not­withstanding were still extant; some secretly; some publickly: which maketh me the willinglier to laugh at the witles vncircumpection of such as thinke with the power and authoritie they haue in their own time, they can also extinguish the me­mory of future times. But it falleth out contrary, that when good wits are punished, their credit groweth greater: neither haue forraine Kings, or such as haue vsed the like crueltie purchased any other thing, then discredit to themselues, and to such wits, glorie. This yeere accusations were so hotly pursued, that euen on the festiuall daies of the Latines, Calphurnius Saluianus went to accuse Marius before Drusus, Prouest of the citie; as he was entering into the Tribunall to begin his charge: for which cause Saluianus being publikely blamed by Tiberius, was sent into banish­ment. Great negligence was openly layd to the Cyzicenians charge, in not solem­nising Augustus sacrifices; and that they had vsed violence against the citizens of Rome. For which cause they lost the freedome which they had gotten in the warre when they were besieged by Mithridates, chasing away the King, no lesse by their owne manhood, then Lucullus aide. But Fonteius Capito who had beene Procon­full of Asia, was quit of the accusation falsely forged against him by Vibius Serenus. And yet Serenus escaped vnpunished, being odious generally to all, and therfore in greater safetie. For the more bitter an accuser he was, the lesse touched, and as it [Page 102] were a sacred person; but the light and base were punished. At the same time farther Spaine sent Ambassadors to the Senat, requesting that by the example of Asia they might build a Temple in honour of Tiberius and his mother. Tiberius ta­king hold of this occasion, though otherwise not greedie of honors, thought it con­uenient to answere those who had rumored abroad that he was carried away with ambition, as followeth. I know (Lords of the Senat) that many will accuse me of vn­constancie, for not deniyng the same request vnto the cities of Asia. I will therefore now declare vnto you the defence of my former silence, and what I would haue done hereafter. Seeing that Augustus of famous memorie did not hinder those of Per­gamum to erect a Temple in honour of himselfe, and the citie of Rome: I who ob­serue all his deedes and wordes in steed of a law, did the willinglier follow that ap­prooued precident; bicause the honor done vnto mee, redounded likewise to the Senate. But as it deserueth pardon, once to haue accepted that honour: so throughout all the Prouinces with images like vnto gods to be reuerenced, sauoreth of ambition and pride: and Augustus honor would come to naught, if it should by flatterie vsed euerie where be made common. I for my part (Lords of the Senat) pro­test before you all, and desire that posteritie know, that I am mortall, and do like vn­to men; and take it for honour ynough to be Prince. And they shall attribute e­nough to my memorie, which will beleeue that I haue not degenerated from my an­cestors; that I haue beene carefull in your affaires; constant in dangers; not fearfull of displeasure for the profit of the common-wealth. These things shall be for me, temples in your mindes; these beautifull and lasting images: for those which are built of stone, if in iudgment of posteritie they become odious: are contemned for sepulchers. Therefore I pray our allies, citizens, gods and goddesses; these, that they would giue me vntill the ende of my life, a quiet minde with the vnderstanding of diuine and humane lawes; those, that whensoeuer I shall depart out of this life, they would haue me in remembrance with an honorable memory of my deeds, & renown of my name. And in priuate places afterward disliked such adoration, which some interpreted to proceed of modestie; many of distrust; and some for basenes of mind and want of courage; because of mortall men the best aspire highest: so Hercules and Bacchus among the Grecians; Quirinus among vs, were added to the number of the gods. Augustus had done better in hoping to be one. Princes haue all other things at will; one thing they should insatiably seeke for, which is to leaue a happie memorie after them: for by contemning of fame, they contemne the vertues which engender it.

IX. Seianus requesteth of Tiberius that he might marry Liuia, Drusus vvidow. And perswadeth Tiberius to vvith­draw himselfe from the Citie.

BVt Seianus sottishly mad with ouergreat fortune, and enflamed with a bur­ning desire of Liuia: importunately demaunding a performance of a promised marriage, inditeth and sendeth letters to Caesar: because the custome was, that although the Prince were present, yet to present their petitions by writing: the contents were as followeth. That the good will of his father Augustus was such towards him, and Tiberius also, by diuers signes did shew him such fauour, that he would not sooner offer his hopes and vowes vnto the gods, then vnto the eares of Princes. That he neuer thirsted after high and eminent dignities; but chose rather to watch and trauell like a common souldier for the safetie of the Emperour: [Page 103] notwithstanding that he had obtained that which seemed to be of all other the greatest honor: that is, that he should be thought worthy of Caesars alliance; from whence sprang the beginning of his hope. And because he had heard that when Augustus in the bestowing his daughter, had thought euen of gentlemen of Rome; so he besought him, if a husband were thought vpon for Liuia, that he would haue him as a friend in minde, who would be content with the glory only to be allied to him: neuer purposing thereby to giue vp the charge imposed vpon him, nor relin­quish his vsuall care: but would hold himselfe satisfied, if his house might be assured against Agrippinas wicked malice, and that in regard of his children: and as for himselfe, he desired to liue no longer then he could employ himselfe in the seruice of his Prince. Tiberius hauing praised Seianus great loue and zeale, and chiefely run ouer the benefits he had receiued of him, demaunding time as it had bene fully to deliberate on the matter, added; That other men consulted of that only which was for their profit: but the conditions of Princes was of a different qualitie, whose speciall drift was to direct their actions to fame: and therefore would not fall into that which was easie for him to haue written. That Liuia could determine with her selfe whether she would marry againe or not, or remaine in the same familie: that she had a mother and grandmother as neerer counsellers: he therefore would deale more simply, and speake first of Agrippinaes enmities, which would be farre more incensed, if Liuiaes marriage should deuide Caesars house as it were into parts, and breede emulation betweene the women; and consequently the ouerthrow of his nephewes. What if any variance arise in that marriage? Thou art deceiued Se­ianus, if thou thinkest to continue in the state thou art now in, if thou marry Liuia, who hath beene wife vnto C. Caesar, and afterward to Drusus; and imagin that she beareth the minde to passe the rest of her life with a Gentleman of Rome. And if I should agree vnto it, doest thou thinke that they would suffer it, who haue seene her brother, her father, our auncetors in greatest dignities? Thou wilt continue in the calling thou art now in; but those magistrates and noble men which maugre thy teeth mount to authoritie, and determine of all matters, do report it, and that not in hugger mugger, that a long time since thou hast climed higher then the degree of a gentleman, and gone beyond my fathers friendship; and for the hatred they beare vnto thee, blame me. But Augustus thought once to marry his daughter to a gentleman of Rome. Truly it was to be maruelled, that being distracted with so many cares, and foreseeing that he who should match in that place, should by that alliance rise to great aduancement, he would in familiar conference thinke vpon Proculeius and some others, which liued a notable quiet life, not medling at all with matters of estate. But if we be moued because Augustus did doubt, only whether he should bestow her vpon a gentleman, how much more ought we to consider that he gaue her to M. Agrippa, and then after vnto me. These things I would not hide from thee for the friendship which is betwixt vs: but I will not be against thine nor Liuiaes deseignments: and will forbeare at this time to speake what I had cast in minde, and how neerely I purposed to linke thee vnto me. I will only say, that there is nothing so excellent, but thy vertues and good will towardes me doth deserue it; and when opportunitie shall serue, I will vtter it either in Senate, or before the people. Seianus hearing this answere was nothing pleased, not so much in regard of the marriage, as because he feared Tiberius secret suspitions; the rumor of the people; and enuie which grew fast vpon him. Yet fearing if he should cast off those great troupes which daily came to court, him he should weaken his authoritie; and by entertaining them, minister matter of crime: the marke he shot at was, to per­swade [Page 104] Tiberius to leade his life in some pleasant place far from Rome; wherein he foresaw many things, as that there could be no accesse to the Prince but by him; that all letters being conueied by souldiers which were at his deuotion, should passe through his hands: that Caesar declining now to age, and growen slothfull and effeminat through the quietnes of the place, would disburden himselfe of cares of state, and commit them to another: and that the enuie borne to himselfe should be diminished, accesse to the Prince being lesser: and by that meanes all vaine shadowes remoued, he should grow mightie in true power and authoritie. There­fore by little and by little he findeth fault with the busines of the citie, the concourse of people, the flocking together of multitudes; extolleth highly a quiet and soli­tarie life; a life without anguish of minde, and free from enuie: most fit to thinke on important and waightie affaires. And falling out by chance that Votienus Mon­tanus cause was to be heard, a man of a readie wit; Seianus perceiuing Tiberius not resolued to leaue the citie, perswaded him to be a very inconuenient mat­ter to be present at the assemblies of the Senate; least he should heare railing and reprochfull speeches, but yet true, vttered of himselfe in his owne hearing. For Voti­enus being accused of contumelious words against Caesar, whilest Aemylius a witnes and a souldier laboured earnestly to prooue his assertion, rehearsed from point to point, though the hearers buzzed and made a noise about him, all Votienus words: in which Tiberius heard many spitefull and reprochfull speeches backbitingly vt­tered in secret against himselfe: which so moued him, that he cried he would either presently, or when the cause was heard, purge himselfe; and was hardly pacified either with intreatie of his neerest friends, or flattery of all; and so Votienus was pu­nished as for treason. Caesar persisting stifly & vsing hard and rough dealing, though that was one of the crimes obiected against him, condemned to exile Aquilia, for adulterie with Varius Ligur: although Lentulus Getulicus Consull elect, had alreadie condemned her by the Iulian law: and put Apidius Merula from his Senators roome, because he had not sworne to obserue Augustus actes.

X. Acontrouer sie betvvixt the Lacedaemonians, and Messenians touching the rights of the Temple of Diana: Piso Pretor of Spaine, slaine by a villagois.

AFter that were heard the Embasies of the Lacedaemonians and Messenians, concerning the right of the Temple of Diana Limenetidis; which the Lace­daemonians auowed by the records of their Annales, and profices to haue beene dedicated by their predecessors in their countrey: but taken from them by Philip of Macedon, with whom they warred; and afterward restored vnto them by the sentence of C. Caesar, and M. Antonius. The Messenians on the contrarie side alleaged an old diuision of Peloponesus betweene Hercules successors; and that that territorie Dentheliate wherein the Temple was, fell to their King; whereof there remained auncient monuments engrauen in stones and brasse. And if it were ne­cessarie to produce the testimonie of Poets and Chronicles, they had more then they of good credit: neither had Philip so done by force, but according to equitie. King Antigonus, and the Captaine Mummius gaue the like iudgement. So the Mi­lesians being publikely made arbitrators of the cause; and last of all, Atidius Gemi­nus Pretor of Achaia determined the same. Whereupon iudgment was giuen on the Messenians side. The Segestani likewise demaunded that Venus Temple built on the hill Eryce, and fallen downe with age might be reedified: calling to remembrance [Page 105] many things of her beginning pleasing vnto Tiberius eares, which mooued him to vndertake willingly the charge, as being of her blood. After that the Massiliens re­quests were heard, and the example of P. Rutilius allowed, who, hauing by law been expulsed Rome, the Smyrnaeans receiued and made a citizen in their citie. By which right also, the Massiliens receiued Vulcatius Moschus a banished man, who left all his goods to their common-wealth, as to his countrey. Two noble men Gn. Lentulus, and L. Domitius died the same yeere. It was to Lentulus a great honour, ouer and besides that he was Consull, and triumped ouer the Getuli, that he endu­red his pouertie patiently; then that hauing gotten great riches without iniuriyng of any, he vsed them temperatly. Domitius credit grew by his father, who was lord of the sea in the ciuill wars; vntill he thrust himself into Antonies faction; and after that into Caesars. His grandfather was slaine in the Pharsalian battell, taking part with the nobilitie: and himselfe chosen to marrie Antonia, Octauius yoongest daughter. After that he passed ouer the riuer Albis with his host, and entered farther into Germanie, than any other before him; for which cause, he obtained the honour of triumphe. L. Antonius of great, but vnfortunat nobilitie died likewise: for his father Iulus Antonius being put to death for committing adulterie with Iulia: Augustus sent him being verie yoong, and his sisters nephewe, to Marsilles, where he cloked the name of banishment with the pretence of studie. Notwithstanding he had great honor done him at his funerals, and his bones buried in the tombe of the Oc­tauians by decree of the Senat. The same men being Consuls, a bloodie fact was committed in hither Spaine by a pesant of Termestine, who assayling vpon the way L. Piso Pretor of the Prouince, at vnawares and vnprouided, as being careles by rea­son of peace, killed him with one stroke; then fled in post to the woods; and forsaking his horse, stealing by dangerous bie-waies, beguiled his followers; though not long: for his horse being taken and brought to the next villages, it was knowen whose he was. And being found and put to the racke to bewraie his complices, cri­ed alowde in his countrey language, that that was a vaine question to aske him; and that his companions might boldly come, and behold him on the torture; for no torment or griefe should be able to draw the truth from him. And being the next day brought againe to the torture, by violent force breaking from his keepers, so dasht his head against a stone, that immediately he yeelded vp the ghost. Some were of opinion that Piso was slaine by the treacherie of the Termestines, by reason he exacted more of those barbarous people, then they were able to beare.

XI. Poppaeus Sabinus defeateth the Thracians: and their obstinacie.

LEntulus Getulicus, and C. Caluisius being Consuls, triumphall ornaments were awarded Poppaeus Sabinus for defeating certaine Thracians, which wildly liued in high mountaines; & therfore more sauage & fierce. The cause of their rebel­lion, besides their naturall disposition, was, bicause they would not that any muster should be made of their strongest and ablest men for seruice: neuer accustomed to obey their Kings farther then themselues listed; or if they did send any aide, they appointed the conductor of them; and would make no warre but against the borde­rers. There was also a rumor then spread, that they should be dispersed and brought into other nations and mingled with them. But before they began to beare armes, they sent Ambassadors to Sabinus declaring their amitie and obedience to the peo­ple of Rome; and that they would so continue if they were not oppressed with [Page 106] new taxations: but if like vanquished men they should liue in seruitude, they had both weapons and youth, and a resolute courage ether to die or liue in libertie. And therewithall, shewed their fortresses built on rocks, whither they had conueied their parents and wiues, and threatened an intricat, hard & bloody war. But Sabinus giuing milde answeres, vntill he had gathered his forces together: and when Pomponius Labeo was come with a legion out of Moesia, king Rhoemetalces with the aid of his countreymen, which continued still in their alleageance; with the for­ces he had at hand, he marched toward the enemie possessed of the streights of the woods; some of the forwardest shewing themselues in open place: which, the Ro­mane captaine hauing stole vpon, were easily put to flight, with small bloudshed of the barbarians, by reason of their refuges at hand. Then fortifying in the same place, seaseth on the mountaine, which was narrow and euen ridged vnto the next fort: garded with great, but vnorderly and confuse strength; and immediatly sen­deth before of his choise archers against the fiercest of them before the trench, as the manner of the countrey is, singing ditties and verses. They wounded many with shot a far off, and drawing neere, by a suddaine irruption of the enemie had bene driuen to the worst; if the Sugambrien cohort which lay not far off, in dangers ven­turous, & no lesse fierce & dreadfull in noise of songs & clattering of armes, had not receiued them at a pinch. After this, Sabinus encamped neerer the enemie, leauing the Thracians, which (as I haue alreadie said) came to our side at the first fort, with warrant to wast, burne, carry away booties, so as they tooke no longer time then the day, and returne at night to set a sure watch and a vigilant ouer the camp. Which at the first was obserued: but afterward through riot, wantonnes, and desire of riches, neglecting their wards, hunting after belly cheere, and ouertaken with wine, fell heauily all to sleepe. The enemie vnderstanding their retchles negligence, deuided his men into two squadrons; the one to set on the forragers, and the other to assaile the Romain camp; not with hope of any surprise, but by their clamors, and clashing of weapons, euery man intentiue to his owne danger, they should not heare the noise of the other skirmish: choosing the night withall to make the fear the greater. But those which assaied the trench of the legion were easily repulsed: the aid of the Thracians in the other fort terrified with a suddaine assault; part of them lying a­sleepe within the trenches; and part seeking prouision and stouer abroade, were so much the more cruelly slaine, because they were reckoned to be as fugitiues and traitors, which bare armes to bring themselues and their countrey into seruitude. The next day Sabinus sheweth himselfe in a place without aduantage to either side, to see whether the barbarians, glad of the nights successe, durst venter a battell. But seeing they went not out of their fortresses or hils adioyning, he began to lay siege to them with a strong companie, casting a trench and a parapet foure miles compas about them: after that by little and little, to barre them of water and forrage, streightened his enclosure, the first enuironing the last: and raised vp a bulwarke so neere the enemie, that from thence they might throw stones, darts, and fires into the enemies camp. But nothing annoyed the enemie more then thirst, a huge mul­titude of rawe fighting souldiers, hauing but one fountaine left them for their vse: withall, their cattell (as the custome is among barbarous people) shut vp with them, died for want of stouer: dead carcases of men lay along, as well with wounds as thirst; all corrupted with putrefaction, stench, and infection. And to make their troubled estate more miserable, they fell at discord among themselues; of all cala­mities, the full measure: some readie to yeeld, some to die, some to strike and kill one another: some perswading couragiously to sallie out, and not perish without re­uenge; [Page 107] and these not of the basest alloy, though deuided in opinions. But among the captaines, Dinis, a man stroken in yeares, and who by long experience had tried as well the strength as clemencie of the Romaines; counselled them to lay downe their armes, as the only remedie in their distresse: and was the first which yeelded himselfe, with his wife and children, to the conquerors: the rest which were weake, either through age, or sexe, and desired rather life then renowme, did the like. But the youth betweene Tarsa and Turesis, both resolued to die with libertie, were doubtfully distracted: but Tarsa crying that death was to be hastened, and hope and feare to be cut off at once; and giuing example vnto others, thrust himselfe through the breast, many following the same death. Turesis with his companie expected the night: our captaine not being ignorant thereof, and thereupon reenforced the watch. The night being stormie and tempestuous, the enemie now making a fierce outcry, and on the sudden vsing a maruellous silence; droue the besiegers into vn­certainties: when as Sabinus went about from one place to another, exhorting them not to lay chance open to such as by their doubtfull clamors, and fained si­lence, layde traines to intrap them; but that euery man should keepe his standing, and take heed he threw no dart in vaine. In the meane space the barbarians cluste­ring together by troups, now threw hand-stones against the rampire, iauelins burnt at the end, and troncheons of oake, now filled vp the ditches with shrubs, hurdles, and dead carcasses. Some of them hauing before made bridges, and ladders, planted them before the bulwarks, catched hold of them, labored to pull downe the de­fence, grapled, fought hand to hand with such as resisted: contrarily the Romaine souldier beate them downe with speares, thrust them back with the pikes of their bucklers, lanced darts, and rowled heapes of stones from the wall vpon them. The hope of victory alreadie gotten, and that if they should now faint and be ouercome, shame and reproch put life and courage into our; in them desperate hope of life; many hauing their mothers and wiues bewailing and lamenting about them. The night animated some to boldnes; droue some into a feare: blowes flew on all hands; wounds giuen and taken vnlooked for; no man knowing his fellow from the ene­mie, and the found of the voices as if it were an eccho rebounding behinde them in the turning and winding of the mountaine, brought such a confusion, that the Romaines abandoned their standings and holds, as though they had been battered and broken downe: howbeit, a small number of the enemies escaped aliue: the re­sidue (the most couragious either slaine or wounded) at the opening of the day, were chased to their fortresses, and at length forced to yeeld; willing to accept the first conditions the winner would offer: to the rest, a cruell and timely winter by reason of the hill Haemus was a safegard, that they could neither be subdued by force, nor siege.

XII. The sharpe vvords vvhich Agrippina vsed to Tiberius for accu­sing Claudia Pulchra her cosen: vvhat good vvill vvas borne the Smyrnaeans aboue the other tovvnes of Asia, and the cause.

BVt at Rome, the Princes house being greatly troubled, to begin the course of Agrippinaes future ruine; Claudia Pulchra her cosen german was called into question by Domitius Aser: who hauing beene lately Pretor, of small reputa­tion, and eager by what meanes soeuer to winne credit; laid to her charge that shee leade an vnhonest life with Furnius, and practised to poison, and vsed inchant­ments [Page 108] against the Prince. Agrippina being of a fell and haughtie disposition, and then more then euer kindled through the danger of her neere cosen, hasteneth to Tiberius, whom by chance she found sacrificing to his father: and taking hold of that of occasion, told him: it was two mens office to offer sacrifice in memorie of Augustus, and persecute his posteritie: that the diuine spirite was not transfused in­to dumb statuaes & images: but the true image descended of celestiall blood felt the smart of his posteritie: and therefore she would take vpon hir the person of the partie accused: that it was in vaine to take exceptions against Pulchra, whose onely ruine was, that vnconsideratly she had loued and reuerenced Agrippina: forget­ting what had fallen to Sosia for the same cause. Those words prouoked Tiberius, although seldome vsing to open the secrets of his breast: and rebuking her in a Greeke verse, said, that therefore she was displeased, bicause she could not raigne. Pulchra and Furnius are condemned: and Afer, the excellencie of his wit knowen; and Caesar attributing vnto him praise of eloquence, held among the chiefe orators. After this practised in accusing and defending of parties; he was better knowen for eloquence, then honestie of life: sauing that when his eloquence in his latter age decaied, and his spirits failed; yet was neuer quiet when if his toong walked not. But Agrippina frowardly persisting in anger, and incumbred with sicknes, when Caesar went to visit her, powring downe in a long silence manie teares, at last burst into en­uie and entreatie; that he would redresse her solitarie life: and being yet but a yoong woman, prouide her a husband: Marriage being the only comfort of minds honest­ly giuen: that there were some in the citie which would vouchsafe to receiue Germa­nicus wife and his children. But Caesar not ignorant of what importance this request was to the common-wealth; yet least he should openly seeme to displease or feare her, gaue her though most earnestly demaunding, no answere at all. That I finde not in the writers of Annales, but in the Commentaries of Agrippina her daugh­ter, who being Neroes mother, hath deliuered to posteritie her life and calamities which fell to her friends. But Seianus in this dumpe, sent her a message vnlooked for, and vnder colour of friendship; which was that there was, poison prepared for her; and that she should auoide to eate or drinke with her father in lawe. But she not knowing how to dissemble, sitting by him at table could not be woon to looke cheerefully, or speake a word, or touch any meate: vntill at last Tiberius marked it either by chance, or bicause he had had some inckling of it. And to trie that more certainely, praising certaine apples as they were serued in, gaue of them with his owne hand to his daughter in law; which augmented Agrippinaes suspition, and not once tasting of them, deliuered them to the waiters. Yet openly Tiberius spake not one word; but turning to his mother, said, that it was no maruell, if he had pro­ceeded seuerely against her, seeing she had an opinion, he went about to poison her. Thereupon a rumor was spread, that her destruction was sought for; and that the Emperour durst not openly attempt it: and therefore sought secret meanes to com­passe it. But Caesar to stop that rumor shewed himselfe often in Senat, and gaue the Ambassadors of Asia audience manie daies togeither, when they doubted in what citie they should erect a Temple in honor of him. A eleauen cities of diffe­rent power, stroue with like ambition for that honour, alleaging that there was not any great difference betwixt them; in antiquitie of time; loue and affection to the people of Rome; in the warres against Persus and Aristonicus, and other Kings. The Hypaepeni & Tralliani, togeither with the Laodiceni, & Magnetiens were sent away as not sufficiently grounded. No nor the Ilienses producing that Troy was the mother of Rome, had any foundation of their reasonsauing onely antiquitie. But [Page 109] some doubt was made of the Halicarnassi; bicause that for the space of a thousand and two hundred yeeres, their cities had neuer beene shaken with any earthquake; and that the foundation of their Temple was built vpon liuely strong stone. The Pergameni were answered that they had receiued honour enough, in that they had Augustus Temple amongst them; seeing that thereon they grounded their reason. It seemeth that the Ephesians and Milesians had their cities occupied, the one in the ceremonies of Apollo, and the other of Diana: In so much that all the conten­tion rested betwixt the Sardinians and Smyrnaeans. The Sardinians recited a decree of the Etrurians, as being of their blood: for Tyrrhenus and Lydus King Atyes sons, diuided the land betwixt them, by reason of the increase of the people. And Lydus remained in his countrey, and Tyrrhenus went to seeke newe countries to inhabit; which were called by the names of their Captaines: they in Asia, and these in Italie: and in progresse of time the Lydians growing to farther wealth, sent people into Greece, which were afterward called Peloponesians. They told vs also of letters sent them by our Captaines, of treatise made with vs in the warre of Macedon; of the number of riuers; the temperature of their countrey; and what a rich territorie they had round about them. But the Smyrnaeans fetching their antiquitie a farre off; ei­ther that Tantalus from whence they came, was descended from Iupiter; or from Theseus, issued also from the stocke of the gods; or else that some one of the Ama­zons had founded them: alleaged farther the seruice they had done to the people of Rome; in which they most of all relied, and that they had giuen them su cour by sea; not only against forreine wars; but also the wars of Italie. And that they first of all had dedicated a Temple in honor of Rome, M Porcius being Consull. The people of Rome indeed then flourishing; but yet not lifted vp to the height of their greatnes: the citie of Carthage yet standing, and many strong Kings liuing in Asia. They brought in L. Sulla for a witnes, whose armie being fallen into great danger through the roughnes of the winter, and want of apparell: when newes was brought thereof to the Smyrnaeans as they were assembled vpon occasion; all which were present sent the apparell from their owne backes vnto our legions. Thereupon the Lords of the Senats opinion being demaunded, they preferred the Smyrnaeans. And Vi­bius Marsus counselled farther, that ouer and aboue his charge, M Lepidus vnto whom the gouernment of that Prouince fell, should haue a deputie appointed to take care of that Temple. And bicause Lepidus through modestie refused to accept it, Valerius Naso who had beene Pretor, was by lot chosen and sent.

XIII. Why Tiberius absented himselfe from the Citie.

WHilest these things thus passed, Caesar hauing deepely thought vpon, and after protracted his determination, at last goeth into Campania, vnder colour of dedicating a temple to Iupiter Capua, and another to Augustus at Nola: but indeede resolued to leade his life far from the citie. The occasion of his departure, although following some authors, I haue attributed vnto Seianus wiles: yet because that after Seianus death he continued sixe yeares in the like retired life, I am often induced to doubt, whether the cause be more truly to be referred to himselfe, as going about to cloake by the place, his crueltie and loose be­hauior. Some were of opinion, that being through age, slender, tall, and crooked, bald headed, and his face spect with plaisters and ointments, was therefore asha­med to shew himselfe in publick. And at Rhodes he was wont to shun companie, [Page 110] liue secretly, and hide his lasciuious dissolute life. Some gaue out that his mothers insupportable insolēcie droue him away, whom as a companiō in state he could not indure; nor yet be rid of her, bicause the soueraigntie it self was her gift. For Augustus was determined to leaue the Empire to Germanicus his sisters nephew, who had a good report of all men: but being ouercome by his wiues importunate intreatie, he adopted Tiberius; and Tiberius, Germanicus: which Augusta did vpbrayd vnto him, and demanded the Empire againe which she had bestowed vpon him. He departed with a small traine with him: one Senator who had bene Consull, which was Coc­ceius Nerua, skilfull in the lawes; one gentleman of Rome besides Seianus; and of noble men only Curtius Atticus. The rest were men indued with liberall sciences, most of them Grecians, with whose conference he purposed to passe the time. Some Astrologers gaue out that Tiberius departed Rome vnder such a constellati­on, that he should returne no more; which was cause of manies ouerthrow, which coniectured and diuulged that he had not long to liue: for they could not foresee so incredible a matter, as that he should want his countrey willingly eleuen yeeres together. Wherein did appeare not long after how neere cosens their arte and falshood are; and how truth is disguised and hidden vnder obscuritie. For it was not spoken at aventure that he should not returne againe, although they were igno­rant of other things which should happen vnto him: or whether he should quickly die, or not, which was not signified by those words of theirs; because he ended his latter yeeres in some village not farre off, or on the sea shore, or neere vnto the wals of the citie. At that time a doubtfull and dangerous perill, which by meere chance Caesar fell into, augmented the vaine rumor alreadie sowne; and gaue him occasion to put more trust in Seianus friendship and constancie, then euer he had done before. For as they were eating in a countrey house called Spelunca, betwene the sea Amuclanum, and the hils of Fundani, in a naturall grot or caue, certaine stones falling suddenly from the mouth of it, slew some of his seruitors; which so affrighted the rest, that they fled all away. But Seianus with his knees, his face and hands leaning and hanging ouer Caesar, set himselfe against the other stones which were falling, and in that plight was found by the souldiers which came to succour them. This made him greater then he was: and although he should haue giuen most pernitious counsell, yet should haue had fauorable audience, as one nothing caring for ought which might happen to himselfe. He tooke vpon him the office of a iudge against Germanicus issue, suborning some to play the parts of accusers, and inueigh especially against Nero next in succession; although a modest yong man, yet oftentimes forgetfull of that which was requisit for the present time, pricked forward by his freed men and followers, which thought it long till he were Empe­rour, to shew himselfe bold and stout of courage: perswading him that that the people of Rome desired, the armie couered, and that Seianus durst do nothing to the contrarie; though now he insulted alike ouer the patience of the old man, and sloth and cowardlines of the yong. Nero hearing these or the like speeches, yet dreamt of no bad practise: although some wilfull and vnconsiderate spee­ches slipt now and then from him: which when the spies set ouer him had augmen­ted & carried to Caesar, and Nero not suffered to purge himselfe; droue manie in­to sundrie doubtes. Some shunned to meete him; some hauing saluted him, turned presently from him; many brake off abruptly their talke. Seianus fauo­rers on the other side laughed in their sleeues to see it. Tiberius, whether the yoong man spake vnto him, or held his toong, cast a malicious eye, or smiled dissemblingly vpon him: and whether he spake or helde his toong, it was alwaies a [Page 111] crime in him. Neither was he secure from treason in the night; his wife bewraying his watchings; his dreames; his sighes to Liuia her mother, and she to Seianus: who drew Drusus, Neroes brother, to his side with a hope of the Empire, if he could re­mooue his elder brother which was alreadie downe and out of credit. Drusus was of a cruell and fell disposition; and besides the desire of rule, and hatred which vsually raigneth betwixt brothers: he was incensed with enuie to see Agrippina their mother readier bent to do Nero good, then himselfe. And yet Seianus did not so much ten­der Drusus, but that he proiected in his minde some meanes of his ruine: knowing well that he was verie fierce and head-strong; and therefore easilie intrapped. In the ende of this yeere two famous men died, Asinius Agrippa, rather of a renow­ned then auncient stocke, himselfe not degenerating from them; and Q. Haterius descended from Senators, whilest he liued greatly esteemed for eloquence: but mo­numents of his wit there are none; bicause he was esteemed rather for vehemencie and quicke deliuerie, then diligence and premeditation. And as others industries and labours are had in estimation after their daies; so Haterius fluent vaine was ex­tinguished with him.

XIIII. The falling of an Amphitheater, and the hurt which ensued: Tiberius reedifieth certaine houses burnt in the hill Caelius.

WHen M. Licinius, and L. Calphurnius were Consuls, a sudden and vnlooked for mischance as soon ended as begun, might haue been compared to the calamitie of mightie warres. For an Amphitheater begun at Fidena, one Atilius a freed man, to set foorth a play offencers; as one hauing neither abundance of wealth, nor ambitious in winning fauour of the people; but by niggardly sparing to make a base gaine in the workmens hire; did neither laye a sounde foundation, nor fasten the timber frame erected vppon the same. Thi­ther flocked many, verie desirous of such shewes, both men and women of all ages; partly by reason it was so neere vnto them; and partly because that, during Tiberius empire, they were barred from such pastimes; whereby the mischiefe was the greater. For the pile being great, and filled full with a throng of people, then falling asunder, whether it fell inwards, or spred outwards, it carried downe headlong, and ouerwhelmed a huge multitude of people, intentiue on the shew within, or gazing round about. Those which at the beginning were crusht to death by that hap, escaped languishing torment. They most of all were to be pitied, which being brused and broken, yet liued, and in the day knew their wiues & children by sight, and in the night by lamentable howling & crying. Those which were absent moued with this report, one lamented his brother; another his neere kinseman, another his parents: yea they were afraide if their friends and cosens were out of the way, although for other occasion; doubting still they had been there; and because it was not certainely knowne whom that violent ruine had beaten downe, the vncertaintie spread the feare the farther. As soone as they began to remoue the frame, they flocked about the dead bodies, some kissing, some imbra­cing them; and fell often at debate, in mistaking one for another, by reason they were dissigured, through some resemblance of countenance, and likenes of yeeres. Fiftie thousand persons were slaine or maimed by that mischance: and a decree layd downe by the Senate, that from thence forward no man should exhibit the play of Fencers, who was lesse worth then About 3130. pound. foure hundred thousand sesterces: nor that any amphitheater should be built but in a firme and sound place: and Atilius [Page 112] was banished. After that fresh calamitie, the houses of the chiefe gentlemen were open; medicines and phisitions appointed for the brused and mangled: and the citi­zens, although heauie and sad, yet then were like their auncestors, which after great battels, did relieue and comfort the wounded with all care and liberalitie. That mis­fortune was scarse past, but the rage and violence of a fire consumed the citie more then euer, and burnt the hill Caelius. That was reported to be an vnluckie yeere, and that the princes absence was begun in a dismall houre; as the manner of the people is, to draw casuall mishaps to blame, if Caesar had not preuented them, by bestowing of money to euery man according to his losse. For which liberalitie, thanks in Senat were giuen him by the noble men: and the people gaue him a good report, be­cause that without ambition or intreatie of friends, he had of his owne motion helped and called strangers vnto him. And diuers were of opinion, that the mount Caelius should after that bee called mount Augustus: because that when all was wasted with fire round about; onely the image of Tiberius which was in Iunius a Senators house, remained vntouched. The same happened in times past to Claudia Quinctia; and therefore her image twice escaping violent rage of fires, our auncestors did consecrate in the Temple to the mother of the gods: an argument, that the Claudians are accounted sacred, and recei­ued among the number of the gods: and therefore the ceremonie ought to be augmented in the place, where the gods haue shewen so great fauour towards so mightie a Prince. It shall not be amisse to shew, how that hill was in old time called Querquetulan, bicause it was fertill and abundant with oakes: then Caelius of Caele Vibenna, who being Captaine of the Etrurian nation, and succoured the Ro­mans, obtained that seat of Tarquinius Priscus, or of some other King; for in that point writers do varie. As for the rest, it is without controuersie, that those great companies of souldiers did inhabit also the plaines, and places adioyning to the place of assemblies: and thereupon that was called the Thuscian street, of the name of the strangers which came thither to inhabit. But as the beneuolence of noble men, and largesse of the Prince, was a great comfort in their aduersitie; so the credit and authoritie of informers more and more increasing, wrought the ouerthrowe of manie. Domitius Afer accused Varo Quinctilius, a wealthie man and neere kinne to Caesar, hauing before condemned Claudia Pulchra his mother: no man maruelling that being long a needie companion, & hauing wastfully consumed his late recom­pence, should arme himselfe to farther mischiefe. But that P. Dolabella was his sel­low picthanke, issued of noble kinred, and allied to Varus, was a miracle ouerthow­ing by that action himselfe, and distained his nobilitie and blood. Yet the Lords of the Senat would not agree thereto, but thought it conuenient to expect the Em­perours comming: which for the time was the onely shift against imminent mis­chiefes. But Caesar hauing dedicated his temples in Campania, albeit he had giuen warning by edict, that no man shuld disturbe his quietnes; & hindered the concourse of townsmen by placing of souldiers in the way: yet being awearie of townes and colonies, and all places situated in the cōtinent, withdrew himselfe to the Iland Ca­preas, three miles distant by sea from the farthest part of the promontorie of Surren­tum. I easily beleeue that, that Iland did fit his humor, hauing neither hauen nor cō ­modities, & those conueied in very little vessels: no man landing but the watch was presently acquainted with it. The temperature of the aire is in winter milde, by rea­son that a hill opposite vnto it, beateth back the force of the windes. In the sommer season it is open to the Westernwinde, and hath verie pleasantly the sea on euerie side, and a goodly prospect towardes the hill Vesuuius, vntill by fire the face of the [Page 113] place was changed. The report goeth that the Greekes did possesse that place, and that the Theleboians inhabited the Iland Capreas. But at that time Tiberius occu­pied the place, and seated himselfe in twelue countrey houses of pleasure: and how much more in former times he was earnestly bent vpon the publick good, so much the more, now secretly he abādoned himself to loose life & naughtie idlenes. He was neuer more suspitious & credulous then now: a qualitie which Seianus whilest he was abiding in the citie whetted on; and which did now more then euer disquiet him: and no longer vsing secret treacherie to intrap Agrippina and Nero, put ouer then souldi­ers as it were to record in Chronicles what messages they receiued; who resorted to them; what they did either secretly or openly. Farther there were others subor­ned to counsell them to flie to the armie of Germanie; or when the place of assem­blies was best replenished with people, catch hold of Augustus image, and crie for fuccour of the people and Senat. And albeit, they gaue no eare to those deuises; yet they were layd to their charge, as though they had intended them.

XV. A treacherous practise of three Senators to intrap Sabi­nus a gentleman of Rome, and Agrippaes friend: the death of Iulia Augustus neece.

IVnius Silanus, and Silius Nerua being Consuls, the yeere had a foule beginning; by reason Titius Sabinus an honorable gentleman of Rome was drawn to prison, onely because he was a friend to Germanicus: neuer omitting to shew all tokens of dutie to his wife and his children; and of all Germanicus followers the onely man which visited them at her house, and accompanied them abroad: and therfore com­mended by the good, and disliked by the bad. Against him Latinius Latiaris, Por­cius Cato, Petitius Rufus, and M. Opsius, who had beene sometimes Consuls, bent their malice, through a greedines of the Consulship; which they could not obtaine but by Seianus meanes: and Seianus liking could not be purchased, but by some notable peece of villanie. They had so complotted betweene them, that Latiaris, who was somewhat allied to Sabinus, should lay the snare; and the rest be present as witnesses; and then begin the accusation. Hereupon Latiaris, at the first began to cast out speeches at randon; then to extoll his constancie, that he did not as others did, fawne in prosperitie, and shrinke from a house in aduersitie; with other honorable speech of Germanicus; and bewayling and pitiyng Agrippinaes estate. And seeing Sabinus (as mens minds are soft and tender in calamitie) to powre downe teares and complaints; Latiaris began more boldly to touch Seianus crueltie, pride, & the hope he gaped after: not forbearing vnreuerent speeches against Tiberius. These speeches as though they had beene sauced with somewhat which durst not be a­uouched, made shew of streight friendship betweene them: so far that Sabinus often times sought out Latiaris; frequented his house; vttered his griefes vnto him, as to a must trustie & faithful friend. Those whom I spake of before, consulted of some meanes how these speeches mightbe heard of manie; for the place of their two meetings most be priuat: and if they should stand behinde the doore, they were a­fraide of being seene, or of a noise; or least some suspition should growe by some chance. Betweene the roofe and the seeling, the three Senators (the place no lesse vnseemly then the treason detestable) hid themselues, and laid their eares close to holes and chinkes to listen what was saide. In the meane space Latiaris hauing found Sabinus in the market place, as if he had some new matter to tell him, draweth him home, and into his chamber; beginneth to rip vp things past and present, which [Page 114] yeelded store of matter, and inforceth new occasions of feare. Sabinus doth as much, and more at large: the nature of griefes being such, that when we once enter into thē, hardly can we finde an end. This done, they began immediately their accusatiō, and sent letters vnto Caesar, declaring the order of their owne lewde practise, and shamefull act. The citie was neuer in greater perplexitie and feare, then at that time; euery man estranging himself euen from his neerest kindred and acquaintance: they auoided all meetings, conferences, eschuing as well knowen friends, as strangers: yea they haue an eie to mute and sencelesse things, and searched the roofes and wals of their houses. But Tiberius requesting by writing that the solemnities of the new yeere might be celebrated in the Kalends of Ianuarie; turned his talke to Sabi­nus, charging him that he had corrupted some of his freede men, to attempt some­what against his person; and therefore boldly demaundeth a reuenge, which with­out delay was graunted: and being condemned, he was drawne and haled with his garments turned ouer his head, & almost throtled, cried alowd. Is this the beginning of the new yeer? be these the sacrifices which are slaine in Seianus honor? which way soeuer he did cast his eies, or vnto whō soeuer he directed his speech, they al fled: the place of assemblies & the streets were emptie; som came back & shewed thēselues a­gaine, afeard for that they were seene to be afeard. For what daie was past free from executions; if betwixt the sacrifices and the vowes, at what time the custom was to abstaine from prophane speeches, fetters and cordes are spoken of? And it was said that Tiberius could not through ignorance incur this hatred; but contrarie, that he sought to haue it knowen, that without any let, new magistrates might as well open the prisons, as Temples and altars. After that he sent letters of thanksgi­uing, that they had punished an enimie to the state; adding withall, that he stoode in feare of his life, and was ielous of his enimies practises, though naming none: yet no man doubted but he aimed at Nero and Agrippina. If I had not purposed to declare the occurrents of the yeeres as they fell out, I could willingly in this place haue set downe before his time, what ends Latinius, and Opsius, and the other contriuers of that lewd practise had com vnto; not only after that C. Caesar was come to the Empire, but whilest Tiberius was yet aliue: who, as he would not suffer the ministers of his wickednes to be punished by others; so oftentimes hauing had of their seruice his fill, and fresh offered to continue the trade; he sought all meanes to extinguish the olde, as persons odious vnto him. But what punishment these and others of the like conditions, endured, shall be declared in his place and time. Then Asinius Gallus whose children Agrippina was aunt vnto, thought it conuenient that Tiberius should vtter vnto the Senators of whom he stoode in feare, and suf­fer them to be remooued. But as it was thought Tiberius of all his vertues was fond of none so much as of his dissimulation: and therefore disliked much that he should be vrged to disclose that which he went about to conceale. But Seianus tem­pered the matter; not for any loue he bare Gallus; but bicause he would haue the Princes lingring delaies come to light; knowing well that he was slow in his delibe­rations: but if he had once set them abroch, that his bad speeches were ioyned with cruell deeds. The same time Iulia died, whom Augustus hauing conuicted of adulterie, had exiled into the Iland Trimerus, not farre from the Apulian shores: where she indured twentie yeers exile, sustained by Augusta; whose maner was by se­cret practises to subuert her sonnes in lawe when they were in prosperitie, and open­ly shew them pitie when they were in miserie.

XVI. The Frisians rebellagainst the Romans: Agrippina, Germa­nicus daughter is married to C. Domitius.

THe same yeere the Frisians beyond Rhene forsooke their obedience, rather through our couetousnes, then impatiencie of liuing vnder our subiection. Drusus in regard of their small abilitie, had imposed a small tribute on them which was a certaine of oxe hides for the war, no man respecting what strength or largenes they were of; vntill Olennius a Captaine of a principall ensigne and go­uernor of the Frisians, made choise of the skins of the beast called Vrus, & of that hignes. As that had beene a heauie burden for other nations; so the Germains could least of all others endure it: whose woods although full of huge sauage beasts; yet at their houses haue but small heards: first therefore they deliuered these oxen; then their possessions; and lastly the bodies of their wiues and children into bondage. From hence grew their griefe and complaints: and seeing that no man relieued them, they sought a redresse by warre; laid hands on such souldiers as receiued the tribute, and hanged them vp. Olennius escaped the furie of the enimie by flying to a Castle called Fleuus, strengthened with no smal power of citizens and consederats; which held the coastes of the Ocean in subiection. Which when L. Apronius Propre­tor of lowe Germanie vnderstood, he sent for the chiefest ensignes of the legions of higher Germanie, & aides as wel of the horsmē as footmē, & broght both the armies ouer Rheine, into the Frisian land: the rebels forsaking the siege of the Castle to de­fend their owne. Then Apronius maketh causeies and bankes, and strong bridges o­uer the next arme of the sea, for the huge armie to passe ouer. And in the meane time hauing found som foords, commādeth the wing of the Caninefates, & such footmen as serued vnder vs, to hem in the enemie behind. Who raunged into battle aray to fight, droue back the confederates, & legionarie horsmen sent as an aide. After that were sent three cohorts lightly armed; then two more: & a little after a strong com­panie of horsmen. Strength sufficient, if they had charged couragiously togither; but comming some after some, & dropping in by companies; they neither gaue courage to the fearfull, but carried away themselues with like feare, ran all away for company. The residue of the aides he committed vnto Cethegus Labeo, Lieutenant of the fift legion: who perceiuing things to go doubtfull on his side, sent to demaund more aide of the legions. The fift legion couragiously issuing first out with a hot skir­mish, put the enimie to flight; receiued into them the wounded and wearied cohorts. The Roman Captaine sought neither to reuenge, nor burie the dead bodies; al­though there had been slaine manie Tribunes, Prefects, and diuers Centurions of marke & fame. It was after knowen by the fugitiues, that the fight held on vntil the next day, and that there were nine hundred Romans slaine in a wood called Badu­henna: and that another power of 400. which had taken the village of Cruptorix, (which sometime had receiued pay of the Romains) fearing treason, slewe one another. This got the Frisians great renowme among the Germains: Tibe­rius dissembling his losses, least hee should commit the charge to some other: and the Senate, beeing possessed with domesticall feare, regarded not much whether the remote part of the Empire went dishonorably to wracke or not: but stroken (as I haue sayde) into a feare, sought a remedie by flatterie. And albeit they had propounded many matters to deliberate on, yet they decreed, that all layde aside, there should be two altars erected, one vnto Clemencie, and another vnto Friendship: and that Caesars and Seianus images should be set [Page 116] about them: and intreated most earnestly they would vouchsafe them so much fa­uour as that they might see him. Neuerthelesse they went neither to Rome, nor any place there about, but thought it sufficient if they went out of the Iland, and be seene in Campania next adioyning vnto it. Thither resorted the Lords of the Se­nate, Gentlemen, and many of the common people, heauie for Seianus; vnto whom, accesse was hardliest obtained, and that with great crouching, by approouing and participating his deseignments. It well appeared his arrogancie grew greater, see­ing he blushed not to see such open, base, and filthie seruilitie vsed. For at Rome it was a vsuall matter for men to walke the streetes, and by reason the citie is great, no man knew anothers busines: but there some lying night and day in the field, some on the sea shore, without any difference, endured either the pride of the porters, or had fauour as pleased them; vntill that that was also denied them. Then they returned to the citie with discontented feare: and Caesar not hauing vouchsafed either to looke, or speake vnto them: and some, whose vnfortunate friendship with Seianus portended their imminent death, were glad in an ill time. Tiberius hauing publickly giuen his neece Agrippina, Germanicus daughter vnto Gn. Domitius, commaunded that the marriage should be solemnised in the citie. He made choise of Domitius, as well for the antiquitie of his stocke, as neerenesse in bloud to the Caesars: for Octauia was his grandmother, and by her, Augustus his vncle.

THE FIFT BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. The death of Iulia. Tiberius crueltie increaseth. His practises to make away Nero, and Agrippina.

WHen Rubellius and Fusius, both of them surnamed Geminus, were Consuls, Iulia Augusta died; being very aged, and of the noble familie of the Claudians; and besides, into the house of the Liuians and Iulians adopted. She was first married vnto Tiberius Nero, and had children by him: who being driuen out of his countrey in the warre of Perusium, and a peace after confirmed betwixt Sext. Pompeius, & the Triumuiri, returned to the citie againe. After that Augustus rauished with her beautie (whether a­gainst her will or not it is vncertaine) tooke her from her husband, shewing him­selfe so lustfull of her, that not giuing her time to be deliuered of her first husbands childe, brought her great as she was to his owne house. After that she had no issue, but being vnited to Augustus bloud, by the mariage of Germanicus and Agrippina, they had nephewes children common to them both. Her behauior was, according to the carriage of auncient times; yet more courteous then women of former ages could well allow; an vntollerable mother, a tractable wife, with the subtletie of her husband, and dissimulation of her soone, well medled and composed. Her funerals were not sumptuous, her testament long voide. She was praised in a funerall oration before the Rostra, by C. Caesar her nephewes sonne, who not long after succeeded in soueraigntie. But Tiberius omitting no part of his pleasures, excused by letters his absence from his mothers obsequies, as though he had been hindered by important affaires; and vnder colour of modestie, cut off many honorable ceremonies, which the Lords of the Senate had decreed should be done in memory of her; and espe­cially that no diuine ceremonie shuld be ordained for her, because (said he) such was her will. And in part of the same letters he found fault with such as went about to win womens fauor & good will: therein couertly carping the Consull Fusius, a man highly in Augustus grace, & his crafts-master in winning of womens fauor, a iesting mate, & oft accustomed bitterly to skoffe at Tiberius; a thing which great potētates keepe long in memory. But now Tiberius began to grow worse and worse, & his rule tyranous: for whilest his mother liued, there was some refuge left, because he had a long time accustomed to shew himselfe dutifull vnto her; and Seianus durst not crosse her: but then hauing as it were the bridle in their owne hands, they brake loose at once, and letters were sent against Agrippina and Nero; which the com­mon people iudged to haue been sent before, but kept back by Augusta: for not long after her death they were read in Senate, containing bitter and sharp words; yet neuer obiected that he had borne armes, or stirred any rebellion against him, but only vnnatural loues to yong men, and incontinēt life. But against his daughter in law he durst not obiect so much, but only her arrogant and prowd speeches, and obstinate minde. The Senators were stroken into a feare and silence, vntill some few whose hopes depended not on honest meanes, but made publick calamities occa­sion of priuat benefits; demaunded that the matter might be referred to voices: [Page 118] Cotta Messallinus shewing himselfe most forward with a cruell sentence. But the other chiefe gentlemen, and especially the magistrates were afraid; for although Tiberius had angerly inueighed against them, yet he left other things in doubt. There was in the Senat one Iunius Rusticus, chosen by Caesar to set downe the actes of the Senators (and therefore was thought to know best his intent and purpose) who either by fatall destinie (for before he had giuen no token of his constancie) or subtle deuise, forgetting imminent perils, whilest he feareth vncertainties, thru­steth himselfe among the Consuls yet wauering and doubting what to do; and aduiseth them not to put the matter to deliberation, saying: that greatest matters might be turned in a moment: and that some space of time ought to be giuen the old man to repent himselfe: and the people withall carying Agrippinaes and Neroes images with them, enuiron the Senat house, and wishing all prosperous fortune to Caesar, crie, that those letters were false; and that the ouerthrow of the Princes house was intended against the Princes will: and so there was nothing concluded that day in preiudice of the parties. Certaine counterfeit iudgements were spread abroad against Seianus vnder the Consuls names. Some men secretly, and therefore the more saucily practising their wits as their fancie lead them, which yeelded Seianus farther matter of calumniation, and kindled his anger: saying, that the Princes displeasure was nothing regarded: that the commons were at iarre with the Senate: that new orations and new decrees of Senate were heard and read now adayes. What remaineth but to take armes in hand? and choose those for their Captaines and Emperours, whose images they had followed for their ensignes? Whereupon Caesar reiterating his iniurious speeches against his nephewe and daughter in lawe, and rebuking the people by edict; complained to the Senate, that the imperiall maiestie had bene openly deluded and skorned through the fraude of one of the Senators: and therefore required that the hearing of the cause might be reserued wholy vnto himselfe. They consulted no farther on the matter, but con­demned the parties, but not to death, because they were forbidden: and protested they were readie to execute reuenge, if the Prince had not hindered them.*

* There wanteth very much of the story in this place, which hath perished through time.

II. The death of Seianus; of his friends and children. One faineth himselfe to be Drusus Germanicus sonne.

WHether it be a more lamentable case to be accused for breach of friend­ship, or to accuse his friend, I can not well iudge: * no mans crueltie or clemencie will I trie *: but free and bearing my selfe on my owne con­science, I will preuent danger. I beseech you, that you would not haue me in re­membrance rather in mourning and sad then ioyfull manner and cherefull, recko­ning me in the number of those which haue escaped publick calamities by an ho­norable end. Then talking now with one, now another, as by chance they were neere vnto him, he spent a great part of the day either in entertaining, or taking leaue of them. And hauing many about him, which noted how resolute & assured he was in countenance, no man dreaming any such matter, with a sword which he had hidden vnder his garments, slew himselfe: and after he was dead, Caesar vsed no such re­prochfull [Page 119] and iniurious speeches, nor obiected any such heinous matter against him, as he did against Blaesus. After this, P. Vitellius, and Pomponius Secundus cause was heard. Vitellius they accused, that he had offered the cofers of the publicke treasury whereof he had charge, and the money which was in them for souldiers pay, to stirrers vp of new broiles. The other Considius, who had been once Pretor, accused for hauing had great friendship and amitie with Velius Gallus, who after that Seianus was punished, fled to Pomponius gardens, as to a place of safe refuge: both of them in their distresse hauing no other comfort left but the constancie of their brothers, who became baile for their life. Shortly after, Vitellius through many delaies betwixt hope & feare wearied out, vnder colour of vsing it in his studie, asking for a penknife, lightly prickt a vaine; and ended his life, with griefe and anguish of minde. But Pomponius being a Gentleman of a gallant carriage and ex­cellent wit, bearing aduerse fortune patiently, ouerliued Tiberius. Then was there order taken though the peoples anger were mitigated, and many others pacified with the former punishment, that the rest of Seianus children should be punished. Whereupon they were carried to prison, the sonne hauing some feeling of the dan­ger which hung ouer his head; but the daughter was so simple, that she often asked, whither they would leade her, and for what? that she would do no more so; and that it was sufficient to chastice her with the rod like a childe. The writers of that time affirme, that because it was neuer heard of before, that a virgin should be put to death according to the custome of the Triumuiri: that she was deflowred by the executioner immediatly before the halter was put about her neck: and both strangled. The bodies of these yong and tender children were cast into the Gemo­nies, a place where condemned persons were throwne downe headlong. About the same time, Asia and Achaia were put into a very great fright, though it con­tinued not long, with a rumor that Drusus, Germanicus sonne, had beene seene first in the Ilands Cyclades, and afterward in the continent. But it was a yong man of like age, whome some of Caesars freed men by a subtile practise followed, bea­ring men in hand, they knew it to be him. Such as knew him not, were drawne by the fame of his name, and the Greekes especially, prone to all new and strange wonders. It was reported he had escaped out of prison and fled to his fathers armie, some both faining and beleeuing withall that he would inuade Aegypt or Syria. Youth flocked alreadie to him very cheerefully; many signes of loue publickly shewen him, feeding themselues with the present vaine hope of what might hap­pen. When as Poppaeus Sabinus had tidings thereof, who was then occupied in the affaires of Macedonia, had charge also ouer Achaia: he therefore, were the report true or false, to preuent all things, hastning ouer the Toronaean and Thermaean cut, and passing by Euboea, an Iland of the Aegean sea, and Piraeum a coast of Attique, the Corinthian shore, and the streights of Isthmum; by another sea came to Nicopolis, a colonie of the Romaines: and there after a carefull examination vnderstandeth who he should be. He said he was M. Silanus sonne, and that many of his followers hauing forsaken him, he embarked himselfe, as though he meant to trauell into Italie. These things he signified to Tiberius by writing: neither haue we found any thing more of the beginning or end of this mat­ter. Towards the end of the yeere a quarrell of certaine Consuls burst forth, which had beene a long time a breeding. For Trio little regarding what enemies he pro­cured, and well practised at the barre, vnderhand carped Regulus, as being careles in oppressing Seianus ministers. Regulus, vnlesse greatly prouoked, of a temperate [Page 120] and cold humor, did not only answere and quaile his fellow Consull, but brought him within the compasse of conspiracie, and to be examined for it. And although many of the Lords of the Senate intreated them that they woulde surcease their quarrell, which would grow to their owne ouerthrow; yet they continued their grudge and menaces one against the other, vntill they went both out of office.

The end of the fift Booke.

THE SIXT BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Of Tiberius lasciuious life. Pursuing of Liuia and Seianus. Cotta accused.

CN. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus entered the Consul­ship, when Caesar hauing passed the streight betwixt Capreas and Surrentum, coasted Campania, doubtfull whether he should enter into the citie or not: perhaps because he had otherwise resolued in his minde, though making shew he would come: oftentimes approching neere the citie, and to the gardens along Tiber, and returning back againe to the rocks, and deserts of the sea, to couer the shame of his lasciuious life: which so vnstayedly he wallowed in, that, as the manner of the kings was, he defiled and abused noble mens sonnes vnder age; and not only the welfauored and comelyest, but the modest and well nurtured, and whose modest behauiour shewed the stock from whence they grew, serued him for prouocation of filth. Then first of all were those vnknowen words of Sellaries and Spintries found out of the filthines of the place, and sundrie sorts of sufferance of abuse. Some of his slaues had charge to seeke them out, and bring them to him; alluring such by gifts as shewed themselues willing and readie; and threatning such as refused: and if either their neere friends or parents went about to detaine them, they vsed violence, and caried them away perforce; and ex­ercised their willes on them as if they had been captiues. But at Rome in the begin­ning of the yeare seuere iudgements were giuen against Liuia, and against her ima­ges, and other memories consecrated in her honor; as if her lewdnes had then first come to light, and had not been alreadie punished. The Scipioes gaue their opinion, that Seianus goods should be taken from the publick treasury, and put in the Prin­ces priuat cofers. The Silanians and Cassians were of the same opinion, and vrged it with the same tearmes, or not greatly changed: when on the sudden and vnloo­ked for, Togonius Gallus among those noble men, thrusting himselfe forward, being but of base and low calling, had the hearing giuen him, as a matter to laugh at: for he desired the Prince to choose twentie by lot out of a certaine number of Sena­tors, to gard and defend his person with weapon, as oft as he went to the Senate. He beleeued peraduenture that Tiberius had meant good earnest when he requi­red that one of the Consuls might conduct and aide him from Caprea to the citie. Tiberius neuerthelesse accustomed sometimes to interlace serious matters with skoffes, thanked the Lords for their good will: yet demaunded whom he might omit? or whom he might choose? whether alwaies the same, or sometimes others in their steede? such as had borne office, or yong men: priuate persons or magi­strates? what a goodly sight it would be to see them take a sword in hand at the en­trie of the councell house? neither would he make such accompt of his life, if he were to maintaine it by armes. This he answered to Togonius, tempering his words, and perswaded no farther the disallowing of that opinion. But he rebuked Iunius Gallio very bitterly, who propounded that the souldiers of the gard after their seruice was ended, might haue a roome in the fortieth ranke of seates: and asked [Page 122] him as it had been in their presence, what he had to do with souldiers? for whom it was not lawfull either to receiue commaundement or gift, but of the Emperour: or whether he had found out that which Augustus of famous memory could not prouide for? It was rather a matter of discord and sedition, sought for by one of Seianus followers, to stirre vp rude mindes vnder title of honor to corrupt the custome of seruice. This was the reward which Gallio receiued for his artificiall flatterie; and anon after was driuen out of the councell house, and then out of Italy. And because it was obiected that he could easily indure exile, hauing made choise of the famous and noble Ile of Lesbos, he was recalled to the citie, and kept in the magistrates houses. In the same letters, to the great contentment of the Lords of the Senate, Caesar touched Sestius Pagonianus, who had been sometimes Pretor, to the quick: audacious, malignant, and prying into all mens secrets; beloued of Seia­nus, and by him employed to lay snares to intrap C. Caesar: which being once layd open, all the hatred a long time hatched against him burst foorth; and sentence of death decreed against him, if he had not promised to bewray the complices. But when Acreus had accused Latinius Latiaris hated both alike, it was a most gratefull spectacle vnto all. Latiaris, as I haue rehearsed before, was the principall agent of circumuenting Titius Sabinus; and then the first that receiued punishment for it. Among these accusations Haterius Agrippa setteth vpon the Consuls of the last yeere, asking them why they are now so still, and cease from the accusations begun the one against the other? it was feare, and guilt of conscience which made them friends; but the Lords of the Senate would not so put vp that which they had heard. Regulus said, he would stay for a time of reuenge, and that he would prose­cute the matter before the Prince. Trio answered, that emulation and enuie be­twixt collegues were better forgotten; and iniurious words if any had passed. Agrip­pa vrging on still, Sanquinius Maximus one of the Consuls, desired the Senators that they would not increase the Emperours cares by hunting after matter of dis­like, and that he himselfe was able to redresse these things; and so Regulus life was saued, and Trioes ruine deferred. Haterius was so much the more odious, because that withered and vnlustie with sleepe, or lasciuious watchings, and through his dull drousie disposition, nothing fearing the Prince, though cruell, euen in his brothell houses, and loosest lasciuiousnes, dreamt of nothing but how to subuert the nobili­tie. After that, Cotta Messalinus, the author of euery cruell sentence, and hated of old, as soone as occasion was offered, was accused to haue vttered certaine things a­gainst Caesar; and among others, that he was in his secret parts both man and wo­man, and after a banket on the birth day of Augusta among the Priests, he tearmed that a Nouendinale supper, or belonging to a mortuary: & that repining at M. Lepi­dus, and L. Arruntius power and authoritie, hauing a sute depending against them for a money matter, he should say, that them the Senate would defend, but me my little Tiberius will support. The chiefe of the citie conuicted him without any delay, and pursuing him eagerly, he appealed to the Emperour. And not long after letters were brought from Tiberius, in which in manner of a defence, calling to minde the beginning of friendship betweene him and Cotta, and his many good turnes and seruices, requested that words might not be hardly wrested, and that the simplicitie of table talk might not be imputed to him as a crime. The beginning of these letters of Caesars was worth the noting, which was this: What I shall write vnto you Lords of the Senate, or how I shall write, and what I shall not write at all, at this time the gods and the goddesses confound me worse then I feele and know my selfe daily to perish, if I know. So far his villanous demeanor turned to his own scourge & punish­ment. [Page 123] And therefore that most deepe wise man did not say without cause, that if ty­rants minds were laid open, a man should see them torne & rent in sunder: for as the bodie is rent with stripes; so the mind is tormēted with crueltie, wanton affectiōs, & euil counsels. For neither his great fortune, nor solitarie places could defēd Tiberius, but that himself confessed the torments & punishmēt which lay hidden in his breast. Then the Senators hauing receiued authoritie to determin of Caecilianus according to their wils, who had vttered manie things against Cotta: their iudgmēt was that he should receiue the same punishmēt, that Aruseius & Sanquinius had, who were L. Ar­runtius accusers. Then the which nothing euer hapned more honorable to Cotta: who being indeed of noble birth, but through riot needie, and infamous for his vices, in honorable punishmēt is made equall to Arruntius, a man of sincere and honest life.

II. Terentius defences, why he should not be punished like vnto other of Seianus friends.

QVintus Seruaeus after this, and Minutius Thermus were brought in. Seruaeus had beene Pretor and Gerusanicus companion. Minutius a gentleman, and who in Seianus friendship had carried himselfe modestly; and therefore both the more pitied. But Tiberius contrariwise blaming them as principall agents, commaunded C. Caestius an old Senator, to report vnto the Senators what he had written vnto him: whereupon Caestius vndertooke the accusation: a miserable cala­mitie of those times that the chiefest of the Senators, some openly, some secretly, played the part of base promooters: and further, no man able to know the stranger from the kinsman; nor friends from such as he neuer sawe before; nor things lately committed from such as through continuance of time were almost forgotten. They were accused of all they had spoken wheresoeuer, either in the place of assemblies, or at their table; euerie man making haste to preuent, and be before another in carriyng of tales; some of them to saue themselues; other some infected as it were with a dis­ease gotten by conuersing with others. But Minutius and Seruaeus were condem­ned, and their goods giuen the accusers. Iulius Africanus borne at Santon a towne in Gallia, and Seius Quadratus were drawen into the like mishap; but the oc­casion why, I haue not found. I am not ignorant that the dangers and punishment of many haue beene omitted by writers being ouer-wearied with multitude; or fea­ring least those things should be tedious to the readers, which seemed superfluous and lamentable to themselues in rehearsing. There haue come many things to our eares woorthie the knowledge: although other haue not once touched them. For at the selfe same time that the rest colourablie seemed to shake off the amitie they had with Seianus, M. Terentius a gentleman of Rome, although arraigned for his la­bour, durst auouch it, beginning his speech for his defence before the Lords of the Senate in this maner. It would be peraduenture lesse behoouefull for my estate to acknowledge, then denie the crime I am charged with: but hap what hap may, I will confesse that I haue beene Seianus friend, and that I desired so to be; and that after I had obtained his friendship I was glad of it. I had seene him ioynt officer with my father in the gouernment of the Pretorian cohort, and not long after in managing of citie affaires and matters of warre. His kinsmen and allies were aduaunced to honor: as euerie man was inward with Seianus, so was he grace by Caesar. And contrariwise, such as were not in his fauour, liued in feare and distressed with pouer­tie. Neither do I alleage any man for an example of this: all of vs who were not pri­uie to his last attempts, with the danger of my onely estate I will defend. Not Seia­nus [Page 124] the Vulsiniensis; but a part of the Claudian and Iulian familie, which by alliance he had entered into; thy sonne in law Caesar, thy companion in the Consulship, and him who tooke vpon him thy charge of administring the common-wealth, we did reuerēce and honour. It is not our parts to iudge of him whom thou dost exalt aboue the rest, nor for what considerations. To thee the highest iudgement of things the gods haue giuen; and vnto vs the glorie of obedience is left. We looke vnto those things which wee see before our eies; whom thou dost inrich; whom thou dost aduance to honours; who haue greatest power of hurting or helping; which Seianus to haue had no man will denie. The Princes hidden thoughts, or if he go about any secret drift, it is not lawfull to sound, and dangerous: neither shalt thou in the end reach vnto them. Thinke not onely (Lords of the Senat) of Seianus last day, but of sixteene yeeres; in which we did likewise fawne vpon and court Satrius and Pomponius: and to be knowen to his freed men and partners, was reckoned as a high fauour. What then? Shall this defence be generall, and not distinguished, but a confusion made of times past, and his later actions? No: but let it, by iust bounds and termes be diuided. Let the treasons against the common-wealth; the intenti­ons of murdering the Emperour be punished: but as for the friendship, duties, pleasures and good turnes; the same ende shall discharge and quite thee (O Caesar) and vs. The constancie of his oration, one being found to deliuer that, which they all thought in their mindes: preuailed so much, that his accusers by ripping vp their old faults, were punished, either with exile or death.

III. The occasion of making a Prefect at Rome: an examen of some of the Sibyls bookes.

AFter that Tiberius sent letters against Sext. Vestilius sometime Pretor, and welbeloued of Drusus his brother, & chosen to be one of his garde. The cause of displeasure against Vestilius; was either bicause he had composed certaine writings against Caesars vncleane life; or falsly fathered vpon him, gaue credit to the reporters: and therupon being banished the Princes court & familiarity, hauing first gone about with his owne olde feeble hand to slaie himselfe bound vp his vaines: and in the meane space hauing entreated the Princes fauour, and receiued arigorous answere, did at last open them. Then at once were accused of treason, Annius Pollio, Appius Silanus, Scaurus Mamercus Sabinus Caluisius, & Vicinianus also brought in with his father for companie, all of them well descended and some in authoritie. The Lords of the Senat quaked for feare; for how manie was there which was not either allied, or a friend of one of those noble men? But Celsus Tribune of the citie-cohort, and then an informer deliuered Appius and Caluisius from danger. Caesar de­ferred Pollioes, Vicinianus, & Scaurus cause, that himselfe might haue the hearing of it with the Senators: hauing giuen out alreadie tokens of heauie displeasure against Scaurus. Not so much as women but were partakers of danger: and if not attain­ted for attempting to aspire to the Empire; yet brought in question for their teares: and Vitia an old woman Fusius Geminus mother was put to death, bicause she bewai­led the death of her sonne. These things were done in Senat. And where the Prince was, the like was practised: Vescularius Atticus, and Iulius Marinus two of his most familiar friends, which accompanied him to Rhodes, and at Capreas neuer depar­ted from him, were put to death. Vescularius was the Messenger to and fro when the treacherie was wrought against Libo. Marinus was of Seianus counsell when he put Curtius Atticus to death; most men being glad to see them taken in the snare they [Page 125] laid for others. About the same time L. Piso high Priest died a naturall death, which was a rare matter in those times in a man of so great nobilitie: He neuer of himselfe propounded any matter which smelled of flatterie or base minds; & if he were forced thereto, he vsed great moderation in doing it. His father, as I haue alreadie saide, had beene Censor; he liued to the age of fowerscore; hauing in Thrace deserued the triumphall ornaments. But his greatest credit rose in that, that being newly created Prouost of the citie, he did gouerne exceeding moderately all the time of his continuall rule: irkesome through vnwontednes of obedience. For in times past when the Kings or Consuls went out of the citie, least she should be left without gouernment, there was one chosen for a time able to giue euery man right, & prouide for all sudden accidents. And it is said that Dentres Romulius had the same charge giuen him by Romulus; after that Numa Marcius by Tullus Hostilius, and Spurius Lu­cretius by Tarquinius Superbus. Then that the Consuls had the charge of commit­ting this office; and a shadow of it continueth vnto this day; as oft as the Latine feasts are folemnised, one is appointed ouer the rest to exercise the roome of a Con­sull. But Augustus in the time of ciuill warres, made Cilnius Maecenas a gentleman, Prouost ouer Rome and all Italie. Then being Lord and Master of the Empire, by reason of the greatnes of the people, and slow aide which the lawes affoorded; he chose out one, of such as had been Consuls, to bridle the bondmen and such citizens as through audaciousnes would grow troublesome, vnlesse they stood in awe. The first that receiued that authoritie, but kept it but awhile, was Messalla Coruinus, as vnable to discharge it. Then Taurus Statilus although he were verie aged, went through it with great commendation. After that Piso was well liked for the space of twentie yeeres; and by order of the Senat honoured with publick funerals. It was af­terward propounded before the Lords of the Senat by Quinctilianus Tribune of the people, concerning the Sibyls booke, which Caninius Gallus one of the fifteene, re­quested might be receiued among other books of the same prophetesse; and deman­ded it might be so established by decree of Senat: which being giuen by common consent, Caesar sent letters somewhat reprehending the Tribune, as ignorant of the old custome by reason of his youth; and vpbraided Gallus that being old and practi­sed in the science and ceremonies; neuertheles had demanded the opinion of the Se­nators not fully assembled; the author being vncertain, and before the colledge had yeelded their iudgment; neither as the custome was, the verses hauing been read and waighed by the maisters. Withall he aduertised them, because that many vaine things were published vnder the name of famous men, that Augustus had vnder penaltie set downe a day, within which such bookes should be brought to the citie-Pretor; and that it was not lawfull for any to haue them in their priuat possession. The like decree was established by our predecessors also; and after that the Capitol was burnt in the ciuill war, their verses were sought in Samum, in Ilium, Erythrum; through Affrike also, Sicily, and the colonies of Italie, whether they were one or many: the busines being committed to the Priests to distinguish the true prophe­cies from the false, as neere as might be by the iudgement of man. And then also the booke was referred to the examination of the fifteene. When the same men were Consuls, through a dearth of corne and other prouisions, they grew almost to a commotion: and many things for many dayes together were in the Theater more licentiously demaunded with great eagernes, then the manner had beene to de­maund things of the Emperour. Whereat being moued, he blamed the magistrates and Senators that they had not by publike authoritie brideled the insolencie of the people: and added withall, how farre greater quantitie of corne he had caused to be [Page 126] brought then Augustus, and out of what prouinces. Whereupon a decree of Senate was enacted, to restraine the people, according to the auncient seueritie, the Con­suls being no lesse forward to publish it: his owne silence in the cause was not con­strued to be a point of ciuilitie as he looked it should be, but was imputed to his pride. In the end of that yeare, Geminius, Celsus, Pompeius, Gentlemen of Rome, were put to death for conspiracies; among which, Geminius through prodigalitie and loosenes of life, and a friend to Seianus, was a man of nothing. And Iulius Celsus a Tribune, loosing the chaine he was bound with at large; then winding it about, and forcing himselfe a contrary way, brake his owne neck. But Rubrius Fabatus despairing of the Roman affaires, and fleeing to the Parthians, and brought back safe from the streights of Sicilie by a Centurion, had keepers appointed him, not able to alleage any probable causes of his long voiages; yet he escaped vnpunished rather through forgetfulnes then clemencie.

IIII. Tiberius marrieth his neeces. Vsurers accused, and the incon­uenience that ensued.

SEr. Galba, and L. Sulla being Consuls, Tiberius hauing a long time bethought himselfe what husbands he should prouide his neeces, whose age now came on, made choise of L. Cassius, and M. Vinicius. Vinicius kindred came out of a small towne, himselfe borne at Calles: but his father and grandfather were Con­suls: the rest of his kindred were Gentlemen: he was of a milde disposition, and very eloquent. L. Cassius was descended of one of the common people at Rome, but auncient and noble, and brought vp vnder the seuere discipline of his father; and oftner commended for his courtesie, then industrie. To him he giueth Drusilla; to Vinicius Iulia, both Germanicus children: and writeth to the Senate touching that matter, with a light commendation of the yong men. Then hauing yeelded some causes of his absence, but very extrauagant, came to matters of greater mo­ment, and the displeasures and dislikes he had incurred for the common wealth: and requested that Macro the Prouost, and some few of the Tribunes and Centu­rions, might, as oft as he came to the Senate, enter into the Curia with him. And albeit the Senate made a decree very generall, without prescribing any number, or qualitie of persons, he was so farre from comming to any publick counsell, that he neuer came so much as to the citie; coasting about it, and for the most part in by-wayes, and still auoiding his countrey as much as he could. In the meane season, a great rabble of informers rose vp against such vsurers as tooke more for conside­ration of their money, then they might by the law made by Caesar the Dictator, con­cerning the manner of lending, and holding possession within Italie; long neglected heretofore, because the publicke good is lesse set by, then priuate commoditie. Vsury in very deede hath beene an old disease in the citie; and often a cause of sediti­ons and discords; and for that cause hath been restrained in auncient and lesse cor­rupted times. For first it was ordained by the law of the twelue tables, that no man should take aboue one in the hundred; when as before that time, it was as plea­sed the monied men. After that, by a Tribunitian law it was brought vnto halfe one in the hundred; and in the end vsury was wholy forbidden: and many lawes made by the people to cut off all fraud; which often repressed, reuiued againe by strange sleights and deuises. But then Gracchus being Pretor, vnto whom the exa­mining of that question fell, constrained by the multitude of such as were in­dangered thereby; propounded the matter before the Lords of the Senate: who [Page 127] daunted thereat (for there was not one of them free from that fault) craued respite of the Prince: he graunted them a yeere and sixe moneths: within which time, euery man according to the prescript of law should settle his estate, and make vp his do­mesticall accompts. Hereupon euery man calling in his debts, on a sudden ensued a great want & scarcitie of money; and by reason so many were condemned, and their goods sold, all the money ready coined wēt either to the princes, or publick treasury. Besides this, the Senat ordained that two parts of the vsurie money should be besto­wed vpō lands in Italie: but the creditors disliked that, and vrged the paiment of the whole, as a matter impayring the credit of the parties conuented, to goe from their word. So at the first there was great running hither and thither, and entreaties: then they flocked about the Pretors tribunall: and those things which were founde for a remedie, as selling and buying of such mens goods, turned to a contrarie effect, bicause the Vsurers had hoorded vp all their money to buie land. And bicause the multitude of sellers, was cause that the value of landes was rated at a verie lowe and vile price: how much the more a man was indebted, the loather he was to sell. And manie were thrust out of all they had: and the decaie of their wealth carried their credit and fame headlong after; vntill Tiberius relieued them by putting a About 781250. pound. hundred million sesterces in bancke, and lent it for three yeeres space with­out consideration or interest; if the debtor could giue securitie to the people of Rome in landes double the value of the debt. By that meanes their credit was re­stored, and other particular creditors by little and little found: neither was the buy­ing of landes practised according to the forme of the decree of Senat, hotly at the beginning pursued, as almost all such things are; but in the ende carelesly neglected.

V. C. Caesar marieth Claudia, daughter vnto M. Silanus: what proofe Tiberius made of Trasullus skill.

AFter that, the olde feares returne againe, Considius Proculus being accused of treason: who celebrating his birth day not doubting any thing, was drawen to the Curia, and at the same time condemned and put to death; and his sister Sancia banished, Q. Pomponius being accuser; who being of an vnquiet and bu­sie disposition, pretended he had done this and that, and all to currie fauour with the Prince, thereby to steed his brother Pomponius Secundus, who was then in danger. Banishment is likewise decreed against Pompeia Macrina, whose husband and father in law, the one of Argos; and the other of Lacedaemon, men of marke and reputation among the Achaeans, Caesar had alreadie afflicted and brought to ruine. Her father likewise a famous gentleman of Rome, and her brother, who had beene Pretor; see­ing that their condemnation was at hand, slewe themselues. It was imputed vnto them for a fault, that Gn. Magnus made reckoning as of a speciall friend of Theopha­nes Mytilenaeus their great grandfather: and that the Grecian flatterie after his death had giuen him diuine honour. After these Sext. Marius the richest man of all Spaine, was accused to haue committed incest with his daughter, and was cast healong from the Tarpeian rocke. And little doubt but his exceeding wealth was his ouerthrow: for although his gold mines were confiscated; yet Tiberius reserued them for himselfe: and by much blood shedding growing more bloody, commanded al those to be executed which were in prison, and accused of confederacie with Seia­nus. The butcherie was great in all sexes, and all ages, noblemen, common people, scattered here and there, or gathered into heapes. Neither was it lawfull for neere [Page 128] kinsmen and friends to be present, to bewaile their case; nor yet to come oft to see them: but there were watches and spies on euery side, intentiue to prie what lamen­tation euerie man made; which followed the putrified bodies, vntill they were thro­wen into the riuer of Tiber. And if any of them were found floting on the water, or driuen to the bankes, no man durst burne them nor touch them: all familiar so­cietie and intercourse of humanitie was lost through feare and violence: and how much crueltie increased; so far pitie was banished. About the same time C. Caesar bearing his grandfather companie from Capreas, tooke to wife Claudia daughter of M. Silanus, cloking his cruell and bloodie disposition with a counterfeit modestie; not once vttering so much as a word of the condemning of his mother; the banish­ing of his brothers: but whatsoeuer minde Tiberius had put on, of the like habit he shewed himselfe; and not much differing from him in words. Wherupon a wit­tie saying of the orator Passienus was commonly applied to him: That there was neuer better seruant then he, nor woorser master. I will not omit Tiberius pro­phesie of Sergius Galba then Consull: who hauing sent for him, and sounded him of set purpose with diuers speeches; at last in Greeke vttered vnto him this sentence: And thou Galba at sometime shalt taste of the Empire. Signifiyng that his rule should be long a comming, and dure but a short time; as learning that skill of the Chaldaeans arte; for attayning of which he had idle time at Rhodes, and Trasullus for his master; whose cunning he tried by this meanes. As oft as he would consult with them touching any matter, he went vp to the highest part of the house with onely one freede man in his companie, vnlearned, but of a strong and able bodie; whom he caused to leade him, the way ouer hard and difficult passages and broken rockes (for his house did hang ouer the rockes) whose cunning and arte Tiberius did purpose to trie: that in returning backe, if any ielousie of vanitie or treacherie had entered into his minde, he should throw him headlong into the sea which was vnder him, least he should bewray his secrets. Trasullus being then brought into those rocks, & moouing Tiberius which mooued him many questions, & foretelling him verie skilfully future things, and that he should be Emperour; Tiberius asked him farther, whether he had found out the howre of his owne natiuitie; and what should happen to himselfe that yeere, and that same day. Who hauing considered the aspects of the stars, and measured their distances, beganne first to doubt; and then to feare: and the more he viewed them; so more and more he was surprised with admiration and feare: and at last cried out, that he was readie to fall into most doubtfull and imminent danger. Then Tiberius embracing him, reioyced that he had foreseene his owne dangers, and promised he should escape them: and taking those things which he had saide for oracles, held him afterward among the number of his deerest friends. When I heare of these and the like things, I can giue no certaine iudgement, whether the affaires of mortall men are gouerned by fate and immutable necessitie; or haue their course and change by chaunce and fortune. For thou shalt finde, that as well those which were accounted wise in auncient times, as such as were imitators of their sect, do varie and disagree therein: some do resolute­lie beleeue that the gods haue no care of mans beginning or ending; no, not of man at all. Whereof it proceedeth that the vertuous are tossed and afflicted with so many miseries; and the vitious and bad triumphe with so great prosperities. Con­trarilie others are of opnion, that fate and destinie may well stand with the course of our actions; yet nothing at all depend of the planets or stars, but proeeede from a connexion of naturall causes as from their beginning. And these graunt withall, that we haue free choise and election what course of life to follow; which being once [Page 129] chosen, we are guided after, by a certaine order of causes vnto our end. Neither do they esteeme those things to be good or bad which the vulgar sort do so call; for many which seeme to be oppressed with miserie, are happie if they endure their ad­uersitie with constancie: and many which flow in wealth, in most miserable estate, if they vse their prosperitie vnaduisedly. And yet of some it may be saide, that their de­stinies are knowen at their birth: and if they fal out otherwise then hath beene fore­tolde, it proceedeth of the ignorance of the deceitfull reporter; and so the arte is dis­credited; whose cleere and euident proofes, former and present times haue tried: for by the sonne of the same Trasullus, Neroes Empire was foretold, as in conuenient time it shall be declared, bicause I will not now digresse from my purpose.

VI. Tiberius crueltie against Drusus: the death of Agrippina and others: Iulia, daughter vnto Drusus, is married vnto Rubellius Blandus.

THe same men being Consuls, Asinius Gallus died; and no man doubting, but for want of taking sustenance; but whether willingly, or of necessitie, that is vncertaine. And Caesar being asked, whether he would suffer him to be buried, was not ashamed to permit it; & further to accuse chance & fortune, that had taken away the criminall person before he had beene openly conuinced; as though that in three yeeres space there wanted time of proceeding to iudgement against an old Consull, and father of so many Consuls. After that, Drusus was made away, hauing sustained himselfe the space of nine daies with a miserable foode, by eating the flocks of his bed. Some haue written, that Macro had order sent him, that if Seianus should attempt to take armes, the yong man should be fetcht out of prison (for he was kept in the Pallace) and made captaine ouer the people: but because it was in­continently rumored that Caesar would be reconciled to his daughter in law, and nephew, he shewed that he desired rather crueltie, then be sory for that he had done: yea and hauing inueighed against him after he was dead, obiected, he was loose of life, hurtfull and dangerous to his, and euilly affected toward the common wealth: and withall commaunded all that to be recited, which he had caused day by day to be put in writing, both of his words, and deedes: a thing so cruell that nothing more, that he should so many yeeres haue appointed spies to obserue his counte­nance, his lamentation, yea priuat murmurings: and scarce credible, that the grandfather could indure to heare it, reade it, and publish it, were it not that the letters of Actius the Centurion, and Didymus his freed man did declare the names of such bondslaues, which had either stroken Drusus, or put him in a fright, as he went out of his chamber. Yea the Centurion added his owne words, full of crueltie against Drusus, as a matter worthy praise; and Drusus answere againe as he fainted and drew towards his end: in which, faining as though he had been distracted of his wits, wished Tiberius all ill luck and misfortune: and then seeing himselfe past all hope of life, cursed him most deadly, praying the gods, that as he had slaine his daughter in law, his brothers sonne, and his nephewes, and filled all his house with bloud; so they would reuenge and punish him for an example to his name, his stock, predecessors, and posteritie. The Lords of the Senate were troubled with these speeches, making shew of detesting them, but they were stricken into a feare and admiration; that he, who had been so cunning and craftie heretofore in cloking his lewdnes, should now become so confident, that (as though the walles were throwne down) he durst shew that his nephew beaten by his Centurion, and strooken by his [Page 130] slaues, should aske for meate in vaine to saue his life. This griefe was scarse gone, but the next newes were of Agrippina, whom I thinke since Seianus death vntill now liued with hope; and seeing that crueltie was no whit remitted, willingly ended her life; vnlesse that famished for want of sustenance, it was falsely giuen out she died that death of her selfe. For Tiberius layde grieuous crimes to her charge, ac­cusing her of vncleanes of life; and that Asinius Gallus was the adulterer; and that seeing him dead, she loathed any longer to liue. But in very deede Agrippina not contented with reason, and greedy of rule, taking vpon her cares fit rather for men then women, had shaken off all vices incident to her owne sexe. She died the selfe­same day that two yeeres before Seianus died; which Caesar thought worthy of re­cord; and vaunted that she had neither been strangled, nor throwne headlong from the Gemonies. For this he had thanks giuen him by the Senate; and order taken that the fifteenth Kalends of Nouember, which was the day they both died, some gift should be offered vp to Iupiter. Not long after Cocceius Nerua, who was conti­nually at the Princes elbow; a man very expert in diuine and humane lawes; being in perfect disposition of body, resolued with himselfe to die: which when Tiberius vnderstood, he went to visit him, sate by him, and inquired the causes of his in­tention, and intreated him; confessing at last that it would be a burden to his con­science, and a discredit, if the chiefest of his friends should without cause of death shew himselfe weary of life. But Nerua disliking his speech, would take no more sustenance. Those which best knew his meaning gaue out, that deepely seeing into what calamities the common wealth was like to fall into, moued with anger and feare, whilest his credit was vntouched, and his person vnattempted, would end his life with that honest death. Agrippinaes ruine drew with it (which is scarse cre­dible) Plancinaes destruction. She had beene once wife vnto Gn. Piso, and reioysed openly at Germanicus death; and when Piso was slaine, she was saued no lesse by Augustaes prayers, then ill will she bare Agrippina. As soone as hatred and fauour failed, right tooke place; and being accused of knowen crimes with her owne hand receiued rather late then vndeserued punishment. Among other griefes in a dole­full and sad citie, this was one; that Iulia, daughter vnto Drusus, once Neroes wife, married againe into Rubellius Blandus familie, whose grandfather Tiburtes a gentle­man of Rome most men knew. In the end of this yeare, the death of Aelius Lamia was celebrated with funerals proper to a Censor, who at last being discharged of the gouernment of Syria which he had in shew only, was made gouernor of the citie. He was descended of a noble stock, and was a strong liuely old man; and the gouernment of the prouince denied him, augmented his woorth. Then Flaccus Pomponius Propretor of Syria being dead, Caesars letters were recited, in which he complained, that if there were any notable man, and fit to rule an armie, he refused the charge: and therefore he was forced through that necessitie to intreate such as had beene Consuls, to take vpon them the rule of the prouinces; forgetting that Arruntius had beene hindered ten yeeres from going into Spaine. The same yeere died M. Lepidus, of whose moderation and wisedome I haue spoken sufficiently in other bookes; and his nobilitie needeth no farther proofe: for the Aemilian family hath brought foorth many good citizens; and although some of them haue beene of corrupt manners, yet liued in good and honorable estate.

VII. A Phoenix seene in AEgypt: how Getulicus escaped Tiberius crueltie.

WHen Paullus Fabius and L. Vitellius were Consuls, after manie ages were past, the birde Phoenix came into AEgypt, and ministred matter to the most learned of the countrey, and also Greekes, of disputing many things concerning that miracle. Of which it seemeth good vnto me to laye downe such things as they agree of, and manie which rest doubtfull; yet notwithstanding wor­thie the knowledge. That that birde is consecrated to the sunne; and that it diffe­reth in the beake, and varietie of feathers from other birds; all do accord which haue described her shape and forme: but of the number of her yeeres there are diuers re­ports. The common opinion is that she liueth fiue hundred yeeres; some affirme that she liueth a thousand foure hundred threescore and one yeere. And the first of these kindes of birdes flew to the citie called Heliopolis, with a great multitude of other birdes with her, woondering at her new shape in Sesostris time, after that in Amasis and Ptolemaeus raigne, which of the Macedonians was the third King of Aegypt. But antiquitie is darke and obscure. Betwixt Ptolemaeus raigne and Tiberi­us there were scarse two hundred and fiftie yeeres. Whereupon some thought that this was no true Phoenix, nor come from the land of Arabia; and that it had nothing of that which antiquitie hath attributed and confirmed to be in that kind. For when they haue ended the number of their yeeres, and that their ende approcheth, they build their nest in their countrey, and in it cast seede of generation; of which a yong one doth rise; whose first care is being growen to ripenes, to burie the olde. And that not at all aduentures, but hauing taken vp a certaine waight of the stone Mur­rha, and tried the carrieng of it a long iourney: when she perceiueth her selfe able to indure and carrie such a burthen, and to accomplish the voiage, she lifteth vp her fathers bodie, and carrieth it to the altar of the sunne, and there doth burne and sacrifice it. These things are vncertaine, and fabulously augmented. But that that birde is seene sometimes in Aegypt is not doubted. But murders continuing at Rome, Pomponius Labeo, whom as I haue said, was gouernor of Moesia, by cutting his vaines, let out with his blood his life, and Paxaea his wife followed his example. The feare they had of dying by the hand of the hangman, did cause them thus so readily to kill themselues: bicause such as were condemned, lost their goods and wanted buriall: but their bodies which slew themselues were buried, and their testaments stood good; which was the gaine and reward of making haste. But Caesar sent let­ters vnto the Senat, declaring it to be a custome among the auncients, that when they intended to breake off friendship with any, they forbad them their house, and that then the friendship ended, which he had done to Labeo: who blamed for euill gouernment in the Prouince, and other matters, couered his fault by accusing others; vainely putting his wife in feare, who was out of danger, though not without fault. After this Mamercus Scaurus was accused againe, of a noble house, and a great orator; yet of reprochfull life. His friendship had with Seianus did nothing hurt him; but the hatred which Macro bare him was his ouerthrow; who practised the same artes that Seianus had done, but more couertly. The accusation was an argument of a Tragedie written by Scaurus, contayning verses which might be wre­sted against Tiberius. But Seruilius and Cornelius his accusers obiected against him, that he had abused his bodie with Liuia, and offered magicall sacrifices. Scaurus as a thing worthie of the auncient AEmilian familie, preuenteth his condemna­tion [Page 132] by killing himselfe at the incouragement of his wife Sexitia; who was both an encourager and partaker of his death. Notwithstanding if occasion were giuen he punished the accusers likewise: as Seruilius and Cornelius famous by the death of Scaurus, bicause they had taken money of Varius Ligur to desist from the accusation, were perpetually banished into certaine Ilands. And Abudius Ruso once Acdile, whilest he went about to procure danger vnto Lentulus Getulicus, vnder whom he had charge of a legion, bicause he had purposed to marrie his daughter to Seianus sonne, was condemned without accusation, and driuen out of the citie. Getulicus at that time had charge ouer the legions of higher Germanie, and had gotten ex­ceeding loue for his clemencie and small seueritie; and of the next army welbeloued by meanes of L. Apronius his father in law. Whereupon the constant report was, that he was so bould as to write vnto Caesar: That the affinitie betwixt him and Seia­nus was begun, not of his owne motion and desire, but through Tiberius counsell; and that as well he as Tiberius might be deceiued; and that the selfe same errour could not be to him alone dangerlesse, and to others vtter ruine; for his part that his loyaltie was trustie and sure, and so would continue; if snares had not beene laide to intrap him; that he would accept of a successor in his charge no otherwise than of a messenger of death: and therefore that they should strike as it were an agreement, by which the Prince should be master of the rest, and that he would keepe and hold the Prouince. Although these things seeme verie strange; yet were they beleued, bi­cause he alone of all Seianus liesmen escaped without danger, and continued in great fauour and grace. The reason why, was, bicause Tiberius thought with himselfe be­ing now aged and hated of all men, that his estate would rather continue by fame, then force.

VIII. The Parthians complained on Artabanus; in whose roome Tibe­rius placeth Phrahates: Pharasmanes gaineth a bat­tell against Orodes King of Armenia.

WHen C. Cestius, and M. Seruilius were Consuls, certaine noble men of Par­thia came to Rome, without the priuitie of Artabanus their King. He for feare of Germanicus was faithfull to the Romans, and iust towards his sub­iects: but after Germanicus death became proude towards vs, and cruell towards his subiects; confident by reason of prosperous successe in warres had against his borderers; and despising Tiberius as weake, old, and vnfit for warres; and greedy also of Armenia, into which after the death of King Artaxia he put his eldest son Arsaces as gouernor, iniuring them with contumelious speeches. Then sent to re­demaund the treasurie and riches left in Syria and Cilicia by Vonones; and withall, vaine-gloriously bragged and threatned that he would inuade and conquer the an­cient bounds and limits of the Persians and Macedonians, and recouer all that had beene possessed by Cyrus and Alexander. But the principall author and perswa­der of sending secret messengers to Rome was Sinnaces, a man both noble and weal­thie; and next vnto him Abdus an Eunuch: a matter of no disgrace among the Barbarians, nor barre to credit and authoritie. These two drawing the principall noble men of the countrey to them, because they could haue none of the blood of the Arsacides to be their King; most of them being slaine by Artabanus, or vnder yeeres; demaunded Phrahates King Phrahates sonne which was at Rome: for saide they, there needed no more but the name and consent of Caesar, and one of the blood of Arsacis to shew himselfe vpon the bankes of Euphrates. That did Caesar desire and [Page 133] prouided for him accordingly with preparations and necessaries to seat him in his fathers kingdom, holding still his secret drift by entertayning forraine countries, by sleights and pollicie in warre, to keepe all quiet at home. In the meane space Arta­banus vnderstanding what was wrought against him, at the first was slow, and linge­red for feare; then boyled with desire of reuenge. For barbarous people count temporizing and delay, as base and seruile; and to goe through presently their de­seignments, a royall pointe. Yet profit tooke place, and thereupon sending for Ab­dus vnder colour of amitie to a banket, gaue him a lingring poison; and entertained Sinnaces with fained friendship and gifts, and busied him in other imployments. But Phrahates arriued in Syria, and laying aside the Romans manner of liuing, in which he had beene so manie yeeres nourished, giuing himselfe to the Parthian vsage and vnable to brooke it, fell sicke, and died. Yet Tiberius held on his determination, and chose Tiridates one of the same stocke, and an enimie to Artabanus; and inci­ted Mithradates Hiberus to recouer Armenia, and reconciled him to his brother Pharasmanes, which then possessed that Empire; and maketh L. Vitellius general ouer all this preparation of the Orient. I am not ignorant what a sinister report ranne of him in the citie, & with what infamous matters he was touched: yet in gouerning of the Prouinces he demeaned himselfe according to the vertue of auncient times. But returning frō thence, through the feare of Caesar, & familiarity of Claudius being changed into a base & abiect seruilitie, became a patterne vnto posteritie of shame­full flatterie; and so his first vertues gaue place to his latter vices; and the vertuous acts of his youth, his infamous old age defaced. Of these pettie Kings Mithrada­tes first induced Pharasmanes to further his enduours by pollicie and force: and cor­rupters were found which for great sums of gold entised Arsaces ministers to kil him; and through Hiberus great power they entered Armenia, and tooke the citie Ar­taxata. When Artabanus vnderstood of these dealings, he furnisheth his son Orodes with things necessarie to reuenge, and giueth him the strength of the Parthians; and dispatcheth others to leuie hired souldiers to giue him aide. On the other side, Pharasmanes drewe the Albanians and Sarmates to his partie, whose Princes (cal­led Sceptruchi) hauing receiued gifts on both sides, according to the manner of their countrey, gaue aide to both sides. But the Hiberi being masters of the passa­ges, thrust suddēly the Sarmatian forces on the Armenians by the Caspian way. But those which came from the Parthians were easily driuen backe, bicause the enimie had shut vp all the other passages, one excepted; which was betwixt the sea and the hils of the Albani, which could not serue their purpose, by reason it was sommer: for the Easterne windes fill vp the shallow foordes and the shore: the South winter winde keepes backe the flood, and leaues the shallow shore bare and naked. In the meane space Pharasmanes hauing reenforced his strength, challengeth Orodes to fight, being destitute of allies and vnfurnished of men: and if he refused or shifted off, he braued him vnder his nose; and hard by his campe, wasted his stouer; and often compassed him about as if he had besieged him: till the Parthians not accustomed to endure such brauados, came about their King, and demaunded battell. Their strength consisted in their horsemen, and Pharasmanes in footmen and horsemen both. For the Hiberi and Albani inhabiting mountanous places, were better accu­stomed to hardnes and trauell. They saie they came out of Thessalia at such time as Iason, after he had carried away Medea and begotten children by her, returned to the emptie court of AEeta, and vnhabited Colchos: and reporte manie woonders of his name, and the oracle of Phryxus. Neither dare any man sacrifice a ram, because it is thought that Phryxus was carried on one, be it, this ram were a beast or a shipe [Page 134] which bare those armes. The battell pitched in order on both sides: the Parthian put his souldiers in minde of the Empire of the East; and the renowned nobilitie of the Arsacides: and contrariwise debased Hiberus as ignoble, and flying to mercena­rie souldiers. Pharasmanes on the other side, declared that he was neuer yet subiect to the Parthian rule; and that the greater their enterprise, the greater their glorie if they were the conquerers: or if they turned their backes, the greater dishonour, in­famie and danger: withall he shewed them his owne host dreadful, and the Medians painted with gold: on his owne side, men; on the other, bootie. Among the Sar­mates the Captaine onely was not heard; but euerie man incouraged each other not to abide the shot, but preuent the enimie rushing in couragiously to handie strokes. Diuers manners of fight were then seene in that battell: when as the Parthian accustomed with like skill to flie and follow, seuered his squadrons to make way for the arrowes to light. The Sarmates laying aside their bowes which stee­ded them but a short time, ran in to the enimie with their swordes and lances; some­times were in the front, sometimes in their backes, as if they had beene horsemen: sometimes close ranked with their bodies and weapons thrust backe, and bare down the enimie, and were borne downe againe. The Albani also and Hiberi behaued thēselues in like maner; now catching hold of the enimie; now thrusting him down; the battell growing doubtfull on their side; the horsemen and footemen pressing in and giuing them many wounds. Whilest this fight thus continued, Pharasmanes and Orodes, each incouraging his stoutest, or comforting those which beganne to stagger and wauer, being in sight the one of the other: and therefore knowing the one the other, with a great clamor, armour and horses ranne one against another; but more fiercly Pharasmanes: for he wounded his enimie through the headpeece: yet being carried away with his horse, was not able to redouble his stroke; the stowtest of his followers presently defending the wounded. Neuerthelesse, a rumor falsly beleeued that he was slaine, appaled the Parthians, & caused them to yeeld the victorie.

IX. Sinnaces rebelleth against Artabanus King of Parthia: Tiridates is put in his place.

IMmediatly after, Artabanus gathering together his whole strength out of all parts of his countrey, pursueth a reuenge on the Hiberi, saying that they had the better of the battell, through skilfulnes of place; and therefore would neuer desist; if Vitellius by assembling the legions, had not giuen out that he meant to in­uade Mesopotamia, thereby striking him into a feare of the Roman forces. Then Artabanus leauing Armenia, left all good fortune behinde him, Vitellius entising his subiects to abandon their King, as one in peace cruell, and in warres vnfortunate. Sinnaces whom, as I haue said, was vtter enemie to Artabanus, had secret conference with Abdageses his father and others: and by continuall ouerthrowes and losses which they suffered, drew easily vnto him such as were most readie to reuolt: they also repairing to him by little and by little, which were subiect vnto Artabanus ra­ther for feare then good will: very glad they had found captaines to follow, tooke courage vnto them. By this time Artabanus had no refuge left, saue only a few strangers for the gard of his person, banished from their owne dwellings: a people not vnderstanding what is good, nor hauing a care of that which is naught; but hi­red for gaine, are instruments of what mischiese soeuer. Accompanied with these, he hastneth his flight to the frontiers of his countrey, ioining vpon Scythia; hoping [Page 135] for succour, because he was allied to the Hircanians and Carmanians; hauing a hope likewise, that the Parthians alwaies indifferently bent to the absent, and vn­constant and fickle to the present, would in the meane space change their minde, and receiue him againe. But Vitellius seeing Artabanus fled, and the minds of the countrey people enclined to a new King, incouraging Tiridates to take that which was offered; conducted the legions and allies to the banks of Euphrates. And as they were sacrificing and offering according vnto the custome of the Romans, Suouetaurilia, a Boare, Ramme, and Bull; the others made readie a Horse, to pacifie the god of that riuer: the inhabitants of Euphrates brought word, that without any great raine, of his owne accord the riuer was exceedingly risen; and withall, that the white froth made circles as it were in forme of a diademe, which was a presage of a prosperous passage: but some did interpret them more subtilly, gathering thereby that the beginnings of their attempts should be luckie; but haue small continu­ance, because that there was more credit to be giuen to those things which were portended by the earth and heauen; and that the qualitie and nature of riuers was vnconstant, and running away; and would no sooner shew a token of good luck, but take it away againe: but hauing made a bridge with vessels, and pasled ouer his ar­mie, the first which came to the camp was Ornospades, with many thousand of horsemen. This Ornospades once a banished man, brought no small ayde to Tiberius when he made warre in Dalmatia, and for that seruice was made citizen of Rome. After this, entering anew into the kings fauour, he made him ruler of all that coun­trey which lieth betweene two famous riuers, Euphrates, and Tigris; and thereof tooke the name of Mesopotamia. Not long after Sinnaces augmented his forces, and Abdageses the stay of that side ioyned vnto them the wealth and preparation of the king. Vitellius thinking it inough only to haue shewen the Romās power, aduer­tised Tiridates and the chiefe nobles of Parthia, but especially Tiridates; that he would alwaies haue in minde as things worth remembrance, Phrahates his grandfa­ther, Caesar his bringer vp; the nobles to be dutifull to their king; shew a reue­rence vnto vs; and euery man to haue a care of his credit, and fidelitie: and from thence turned back with the legions into Syria. I haue ioyned together things done in two sommets, to recreate the minde of the reader, wearied with domesticall ad­uersities. But Tiberius although three yeeres were past and gone since the death of Seianus, could not be appeased neither by time, nor prayers, no nor by punishing his fill (things wont to mollifie other men) but would punish vncertaine and stale things gone and past, as manifest offences, and newly committed. Whereupon Ful­cinius Trio fearing this dealing, and not able to indure the accusers which were now bruing matter against him; in his last will and testament composed many cruell things against Macro, and certaine of the chiefe of Caesars freed men: obiec­ting against himselfe, that he had a fickle and vnconstant head through age, and that by his cōtinuall absence he differed little from a banished man. Which things being concealed by Trios heires, Tiberius commaunded publickly to be recited; shewing thereby patience in another mans libertie, and small regard of his owne infamie: or else because he was ignorant of Seianus villanies vntill that time; and content that all things howsoeuer they were spoken, should come to light, and haue the truth knowne (which flattery often hindereth) rather to his owne shame and reproch, then not at all. The same time Granius Martianus a Senator, being accu­sed of treason by C. Gracchus, slew himselfe. Tatius Gratianus likewise who had been Pretor, and condemned to die by the same law. Not vnlike deaths vnto the former had Trebellienus Rufus, and Sext. Paconianus: for Trebellienus killed himselfe with [Page 136] his owne hands; and Paconianus was strangled in prison, because he had there com­posed certaine verses against the Prince. Tiberius did not receiue these newes, deui­ded from Italie by sea, or by messengers a farre off, as he was wont to do; but neere vnto the citie, where he might the same day or the next morning, answere the Sena­tors letters, as it were looking vpon the bloud of the citizens, flowing in their hou­ses; and the hand of the executioners. In the end of this yeere, Poppaus Sabinus gaue vp his ghost; a man of meane parentage, yet through the fauour of Princes had beene Consull and triumphed: and gouernor ouer the greatest prouinces foure and twentie yeeres: not for any excellent skill that was in him, yet able to dis­charge the office, and no more.

X. The Clites rebell against Archelaus King of Cappadocia. Tiridates King of Parthia his conquests. Artabanus being recalled, driueth out Tiridates.

QVintus Plautius, and Sext. Papinius were Consuls the yeere following. This yeere the people of Rome were so inured to calamities, that they thought it not hard dealing that L. Aruseius and others were put to death: but they were greatly dismayed to see Vibulenus Agrippa a gentleman of Rome immediatly after the accusers had ended their oration in the Curia, to draw poison out of his bosome, and drinke it: and being fallen downe and yeelding vp his ghost, yet to be in all haste caried by the sergeants to prison, and already halfe dead, incontinētly to be strangled. No not Tigranes, who had been sometimes King of Armenia, but then arraigned, could with his royall title escape the same punishment that was inflicted vpon bare citizens. C. Galba sometime Consull, and two of the Blaesi died of a volun­tarie death. Galba, bicause by Caesars hard & rigorous letters he was forbidden to cast lots for the gouernment of the prouince: the Blaesi, because that the priesthoodes which were destined vnto their house whilest it was in prosperitie; and now being decayed deferred, and bestowed vpon others when they were vacant; which they construed as a prognosticate of death, and therefore did execute it themselues. Aemilia Lepida, whom as I haue before told you, was married vnto yong Drusus, charging him with diuers crimes, although she were most lewde and wicked, yet escaped scotfree and vnpunished whilest Lepidus her father liued; but afterwards she was conuinced of manifest adulterie with one of her bondmen: and therefore laying aside all defence, ended her life with her owne hands. At the same time the Clites, being a people of Cappadocia, and subiect to Archelaus, because they were according vnto our custome constrained to bring in the value of their yeerely reuenewes, and pay tributes, fled to the hill Taurus; and there by the strong site of the place defended themselues against the weake forces of their King; vntill M. Tre­bellius Lieutenant sent thither by Vitellius Lord president of Syria, with foure thou­sand legionaries, and certaine choise ayd-souldiers, had compassed and enuironed with engins and works two hils which the barbarians possessed, the lesser called Cadra, the other Dauara; killing those which durst issue out with the sword, and forcing the rest to yeeld for want of water. But Tiridates ayded by the Parthians, recouered Nicephorium, and Anthemusias, and other townes, which lying in Ma­cedonia, yet are called by Greeke names: and Halum, and Artemita, townes of Par­thia, striuing who had best cause to reioyce. Artabanus being odious vnto them for his crueltie, as brought vp among the Scythians: and hoping that Tiridates would be courteous and gentle, as trained vp and fashioned after the Romaine be­hauiour [Page 137] and education. The Seleucians vsed great flatterie: their citie is very strong, enuironed with walles, and not corrupted with barbarous fashions, but retained such as their founder Seleucus gaue them. Their manner is to choose three hundred either for wealth, or wisedome, and of them make as it were a Senate. The people kept their part in gouernment, and as long as they agree among themselues the Parthian they feare not, but falling to iarres and contentions, whilest each side calleth for aide against his aduersary: he who is called by one of the parties, mastereth both. That hapned of late vnder Artabanus, who for his owne commo­ditie, made the people subiect to the chiefe gentlemen: where the people beare the sway, that gouernment approcheth neerest vnto libertie: but the rule of a few is neerest vnto the will and pleasure of a King. When Tiridates was come among them, they honored him with all those inuentions which Kings had been honored with in times past, and with such as later ages haue more abundantly inuented. Withall, they powred out many reprochfull speeches against Artabanus; conses­sing that he was indeede descended of the Arsacides on the mothers side, but in o­ther points nothing sutable. Tiridates committed the gouernment of the Seleuci­ans to the discretion of the people; then consulting what day he should be crowned, receiued Phrahates and Hieroes letters, which had two the strongest gouernments of that kingdome, intreating him that he would defer it for some small time, which to satisfie those great men he yeelded vnto. In the mean time he went to Cresiphon the royall seare of the kingdom, & perceiuing that they prolonged from one day to another, Surena with the good liking of many, in a great assembly crowned Tirida­tes, according to the custome of the countrey. And if he had out of hand entered farther within the countrey, and other nations, those lingerers had been put out of all doubt, and all yeelded obedience vnto one. But staying too long at the Castell whither Artabanus had conueyed his money and his concubines, he gaue him time to leape back from their agreements. For if Phrahates and Hiero and some others came not at the day appointed to the coronation, some for feare, and some for malice and hate to Abdageses, who then possessed the new King, and was the only fauorit in Court, turned to Artabanus, whom they found in Hyrcania meanely and euilfauoredly attired, killing with his bow foode for his sustenance. At the first, he was greatly afraid, as though some traine had been laid to intrap him, but when they had giuen him their credit and faith, that their comming was to restore him to his kingdome, his spirits were reuiued, and inquireth what sudden change had hapned. Then Hiero finding fault with Tiridates, said, that he was but a child, and that the Arsacides gouerned not the kingdome, but the vaine name and title was in an vn­warlike person, softly and tenderly brought vp among strangers, & that Abdageses was he which ruled and commaunded all. Artabanus knowing of old what it was to rule, perceiued well that those which found falshood in friendship, dissembled not: and therefore making no longer delay then he could assemble the Scythians forces & aid, setteth forward with al speede to preuent the wiles of his enemies, and keepe his friends from slipping back: yea, he did not so much as wipe off the filth and vn­cleanes of his bodie, because he would moue the common people to compassion. There was no subtletie, no praier, nor ought else forgotten, whereby he might draw the doubtful to him; or confirme & assure the willing & readie. He came then with a strong power vnto the places adioyning to Seleucia, when as Tiridates stroken into a feare with the fame and person of Artabanus, was distracted in minde, whether he should encounter him, or draw out the warre by lingering. Such as desired battell and quick worke, perswaded that the enemie was dispersed, & stragled, and wearied with their long iourney, and scarse resolued to obey Artabanus being so lately trai­tors [Page 138] and enimies vnto him, though now his support & aid. But Abdageses thought it best to returne into Mesopotamia, that hauing the riuer as a defence betweene him & the enimie; calling in the meane space, the Armenians & Elymaei, and the residue which were behind them; and their forces augmēted with allies & friends, & such as the Romane captaine would send them; then to trie the chance of war. That aduise preuailed, bicause of Abdageses authoritie, & Tiridates rawnes in matters of danger: yet that retiring differed not much frō fleeing: the Arabians first leading the dance, the rest drawing to their houses, or to Artabanus camp; vntill Tiridates returning backe into Syria with a small company, acquited them all of the infamie of treason.

XI. Tiberius repaireth with his owne charges part of Rome which was burnt: how Macro wonne C. Caesars fauour.

THe same yeere Rome was greatly damnified with fire; that part of the Cirque which ioyned vnto the hill Auentine, and al the buildings also vpon Auentine, being wasted & consumed to ashes; which losse Caesar conuerted to his glory by giuing the owners out of his purse as much as the losse of their houses and buildings came vnto, which munificence amounted to About 781250. pound. a hundred millions of sesterces; which was so much the more acceptable to the people, bicause that in his owne buildings he was alwaies moderate. Neither had he euer made aboue two publicke buildings, the one a Temple to Augustus; the other the stage of Pompeius Theater: which being finished, yet he left vndedicated; either as despising ambitiō, or by reason of his age. And to make an estimate of euery mans losse, Tiberius fower sons in lawe were cho­sen, Gn. Domitius, Cassius Longinus, M. Vinicius, and Rubellius Blandus, & P. Petronius ioyned with them by the Consuls appointment: euery man inuenting newe honours for the Prince, as his wit & capacity would giue him leaue: which whether he accep­ted or refused, was vncertaine, by reason of his death which followed shortly after. For not long after, the last Consuls in Tiberius raign, G. Acerronius, & C. Pontius be­gan their charge, when Macroes power & credit was growen ouer great, which he increased more & more with C. Caesar, although before he was neuer negligent ther­in. And after Claudiaes death (who as I haue alreadie said was married vnto that Cae­sar) he egged and perswaded his owne wife Ennia, to allure & draw the yoong man to her loue, & intangle him vnder promise of marriage, as one which would do what­soeuer, to laie hold on the soueraigntie. For although he were of a turbulent and hot spirit; notwithstanding he had as it were sucked out of his grandfathers bosome the arte of cunning dissembling. Tiberius knew this verie well, and therefore was not re­solued which of his nephewes he should first make successor to the state. Of which the one was Drusus sonne, neerest vnto him in blood, & whom he tendered best; but was vnder age: and Germanicus sonne the other, in the flower of his youth, and of the people welbeloued; & therefore the woorse liked of his grandfather. And bethinking himselfe of Claudius, seeing he was of stayed and setled yeeres, and desirous of lear­ning; yet altered his deliberation, bicause he was weake and slender witted. And yet if he should seeke for a successor out of his house, he feared least the memorie of Au­gustus, & the name of Caesars should be had in reproch and contempt. For he was not so carefull to winne the fauour of the time present, as ambitious of fame with poste­ritie. But in the end irresolute what to conclude, and growing weake and feeble of bodie, that which was out of the compasse of his power he committed to fate: ha­uing notwithstanding cast out speeches, whereby it might be perceiued that he had a care of things to come: for not going about the bush, but in plaine termes he vp­braied Macro, that he turned his backe to the West, and looked alwaies toward the sun-rising. And hapning by chāce that some speech was had of L. Sulla, whom C. Cae­sar [Page 139] was wont to scoffe & laugh at: Tiberius foretold him that he should haue all his vi­ces, but not so much as one of his vertues. And withall, imbracing the yongest of his nephewes with weeping teares; the other looking on with an enuious eye, sayd vnto him; thou shalt kill him, and another shall kill thee. Yet his sicknes growing more and more vpō him, he omitted not any part of his wāton & vncleane lusts, counterfeiting and putting on a face of courage euen in his weaknes and infirmitie: and was wont to mock at the Phisitiōs skill, that after 30. yeers space they wanted other mens counsell to know what was good or hurtfull for their own bodies. In the meane time, at Rome there were certaine seedes of murders sowen, to take effect after Tiberius death. Laelius Balbus had accused Acutia, somtimes the wife of P. Vitellius, of treason, who being cō ­demned; when a recompence was to be ordained for the accuser, Iunius Otho Tribune of the people withstood it; wherupon they two growing to a iarre, Otho was sent into banishment. Then Albucilla infamous for loose loue with many, & once wife to Satri­us Secundus, the detector of the conspiracie, was accused of certaine impieties and in­chantments against the Prince: & with her as confederats, her adulterers Gn. Domiti­us, Vibius Marsus, L. Arruntius. Of Domitius nobilitie I haue spoken before. Marsus also was of an ancient stock, and endued with many good vertues. But the memoriall sent vnto the Senate doth testifie that Macro had charge of the examinatiō of the witnes­ses, & torture of the bondmen: and the Emperours letters gaue no token of suspition against them; either because he was weake & feeble; or bicause he knew nothing of it: & many crimes were forged by Macro knowen enimie to Arruntius. Domitius there­fore premeditating his defence; & Marsus as though he had purposed to pine away by famishing himselfe, prolonged their liues. Arruntius whilest his friends perswaded him not to be too hastie, but linger on; answereth them; That the same things do not beseeme all men alike: & that for his own part, he had liued long ynough; and had no other thing to repent him of, but that he had among so manie vaine mockeries & pe­rils prolonged his heauie and carefull old age: hauing bin long hated of Seianus; now of Macro; & alwais of som one of the mightiest: not through any fault of his; but bi­cause he could not endure wickednes. True it is, he might linger out during the short time the Prince hath to liue: but how should he escape the yoong Prince which is to come? If Tiberius after such long experience in affaires, by the force of rule and domi­nion hath changed and altered: is it to be hoped that C. Caesar, who is yet scarse out of his childhood, vnexpert and vnacquainted with al things; or brought vp & trained in the lewdest; shuld follow a better course, hauing Macro for his guide? who being cho­sen to oppresse Seianus bicause he was woorse than he, afflicted the common-wealth with greater calamitie. I foresee (said he) a heauier seruitude; and therfore I will flie as well from that which is alreadie past, as that which is at hand. Speaking these things as it had bin in maner of a Prophesie, he cut his vaines. It shal appeere by those things which insued, that Arruntius died in good time. Albucilla hauing wounded herselfe with a blow giuē without effect, was carried to prison. The ministers of her whoredom Grasidius Sacerdos, who had been Pretor, was banished into an Iland, and Pontius Fre­gellanus condemned to be put from the Senate: the saide punishments were decreed against Laelius Balbus, by these themselues which were glad of it; bicause Balbus was thought to vse his eloquēce cruelly, as one alwais at hād & ready against the innocēt.

XII. Tiberius death.

ABout the same time, Sext. Papinius descended of a Consularie familie, chose a sudden & euilfauoured death, by casting himselfe headlong from a high place. The cause was attributed to his mother, who hauing bin long before put away from her husband, by flattering speeches & lasciuious wantōnes, induced the yoong [Page 140] man vnto that villanie, that to auoid the discredit with her he could finde no remedie but death. She being accused in Senate, albeit she prostrated hirselfe at the Lords feet & long shewed her common griefe, & womens weaknes, in such desires, and other la­mentable and pitifull monings, witnessing hir dolour and griefe; yet was banished the citie ten yeers, vntil her yoongest son was past the vnconstant slipperines of his youth. Now Tiberius bodie & strength began to forsake him; but not yet his dissimulation. He had the same courage & vigour of minde; his countenance and voice was strong; & desiring somtimes to be pleasant, cloked his manifest decay of strength. And often changing, at last setled himselfe in a promontorie of Misenum, in a house which som­times Lucullus had bin Lord of; where it was known that his death was at hand by this means. There was a Phisition verie skilfull in his arte called Charicles; yet neuer accu­stomed to gouerne the Prince in his sicknes, but to assist him with his counsell. This Phisition departing from Tiberius, as it had bin about some busines of his own, vnder colour of dutie taking him by the hand, felt the pulse of his vains: but yet he could not vse the matter so cunningly, but the emperor perceiued him. Whether Tiberius were offended with him or not, it was vncertaine; & if he were, so much the more suppres­sing his anger, caused meat to be made readie, & otherwise than his custome had bin, sitteth downe, as it had been in honor of his friends farewell. Charicles neuerthelesse assured Macro that his spirits decayed, and that he coulde not liue aboue two daies. Whereupon great debating of matters passed among those which were present; and messengers posted away to the lieutenants & armies. The 17. of the Kalends of April, his breath being stopped, he was thought to haue ended this mortall life. Then C. Cae­sar with a great multitude flocking about him, and congratulating his good fortune, went forth to take vpō him the Empire: when newes came on the sudden that Tibe­rius was come to his speech & sight again, & that meate was called for to put him out of his swouning: vpon this they were all stroken into a great feare; and dispersed them­selues some one way; some another; euerie man counterfeiting a sad cheere and igno­rance of all this. And C. Caesar stroken dumbe in the top of his hope, expected his last doome. Macro resolute and stout, commanded the old man to be smoothered, by ca­sting many clothes on him, and euerie man to depart from the doore. And so Tibe­rius ended his life, the 78. yeere of his age. He was Neroes sonne, and on both sides extracted frō the Claudian familie; although his mother went by adoption into the Liuian familie, and after that into the Iulian. He had doubtfull fortunes from his first infancie, for being a banished man, he followed his father, who was proscribed; and being brought into Augustus house as his son in law, was greatly maligned al the time that Marcellus and Agrippa, and afterward Caius & Lucius Caesar liued. Yea his brother Drusus was better beloued then he, of the citizens; but after he had married Iulia, his slipperie estate was tied to two great inconueniences, which was either to indure the incontinencie of his wife, or go from her. After that, returning from Rhodes, he liued twelue yeeres in the Princes house which had no children; then possessed the Empire almost 23. yeeres. He changed his manners diuersly according to the times. Whilest he was a priuat man, he was of good life and credite, and had commendations vnder Augustus. He was close and craftie in counterfeiting vertues whilest Germanicus and Drusus liued: and whilest his mother liued he kept a meane, somtimes good and som­times bad. For crueltie he was infamous; but in lasciuious lusts, as long as he loued or feared Seianus, secret. In the end he burst into all wickednes, dishonestie, and reproch; after that hauing cast away shame and feare, he gouerned himselfe wholy according vnto his owne disposition and nature.

THE ELEVENTH BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. The death of Asiaticus, and Poppaea.
* The beginning of this Booke is wanting.

FOr he beleeued, that Valerius Asiaticus who had beene twise Consull, had in times past committed adultery with Poppaea: withall, greedily gaped after those gardens which he bought of Lucullus, and beawtified and trimmed most stately. Suilius was suborned to accuse them both: Sosibius, Germanicus brin­ger vp, was ioyned with him; who vnder colour of friendship, counselleth Claudius to beware of such as were strong and rich, as men dangerous vnto the state: and that Asiaticus the principall author of murdering Caesar, feared not to auouch it in a full assemblie of the people of Rome, and challenge the glory of the fact vnto himselfe. He was famous in the citie for it, and a rumor spread throughout the prouince, that he prepared a voyage toward Germanicus armie, because that being borne at Vienna, and strengthened with strong and great kindred, he thought it an easie matter to stirre vp his countrey men. But Claudius making no farther enquirie, sent Crispinus the captaine of the gard with a band of readie souldiers, as though it had bene to suppresse a warre: who finding him at Baias, layd yrons vpon him, and drew him to the citie, where he was not licensed to be heard of the Senate, but in the Emperours chamber, in the presence of Messallina. There Suilius accused him, that he had corrupted the souldiers, and wonne them by money and loose life to all wickednes. Then charged him with adultery with Poppaea, and vnnaturall disho­nestie of bodie. At that, although he were commaunded to silence, he burst forth, and sayd: O Suilius aske thy children, and they will confesse me to be a man. And entering into his defence, Claudius being wonderfully moued, drew teares like­wise from Messallinaes eyes; who going out of the chamber to wipe them, giueth Vitellius warning not to suffer the partie arraigned to escape. She maketh haste to ouerthrow Poppaea, sending some through the terror of prison, to perswade her to kill her selfe: Caesar being so ignorant therof, that a few dayes after he asked her hus­band Scipio as he sate at table with him, why he had sate downe without his wife? who made him answere, that she was dead. But whilest Claudius consulted of Asiati­cus deliuerance, Vitellius with teares declaring how long time their friendship had continued, and how they two did reuerence & honor Antonia the Princes mother: then running ouer briefely his seruices towards the common wealth, and that so lately done in Britannia, and what else might seeme to moue compassion; left it in the end to his owne choise what death he would choose; Claudius yeelding him the like clemencie with like words. After this some perswading him, that to die with famine and abstinence was an easie death; he answered, that he reiected such fauour: and therefore hauing done those exercises he was vsually wont to do, washed his body, and fed daintily, saying, that it had bene a more commendable death to haue died by Tiberius slienes and cunning, or C. Caesars violence, then now by the trea­chery of a woman, and Vitellius vncleane mouth: cut his vaines, and hauing first seene the fire wherein his bodie was to be burned, commaunded it to be remoued [Page 142] to another place, least the thick tuffed trees should be marred with the smoke: so small reckoning did he make of death.

II. Certaine Romaines accused for a dreame. A treatise of aduocates.

AFter this, the Lords of the Senate were called together, and Suilius goeth on, and accuseth certaine noble and renowned gentlemen of Rome surna­med Petra. The cause of their death was, because they had lent their house vnto Mnester and Poppaea, when they had any cause of conference. But there was a dreame also obiected against one of them, which was, that he dreamed he had seene Claudius crowned with a crowne of eares of corne, and the eares turned backwards; interpreting that vision to signifie a dearth of corne. Some report it to haue beene a garlande of vine braunches with white leaues; which he sawe in his dreame; and interpreted it to foretell, that the death of the Prince shoulde follow at the end of Autumne. Whatsoeuer the dreame was, it is not to be doubted, but that he and his brother were both put to death. Crispinus had giuen him by decree of Senate About 11781 pound 15. shil. fifteen hundred thousand sesterces; and ornaments of the Pretor. Vitellius added About 7812. pound. 10. shil. ten hundred thousand sesterces to be giuen to Sosibius, bi­cause he had beene Britannicus Schoole-master, and Claudius Counseller. Scipio be­ing demanded his opinion, said: Seeing I do thinke of Popaeus faults, that which all you do thinke; perswade your selues that I do say that which all you do say; which was an excellent moderation and mean, shewing the loue he bare hir as his wife, and necessitie of giuing sentence, being a Senator. Suilius neuer ceased from accusati­ons, but prosecuted them with al crueltie: and many followed his audacity: for the Prince drawing vnto himselfe all the duties of lawes and magistrates, opened the way to robberie. Neither was there any marchandise more publikely bought and solde, then the perfidiousnes of aduocates: insomuch, that Samius a woorthy gen­telman of Rome, hauing giuen Suilius About 3130. pound. fowre hundred thousand sesterces, to pleade his cause; and after perceiuing his preuarication and collusion; ran vpon his sword in Suilius owne house. Then C. Silius Consull elect (of whose authoritie and fall I will speake in conuenient time) beginning to speake, the rest of the Senators rose vp, and demanded earnestly that the lawe Cincia might be set on foote: by which it is prouided of old, that for pleading of causes, no man should take either money or gift. Then they whom that iniurie seemed to touch, making a noise; Silius was eager and earnest against Suilius, and contradicted him, alleaging the example of Orators in times past. Which esteemed fame with posteritie, to be the fairest re­warde of eloquence: otherwise, that the princesse of good arts should be distained with the seruitude of base lucre; and that no faith could be sincere and inuiolate, where excesse of gaine is regarded. And if causes shoulde be defended without re­warde, there would be fewer of them; where as now, enmities, accusations, hatred, and iniuries are fostered; and that as the multitude of diseases brought the Phisiti­ons gaine; so the pestilent infection of the bar, serueth now to inrich the lawiers. Let them call to minde C. Asinius, and Messalla; and of later memorie Arruntius, and Eserninus, which were lifted vp to the highest degree of dignitie, by their vpright life, and vncorrupted eloquence. The Consull elect vttering these speeches, the others approouing the same; they went about to giue iudgement, that such shoulde be condemned vnto the like punishment as they were; who had by briberie and extortion polled and oppressed the commons. When as Suilius and Cossutianus and [Page 143] others, which perceiued that there should be no generall decree set downe, but a punishment for those which had beene openly conuicted; came about Caesar, and besought him pardon of that which was past. And after a little silence, nodding with his head vnto them, they began as followeth. Who was he so puft vp with pride, that would presume or hope for eternitie of fame? that it was expedient men should prouide for necessarie maintenance, least through the want of aduocates, the poore be oppressed by the rich and mightie. Neither did eloquence come by chance, and gratis vnto any without paine and labor: the care of a mans owne fa­milie was neglected, if he were occupied in another mans busines: many maintai­ned their life by warre; some by tilling the earth; no man laboured to attaine to any knowledge vnlesse he had seene some commoditie in it. It was an easie matter for Asinius and Messalla, which were inriched with great rewards betweene Antonies and Augustus wars, to shew a gallant and braue minde: and for Eserninus and Arun­tius, heires of rich houses, to do the like. Examples were as readie for them to shew, for what great rewards P. Claudius, and C. Curio were woont to plead. As for themselues, they were but meane Senators, which expected no gaine of the com­mon-wealth, but such as grew of peace. The meanest of the people endeuored what he could to better his estate; the rewarde of studies being taken away, studies do also decay, as hauing neither glory nor honor. The Prince thinking that this was not spoken without ground of reason, moderated the sum which they should take vnto About 78. pound 2. 1. 6. d. ten thousand sesterces, and that they which passed this summe, should be condemned of extorsion.

III. Mithradates recouereth his kingdome. Warres betweene Gotarzes and Bardanes for the kingdome of Parthia.

ABout the same time, Mithradates, who as I haue shewed, gouerned Armenia, and was brought to Caesar, returned into his kingdome at Claudius perswa­sion; trusting in the power of Pharasmanes, King of the Hiberi, and Mithrada­tes brother; who told him that the Parthians were at variance among themselues, doubtfull what would become of the Kingdome, and matters of smaller importance vtterly neglected. For whilest Gotarzes practised great cruelties (going about to kill his brother Artabanus; his wife and his sonne; whereby the rest were afeard) they called in Bardanes, who being a man of action and able to go thorow great enter­prises, in two daies inuaded three thousand Eight Stadia make an Italian mile. stadia, and chased out Gotarzes, all ama­zed and dismayed, not once dreaming of his comming: and without any lingring sea­sed on the next gouernments, the Seleucians onely refusing to obey him. Where­upon inflamed with greater anger then the present occasion ministred cause, bicause they had reuolted from his father; he besieged their citie which was strong, and well fortified with a wall, inuironed with a riuer and furnished with victuals and muniti­on. In the meane time Gotarzes strengthened with the Daharian and Hyrcanian power, renueth the war. And Bardanes enforced to abandon Leleucia, remooued his campe to the champion countrey of the Bracteri. Then the forces of the Orient being deuided and vncertaine which way to leane, Mithradates had oportunitie offered him by chance to sease vpon Armenia; and with the force of the Roman souldier, rase and beat downe the strong fortresses: the Hiberian campe at once wa­sting and spoiling the champion. Neither did the Armenians make heade at all a­gainst them: Demonactes their gouernour being slaine, who onely durst haue waged [Page 144] battell against them. Cotys King of lesser Armenia did somewhat hinder them: some of the nobles ioyning with him. But afterward being rebuked by Caesars letters, all turned vnto Mithradates side, more cruell then was expedient in a kingdome newly gotten. But the Parthian Emperours making preparation to fight, suddenly con­clude a peace, hauing discouered the treacherie of their subiects, which Gotarzes be­wraied vnto his brother. At the first meeting they had a ielous conceit the one of the other; then taking one another by the right hand before the altars of the gods, they promised and couenanted to reuenge the treason of their enimies; and agree and helpe one another. Bardanes seemed most meete to possesse the kingdome. And Gotarzes because there should remaine no sparkle of emulation went to Hyrca­nia. And Bardanes returning againe: Seleucia yeeldeth the seuenth yeere after her reuolt: not without discredit to the Parthians, whom one bare citie had so long de­luded. Then he inuadeth the strongest Prouinces, and began to recouer Armenia; if Vibius Marsus Lieuetenant of Syria, had not hindered him by threatning to warre against him. In the meane time Gotarzes repenting that he had yeelded the king­dome; and the nobilitie vnto whom obedience in peace seemeth hardest, calling him backe againe, assembleth his forces togither, whom Bardanes met at the riuer Erin­des; where skirmishing long on both parts for the passages: Bardanes had the vpper hand, and with prosperous battels subdued all the middle countries, vnto the riuer Gindes, which diuideth the Dahas from the Arij. There his fortunate successes had an end: for the Parthians although they were conquerers; yet liked not to make warre so far off. Wherefore building monuments in token of his wealth and power: and that none of the Arsacides had euer before leuied any tribute of those nations, he returned with great glorie: and therefore so much the more fierce and intollerable to his subiects; who hauing long before laide a snare to intrap him, killed him at vnawares as he was a hunting in the Prime of his youth: fewe of the old Kings to be matched in renowne with him; if he had as well sought the loue of his subiects, as to be feared of his enimies. By the death of Bardanes, the Parthian affaires were in a hurly burly; whilest they wauered, whom they should receiue for their King, Many inclined to Gotarzes, sonne to Meherdates, sonne to Phrahates, who was giuen vs in hostage. In the ende Gotarzes preuailed; who inioying the Kings seate through crueltie and dissolute life, forced the Parthians to send secretly to intreat the Roman Prince to release Meherdates, and inuest him in his fathers kingdome

IIII. Messalina falleth in loue with Silius.

THe same men being Consuls, the plaies called Seculares, were exhibited eight hundred yeeres after the foundation of Rome, and threescore and foure yeeres after those which Augustus had caused then to be represented. I omit the rea­sons which moued both these Princes, as sufficiently declared in my bookes which I haue composed of the acts of Domitian the Emperour: for he likewise did set forth the same plaies, which I was present at, so much the more carefully, because I was then one of the fifteene Priests, and Pretor. Which I speake not to vaunt or brag thereof, but because that charge in times past was committed to the colledge of the fifteene, and magistrates did chiefly execute the office of ceremonies. Claudius sit­ting to see the race, when the noble mens children represented on horseback the play of Troy; and among them Britannicus the Emperours sonne, and L. Domitius, anon after adopted to the Empire, and surnamed Nero. The fauour of the people [Page 145] was more affectionat to him then Germanicus, which was taken as a prefage of his future greatnes. And it was rumored abroad, that in his infancie dragons were found about him in manner of a gard, which are fables, not vnlike vnto strange mi­racles: for he himselfe, who neuer derogated from himselfe, was wont to report but of one serpent which was seene in his chamber. But that affection of the people was a relick of the memorie of Germanicus, who left no other male behinde him but he: and the commiseration towards Agrippina his mother was increased, by reason of Messallinaes crueltie, who alwaies hating her, and now more then euer kindled a­gainst her, was hindered no way from forging of crimes, and suborning accusers a­gainst her, sauing only by a new loue, and next cosen vnto madnes. For she did so burne in loue with C. Silius the fairest youth of all Rome, that to content her lust, she caused him to put from him his wife Iunia Syllana, an honorable dame, to enioy wholy to her selfe the adulterer, now vntied from the bands of matrimonie. Nei­ther was Silius ignorant how lewd the practice was, and what perill he might in­curre: but if he refused, certaine of his destruction, and hauing some hope to bleare the eyes of the world, and enticed with great rewards, he tooke it for the most expe­dient, to expect what might fall, and inioy the present. She not by stealth, but with a great retinue frequented his house; was alwayes at his side; bestowed wealth and honor bountifully vpon him; and at last, as though fortune had transferred the Em­pire; slaues, freed men, and all princely ornamēts, and preparations were seene at the adulterers house. But Claudius not knowing what rule was at home, vsurped the of­fice of a Censor; reprehended with seuere edicts the ouergreat licence the people vsed in the Theater; vsing opprobrious speeches against P. Pomponius, who had bin sometime Consull (and gaue verses to the stage) and other noble women. He made a law to restraine the crueltie of creditors, forbidding them to lend money to in­terest vnto mens sonnes subiect to the fathers power, to be payed after their death. He brought water to the citie from the Simbruan hils. He added and published new letters and characters; being a thing most certaine that the manner of the Greekes writing was not begun and perfected at once. The Aegyptians first of all expressed the conceptions of their mind by the shape of beasts; and the most auncient monu­ments of mans memory are seene grauen in stones: & they say, that they are the first inuēters of letters. Then the Phoenicians because they were strong by sea, brought them into Greece, and had the glory of inuenting that, which they receiued of o­thers. For there goeth a report, that Cadmus sailing thither in a Phoenicean ship, was the inuentor of that arte among the Greekes, when they were yet vnexpert and rude. Some record that Cecrops the Athenian, or Linus the Theban, and Palamedes the Grecian, at the time of the Troian warre, inuented 16. characters; then others and especially Simonides found out the rest. But in Italie the Etrurians learned them of Corinthius Damaratus, and the Aborigenes of Euander the Arcadian: and the fashion of the latine letters are like vnto the old greeke letters; but we had but a few at the beginning, the rest were after added. By which example Claudius added three letters, which during the time of his raigne were in vse, and afterward forgotten: and are yet to be seene ingrauen in brasen tables hanged vp in temples and places of assembly to shew the peoples lawes. Then he propounded in Senate touching the colledge of southsayers, least that the most auncient discipline of Italie should come to naught by slothfulnes, seeing that in the hard and aduerse times of the common wealth they haue been sent for; and by their aduise the ceremonies haue been renewed, and better afterward looked into. And the chiefest noble men of E­truria, either of their owne motion, or at the perswasion of the Lords of the Senate, [Page 146] haue continued their science, and propagated it to their families, which now is very carelesly accomplished by a sloth vsed towards commendable artes, and because strange superstitions preuaile and take deeper roote. All well for the present; thanks were to be rendered to the goodnes of the gods therefore, and heed taken, that sa­cred rites in doubtfull times had in reuerence, be not in prosperous forgotten. Whereupon a decree of Senate was made, and order taken, that the high Priests should consider what was meete to be retained and established concerning the southsayers.

V. The Cherusci craue Italus for their King.

THe same yeere the Cherusci came to Rome to demaunde a King, all their no­bilitie being extinguished by ciuill warres, and one onely left of the blood roy­all, called Italus, then being at Rome. He was sonne vnto Flauius, Arminius brother; his mother was the daughter of Catumerus Prince of the Catti; and was of a comely personage; practised in armes and riding, as well according to the maner of our countrey, as his owne. Caesar therefore hauing furnished him with money, and appointed him a guarde; encourageth him stoutely to take vpon him the honour of his house and auncestors: putting him first in minde that he was borne at Rome; where he remained not as an hostage, but citizen: and that now he was to goe to a strange Empire. At the first the Germans were glad of his comming; and so much the rather, bicause he was not nusled in factions and discords: and therefore would beare like affection vnto all. He was reuerenced and honoured of all men; sometimes vsing curtesie and moderation misliked of none; and oftentimes quaf­fing and drunkennes with other wanton behauiour, which well pleased these barba­rous people. Now he had gotten reputation with his neighbours, and began to be famous among strangers; when as such as bare greatest swaie in time of factions, suspecting his power and greatnes, goe from him to the borderers of the kingdome; openly declaring that the auncient libertie of Germanie was taken from them, and that the Roman strength mastered al. Was their countrey so barren, that they could finde none borne among them to fill the place of the Prince; but that Flauius the spies broode must be lifted vp aboue them all? It was in vaine to make Arminius the pretence; whose sonne being brought vp in the enimies land, might well be fea­red if he came to be King; as depraued and infected with education, seruilitie, attire, and all other strange vsages. And if Italus bare the minde his father had done, no man euer hath borne armes more ragingly against his countrey, and houshold gods than his parents. By such and the like speeches they gathered great forces togither; and there did no fewer follow Italus: All of them affirming that he had not thrust himselfe among them against their wils; but that he was sent for by them: and see­ing he was more noble than the rest, they should make a triall of his vertue; and whether he would shewe himselfe woorthie of Arminius his vncle, and Catumerus his grandfather. Neither could his father be a shame and reproche vnto him, be­cause he would neuer violate his faith, which by consent of the Germans he had promised the Romans. That the name of libertie was falsly pretended by them, who being base and degenerate of themselues, and dangerous to the whole state; haue no hope but in time of trouble and garboile. The common sort came cheerefully about him, and the King became victorious in a great battell against the Barbari­ans: then through this prosperous fortune falling into pride, he was chased out of his countrey; and againe reenforcing his armie with the aide of the Lombards, now with luckie, now with vnluckie successe, molested and annoyed the Cherusci.

VI. The Chauceans are ariuen backe out of Germanie by Cor­bulo a Roman Captaine: his seuere discipline.

ABout the same time, the Chauci liuing in peace at home, and incouraged by the death of Sanquinius; whilest Corbuloes cōming was expected, made some incursions vpon lower Germanie vnder Gannascus: who being a Caninefian by birth; an aide-souldier, and long receiuing pay vnder the Romans; and afterward become a fugitiue with light vessels robbing and piracing; especially wasteth the coast of Gallia, because he knew them wealthie and cowards. But Corbulo entering into the Prouince, first with great care, then credit, especially gotten by that ser­uice, thrust into the riuer of Rhene certain Galleies, and other shipping as they were fit, into other armes and ditches of the sea. And hauing with them suncke the small vessels of the enimie, and driuen out Gannascus: after he had setled the present estate of things, he reduced the legions which knew not what worke and labour meant, but desirous to hunt after pillage and forreies, to the auncient discipline of seruice: com­maunding that none should depart from the campe, nor enter battell without com­maundement: that the watch and warde; all charges both by day and night should be executed in armes. And it is reported that one souldier was put to death, bicause he digged at a trench without his sword by his side; and another, bicause he had no­thing else but his dagger: which beeing ouer-hard and rigorous, and vncer­taine, whether falsly spread abroad; yet had their beginning of the Captaines seue­ritie. Whereby thou maist know that he was inexorable in great faults, seeing it was thought he vsed such rigour in small. But that terrour wrought different effects in the souldiers and enimies: we thereby increased our valour; the Barbarians abated their courage. The Frisian nation which rebelled after the ouerthrow of L. Apronius, and euer after shewed themselues enimies vnto vs, or nothing faith­full, hauing giuen hostages; inhabited the countrey alotted and appointed them by Corbulo. He gaue them also a Senate, magistrates and lawes. And bicause they should not fall from their obedience, left them a strong garrison, and sent some to draw the chiefest of the Chauci to yeeld; and withall, by a wile to surprise Gannas­cus. Neither were those wiles imployed in vaine, or thought cowardly and il­beseeming vs, against a fugitiue and faith-breaker. But the Chauci were much troubled with his death, and Corbulo sowed some seedes of rebellion among them: which as some construed to the best; so others reported badly of it: for why should he prouoke an enimie? If the successe were bad, the hurt would redownd to the com­mon-wealth: if fortune went on his side, he was a man to be feared in time of peace; and being valiant and couragious, and vnder a cowardly Prince, not to be suffered. Whereupon Claudius was so farre from forcing Germanie anew; that he comman­ded the garisons to be brought backe on the hither side the Rhene. And whilest Corbulo went about to encampe in the enimie land, these letters were deliuered him. He vnderstanding of so sudden a countermaunde, although many things at once troubled his braines; feare of the Emperour; the contempt the Barbarians would haue him in; the iest his confederats would make at it: yet making no more wordes, but saying only; O how happie some Roman Captaines were, sownded a retraite. Neuerthelesse least the souldiers should grow lazie, he cast a ditch betweene Mosa and Rhene, three & twentie miles long, to beare off the vncertain inundations of the Ocean. Yet Caesar graunted him the honour of triumph, although he denied him li­cence to make war.

VII. How souldiers were employed out of warre.

NOt long after Curtius Rufus had the same honor giuen him, who in the coun­trey of Mattiacum had found a siluer mine, of small profit and short conti­nuance: but to the legions besides the losse, it was great labour to dig the riuers, and mine vnder the earth, and draine waters, which in plaine grounds was laborious. The souldiers wearied with these toyles, and because they had indured the like in many prouinces; sent letters secretly to the Emperour in the name of the whole armie, and besought him that from thence forward, he would bestow the marks of triumph before hand, on such, as he purposed to make commaunders of the armie. As for Curtius Rufus birth, whom some haue reported to be a fencers sonne, I will neyther vtter any thing falsely, and am ashamed to tell the truth. After he was come to mans estate, he was a follower of the Quaestor of Affrica; and in a towne called Adrumetum, as he walked secretly about midday in a gallery where were no people, there appeared vnto him the likenes of a woman, greater then the stature of any other, and a voice was heard, saying: Thou art he, Rufus, which shalt come Proconsul into this prouince. Puffed vp with hope of this presage of good for­tune, he returneth to the citie, and by the bountie of his friends, and his owne wit and industrie, obtaineth the Quaestorship; and anon after the Praetorship, among many men of note which sued for the same, only by the suffrage and fauor of the Prince: Tiberius hiding the basenes of his birth, with these words: Curtius Rufus seemeth to me to be borne of himselfe. After this, liuing vntill he was very aged, [...]n o­dious flatterer to his superiors, arrogant to his inferiors, crabbed among his equals; he became Consull, obtained the honor of triumph, and in the end the gouernment of Affrike; and there dying, fulfilled his fatall destinie. In the meane space, for no cause then openly knowne, nor afterward discouered, Gn. Nouius a worthy gentle­man of Rome, was found with his sword by his side in the assemblie of those which came to salute the Prince: for being broken on the torture, he confessed nothing ei­ther of himselfe or others; not knowen whether he purposed obstinately to con­ceale the matter, or whether he were innocent. The same men being Consuls, P. Do­labella propounded in Senate, that the shew of Fencers might be euery yeere set foorth at the charges of those which obtained the Questorship. Which was a charge in our ancestors times, giuen as a reward of vertue; and was then lawfull for all citizens which trusted to their merites and vertues, to sue for all kinde of offices, without any regard had of their age; being a thing lawfull for yong men to be Con­suls or Dictators. But the Quaestors were instituted when the Kings bare the sway, as the law of the Curies declare, renewed by L. Brutus: and the power of choosing them continued in the Consuls, vntill the people would also haue a share therein; who first created Valerius Potus, and Aemilius Mamercus, threescore and three yeeres after the Tarquines were driuen out, to the end they should follow the warres. Then affaires multiplying more and more, two were added for the busines of the citie. Not long after, the number was doubled, when Italie and the prouinces were sub­iect to pay taske and tallage. After that, by Syllaes law twentie were created to fur­nish the Senate, vnto whom he had giuen authoritie of iudgement. And although the gentlemen of Rome had recouered their power of iudgement, notwithstanding the Quaestorship was graunted according to the worth of the suters, or courtesie of the giuers, and that gratis, vntill that by Dolabellaes aduise it was as it were put to sale.

VIII. Certaine gentlemen of Gallia made Senators. How the Senate was purged of naughtie men.

A. Vitellius and L. Vipsanius being Consuls, when the matter was debated concerning the furnishing of the number of Senators, and that the chiefe gentlemen of Gallia called Comata, who long before were in league with the Romans, and inioyed the priuileges of a citizen, desired also the right of bearing offices in the citie: great rumors were spread, and the matter was debated before the Prince by men diuersly affected: some affirming. That Italie was not fallen to so low an ebbe, that it could not furnish their citie of a Senate: that the home-borne with their kinsemen did in times past supplie that want, and no cause why they should be sory to imitate the custome of the auncient common wealth. Yea, there might examples be alleaged, by which it might appeare that the vertuous inclina­tion of the Romans at this day, was not inferior to the vertue and glory of their ancestors. Is it a small matter that the Venetians and Iusubrians haue thrust into the Curia, vnlesse a companie of strangers be also put in, as it were to keepe vs in captiuitie? what other dignitie is there left for the residue of the nobles? or if any of the Latian Senators fall to decay? that those rich men would fill and possesse all, whose grandfathers and great grandfathers being captaines of enemie nations, haue slaine with the sword, and violence our armies, and besieged Iulius of famous memorie at Alesia. These things are fresh in memorie. What if we should call those to memorie which besieged the Capitoll, and broke downe the altar of Rome with their owne hands? That it was sufficient to inioy the name of a citizen: and that the ornaments and marks of the Lords of the Senate; the dignitie of Ma­gistrates ought not to be made common. But with these and the like speeches the Prince was nothing moued, but immediatly spake against it, and calling the Senate together, began as followeth. My auncestors (among which the most auncient was Clausus, taking his beginning of the Sabins, and was at once made citizen of Rome, and receiued into the familie of the Patricians) gaue me counsell to gouerne the common wealth with such counsels and cares as they had done, and transfer into it all that is good and commendable, from whence soeuer it be brought. Neither am I ignorāt that the Iulij came from Alba, the Coruncani from Camerium, the Porcians from Tusculum; and that we may not search out farther antiquities, there hath been men called into the Senate from Etruria, Lucania, and all Italie. At last the citie was extended euen to the Alpes, in so much that not only men seuerally, but coun­tries and nations vnited thēselues to our name, and grew as one whole bodie. Then had we a sure and firme peace at home, and flourished against forraine nations, when the Transpadani receiued the freedome of the citie; when vnder colour of lea­ding our legions throughout the world, and adding vnto them the strongest forces of the prouinces, we eased the weake and wearied Empire. Doth it repent vs, that the Balbians came out of Spaine, & the worthiest men of Gallia Narbonensis to vs? Their posteritie remaine with vs, neither do they giue place vnto vs in loue towards this our countrie. What other thing was the destruction and ouerthrow of the La­cedaemonians and Athenians, although they were strong and puissant in armes, but that they reiected those they conquered, as strangers? But our founder Romulus ca­ried himselfe so discreetly, that he had many which the same day, were his enemies and citizens. Strangers haue ruled ouer vs: offices haue been giuen to the sonnes of such as haue bin freed frō bondage, and not as some haue bin deceiued as a newe [Page 150] precident, but it hath bin practised by our first people. But we haue fought with the Senonians. I pray you, haue the Volci & Aequi neuer prepared an army against vs? we haue beene taken of the Galli: and we haue giuen hostages likewise to the Tusci, and passed vnder the yoke of the Samnites. If thou wilt reckon vp all the warres, none hath beene sooner ended than that against the Galli: since that time we haue had a continuall and faithfull peace. Now that in conformitie of manners, artes, and alliances, they are mingled with our people, let them rather bring to vs their gold and wealth, then inioy it by themselues. All things (Lords of the Senate) which are thought now to be most auncient, haue beene new. The Patricians had first all offices in their hands; after them the people; after the people, the Latines; after the Latines, all the nations of Italie. This will grow olde likewise, although it seeme newe; and that which to day we maintaine by example, shall be reckoned amongst examples. A decree of the Senate giuen according vnto the Princes oration, the Eduans first of all receiued the rights and priuileges of Senators in the citie. This was graunted them in consideration of their auncient alliance: and be­cause they onely among the Galli, called themselues brothers of the people of Rome. The same time Caesar made the auncientest of the Senators patriciens, or such whose fathers were famous; fewe of those families remaining, which Romulus called of the greater; and L. Brutus, of the lesser familie: those also being decayed & extinguished, which Caesar the Dictator substituted by the lawe Cassia: and Prince Augustus by the lawe Senia. All these things were gratefull vnto the people; and done with the good liking of Caesar. It troubled him very much howe he might re­mooue such from the Senate, as were notoriously infamous; and at last bethought himselfe of a newe and gentle course; yet grounded on the rigour of auncient time: which was to admonish euerie man to examine his owne conscience: and craue li­cence to giue vp his roome, if he thought himselfe touched; which should easily be graunted; and promised them to propound togither, as well those as were remoued, as those as resigned their roomes; that the iudgement of the Censors, and the mo­deration of those which willingly renounced interlaced togither, might couer the discredit. For this cause the Consull Vipsanius propounded, that Claudius might be called the father of the Senate: because that the title of father of the countrey, be­ing common, newe merites towards the common-wealth, should not be honoured with old titles. But he himselfe brideled the Consull as ouer-much flattering; and appointed a view to be taken of the citie which is called Lustrum, and the number of the citizens to be inrolled, which came to threescore eight hundred, & foure & fortie thousand. Then began he to haue better intelligence how matters went at home: and not long after he was constrained to know, and punish the dissolute and licen­tious life of his wife, immediately after to burne in an vnlawfull desire of incestious matrimonie.

IX. Messallinaes looseloues: her marriage with Silius.

NOw Messallina through the easie inioying of her adulterers, as it were loa­thing them, grew more licentious in vnknowen and strange sensualitie: when as Silius himselfe, either by a fatale sottishnes, or thinking dangers themselues to be the remedie against imminent dangers; began earnestly to vrge her to breake off all dissimulation: and make that knowen, which vntill then he went about to keepe secret; For the matter was not come to that, that they should expect the princes death. Harmelesse counsels were good for the innocent; but in [Page 151] open and manifest villanies there was no hope of safetie, but in audacious attempts. There were others in the same fault & feared the like punishmēt: he was a single man without children, readie to marrie her, and adopt Britannicus. Messallinaes autho­ritie would continue the same, and with greater securitie, if they could preuent Clau­dius; as vncircumspect against snares and wiles, so hastie & soone mooued to anger. These speeches she seemed not much to like of: not for the loue of her husband; but least Silius hauing gotten the soueraigntie, would reiect her as an adulteresse, and fall to a iust consideration of her lewd life, which with his danger he had tried. Neuerthelesse she desired the name of matrimonie, because of the greatnes of the infamie; which with prodigall and dissolute persons is the last contentment. They expected no longer, then Claudius went to Hostia to do sacrifice, but she accom­plished all the solemnities of marriage. I am not ignorant, but it will sound like a fable, that there should be any man so blockish and carelesse; much lesse that a Consull elect should in a citie where all thing is knowen, and nothing kept secret; a day appointed; companie assembled to seale the agreement; contract marriage as it were for issue and children, with the Princes wife: and that shee should heare the words of the Auspices, or hand-fasters; attire herselfe bride-like, sacrifice vnto the gods; sit downe amongst the guests, kisse, embrace; and in the ende passe the night in all libertie of marriage. But there is nothing fained, to make the thing seeme miraculous; but I will deliuer you that which hath been heard and written by auncient writers. Then the Princes house began to quake for feare; and especially those which were in highest credit and fauour: and if there should fall an alteration more afeard; they began now not in secret whisperings, but openly to murmur, say­ing: That as long as the adulterers did vse the matter secretly, true it was that the Prince was dishonored; but yet he was in no danger of his estate: where as now this yong man of a noble birth, of a manly representation, in the prime of his youth and shortly to be Consull, aspired no doubt to greater hope. For it was easi­lie knowen what was to be expected after such a marriage. Doubtlesse a feare possessed them to thinke how blockish Claudius was, how thrall vnto his wife, and how many murders had beene committed by Messallinaes commaunde­ment. On the other side, the facilitie of the Princes nature emboldned them, and gaue them hope, that if they could beate into his head the enormitie of the fact, she might as one alreadie condemned, be brought to confusion before she were arraigned. But the danger was, that if she should be admitted to her defence, yet the Princes eares would be buttened and deafe, although she should confesse. And first of all Calistus, of whom I haue spoken in the death of C. Caesar, and Nar­cissus the contriuer of Appius death, and Pallas the greatest fauor it at that time, de­bated: whether dissembling all other matters by secret threates they should dis­swade Messallina from Silius loue; but they altered their mindes, least they should draw on, their owne ruine; Pallas for want of courage; Calistus as practised in the estate of the former court, and knowing that credit and authoritie was safelier main­tained with circumspect, then rash counsell; Narcissus persisted in his purpose, alte­ring that only point, which was, to take heede, least by any word she should haue an inkling who was her accuser, and of what.

X. Narcissus, Claudius freed man aduertiseth him of the marriage. The sottishnes of the Emperour.

NArcissus then earnestly watching all opportunities, during Caesars long stay at Hostia, induced two concubines with whom the Emperour licentiously conuersed, by faire promises and gifts, and especially shewing them to what greatnes and credit they might come vnto, if his wife were put from him; to vnder­take the discouering of this crime. Then Calphurnia (for so one of them was called) as soone as she found him alone, falling at Caesars knees, crieth out that Messallina had married Silius; and withall asketh Cleopatra who was there present of purpose, to be asked the question; who nodding with her head in token that shee had, commandeth Narcissus to be called for: he, crauing pardon of that which was past, and that he had concealed the adulterie betweene Messallina and Vectius, and be­tweene her and Plautius; added further, that the best way was not to reproch him of his adulteries, nor demaund his house, his seruants, & other princely ornaments embezeled away; but let him (said Narcissus) inioy them, so as he would restore thee thy wife, and cancell the writings of marriage. Doest thou know (saith he further) of thy diuorsement? for Silius marriage the people saw, the Lords of the Senate, and the souldiers, and if thou make not haste, the new married man will be Lord of the citie. Hereupon Claudius calleth for the chiefest of his friends, and first of all for Turranius chiefe officer for prouision of corne; then Lusius Geta captaine of the gard, asking them what they knew of the matter: who confessing it, all the rest came cluttering about him, crying that he should haste away to the camp, strengthen his gard, prouide first for his safetie, then reuenge. Sure it is that Claudius was so sur­prised with feare, that he did eftsoones aske whether he were yet soueraigne of the Empire? whether Silius were yet a priuat man without charge? But Messallina neuer more loose and dissolute in lusts, the Autumne being well spent, celebrated in her house the feast of grape gathering; the presses were wrung, the vessels flowed with wine, women danced about girt with skins, like vnto mad women, solemnizing the feasts of Bacchus; she her selfe, her haire hanging loose about her eares, shaking a iauelin wrapped about with vine leaues; Silius hard by her couered with Iuie, with buskins on his legs, casting the head hither and thither, with a shamelesse compa­nie of dancers shouting and singing about them. It is reported that Vectius Valens toying and iesting, climed vp a high tree; and being demaunded what he saw there, made answere; a cruell tempest comming from Hostia. Whether any such thing did appeare, or whether it were a word slipt by chance; it was turned to a presage of future danger. Not a rumor any longer, but messengers come from all parts, bring­ing them tidings that Claudius knew all, and was comming, readie to reuenge. Mes­sallina then conueyeth her selfe into the gardens which sometimes belonged to Lu­cullus: Silius dissembling his feare, went to his busines in the Forum. The rest, some slipping one way, some another, the Centurions layd hold on and bound with yrons, as they were found either abroad or in corners and lurking places. Messallina albeit this sudden crossing had almost put her besides her selfe, yet thought it best as a shift which neuer failed at a pinch, to meete her husband, and shew her selfe vnto him; and commaunded Britannicus and Octauia to go before, and cast themselues betwixt their fathers armes; and prayed Vibidia the auncientest of the virgins Ve­stall to go to the high Priest, and intreate him he would shew clemencie in her be­halfe. And in the meane time accompanied with three persons only (so naked was [Page 153] she left on the sudden) hauing gone afoote ouer all the citie, at last in a tumbrell which caried away the riddings of gardens, she taketh her way towards Hostia, no one pitying her, because the filthines of her wicked life swayed downe all compas­sion. Neuerthelesse Caesar trembled, because he distrusted Geta captaine of his gard, a man as lightly carried to bad as to good. Whereupon Narcissus, hauing taken those with him which had the like feare, assured Caesar, he had no other hope of safetie left, then to transferre the whole commaundery of the souldiers that one day vnto some one of his freed men; and offereth himselfe to be the man. And fea­ring least, whilest he were brought vnto the citie, he might be induced by L. Vitellius or P. Largus Caecina, to repent him, he desireth & taketh a place in the same chariot with the Emperour. The fame was common afterwards, that among diuers of the princes speeches, now blaming his wiues lightnes, now calling to minde the band of matrimonie, and infancie of his children; Vitellius neuer vsed other speech, then ô wickednes, ô shame. Narcissus vrged him to speake plainely, and go no more a­bout the bush; yet he could not winne so much of him, but would still answere in doubtfull tearmes, and such as might be construed as euery man listed to draw them; and Largus Caecina did the like.

XI. Silius and Messallina punished, with others her adulterers.

NOw Messallina was in sight, and cried that he would heare Octauia and Bri­tannicus mother: when as the accuser made a noise on the other side naming Silius and the marriage: and withall presented vnto him certaine writings, bewrayers of her lusts and lasciuiousnes, to the ende he might turne Caesars sight from her. And not long after, the children had betweene them, had beene presen­ted vnto him, as he entered the citie; if Narcissus had not commaunded them to be conueied away. But Vibidia could not be driuen away, but requested importu­nately with nipping termes, that his wife vnheard might not be put to death. Here­upon Narcissus answered that the Prince should heare her, and that she should haue libertie to purge herselfe. In the meane space, that she should depart, and attende her sacrifices. Claudius vsed a woonderfull silence whilest all those speeches past. Vitellius was as one that knew little; all obeied the freed man: he commaunded the adulterers house to be opened, and the Emperor to be brought thither. And there first of all in the entrie he shewed the Emperor the image of Silius father, defaced by decree of Senate. Then told him that whatsoeuer the Neroes or Drusi had, rich and Princely, had beene giuen to Silius for a reward of his reptochfull adulterie: then seeing Claudius inflamed and bursting into threats, leades him to the soldiers camps, verie readie to heare an oration: vnto whom as Narcissus had before aduised him, he vsed some fewe words. For although he had iust cause of griefe; yet shame hin­dered him. Immediately all the bands cried togither continually, demaunding the names, and punishment of the offenders. And Silius brought to the barre, neither went about to iustifie himselfe, nor craue respite; but intreated that his death might be hastened. The same constancie made other famous gentlemen of Rome desire the hastening of their death. He commaunded Titius Proculus guard vnto Silius and Messallina, and Vectius Valens offering to detect other crimes, and confessing the same, and Pompeius Vrbicus, and Saufellus Trogus, all of counsell to the fact, to be brought to execution. Decius Calphurnianus likewise Captaine of the watch, Sulpi­cius Rufus ouerseer of the plaies, Iuncus Virgilianus a Senator, receiued the like pu­nishment. Onely Mnester delayed his punishment, renting his clothes and crying, [Page 154] that he would looke vpon the markes of the stripes, and call to mind his own words, which were that he should be readie to obey Messallinaes commaundements. Allea­ging that others had offended for rewards and hope of aduancement, but he of ne­cessitie: and that no mans case should haue beene harder than his, if Silius had be­come Emperour. Caesar mooued with these speeches and proue to mercie; yet the freed men altered his minde, affirming that seeing so manie notable personages had beene put to death, he should not spare a stage player: and that it was all one whe­ther constrayned or voluntarily he had committed so lewd a fact. Traulus Monta­nus a gentleman of Romes defence, was not receiued. This yoong man being of modest behauiour, and comely feature of bodie, not thinking on any such matter, was sent for by Messallina, who inioying him onely one bare night, would afterward no more of him, being of nature as readie to loath, as to like and lust. Suilius Ceso­ninus, and Plautius Lateranus onely had pardon graunted them. This in regard of his vncles great merits: Cesoninus through his impuritie and vnnaturall abusing of his bodie. All this while Messallina in Lucullus gardens, prolonged her life; made her supplications; sometimes with hope, and sometimes with anger: so proudly she shewed her selfe euen in her extreamest danger. And if Narcissus had not hastened her death, she had turned the mischiefe vpon the accusers head. For Claudius being returned home againe, and his choler well cooled in a banket; after he had waxt warme with wine, commaunded that one should goe and tell that wretch (for that terme they say he vsed) that shee should appeere the next day to plead her cause. Which being vnderstoode, and fearing least his anger should relent; and his loue, (if they should defer the matter that night which was alreadie come) & the remem­brance of his wiues chamber should reuiue and returne: Narcissus rusht out, and told the Centurions and the Tribune which were present, that they should put her to death; and that the Emperour had so commaunded: and Euodius one of his freed men, was appointed to assist and see it executed. Who hastening to the gar­dens, found her along on the earth, and Lepida her mother sitting by her; alwaies at iarre with her daughter whilest she flourished in prosperitie; yet in her last extremi­ties ouercome with compassion, perswaded her not to tarrie for the executioner; that her life was past; & that she should looke for no other honor, then by killing her selfe. But her minde corrupted with filthy sensualitie, there was no sparke of honesty left; her teares and lamentations were in vaine: Then the doores being violently broke open: the Tribune stoode in amaze, and in a great dumpe without one word speaking; & the freed men rebuked her with many seruile reproches. Messallina then first of all considering of her estate, tooke a sword, which in vaine through trembling feare, she put to her throat, & then to hir breast; which at last was thrust through with a blow which the Tribune lent her, and her bodie graunted her mother. Then word was brought Claudius as he was a banquetting, that Messallina was dead, not telling him whether by her owne hand, or any mans else: neither did he aske so much; but called for the cup, and went forward as he was woont to do at his banket. Neither the daies following gaue he any tokens of hate, ioie, anger, sorrow, or of any other humane affection; not when he saw the accusers ioyfull; not when his children sad. The Senate helped him to forget her, by giuing order that her name and image should be pulde downe from all publicke and priuate places. It was ordained that the ornaments of the Questorship should be bestowed vpon Narcissus; the lightest point of his authoritie, seeing he was the chiefest after Gallus and Calistus, an honest degree and priuiledge; but of which rose very many lewd actions, which escaped vnpunished.

THE TWELFTH BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Three of Claudius freedmen deliberat vpon a wife for him.

THe Emperours house being diuided through the death of Mes­sallina, his freed men fell into contention, which of them should choose Claudius a wife, alreadie thundering against a single life, and thrall to his wiues will. The women on their side burnt with no lesse ambition, eache of them comparing their nobilitie, beautie, and wealth, set foorth themselues and vaun­ted they were woorthie of so great a match. But the chiefest doubt was betwixt Lollia Paullina, daughter to M. Paullinus once Consull, and Iulia Agrippina, Germanicus daughter: Pallas fauoured her, and Calistus the other. AE­lia Petina of the house of the Tuberoes was fauoured of Narcissus. The Emperour himselfe was easily carried, now hither, now thither, according as he had heard eue­rie of their perswasions; and disagreeing the one from the other, calleth them to a consultation; and commaundeth each of them to vtter and yeelde a reason of his opinion. Narcissus beginneth with his old marriage, and familie common to them both (for he had had Antonia by Petina) and that he should haue no new chaunge in his house, if his olde wife should returne againe; who would not with the eie of a step mother looke vpon Britannicus and Octauia, the neerest pledges vnto her owne children. Calistus sheweth that being reiected by a long diuorsement, if she should be taken againe, she would become prowd and haughtie: therefore it were far better to take Lollia, seeing she was without emulation and children; and therefore would be in steed of a mother to hir husbands children. But Pallas extolled in Agrippina aboue other qualities, that she should bring with her Germanicus nephewe, woorthy in all regards of the imperiall highnes; extracted of a noble race, and Claudian fami­lie, which should vnite their posteritie; least a woman fruitfull in child-bearing, and in the flowre of her youth should carrie with her the glorie of the Caesars to another house. This perswasion with some helpe of Agrippinaes allurements suncke deepest: who often comming to visit him vnder colour of kindred, so wonne her vncle; that being preferred before all others, though yet not his wife, tooke vpon her the autho­ritie of his wife. For as soone as she was assured of the marriage, she beganne to laie plots for greater matters, and vndertooke a match betweene Domitius, whom shee had had by Gn. AEnobarbus, and Octauia, Caesars daughter: which without shame and discredit could not be accomplished, because Caesar had betrothed Octauia to L. Silanus a yoong man, besides other vertues, of noble parentage; and on whom Caesar had bestowed the markes of triumphe, and licenced to set foorth a playe of fencers withall pompe and magnificence, to win the loue and fauour of the people. But nothing seemed hard to the Princes minde, who had neither iudgment nor ma­lice, but what was put into him or commaunded. Vitellius therefore cloking vnder the name of a Censor base and seruile deuises; fore seeing into whose handeling rule and dominion would shortly come, to winne Agrippinaes fauour, began to in­termedle and thrust himselfe into her counsels, and carrie tales against Silanus: who [Page 156] had a sister in deede comely, but a shamelesse dame, called Iunia Caluina: who not long before had beene Vitellius sons wife. From hence rose the beginning of his ac­cusation, by drawing her into suspition, not of incest with her brother; but of other loose loues redounding to their shame and infamie. Caesar gaue eare vnto him, as one readie through the loue he bare his daughter, to harken to all suspitions against his sonne in law. But Silanus doubting nothing what snares were laide for him; and by chaunce that yeere Pretor, was on the sudden by an edict published by Vitellius, put from his Senators roome; although the roule of the Senators were made vp, and the number taken not long before. Claudius thereupon brake off his alliance with him; and Silanus was forced to renounce his office by othe; and the rest of the time of his Pretorship was bestowed vpon Eprius Marcellus.

II. Vitellius oration for the marriage of the vncle and the neece. The marriage betweene Claudius and Agrippina. The death of Silanus.

C. Pompeius, and Q. Verannius being Consuls, the marriage was concluded betweene Claudius and Agrippina, and held as certaine in euery mans mouth through tokens of vnlawfull loues, though they durst not as yet celebrate the solemnities, hauing no precident that the brothers daughter should be brought into the vncles house as wife; for it was incest: and if not looked into, it was to be feared that it would turne to a publike mischiefe. Neither was that doubt out of Caesars head, vntill Vitellius by his drifts and sleights vndertooke the matter. And asking the Emperour whether he would yeeld to the commandemēt of the people, or authoritie of the Senate? and he answering that he was one of the citizens, and not able to withstand their agreement, Vitellius willed him not to stirre out of his pallace, but goeth himselfe to the Curia, and protesting that he had a matter to de­bate which touched the welfare of the whole state, craueth licence to speake first, and began as followeth: That the heauie and great toiles of the Prince in gouer­ning the whole world, wanted support; that being vnburdened of domesticall cares, he might the better prouide for the common good. And what honester solace of a Censors mind, then to take vnto him a wife, a companion in prosperous and doubt­full fortune? vnto whom he might impart his inward thoughts, commit his small children; he especially not nuzled vp in riot and wanton lusts, but who had beene obedient to lawes from his first youth. After he had made this preamble with a glosing speech, and that it was accepted with great flattery of the Lords of the Se­nate, he began anew and sayd. Seeing that all of them did exhort the Prince to marry, it was conuenient a wife were chosen for him, renowmed for her nobilitie, child-bearing, and honestie of life. Neither was it needefull to go farre for such a one, seeing Agrippina did excell the rest in noblenes of bloud; & had giuen a proofe of her fruitfulnes, and was indued with other honest qualities. That was a matter worthy remembrance, that by the prouidence of the gods, a widow should be ioy­ned to a Prince, who had tried no matrimonie but his owne. They had heard of their forefathers, and seene themselues, mens wiues to haue beene taken by force at the will of the Emperour; a thing farre from the modestie of the present time: yea he should be a precident how hereafter the Emperour should take a wife. But it is a strange precident to marry our brothers daughters: but it is a vsuall matter among other nations, and by no law forbidden. And marriages betweene cosen germaines a long time not knowne, in progrosse of time grew common. A custome is to be ap­plied [Page 157] according as it is profitable and expedient: and this marriage likewise in time to come will be among things commonly practised. There wanted not some which protested, if Caesar would protract his resolution, they would force him to it, and so rusht who first might out of the Curia: and afterward by multitudes flocked toge­ther, crying that the people of Rome desired the same. Claudius expected no longer, but went and met them at the Forum, and shewed himselfe to such as were glad thereof. And entering into the Senate, demaunded that a decree might be inacted, by which, marriage betweene the vncles and nieces, daughters to their brothers, should from thence forward be accompted iust and lawfull. Yet for all that onely one there hath beene, called Talledius Seuerus, a gentleman of Rome, who hath greatly desired to marry in that sort, whom most men thinke to haue done it to win Agrippinaes fauour. By that marriage all was turned vpside downe in the citie, and al men obeyed this woman; yet not as when Messallina abused the gouernment through licentiousnes: but as it were with as great and seuere subiection, as if they had beene vnder a man. Openly she shewed seueritie, and often pride; nothing done in her house dishonorably, vnlesse it were so expedient for the furthering of rule and gouernment: her exceeding greedines in raking of money had a cloake, which was the maintenance of the state. The day of the marriage Silanus killed him­selfe, either because vntill that time he had hope of prolonging his life; or else chose that day to make the marriage more odious. Caluina his sister was expulsed Italie. Claudius added certaine sacrifices according to the lawes of King Tullus, and cer­taine satisfactions by the chiefe priest in Dianaes wood, all men laughing Claudius to skorne, that punishment and purging sacrifices of incest should be sought at that time.

III. Betrothing of Domitius Agrippinaes sonne with Octauia, Claudius daughter. Seneca is recalled out of exile. The Parthians demaund that Meherdates may be their King.

BVt Agrippina, least she should be famous only for infamous actions, got remis­sion of Annaeus Senecaes banishment, and withall obtained him the Pretorship; perswading herselfe it would be gratefully accepted of the communaltie, by reason of his great fame in learning, and because Domitius childhood might be trained vp vnder such a maister, and vse his aduise and counsel to attaine to the Em­pire which she hoped after. Because it was thought Seneca would be trustie to A­grippina, for the remembrance of this benefit receiued of her, and an enemie to Clau­dius for the griefe of his iniurie. Then thinking it conuenient not to delay the mat­ter any longer, Memmius Pollio Consull elect was induced through great promises to propound, and perswade Claudius to handfast Octauia to Domitius, a thing no­thing inconuenient, both their ages considered; and might be an entrance to grea­ter matters. Pollio gaue his opinion in words, not vnlike vnto those which Vitellius of late vsed, and thereupon Octauia was betrothed. Now Domitius besides the kin­red which was betweene them before, being betrothed and sonne in law to the Emperour, began to be made equall to Britannicus, by his mothers practises, and pollicie of such as feared the sonne would reuenge vpon those which procured Mes­salinaes accusation. About the same time the Embassadors of the Parthians sent as I haue said before, to demand Meherdates for their King, entered into the Senat, ;and began to vtter their charge as followeth. They came thither not ignorant of the league betweene them and the Romans, nor disloyall to the familie of the Arsa­cides; [Page 158] but to aske for Vonones sonne, Phrahates nephew; against Gotarzes tyrannie, alike intollerable to the nobilitie and communaltie. Now that his brothers are ex­tinguished by murder, his neerest kinsemen, and such as were farthese off; he would do the like to women with child, and small children; thinking it a meanes being vn­fortunate in warres abroad, to couer with that cowardlines his crueltie at home. That their amitie with vs was auncient, and publickly confirmed; and therefore reason we should ayd our allies, which might in strength compare with the Ro­mans, but in deede yeeld for reuerence. Therefore the Kings children were giuen for hostages, that if they grew weary of their domesticall gouernment, they might haue recourse to the Prince and Lords of the Senate, vnder whose manner of liuing the King being brought vp, should be presumed to be the better. When they had vttered these and the like speeches, Caesar began his oration with the greatnes of the Roman Empire, and dutifulnes of the Parthians, and maketh himselfe equall to Au­gustus; declaring that a King had beene demaunded of him also, not mentioning Tiberius at all, notwithstanding he had sent ayd likewise. He gaue certaine precepts to Meherdates, who was there present, aduertising him that he should not thinke himselfe a Lord and maister to commaund ouer his subiects as slaues; but a guide; and they citizens: and that he should vse clemencie and iustice, vertues so much the more gratefull vnto these barbarians, by how much the lesse knowne among them. Then turning himselfe to the Embassadors, he highly commended the youth which had beene brought vp in the citie, as one, whose modestie had beene well tried: that the dispositions of Kings were to be borne withal, because often changes are not profitable. That the Romane estate was growne vnto that height with ful­nes of glory, that it desired peace and quietnes euen to forren nations. After he had thus sayd, he commaunded C. Cassius gouernor of Syria, to conduct the yong man to the riuer of Euphrates. Cassius at that time did excell the rest in the knowledge of the lawes. For militarie skill is vnknowne in time of rest and quietnes: and peace esteemeth alike of the coward and couragious. Neuertheles, as much as those quiet times gaue him leaue, he renewed the auncient discipline; kept the legions in prac­tise with care and foresight, as if the enemie had beene at hand; thinking it a thing worthy of his ancestors, and Cassian familie, renowned among those people. Ha­uing therefore sent for them, through whose consentment the King was demaun­ded, and planted his camp at Zeugma, where the riuer is most passable: after that the noblemen of Parthia, and the King of the Arabians called Abbarus was come, he shewed vnto Meherdates, that the first brunt of the barbarians was fierce and hote; but by delay and lingering became cold, or turned into treason; and therefore he should couragiously go through his enterprise. But his aduise was contemned through Abbarus fraude, who detained him like an vnexperienced yong man in the towne of Edessa; as though the highest degree of fortune and princely felicitie had consisted in riot and wantonnes. And when Carrhenes called them in, and assured them, that all was in a good readines if they would make haste, they did not march straight to Mesopotamia, but turned to Armenia in an vnseasonable time, because the winter was begun. Then wearied with snowes and mountaines, comming neere to the plaine, they ioyned with Carrhenes forces. And hauing passed the riuer of Tigris, they entered into the countrey of the Adiabeni; whose King Iuliates in open shew professed himselfe a confederate of Meherdates, but vnderhand was more faithfully bent to Gotarzes.

IIII. Gotarzes ouercommeth Meherdates, and cutteth off his eares: Mithradates vsurpeth the kingdome of the Dandarides: and goeth about to driue out Cotys.

NEuerthelesse in passing by, Meherdates tooke the citie of Ninos, the most an­cient seat of Assyria, and a famous Castle; because that in the last battell be­twixt Darius and Alexander there, the Persian power was brought to vtter ruine. In the meane time Gotarzes at a hill called Sambulos, offered vowes to the gods of the place, among which Hercules was chiefly honoured: who at a certaine time admonisheth his Priestes in a dreame, that neere vnto the Temple, they should haue horses readie prepared for hunting: the horses loaden with quiuers full of ar­rowes prawnsing vp and downe the woods, returne at night breathing and panting with their quiuers emptie. The god again declareth to them in a dreame what woods they haue coursed vp and downe in; whither they goe and finde wild beasts killed in many places. But Gotarzes not hauing sufficiently strengthened his armie, vseth the riuer Corma for a defēce. And although he were summoned by diuers messēgers & hard speeches to battel: yet he sought delayes; changed place; and sent some to cor­rupt the enimie, and draw them to forsake their obedience. Among which Ezates Adiabenus, and anon after Abbarus King of the Arabians, with their armie began to shrinke through a certaine lightnes incident to that nation: and bicause it is tried by experience that the Barbarians had rather come to Rome to demaund a King, then when they haue him keepe him. Now Meherdates seeing himselfe stripped of his strongest succour, and suspecting least the others would betraye him, determi­ned for his last refuge to commit the matter to chaunce, and hazard it in a maine battell. Gotarzes being verie fierce, that his enimies forces were diminished, refused not to fight. They met with great slaughter and a doubtfull issue; vntill Car­rhenes making cleare way before him, and driuing and pursuing the enimies too farre, was compassed behind with a fresh companie and slaine. Then all hope being lost, Meherdates trusting the promises of one Parrhacis a follower of his fa­ther, by his falshood was taken prisoner, and deliuered to the Conquerour. Who intreated him not like a kinsman, or one of the Arsacis stocke; but reuiled him like a stranger and a Roman: and hauing cut off his eares, gaue him his life, as a shew of his clemencie; and dishonour and reproch vnto vs. Not long after Gotarzes died of a disease; and Vonones then gouernour of the Medes, was called to be King. There happened nothing in his raigne either prosperous or vnprosperous, worthie the tel­ling: he liued but a short and an inglorious time; and the kingdome of the Parthi­ans was translated to his sonne Vologeses. But Mithradates the Bosphoran wande­ring vp and downe after he had lost his forces; vnderstanding that Didius the Ro­man Captaine with the strength of his armie was departed: and that onely Cotys a raw and rude youth, was left in the new kingdome with some few bandes vnder the conduct of Iulius Aquila gentleman of Rome; contemnig both of them, began to sollicite the countries about him, and allure fugitiues: and at last, hauing assembled an armie, chaseth out the King of the Dandarides, and inioyeth his kingdome. Which being vnderstoode, and looking euerie hower that he would inuade the Bos­phoran: Aquila and Cotys distrustring their owne forces, because Zorsines King of the Soraci had taken armes againe, sought for forreine aide, and sent Ambassadors to Eunones King of the Adorsian nation: being no hard matter to draw him to their [Page 160] fellowship, after he had declared what oddes there was between the Roman forces, and the rebell Mithradates. Whereupon they agreed that Eunones should haue charge of the horsemen, and the Romains besiege townes. Then hauing mustered their armie in order, they marche in battell aray; the Adorsi defending the front and the rereward; the cohorts and Bosphorani the middle battell, armed after our fashion. And so driuing backe the enimie, we came to Soza the chiefe towne of Dandarica, which Mithradates forsooke; where we left a garrison, as being doubt­full of the inhabitants fidelitie. From thence they marched to the Soraci: and ha­uing passed the riuer Panda, they besieged the citie Vspe, situated on a high place, & fortified with wals and ditches; sauing that the wals not being made of stone, but of hurdles ioyned togither, & earth in the middle, were too weake against the besie­gers: who hauing erected towres higher than the wals, with fire and dartes disor­dered they besieged: and had not the night broken off the battell, the towne had beene assaulted and taken the same day. The next day they sent Ambassadors to intreat for the free men; but of slaues they offered ten thousand, which the Con­querours refused. And because that to slaie such as yeelded, would be a cruell part; and to keepe so great a multitude, hard; they thought it best to hold on the siege, and kill them by right of warre: and thereupon the signe was giuen to such souldiers as had scaled the wals to put them to the sword.

V. Mithradates being forsaken by Zorsines King of the Soraci, ye eldeth to Eunones King of the Adorsi, and came to Rome after he had made a peace.

THe slaughter of the Vspensiens stroke the rest into a feare, thinking now that there was no safetie in any thing: seeing their armes; their fortresses; high and hard places; riuers and townes, were forced alike. Zorsines then long waigh­ing with himselfe, whether he should succour Mithradates desperate case; or pro­uide for his fathers kingdome: at length the loue of his countrey swaying him, ha­uing giuen pledges, he prostrated himselfe before the image of Caesar, to the great glorie of the Roman armie; which without any losse of bloodshed on his side came (as it is most manifest) victorious, within three daies iourney of the riuer Tanais. But in returning fortune was not alike; bicause some of the shippes carried on the Taurian shores, were by the Barbarians surprised, & the prefect of the cohorts, and most of the Centurions slaine. In the meane time Mithradates finding no safetie in armes, debateth with himselfe whose mercie he should trie: He feared his brother Cotys, because he betrayed him once, and was now his enimie. There was none of the Romans of such authoritie, that their promises should greatly be regarded: in fine, he addresseth himselfe to Eunones his enimie for priuate grudge; but great, and of better credit through the friendship newely contracted with vs. Therefore com­posing his countenance, and attiring himselfe sutable to his present estate, goeth to the Kings pallace, and casting himselfe at his knees, saith: Behold here Mithradates, whom by sea and by land you haue so manie yeeres sought. Behold I am here of my owne voluntarie will. Vse as thou wilt the sonne of great Achemenes, which is the onely thing which the enimies haue not taken from me. But Eunones moued with the nobilitie of the man & the change of his fortune; at his prayer which argued no base minde; lifteth vp the suppliant, and commendeth him that he had chosen the Adorsian nation, and his right hand for obtayning of pardon. And withall sendeth Ambassadors and letters to Caesar with these contents. That the first friendship, be­twixt [Page 161] the Emperours and Kings of other mightie nations, proceeded of conformi­tie and likenes of fortune: but Claudius amitie and his, of a victorie common to them both. That the end of warre were most notable, when peace was made with pardo­ning. So when Zorsinus was conquered nothing was taken from him: for Mithra­dates although he had deserued woorse; no power, no kingdome was intreated for; but onely that he might not be lead in triumphe, and lose his life. Neuerthelesse Claudius, although he were milde and gentle towards forreine nobilitie; yet doub­ted, whether it were best for him to receiue the captiue vnder condition of life, or demaund him by force of armes. For on one side the griefe of iniuries receiued, and desire of reuenge pricked him; and on the other, reasons to the contrarie: That he should take a warre in hand in a hard conntrey, and a hauenlesse sea: withall that the Kings were fierce and the people scattered, and the soile fruitlesse, and needy of victuals; then that lingering would bring tediousnes, and haste danger: the praise should be small to the conquerers; the infamie great if they tooke the repulse: ther­fore it were best to take the offer, and keepe the exiled: who being poore, how much the longer he liued; so much the more punishment he should indure. Mooued with these reasons he wrote to Eunones. In verie truth, that Mithradates deserued exam­plarie punishment; neither wanted he power to execute it: neuerthelesse it hath seemed best vnto our predecessors, to vse as great benignitie towards humble sup­pliants, as hard and rigorous dealing towards the enimie: for triumphes were got­ten of whole nations and kingdomes. Then Mithradates was deliuered and carri­ed to Rome by Iunius Celo Procurator of Pontus; and thought to haue spoken more boldly to Caesar, then his estate required. His speech was carried to the people in these termes. I am not sent backe vnto thee, but am come; and if thou beleeue me not, let me goe and trie. There appeered no signe of feare in his countenance, when as garded with keepers neere vnto the court, he was shewen vnto the people. The Consularie ornaments were giuen to Colo; and the Pretorian to Aquila:

VI. The death of Lollia Paulina, through Agrippinaes iealousie. Calpurnia driuen out of Italie.

VNder the same Consuls Agrippina boiling with deadly hatred and malice a­gainst Lollia, because she had contended with her for the marrying of the Prince, left no meanes vnsought, vntill she had stirred vp some to accuse her of conference had with the Chaldeans, and Magicians, and counsell asked of the idoll of Apollo Clarius, concerning the Emperours marriage. Hereupon Claudius, the defendant vnhard, hauing spoken much before the Senate of her noblenes of birth, that she was L. Volusius sisters daughter; that Cotta Messallinus was her great vncle; and she once wife to Mennius Regulus, (for of purpose he left out that she had beene married to C. Caesar) added in the end; that she had practised dangerous things a­gainst the state; and that all occasion and matter of euill was to be taken away: therefore he was of aduise that she should lose her goods, and depart out of Italy; leauing the banished woman of the infinite wealth which she was mistres of, but About 39062 pound 10. shil. fiftie hundred thousand sesterces. And Calpurnia, a woman of great birth was o­uerthrowne, only because the Prince had praised her beawtie; not for any amorous affection, but by chaunce: yet Agrippina stretched not her malice to the vttermost against her, but sent a Tribune to make away Lollia. And Cadius Rufus was condemned for bribery, and extorsion, at the instance of the Bithynians. And in con­sideration of the great reuerence the inhabitants of Gallia Narbonensis bare the [Page 162] Lords of the Senat, it was graunted to the Senators of that prouince, that without licence of the Prince they might go visit their houses, & dispose of their goods with the like priuiledge, as they which were of the prouince of Sicilia. The Ituraei and Iewes, after their Kings Sohemus and Agrippa were dead, were ioyned to the pro­uince of Syria. It was ordained that the ceremonies of the auguration of health, intermitted fiue and twenty yeeres, should be renewed, and continued from thence­forth. Caesar inlarged the circuit of the citie, according to the auncient custome; by which licence was giuen them which had inlarged the bounds of the Empire, to in­large the bounds of the Citie. Neuertheles none of the Roman captaines L. Sylla and Augustus excepted, although they had subdued mightie nations, had vnder­taken to do it: but whether the Kings which then ruled the citie did it for ambition or vaine-glory, there run diuers reports. But it shall not be impertinent, as I thinke, to lay downe the beginning of the foundation of Rome, and what circuit Romulus first assigned. He therefore began the circuit at the oxe market called forum boa­rium, where we see set vp a picture of a brasen Bull (because that kinde of beast is broken to the plough) from thence drawing a furrow as a plat of the circuit of the citie, which contained within it the great altar of Hercules. From thence by certaine distances stones were put by the foote of the hill Palatine, vnto the altar of Consus; then to the old Curies; then to the chappell of the houshold gods. For some haue thought, that the forum Romanum, and the Capitoll, were not added to the citie by Romulus, but by T. Tatius. After that, the circuit or pomoerium was augmented, ac­cording to the fortune and riches of the Kings. And for the limits that Claudius then put, they are easily knowne, and are written in the publike actes.

VII. Domitius sonne of Agrippina is adopted by Claudius. The Catti send hostages to Rome. Vannius driuen out of his countrey, goeth to Rome.

CAntistius, and M. Suilius being Consuls, the adoption of Domitius was hastened through Pallas credit, who being wholie at Agrippinaes deuotion, as a principall meane of working the marriage betweene Claudius and her, then bound vnto her, for vnlawfull companie of her bodie; vrged Claudius to pro­uide for the common wealth, and strengthen Britannicus estate whilest he was yong. So Augustus wiues children did flourish, although he had nephewes of his owne for a stay to his house: and Tiberius hauing issue of his owne, adopted Germa­nicus: therefore that he should also strengthen himselfe with this yong man, who would take part of the care vpon him. Claudius yeelding to this perswasion, prefer­reth Domitius being but two yeeres elder, before his owne sonne; and maketh an oration before the Lords of the Senate, which he receiued of his freed man Pallas. The skilfull and wise did note, that there had neuer beene any adoption before that time in the Patrician familie of the Claudians, & that the succession had neuer failed from Atta Clausus. Neuertheles great thanks were rendred the Prince, and exqui­site flatterie vsed to Domitius, and a decree set downe, by which he should be ac­compted one of the Claudian familie, and be called Nero. Agrippina also was mag­nified with the surname of Augusta. Both which done, there was no man so voide of pitie, which was not grieued and sory for Britannicus fortune: for by little and little he was abandoned and skorned of his basest seruants, by shewing an vnseasonable dutie to his stepmother, which he well perceiued, as not dull witted, but of good conceipt, as it is reported; either because he was so indeede, or attributed to him in [Page 163] his distresse, the same and opinion continued without triall. Agrippina to make her credit and power knowen among the confederates also, commaunded the old soul­diers, and a colonie to be brought to the citie of Vbiumw, here she was borne, which was afterward called of her name Agrippina. It hapned by chaunce, that when that nation passed the Rhene, her grandfather Agrippa tooke them into his protection. About the same time vpper Germanie quaked with feare, through the comming of the Catti, which robbed and spoiled all where they came. Whereupon L. Pomponius Lieutenant, gaue aduertisement to the aide Vangiones, & Nemetians, adding vnto them a company of horsemen, to get before those forragers; or if they slipped away, compasse and surprize them on a sudden. The diligence of the souldiers followed the captaines counsell, and diuiding themselues into two companies, those which tooke the left hand came vpon them, and slew them, as they newly returned from pillage, riotously abusing their bootie, and heauie asleepe. Their ioy was increased, because they had deliuered from seruitude some of their fellowes, which fortie yeeres before had beene taken when Varus was defeated. But those which tooke the right hand, and the neerest way, meeting the enemie in the face, and daring to encounter, made a greater slaughter, and loaden with bootie & fame, returned to the hill Taunus; where Pomponius was expected with the legions, if the Catti desiring a reuenge, would offer occasion to sight. But they fearing least the Romanes would set on them on one side, and the Cherusci with whom they are alwayes at iarre, on the other; sent Embassadors and hostages to Rome; where the honor of triumph was awarded Pomponius, a small part of his fame with posteritie, being more renow­med for skill in poetrie. About the same time Vannius made King of the Sweuians by Drusus Caesar, was driuen out of his kingdome: in the beginning of his rule well liked and accepted of the people; but in the end growing prowde, partly by the ha­tred of the borderers, and partly by ciuill discords, was put to the worst. The au­thors of this practise were Iubillius King of the Hermunduri, and Vangio, and Sido, Vannius sisters children: yet Claudius although often intreated, whilest these barba­rous people were together by the eares, would no way intermeddle; only he promi­sed Vannius refuge if he were driuen out: & wrote vnto P. Attilius Histrus gouernor of Pannonie, to lodge a legion, and all the ayd he could leuie in the prouince, on the banke of Danubium; as an ayd to the conquered, and a terror to the conquerer, least puffed vp with prosperous fortune, they would so disturb our peace. For an infinite power of the Ligians and other nations were comming, drawen with the fame of the wealth of Vannius kingdome, which for thirtie yeeres space he had enriched with pillages and tributes. Vannius owne forces consisted in footemen, his horse­men were of Sarmates, called Iazygiens, vnable to encounter the multitude of the enemies power, and therefore defended himselfe in fortresses, and purposed to pro­tract the warre. But the Iazygiens not able to indure to be besieged, but wandering and wasting the champion adioyning, droue Vannius to a necessitie of fighting, be­cause Ligius and Hermundurus were pressing in, on the backs of them. Vannius ther­fore issuing out of his fort, lost the battell, but not without honor, euen in his dis­tresse: because in person he shunned not the battell, and face to face receiued wounds in his bodie; and at last fled to his shipping which waited for him in Danu­bium: by and by his vassals following him, hauing receiued land to dwell in, planted themselues in a part of Hungaria. The kingdome Vangio and Sido parted be­tweene them, shewing great loyaltie towards vs. Their subiects either for their de­sert, or such being the disposition of those which are kept vnder, whilest they were yet a getting the kingdome, shewed them all tokens of loue and affection: but [Page 164] after they had gotten it, as the greater their loue before, so the greater their ha­tred after.

VIII. Ostorius gouernor of great Britannia, gaineth a battell against the Iceni, and tooke Caractacus King of the same countrey, and sent him to Rome. The warres of the Romaines against the Siluri.

POstorius Propretor of Britannia, at his landing found all in an vprore: the enemie ranging the allies countrey, and vsing so much the greater violence, bicause he thought the new captaine, as vnacquainted with his armie, and the winter also begun, would not come foorth to encounter him. But he knowing well that the first successe breedeth either feare or confidence; gathered with speede his readiest cohorts, made toward the enemie, slaying those which made head against him; pursued the residue stragled abroad, for feare least they should ioyne againe: and least a faithles and cloaked peace should neither giue the captaine nor the souldier any rest, he disarmed those he suspected, and hemmed them in with garri­sons betweene Antona and Sabrina Nen, at Northhamp­ton and S [...] ­uerne. Vice Camdenum. Which the Iceni Sffolke, Norfolke, Cambrid e­shire, and Hunting on­shire. first of all refused, a strong people, and vnshaken with warres; because that of their owne motion they had sought our alliance and amitie: and at their instigation the people adioyning chose a place to fight, compassed in, with a rude and common trench, and nar­row entrance, to hinder the comming in of horsemen. That fence the Roman Cap­taine, although he wanted the strength of the legions, went about to force with the aide of the allies alone: and hauing placed his cohorts in rankes, setteth the troupes of horsemen in alike readines to their busines: then giuing the signe of battell brake the rampire, and disordered the enimies in their owne fortresses. Who stro­ken in conscience with a remorse for their rebellion; and seeing all passages of esca­ping stopped vp; shewed great courage and valoure in defending themselues. In which fight M. Ostorius the Lieutenants sonne, deserued the honour of sauing a citizen. But by the slaughter of the Iceni, those which wauered betweene warre and peace were quieted, and the armie lead against the Whether So [...]merset­shire men or Chesshire, Consul. Camd. Cangi. Whose countrey they wasted and spoiled; the enimie not daring to shew himselfe in fielde: or if priuily and by stealth they attempted to cut off any which dragged behind, they payed for their comming. Now the Roman armie was come neere vnto the sea coast which lookes towards Ireland, when as certaine tumults sproong vp among the Yorkeshire, Lancashire, B. of Durham Westmerlād, Cumberland, Brigan­tes brought backe the Captaine, certainly resolued not to attempt any new matter, vntill he had setled the old. But as for the Brigantes, some fewe put to death which first began to take armes; the residue being pardoned, all were quieted. The Southwales as Hereford­shire, Radnorshire, Brecknock­shire, Monmouth­shire, and Glamorgan­shire, Siluri could neither by crueltie nor faire meanes, be hindered from making warre: and therefore no remedie left to keepe them vnder, but with a garrison of legionarie sol­diers. The which to performe more easily, a colonie called Maldon in Essex, Camalodunum, of a strong companie of old souldiers, was brought into the subdued countrey, as an aide and safegard against the rebels; and inducement to the confederates, to the obser­uation of lawes. From thence they marched against the Siluri; besides their owne courage trusting to Caractacus strength: who hauing waded thorow manie dangers, and in manie aduentures prosperous and luckie, had gotten such reputation, that he was preferred before all the British Captaines. But in craft, and skilfulnes of the countrey, hauing the aduantage on vs, but weaker in strength, remoueth the war to the Northwales Montgomery shire, Merionyth­shire, Carnaruon­shire, Denbigh­shire, and Flintshire Ordouices: and there all those ioyning to him which feared our peace, resol­ued [Page 165] to hazard the last chaunce; chusing a place for the battell, where the comming in and going out was verie incommodious to vs; and to his, great aduantage. Then they got to the top of a hill: and if there were any easie passage vnto them, they stopped it vp with heapes of stones, as it were in maner of a rampire. Not farre off, ranne a riuer with an vncertaine foord, where a great troupe of his best soldiers were readie in order before the rampire. Besides this, the leaders went about, exhorted and incouraged the souldiers, taking all occasion of feare from them, and putting them in hope, with all other inducements of warre. And Caractacus coursing hither & thither, protested: That that day, and that battell should be either the beginning of the recouering of their libertie, or perpetuall seruitude. He called vpon the names of his auncestors, which chased Caesar the Dictator out of the Ile; by whose valour they were deliuered from hatchets, and tributes; and inioyed freely their wiues and childrens bodies vndefiled. Whilest he vttered these or the like speeches, the people made a noise about him; and euerie man swore according to the religion of his countrey, that he would yeeld, neither for wounds nor armes. That courage and cheerefulnes greatly astonied the Roman Captaine: and considering the riuer before his face; the forte they had cast vp; the high hils which hanged ouer them; all things deadly to thē, and commodious for the enimie; droue him into a doubt of the successe. Neuerthelesse the souldier demaunded battell, crying that there was nothing which valour could not ouercome. The Prefects and Tribunes vsing the like speeches, greatly incensed the ardour and courage of the rest. The Ostorius hauing viewed what places were of hard passage, and which of easie; leadeth his ar­mie boiling with choler, with small difficultie ouer the riuer. But when we were come to the rampire, as long as we fought with throwing of dartes, we receiued most wounds, and many of our men were slaine: but after we had made our target fence Vide annot in hist. lib. 3. num. 7. thicke, and broken downe those rude compacted heapes of stones; and that the fronts of both the armies came close to handie strokes, without ods the Barbarians fled to the hill tops. But thither also as wel the light harnessed souldier, as the corslets brake in: after whom the one galding them with darts and Iauelins; and the o­thers marching thicke and close togither, brake the ranks, and disordered the Bri­taines; hauing neither head-peece, nor coate offence. If they thought to resist our aid-souldiers, they were beaten downe with swords and Iauelins by the legionaries; if they turned to make head against them, they were slaine with the pikes and two hāded swords of the auxiliaries. That victory was famous; Caractacus wife & daugh­ter were taken, and his brothers yeelded themselues. He himselfe (as generally all succour failes in aduersitie) crauing defence and protection of Cartismandua, Queen of the Brigantes was by her taken prisoner and deliuered to the conquerers, nine yeeres after the warre was begun in Britannia. Whereupon his fame being car­ried ouer the Ilands, and spread abroade throughout the Prouinces adioyning, was also renowmed in Italie: and they desired to see who he was, that so manie yeeres had contemned our forces. Neither was his name meanely esteemed of at Rome. And whilest Caesar extolled his owne woorth, he made the conquered more glori­ous. The people was assembled, as to see a notable spectacle. The Emperours guard was all in armes, and good order, in the field before their campe: then Caractacus vas­sals and retinue going before, the caparissons, his chaines and all other things gotten in warre against strangers, were brought after; then his brothers; his wife and daughter; and last of all, he himselfe was shewen to the people. The prayers of the rest were base for feare: but Caractacus neither hanging downe the head; nor in words crauing mercie, when he stoode before Caesars tribunal, spake as followeth. [Page 166] If my moderation in prosperitie had beene as great as my nobilitie and fortune, I had come rather as a friend into this citie, then a captiue: neither wouldest thou haue disdained to haue receiued me with couenāts of peace, being descended of an­cient progenitors, and commaunding ouer many nations. My present lot, as it is to me dishonorable; so is it to thee magnificent. I haue had horses, men, armes, wealth: What maruell is it if vnwillingly I haue lost them? for if you will commaund all men, it followeth that all men become bondmen. If presently I had yeelded and beene deliuered into thy hands; neither my fortune, nor thy glorie had beene renowned; and obliuion would haue followed my punishment. But if thou keepe me aliue, I shall be for euer an example of thy clemencie. Hauing spoken these words, Caesar pardoned him, his wife, and his brothers. And being all vnbound, they did their re­uerence likewise vnto Agrippina, who sate aloft in another high chaire; and gaue her the like praises and thankes, as they had giuen the Prince. Surely a new and strange thing, and of our ancestors neuer vsed, that a woman should sit and commaund the Roman ensignes; but she carried herselfe as a fellow and associate of the Empire gottē by hir ancestors. After this the Lords of the Senat being called togither, they made long and glorious discourses touching Caractacus captiuitie: affirming it to be no lesse honorable then when P. Scipio shewed Siphaces vnto the people, and L. Paullus, Perses; or if any other had exhibited to the view of the people Kings, vanqui­shed and ouercome. Then publike honours of triumphe were ordained for Ostorius, his fortunes vntill then prosperous; but not long after doubtfull: either bicause that Caractacus being remooued, as though thereby all had beene vanquished and subdu­ed, seruice was carelesly intertained; or els bicause that the enimies hauing compas­sion of so mightie a King, were more feruently enflamed to reuenge. For they inuiro­ned the campe-master, and the legionarie cohorts, which were left behinde to build fortresses in the Silures countrie: and if they had not been speedily rescued by the villages and fortes adioyning, they had been put to the sword euerie man. Neuerthe­lesse the campe-master, and eight Centurions, and the forwardest common soldiers, were slaine: and anon after they put to flight our forragers, and the troupes of horsemen which were sent to rescue them. Then Ostorius sendeth abroade certaine light harnessed companies; which yet could not staie their flight, if the legions had not vndertaken the battell. By their strength they fought with small oddes on either hand, till at length we had the better of it; and the enemie betooke him to his heeles with small losse, because the day beganne to faile. After that time they had diuers skirmishes, though for the most part in woods and marishes, according as occasion was giuen, in manner of roades, either by chance, or of valoure; sometime rashly, sometimes with foresight; now for anger, now for bootie; sometimes by their captaines commaundement; and some­time without warrant: but principally by the obstinacie of the Siluri, exasperated with a speech which the Roman Emperour should haue vsed: which was, that as the Sugambri were destroyed, and transported into Gallia; so the name of the Siluri should vtterly bee extinguished. And in this heate they intercepted two aide­bandes, vncircumspectly wasting and spoiling through the auarice of the cap­taines; and by distributing the spoiles and prisoners, drew the residue of the nations to reuolt; when as Ostorius wearied with care and trauell yeelded vp his ghost: the enemie reioysing thereat, as at the death of a captaine not to be despised, though not in battell, yet spent by reason of the warre. But Caesar being aduertised of the death of his Lieutenant, least the Prouince should be destitute of a gouernor, sent A. Didius in his place. He being gone thither with great speede, yet found not all [Page 167] quiet: Manlius Valens in the meane space hauing had with a legion committed to his charge an vnluckie fight. The fame whereof the enemie made greater then it was, to terrifie the captaine which was comming: and he vsed the like pollicie, and augmented the fame of that which he had heard, to win more praise by appeasing the sturres; or if he could not, to purchase pardon more easily. The Siluri did therein endomage vs, and waste and spoile farre abroad, vntill by Didius comming they were driuē back. But after that Caractacus was taken, Venutius a very expert man in militarie affaires, borne at the citie of the Iugantes; E [...]itate Brigantum saith Camd. & as I haue said before, a long time trustie vnto vs, and defended by the Roman power, as long as the marriage be­twixt him and Cartismandua continued; rebelled against vs, by reason of a diuorse and warre betweene them. But at the first the strife was onely betweene them two, vntill Cartismandua by pollicie had taken prisoner Venutius brother and neerest kinsmen. Whereupon the enemies kindled with rage, and ignominie pricking them forward, least they should be brought vnder the yoke of a woman, they inua­ded her kingdome with a strong power of armed and choise youth. Which was foreseene by vs, and the cohorts sent to second her, fought a hote battell; which at the beginning was doubtfull, though the end more ioyfull. A legion also which Cesius Nasica commaunded, fought with the like successe: for Didius being stroken in yeeres, and hauing receiued many honors, thought it sufficient to execute his charge, and driue away the enemie by the help of others. These exploites al­though they were atchieued by two Propretors Ostorius and Didius in many yeeres; yet I thought good to ioyne together, least being seuered, they should not so well haue beene remembred.

IX. Nero Agrippinaes sonne, is preferred before Britannicus, sonne to Claudius.

NOw I will returne to the order of times. Ti. Claudius beeing the fift time Consull, and Ser. Cornelius Orfitus, great haste was made to make Nero of full yeeres, Toga virilis in opposition to praetexta, which noble mens childrē wore till 17. then tooke togam virilem: tenes vtique memoria quan­tum senseris gaudium, cum praetexta posita, sumsisti virilem togam. Senec. that he might seeme more capable of the gouernment. And Caesar willingly yeelding to the flattery of the Lords of the Senate, consented that Nero should be Consull at twentie yeeres of age: and being elect, in the meane season, haue the Proconsulary authoritie out of the citie; and be called prince of youth. There was also giuen in his name a donatiue to the souldiers, and a liberali­tie to the people. The Circensian playes being exhibited to win the fauour of the people, Britannicus in his pretext, and Nero in triumphing attire; because the people should see the one in the magnificence of an Emperour, and the other in the habite of a child; thereby to presume what fortune to either of them should hereafter fall. Withall, if any of the Centurions or Tribunes bewayled Britannicus hap, they were remoued either by fained pretences, or vnder colour of preferment: yea of the freed men, if any were faithfull he was not suffered about him. As these two met vpon occasion, Nero saluted Britannicus by his name, and Britannicus rendred him the like by the name of Domitius. Which Agrippina taking hold of, as a beginning of a quarrel, carieth to her husband with a grieuous complaint, saying: that the adoption was nought set by, the decree of Senate, the ordinance of the people broken and abrogated in his owne house: and if such contemptuous fro­wardnes of Britannicus teachers were not seuerely looked vnto, it would burst out into some publike mischiefe. Claudius moued with these complaints, as though they had beene faults indeede, either banished, or put to death the chiefest bringers vp [Page 168] of his sonne, and placed such ouer him as his stepmother would appoint. Neuerthe­lesse Agrippina durst not leuell at her chiefest marke, which was, that her sonne should succeede in state, vnlesse Lusius Geta, and Rufus Crispinus captaines of Caesars gard were first discharged; whom she thought would be mindfull of Messallinaes fa­uours towards them, and therefore bound vnto her children. Agrippina therefore beareth the Emperour in hand, that the gard was deuided into factions through ambition of the two captaines striuing for superioritie; that the discipline of seruice would be better kept if the souldiers were commaunded by one alone. The charge of the cohorts was transferred vnto Burrhus Afranius, a man of great fame for mat­ter of seruice, yet knowing well by whose practise and fauour he came to the place. Agrippina began also to raise her owne estate to a higher degree, by entering into the Capitol in a chariot, which in times past was a custome only lawfull for the Priests in sacred rites; which augmented the more the state of this woman, because she was the onely example vnto this day of any one, who being daughter of an Em­perour, hath been also sister, wife, and mother of an Emperour. In the meane season her chiefest buckler Vitellius, being in highest fauour, and very old (so slipperie is the state of great personages) was accused by Iunius Lupus Senator, of treason, and a­spiring to the Empire; and Caesar readie to giue eare to the accusation, if he had not rather changed his opinion by Agrippinaes threates then intreaties, and so to banish the accuser, which was the punishment Vitellius best liked. That yeere many pro­digious sights hapned: as that many birds portending euill luck lighted vpon the Capitol; many houses ruined by often earthquakes, and the feare spreading among the astonied people, many in throngs were smothered. The want of corne, and the famine which insued thereof was also construed as a presage of euill luck. Neither did they complaine in secret only, but came about Claudius as he gaue audience, with turbulent clamors, and hauing thrust him to the end of the forum, followed him, vntill that with a band of souldiers he brake through the prease. It was most certaine that the citie was not victualled for aboue fifteene dayes: but by the great goodnes of the gods, and mildnes of the winter, the citie was relieued in necessitie. But truly in times past prouision of corne hath beene transported out of Italie into other prouinces farre distant. And at this present we stand not in want through the barrennes of the countrey, but we do rather manure Afrike and Aegypt, and hazard the life of the people of Rome by sea, whereof depends want or abundance.

X. Warres betweene the Romans and the Parthians.

THe same yeere a warre begun betweene the Armenians and Hiberi, was cause of great troubles betwixt the Romans and the Parthians. Vologeses was King of the Parthians, descended by his mothers side of a Greek concubine, yet got the kingdome by consent of his brothers. Pharasmanes hath a long time possessed the Hiberians countrey as a King; and his brother Mithradates the Armenians through our forces. Pharasmanes had a sonne called Rhadamistus of a comely tall stature, and of a verie strong and able bodie, trained vp in the qualities and practises his father before him had beene, and greatly renowned among his neighbors. He was woont to say that the kingdome of Hiberia was small; and yet kept from him by his father, who was verie olde: and so oft he did cast foorth those speeches, and so fiercely, that it was easily seene how greedie a desire he had to raigne. Pharasmanes then seeing this yoong man so desirous and readie to rule, misdoubting the peoples affection bent towardes him, by reason of his declining yeeres; thought it [Page 169] best to feede him with some other hope, and set Armenia before his eies, telling him that he had giuen that kingdome to Mithradates, hauing first expulsed the Parthi­ans. Yet that it was not his best course to set on it by force; but vse policie against Mithradates and intrap him when he least looked for it. Rhadamistus vnder colour of some discontent with his father, through the insupportable dealing of his step­mother, goeth to his vncle: where being intreated with all courtesie as if he had been his owne childe, solliciteth the chiefe noble men of Armenia to rebellion: Mi­thradates knowing nothing, but still entertaining him with all fauour and kind­nes. Rhadamistus vnder colour of reconciliation returned vnto his father, and declared vnto him, to what a forwardnes he had brought matters by pol­licie; and that the rest was to bee accomplished by armes. In the meane time Pharasmanes seeketh occasions of warre: and faineth that when he made warre against the King of the Albani, and demaunded succour of the Romans, his brother was against him, which iniurie he would reuenge to his vtter ruine and ouerthrow. And therewithall giueth his sonne a strong power; who hauing terri­fied Mithradates with a sudden irruption and driuen him out of the field, forced him to flee into a forte called Gorneas, strong by situation, and garded with a garrison of souldiers: Caelius Pollio being their Captaine, and Casperius their Centurion. The barbarous people know nothing lesse then engines and subtile deuises in besieging and assayling of fortresses: and to vs that part of seruice is most familiar. And Rha­damistus in vaine, yea with his losse hauing tried to approche the forte beginneth the siege; and seeing how little good was to be done that waie, trieth what marchan­dise he could make with the Captaine for money: although Casperius protested that a King confederate, or Armenia the gift of the people of Rome, ought not to be bought and sold by corruption and money. In the ende, because Pollio pretended the multitude of enemies, and Rhadamistus his fathers commaundement; Casperius ha­uing agreed to a suspension of armes, departed: with intention that if he could not withdraw Pharasmanes from making war against Mithradates, he would informe T. Vinidius Quadratus president of Syria in what state Armenia stoode. By the depar­ture of the Centurion, the prefect being as it were deliuered of a keeper, began to exhorte Mithradates to make a peace: Shewing him the vnitie that should be be­tweene brothers, that Pharasmanes was his elder brother; with other respects of friendship and alliance; as that he had married Pharasmanes daughter, and how he was Rhadamistus father in law. The Hiberi refused not to make a peace, although at that time they were strong, and the perfidiousnes of the Armenian well knowen; & Mithradates had no other refuge but the Castle destitute of munition: & therfore that he should not doubt rather to accept conditions of peace without blood, then trie the hazard of war. Mithradates resolued not on the sudden, suspecting the Cap­taines counsels; because he had lewdly behaued himselfe with the Kings concu­bines, was a man easily corrupted with money to all lewdnes. Casperius in the meane space goeth to Pharasmanes, and is verie instant that the Hiberi should depart from the siege of Gorneas. But the King giuing him openly vncertaine answers, and for the most part gentle and milde; by secret messengers aduertiseth Rhadamistus by all possible meanes to hasten the assault. The price of the treason is augmented, and Pol­lio secretly corrupting the souldiers, perswadeth them earnestly to demand a peace, and threaten that they would abandon the fortresse. Through which necessitie Mithradates taketh a day and place to treate of a peace, and goeth out of the for­tresse. Rhadamistus running immediately to imbrace him; faineth great obedience; calleth him father in lawe, and father; and sweareth he would vse no violence to­wards [Page 170] him, neither by sword, nor poison. And withall draweth him into a wood hard by, saying: that there he had caused a sacrifice to be prouided, to conclude and confirme the peace in the presence of the gods. The custome of those Kings is, that when they make any attonement, to ioyne their right hands, and binde their thumbs togither, and draw them hard with a knot; then when the blood is runne to the out­ward parts, with a small pricke let it out, and then licke the one the others: that at­tonement is counted secret, as it were hallowed with their mutuall blood. But he which should haue tied their thumbs togither, faining as if he had fallen, catcheth hold of Mithradates knees, and ouerthroweth him: immediately many ranne in and bound him in chaines and fetters, and so drewe him away, which the Barbarians repute a great ignominie and dishonor. The common people whom he had rigo­rously tyrannised, reuiled him, and offered to strike him. But contrariwise there were some which had compassion of so great a chaunge of fortune: and his wife follo­wing with her little children filled all with lamentation; who were all thrust into sundrie couered wagons, vntill Pharasmanes pleasure was knowen. But the King­dome was deerer vnto him, then his brother and daughter; and therefore his mind was readie bent to all wickednes: onely he tooke order that they should not be mur­dered in his sight. And Rhadamistus as it were mindefull of his othe, vsed neither sword nor poison against his sister & vncle; but laying thē on the ground couereth and stifeleth them with a heauie burden of clothes. And Mithradates children were slaine likewise, because they wept and bewailed the murdering of their parents. But Quadratus vnderstanding that Mithradates was betrayed, and that the murderers inioyed the kingdome; calleth a councell, declareth the matter, and consulteth whe­ther he should reuenge or not. Few had care of the publick credit; most were of opi­nion that they should imbrace the surest way. That they should be glad of all wic­kednes committed among forraine nations: yea that they should cast seedes of sedi­tion and hatred among them: as oft the Roman Princes had bestowed the same Armenia vnder colour of liberalitie, now to one, now to another, as an occasion to put those Barbarians togither by the eares. That Rhadamistus might inioy his ill got­ten kingdome, so as withall he be odious and infamous: seeing that it was better so for the Romans, than if he had gotten it with credit. They all condescended vnto this aduise. And yet least they should seeme to approoue that wicked fact, and least Caesar should commaund the contrarie, messengers were sent to Pharasmanes, adui­sing him to depart Armenia, and withdraw his sonne away likewise. At that time Iulius Pelignus a dastardly coward, and no lesse despicable a iesting stocke for mishape and deformitie of bodie, was Procurator of Cappadocia; but of inward fa­miliaritie with Caesar; when being a priuate man in times past, in his companie he spent his idle time with delight and contentation. This Pelignus hauing gathered togither the forces of the Prouinces, as if he would recouer Armenia, but wasting and spoiling the allies more then the enimies; his owne reuolting from him, and the Barbarians making incursions; being without succour came to Rhadamistus, who with gifts so wonne him, that of his own motion he exhorted him to crowne himselfe King, and assisted him as the author and approouer of the action. Which dishonest fact being bruted abroade, least the credit of the rest should be measured according to this fact of Pelignus; Heluidius Priscus, Lieutenant was sent with a legion to re­dresse those sturres as the present occasion required. Who hauing withall con­uenient speed passed ouer the hill Taurus, and setling the affaires there, rather with moderation, then force; was cōmaunded to returne to Syria; least he should be a be­ginning of warre against the Parthians. For Vologeses thinking there had fell out iust [Page 171] occasion of inuading Armenia, which possessed of his ancestors, a forraine King now occupied by a lewde practise, assembleth his power: and because none of his house should liue without rule and soueraigntie, goeth about to inuest his brother Tirida­tes in the kingdome. By the comming of the Parthians, the Hiberi were driuen out without stroke striking: and the cities of the Armenians, Artaxata, & Tigranocerta, submitted themselues to the yoke. But the sharpe and hard winter, or else scarsitie of victuals & other prouision, & the sicknes proceeding of both; cōstrained Vologeses to forsake his pretended enterprise: and Rhadamistus inuadeth Armenia a fresh, hauing none to resist him; more cruell then before, as against rebels, readie at all times to rebell if occasion were offered. In so much that they, though accustomed to bon­dage: yet breake all patience, and besiege the Kings house; Rhadamistus hauing no other refuge, then the swiftnes of his horses, saued both himselfe and his wife. But his wife being great with childe, endured the first flight so so, for feare of the enimie and loue of her husband: afterward by continuall haste and ouer-much iogging and shaking, she began to pray her husband, that with an honest death she might be de­liuered from the reproch of captiuitie. He at the first embraced her, comforted her, encouraged her; then admiring her stoutnes, then sicke with griefe, least leauing her behinde him, any should enioy her: at last ouercome with loue; and being no babe in wicked atrempts, draweth his cymetter; and hauing giuen her a wound, drew her to the banke of Araxis, and committed her to the riuer, least her bodie should bee carried away; and posteth himselfe to Hyberia his fathers kingdome. In the meane time the shepheards espied Zenobia (for so was Rhadamistus wife cal­led) drawing breath and aliue, vpon the quiet shore of the riuer: and iudging her by the comelines of hir person of some noble race, bound vp hir wound, & applied such medicaments as the countrie affoordeth. Then vnderstanding her name & chaunce, carried her into the citie Artaxata: from whence at the charge of the common purse she was conducted to Tiridates, who entertained her with such curtesie as beseemed a Kings wife.

XI. A decree against the Mathematicians. Cumanus and Felix, gouernours of Iudaea be at variance: War against the Clītes.

WHen Faustus Sylla, and Saluius Otho were Consuls; Furius Scribonianus was banished, as searching out by the Chaldeans the time when the Prince should die. And Iunia his mother who before exiled was tou­ched with the same crime, as bearing impatiently her former fortune. Camillus, Scri­bonianus father had heeretofore stirred vp warres in Dalmatia: and therefore Caesar thought it a point of clemencie to keepe aliue the progenie of his enimie. Neuerthe­lesse the banished man enioyed not any long life after this: but ended his daies, either by naturall death, or by poison; euery man giuing out as he beleeued. Ofbanishing the Astrologers out of Italie, there was a straight decree of Senat made, but tooke no effect. After this the Prince cōmended such in an oratiō, who knowing their own estate decaied, gaue vp their Senators roome of their own accord; & those put from it, which continuing in it, ioyned impudencie to their pouertie. Among other things the matter was debated in Senat touching the punishmēt of such womē as married with slaues: and an order set down that she who without the priuity of his Lord, had fallen into that folly, should as if she had consented therto, become herselfe a bond-slaue, and the children borne of them be taken as Libertini. And Pallas whom Caesar [Page 172] publickely confessed to haue beene author of this relation, was by the aduise of Ba­rea Soranus Consull elect, honored with the Pretorian ornaments, & receiued further About 11718 pound 15. shil. a hundred & fiftie hundred thousand sesterces: and it was added by Scipio Cornelius, that thankes should be publickly giuen him, that being descended from the Kings of Armenia, he would prefer the publike good before his auncient familie, and vouch­safe to be accounted one of the Princes officers. Claudius affirmed that Pallas was contented with the Pretorian dignitie onely, and would continue in his former po­uertie. Whereupon a decree of Senate was publikely engrauen in brasse in com­mendation of this freed man, who being possessor of About 2343750. lib. three hundred millions of se­sterces, was content to liue according to the prouident maner of sparing of our an­cestors. But his brother surnamed Felix of late made gouernour of Iudaea, vsed not the same moderation; but bare himselfe vpon his authoritie as a sufficient war­rant for all lewdnes whatsoeuer. The Iewes made shew of a rebellion through a se­dition * after they vnderstood of the death of Caius: they were still afearde least some other Prince, should commaund them the like things. In the meane sea­son, Felix going about to redresse all by vnseasonable punishments, exasperated them the more. And Ventidius Cumanus vnto whom part of the Prouince was com­mitted, and was his secret enimie, egged him forward. For the countrey was so di­uided, that the Galileans were gouerned by Cumanus; and the Samaritans by Felix, enemies of olde; and now more then euer shewing themselues through the con­tempt of the gouernors. And therefore made inroades one against the other; set in companies to rob and spoile; laide ambushes: and sometimes they met in battell, and carried the booties and spoiles to their gouernours. Who at the first were glad of it; but in the end perceiuing the mischiefe to grow greater, they sent in souldi­ers to quiet them, which were all slaine. And the whole Prouince had been in an vp­rore; if Quadratus the gouernor of Syria had not found meanes of redresse: who stayed not long vntill he had reuenged the death of the Roman souldiers, which the Iewes had slaine. Cumanus & Felix drew the matter at length, because Claudius ha­uing vnderstoode the occasions of the rebellion had giuen authoritie to the Gouer­nor to determine, & punish the Procurators Cumanus and Felix, if their demerit had so required. But Quadratus caused Felix to sit among the iudges, and receiued him into the tribunall to him, to the end the heate of the accusers should therby be coo­led: and condemned Cumanus for all the misdemeanor which both of them had committed; and by that meanes he set the Prouince at quietnes. Not long af­ter the peasants of the Cilician nation surnamed Clites, which at diuers other times had rebelled, hauing Trosobor for their Captaine, encamped on a rough and high hill. And frō thence running downe to the sea shores & cities, ventured on the husbandmen and citizens; and often set on marchants and sea men. And then ha­uing besieged the citie of the Anemurienses; the horsemen sent out of Syria to ayde them, were put to flight with Curtius Seuerus their Prefect, by reason the difficulties and vncleannes of the place round about fit for footemen, was most incommodious for horsmen to fight. Then Antiochus King of that quarter, vsing faire words to the countrey people, & craft & subtiltie towards the Captaine, when he had seuered the forces of the Barbariās, hauing slaine Trosobor, & a few of the ring-leaders; appeased the residue by clemēcy. The same time between the lake Fucinus & the riuer Lyris, the better to behold the sight & magnificence of the spectacle, a mountaine was cut thorough, & in the verie lake a sea fight was represented. Augustus in times past had done the like, by making a standing poole on this side Tibris, but with light boates & fewer in number. Claudius armed galleies with three and foure oares on a [Page 173] seat, and nineteen thousand men, & enuironed the lake with frames of timber work, bicause they should not runne out at randome, yet left space enough for the rowers and pilotes to shew skill, and such encounters as had beene accustomed in a sea fight. On the buildings about the lake stood certaine companies of footemen and troupes of horsemen of the Emperours guard, with fences before them to shoote with war­like instruments & engines. The rest of the lake, sea souldiers occupied with couered ships: the shore and small hill tops as it had beene a Theater, an infinite number of people filled, as well out of the townes adioyning, as the citie, through desire of see­ing the pastime, or to please the Prince. He himselfe in a rich and princely cote ar­mour, and Agrippina not farre off sate aloft, in a garment wrought with gold. They fought although they were malefactors and condemned persons, with great cou­rage and valour; and after many wounds, were parted & hindered from killing one another. But after that the shew was ended, & the water let out: the insufficiēcie of the work which was not thrust down, nor digged deepe ynough to the bottome, was discouered. Whereupō not lōg after the ditches were digged deeper, & to draw the people againe togither, a shew offencers was made on bridges built ouer the lake to represent a land-fight. And at the mouth of the lake a banket prepared, droue them all into a great feare through the violent gushing out of the water, which carried with it all that was by, and things farther off breaking downe, with the crash and noise, stroke them all into amaze. Whereupon Agrippina taking ad­uantage of the Princes feare, rebuked Narcissus who had charge of the worke, of co­uetuousnes and theft. And he for his part helde not his toong, but cast in her teeth her intollerable pride, and ouer haughtie hopes.

XII. Nero marrieth with Octauia: the inhabitants of Cous exemp­ted from subsidies: the like is graunted to Bysance.

WHen D. Iunius and Q. Haterius were Consuls, Nero at the age of sixteene, married Caesars daughter, Octauia. And to winne credit and reputation by honorable studies and glorie of eloquence, vndertaking the Ilienses cause, declared that the Romans were descended from Troy, and that AEneas was the roote of the Iulian familie, and many other matters, not farre vnlike olde fa­bles; which being deliuered with a good grace and fit words, obtained that the Ili­enses should be released from all publicke duties and charges. He pleaded also for the Bononian colonie which was wasted with fire, and obtained for their reliefe About 78125. pound. ten millions of sesterces. The inhabitants of Rhodes are restored to their liber­tie, often taken from them, or confirmed, according as they had merited by seruice abroade, or demerited by sedition at home. The Apameans ruined by an earth-quake were discharged of tribute for fiue yeeres. Claudius was incensed to much cru­eltie by Agrippinaes practises; who gaping after Statilius Taurus gardens, esteemed verie rich, neuer ceased vntill she had ouerthrowen him, Tarquitius Priscus being his accuser. This Priscus had beene Taurus Lieutenant, when he was Proconsull in Af­fricke: and when they returned, obiected that in some things he had vsed extorsion and bribery; and withall, that he consulted with Magicians. But he not able to en­dure such an indignitie by a false accuser, slewe himselfe before the Senators had gi­uen sentence: yet notwithstanding all the sute Agrippina could make, this Tar­quitius was expulsed the Curia: so odious he was to the rest of the Lords of the Se­nate. The same yeere the Prince was often heard to say, that the causes adiudged by his Procurator, should be of the same validitie, as if himselfe had giuen sentence. [Page 174] And least those words might seeme to haue escaped him by chaunce, a decree of Senate was inacted thereon, fuller and amplier then before any had beene con­ceiued. And Augustus of famous memorie had graunted, that all causes might be heard before the gentlemen which gouerned Egypt; and commaunded that the sentences set down by them should be kept, as if they had bin giuen by a magistrate of Rome. After that, in other Prouinces and in the citie, many things were graun­ted, which in times past belonged to the hearing onely of the Pretor. Claudius yeelded them all the right and iurisdiction, for which there had beene such wars and sedition: as when the order of gentlemen by the Sempronian lawes, were establi­shed in the possession of Iudicature; or when the Seruilian lawes on the other side, had giuen the Senate power iudicially to determine causes: and for which Marius and Sylla in times past more then all the rest, made warres the one against the other. But in those daies factions raigned among the citizens; and the conquerers bare publicke sway, hauing all power in their hands. C. Oppius and Cornelius Balbus were the first, which with authoritie from Caesar could handle conditions as well of peace, as of ware. It were to small purpose to speake of the Matians and Vedians after these, which were gentlemen of marke, and of noble families: seeing that Claudius hath made freed men, vnto whom he had committed the charge of his housholde affaires equall to himselfe, and to the lawes. After that, Caesar propounded, whether those of Cous should be released of tributes, alleaging manie things concerning their antiquitie: as that the Argiui and Ceus, Latonaes father, were the old inhabitants of the Ile; and that after by Aesculapius arriuing there, the Arte of Phisicke was brought in; a man highly esteemed of posteritie; naming them by their names, and in what age euery one of them flourished. Further, hee af­firmed that Xenophon whose skill himselfe vsed in Phisicke, descended from the same familie; and that in regarde of his desire, the Ile of Cous deuoted to the seruice of so great a god, shoulde be discharged of all tributes. Neither was it to be doubted, but there might be alleaged many merits of theirs, towards the peo­ple of Rome; and many victories obtained by their alliance. But Claudius according to his accustomed facilitie and simplicitie, went not about to shadowe that with external helpes, which he had bestowed in fauour of one alone. The Byzantines ha­uing obtained audience, deliuered how greeuous their impositions and tributes were; and desired they might be released; and ripped vp all reasons they coulde, euen from the first alliance which they made with vs, when we warred against the king of Macedonia; who for basenes of minde, and want of courage, was called the false Philip. How after that, they had sent their power against Antiochus, Perses, Ari­stonicus: and howe they succoured Antonie, in the wars against the pyrats: calling to minde likewise that which they offered Sylla, or Lucullus, or Pompey: then the late good turnes & seruices done to the Caesars, when they came into those parts; where there is a most conuenient passage both by land and by sea, for the captaines and armies; with al carriages of necessarie prouisiōs. For the Greeks sited Byzance in the vtmost part of Europe, in a very narrow streight, which diuideth Europe from Asia: for hauing consulted with Pythius Apollo, in what territory they should build their ci­tie; the oracle answered them that they should seeke out a seate which was opposite to the lande of Blind-men. By that darke speech, the Chalcedonians were pointed at; bicause that hauing first arriued in that place, not iudging aright of the com­modiousnes of it, made choise of the woorst: for Byzance is seated in a fertile soile, and a plentifull sea; bicause great abundance of fish going out of Pontus, and frigh­ted with the rockes and stones vnder the water, forsaking the creekes of the other [Page 175] shore, is brought all to these hauens. Whereby, first all the citie became rich and wealthie: but then oppressed with charges and impositions; and therefore intreated they might either haue an end or a meane of so heauie a burden. The Prince was rea­die to do them good, alleaging that they were to be helped, as people wearied with late wars against the Thracians, and Bosphorans: and therupon they were exempted from tributes for fiue yeeres space.

13. Why Agrippina seeketh Claudius death: the Emperour dieth empoisoned by the Phisition Xenophon.

WHen M. Asinius, and M. Acilius were Consuls, a change of state to the woorse was portended, and foreknowne by many prodigious signes. For the ensignes and souldiers tents were burnt with fire from heauen. A swarme of Bees lighted on the top of the Capitol: monsters and children borne with two shapes: and a Sowe brought foorth a Pigge with talons of a hauke. It was accounted a prodigious matter, that the number of magistrates was so small; a Questor, Aedill, Tribune, Pretor, and Consull dying but a fewe monethes be­fore. But Agrippina of all others was most afeard, by reason of a word which Claudi­us cast foorth being drunke; which was, that it was fatall vnto him, first to beare the lewdnes of his wiues; then to punish them. Thereupon she bestirreth hir-selfe, and that with all speed: but first hauing made away Domitia for light cause, and womens quarrels. For Domitia Lepida, being daughter to the yoonger Antonia, and neece to Augustus, & cosen germane to Agrippina, and sister to Gn. Agrippinaes first husband; thought hir-selfe to be of as great nobilitie as Agrippina, and as well descended: neither was there any great difference betweene them in beautie, age, and wealth. And being both vnchaste, infamous, peremptory & proud; they no lesse hated one the other for their vices, then for the graces & gifts of fortune. The ground of this bitter and deadly hate was, which should haue more credite, and greater interest in Nero, the aunt or the mother. For Lepida had woone the yoong mans hart by gifts, and faire words: Agrippina contrariwise cruell, and threatning, coulde giue hir sonne the Empire; but not indure that he shoulde rule. The crimes imputed to hir were, that she went about to destroy the princes wife by incantatious, and deuilish inuocations: and that by not brideling and punishng hir swarmes of slaues in Cala­bria, she had disturbed the quietnes of Italie: for these causes she was commanded to die: Narcissus mightily repining and grudging at it, who began more and more to suspect Agrippina; and was said to haue vttered vnto his neerest friends, that he was sure to die, whether Britannicus or Nero came to be Emperour. Yet he had re­ceiued so much good at Caesars handes, that he esteemed more of the princes safe­tie then his owne life: Messallina and Silius had beene conuicted; the like oc­casions of accusations will be offered againe, if Nero shoulde raigne. If Britan­nicus should succeede, he had deserued no fauour of him; and the whole house woulde bee shaken, and vtterlie ouerthrowne with the diuelish deuises of his stepmother; and with more wicked practises, then if he had concealed the impu­dicitie and vncleane life of his other wife: although the house be as shamefully de­filed by Pallas adulterie as then it was; because no man should doubt what small accompt she made of her credit, reputation, shame, bodie and all whatsoeuer, so as she might rule and commaund. After he had vttered these or the like speeches he embraced Britannicus, wished he were come to ripe yeeres, lifteth vp his hands sometimes to the gods, sometimes to him; praying that he might grow in yeeres, [Page 176] driue out his fathers enemies, & reuenge on the murtherers of his mother. Claudius in this great heape of cares was stroken with sicknes, and to recouer his strength with the temperatenes of the citie, & wholesomnes of the waters, went to Sinuessa. Then Agrippina long before resolued in her villanous deseignments, and desirous to hasten the occasion offered, wanting no ministers, began to thinke with her selfe what kinde of poison she were best to vse: for by a speedie and quick working poison, she feared least her wickednes should be discouered; yet if she should choose a lingering slow working one, least Claudius drawing by little and little to his end, and vnderstanding the treacherie, should turne his minde, and shew loue and affection to his owne sonne: in the end she resolued to thinke on some singu­lar thing which should trouble his braines, and not worke his death ouer-hastely. A schoolemistris of such practises was chosen of purpose, called Locusta of late condemned for empoisoning, and long reserued among other instruments of state. The poison was prepared by this womans skill, and the minister to giue it was Halotus, an Eunuch, one accustomed to carrie in and taste his meate: all came af­terward so cleerely to light, that the writers of those times haue affirmed, that the poison was infused into a Mushrome which Claudius tooke pleasure to eate of; which then he perceiued not, either by reason of his blockishnes, or ouer-much quaffing of wine; and hauing a solublenes of bodie withall, it was thought the receipt would not worke his effect. Whereupon Agrippina greatly astonied, and fearing her vtter destruction, nothing regarding what enuie she might pre­sently incurre, conferreth with Xenophon the Phisition, whose conscience before­hand she had wrought to serue her turne. He as though he would help the Prince, endeuoring to vomit, was thought to haue put down his throte a feather dipped in a strong and speedie poison; knowing well that foule attempts are begun with danger, and accomplished with reward. In the meane time the Senate was as­sembled, and the Consuls and Priests made vowes for the health of the Prince: and being alreadie dead, he was couered and cherished with cloathes, whilest things necessarie to assure the Empire vpon Nero were a preparing. And first of all Agrippina, as one ouercome with griefe, and seeking comfort, helde Britan­nitus betweene her armes, calling him the very image of his fathers face, and by diuers policies entertained him, for feare he should go out of the chamber: and with like practises helde Antonia and Octauia his sisters; and at euery dore and passage placed a strong gard: and often gaue out that the Prince waxed better and better, to the end the soldier should liue in good hope, and she enterprise her at­tempt at such a time as the Magicians should thinke luckie and prosperous. Then about the middest of the day, the third before the Ides of October, the Pallace gates being suddenly layd open, Nero accompanied with Burrhus, goeth forth to the cohort, who kept warde according to custome; where at the commaunde­ment of the captaine of the gard he was receiued with shoutes, and acclamations of ioy, and put into a Chariot. It is reported that some were in a doubt, & looking about them, and asking where Britannicus was? then seeing no beginner of any at­tempt to the contrary, they followed that which was offered: and so Nero being brought to the rest of the gard, and hauing made a speech fit for the time, and promised a donatiue according to the example of his fathers largesse, was saluted Emperour. A decree of Senate confirmed the sentence of the souldiers; neither was there any doubtmade of it in the prouinces. After that, honor due to the gods was ordained for Claudius, and the funerals as solemnely celebrated as when Augustus of famous memorie was buried, Agrippina imitating the magnifi­cence [Page 177] of her Grandmother Liuia. Claudius testament was not publickly read, least the people shoulde bee incensed to disdaine and enuie against Nero, by seeing him who was onely a sonne in lawe, to be preferred before the Empe­rours naturall sonne.

THE THIR TEENTH BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Silanus is put to death, and Narcissus. Neroes good beginning.

THe first whose death was contriued in this new gouernment, was Iunius Silanus Proconsull of Asia, and that without the priuitie of Nero, by Agrippinaes treachery and malice; not be­cause he had by any seditious demeanor procured his owne ruine: for he was so heauie and dull spirited, and the other Em­perours did so smally regard him, that C. Caesar was wont to call him a golden sheepe. But Agrippina hauing wrought the ruine of his brother L. Silanus, feared reuenge; being a common speech among the people that this man deserued to be preferred to the Empire before Nero, yet scarse out of his childhood, and hauing gotten it by wicked meanes: for he was a man of a setled age, sincere and iust in his dealing, noble of birth, and which at that time was greatly esteemed, descended of the Caesars, being in the fourth degree to Augustus. This was the cause of his death, the ministers being P. Celer, a gentleman of Rome, & Aelius a freed man, both hauing charge of the Princes peculiar reuenues in Asia. By them the poison was giuen the Proconsull in his meate, and that so openly, that it could not be denied. With no lesse speede Claudius freed man, Narcissus (of whose iarring with Agrippina I haue alreadie spoken) was brought to his end, by hard imprisonment, and extreame necessitie, against the Princes will; whose vicious hu­mors yet vnknowne, he did exceedingly well fit in couetousnes and prodigalitie; and had gone forward in murders, if Afranius Burrhus, and Annaeus Seneca had not stayed them. These two were the yong Emperors guides and gouernors; and in e­quall authoritie, well agreeing, bare equall stroke in diuers faculties. Burrhus in mili­tarie discipline and grauitie of manners; Seneca in precepts of eloquence, and cour­teous carriage; helping one the other in their charge, the easier to bridle the youths slipperie age with honest and lawfull pleasures, if he contemned vertue. Their care was both alike in keeping vnder Agrippinaes fierce humor, who boyling with all desires of wicked rule and dominion, had Pallas for her counseller; by whose aduise Claudius through his incestuous marriage, & pernicious adoption, wrought his own ruine. But Neroes disposition was not to be ruled by a slaue; and Pallas with an o­dious arrogancie exceeding the moderation of a freed man, bred his owne dislike. Neuerthelesse, all honors were openly heaped vpon Agrippina, and the Tribune according to the order of seruice asking the watch-word, had this giuen him by Nero, Of the verie goodmother. The Senate decreed she should haue two sergeants, & Claudius a colledge of Priests called Claudians: & withall, that he should haue the funerals of a Cēsor, & be after deified & put amōg the gods. The day of his funerals, Nero made the oration in his praise, & as long as he spake of the antiquitie of his stock, of the Consulships, & triumphs of his ancestors, he & the rest were attentiue: and likewise whilest he spake of the loue he bare to liberall sciences, and that during the time of his gouernment the common wealth was not molested by forren pow­ers, all men gaue good eare: but after he descended to his prouidence and wise­dome, [Page 179] no man could forbeare laughing; although the oration composed by Seneca shewed the exquisite skill of that mans pleasant vaine, fitted and applied to the eares of that time. The old men (which were at leasure to compare things past with the present) noted that Nero was the first Emperour that needed another mans elo­quence. For Caesar the Dictator, was equall with the famous orators: and Augustus had a readie fluent and eloquent speech, such as well becommed a Prince. Tiberius had great skill in waighing his words, vttered much in few words, but was obscure of set purpose. Yea, C. Caesars troubled minde hindered not his eloquence: neither wanted Claudius elegancie when he had premeditated. Nero in the beginning of his childish yeeres bent his liuely spirit to other matters, as to ingraue, to paint, to sing, to mannage horses, and sometimes in composing a verse he shewed some smattering of learning. When the funerals were ended, he entered the Curia, and hauing first spoken of the authoritie of the Lords of the Senate, loue and concord of the souldiers, he reckoned vp certaine deseignments and precidents he intended to follow in the gouerning of the Empire, adding: that not hauing beene nusled vp in ciuill warres, nor domesticall discords, he would bring with him neither hatred, nor grudge, nor desire of reuenge. Then he layd downe a platforme of his future regiment, especially auoiding those things, the hate whereof did yet freshly boile in mens hearts; that he would not be the iudge of all matters, least the accusers and defendants being as it were shut vp in one house, the power of a few might haue full sway to worke their will: there should nothing be set at sale in his court, or ex­posed to ambition; his house should be deuided from the common wealth; the Senate should retaine his old preheminence; Italie and publicke prouinces should make their appearance before the Consuls tribunall, and they giue audience like Lords of the Senate, and he himselfe would looke to the armie committed to his charge. Neither did he faile in his promise. For many things were ordained by the arbitrement of the Senate: As that no man should be bought for reward or gift to pleade a cause. That the Questor elected should not be constrained to set forth the shew of Fencers, which was a matter the Senators obtained contrary to Agrippi­naes will, vnder colour that Claudius acts were thereby infringed. And thereupon she caused the Senate to be called to the Pallace, to the end that she might stand in a secret place, separated from the Lords by some vaile, which might not hinder the hearing of them, and yet not be seene. Yea, when the Embassadors of Armenia came to pleade the cause of their nation before Nero, she was readie to pearch vp to the chaire of audience, and by his side to giue answere with him, if (the rest sur­prised with a great feare) Seneca had not aduised him to meete his mother, as she came; and so vnder colour of doing his dutie, preuented the discredit.

II. Neroes preparatiues to defend Armenia.

IN the end of the yeere, it was a common rumor that the Parthians had burst out againe, and wasted Armenia, driuen out Rhadamistus, who hauing beene first King, and after a fugitiue, had then giuen vp this warre. Whereupon in the citie greedie of talke, they began to enquire, how the Prince which was yet scarse past seuenteene yeeres of age, could either vndertake or acquit himselfe of so great a burden: what helpe could be expected at his hands, who was led by a woman: whether battels and warres also, and besieging of townes, and other duties of seruice, could be accomplished by his maisters? Contrarywise others said it had fallen out better, then if Claudius a weake and cowardly old man, should haue beene [Page 180] called to the labors of warre, readie to obey the commandements of his slaues. Yet Burrhus and Seneca had beene proued by experience of many matters: and what wanted to the Emperors full strength? seeing that Cn. Pompeius at eighteene yeeres of age, and Caesar Octauianus at nineteene, sustained ciuil warres. Most things in high fortune are atchieued rather by good luck, conduct and counsell, then weapons and hands. That he should giue an euident proofe, whether he vsed honest friends or not, if he would rather make choise of a notable and valiant captaine, enuie layd aside, then a rich, graced and fauored by ambitious sute. Whilest the people thus discoursed, Nero commaunded a muster to be made of the youth in the prouinces bordering vpon the Parthians, to supplie the legions of the East; and the legions themselues to be planted neere vnto Armenia: and withall, wrote to the two old Kings, Agrippa, and Iocchus, to prepare their forces, and enter the bounds of Parthia, and make bridges ouer the riuer Euphrates: and gaue charge of lesser Armenia to Aristobulus, and the Sophenian nation to Sohemus, honoring them both with royall marks and ornaments. And in very good time, it fell out that Vardanes sonne began to rebell and beard Vologeses, which caused the Par­thians to depart Armenia, as though they woulde deferre the warre. But all things were made more then they were to the Senate, amplified by those who gaue aduise that Processions should be made in honor of the Prince: and that that day he should weare a triumphall garment, and enter into the citie ouant: and that his image of the same greatnes that Mars the reuengers was, should be placed in the same temple; being besides their ordinarie flatterie, ioyfull and glad, that he had made Domitius Corbulo gouernor of Armenia: perswading themselues, that the way was now made open to vertue. The forces of the East were so deuided, that part of the aid-souldiers with two legions should remaine in the prouince of Syria, with the Lieutenant Quadratus Vinidius; and that the like number of citizens and allies should be vnder Corbuloes charge, with other cohorts and cor­nets of horsemen, which wintered in Cappadocia. The Kings which were confe­derate with the Romans, were warned to be in a readines as occasion of warre should require. But their affections were bent more vpon Corbulo, who to purchase fame (which in new enterprises is of great importāce) making a way with all speede at Agas, a citie of Cilicia, met Quadratus; who was come so farre, least if Corbulo should haue entered into Syria to receiue the forces, all mens eyes would haue been cast vpon him, being of a comely and tall stature, magnificall in words; and besides his experience and wisedome, in shew of vaine hope and promises, woon the people to what he lusted. In fine, both of them by messengers admonished King Vologeses to desire rather peace then warre; and giuing hostages, continue the like reuerence to the people of Rome as his predecessors had done. And Vologeses to make prepa­rations of warre with more aduantage, and such as might match the Romans, or to remoue those he suspected as concurrents vnder the name of hostages; deliuereth the noblest of the Arsacides familie, whom Hostorius the Centurion sent before by Vinidius for other occasions receiued. Corbulo vnderstanding this, commaundeth Arrius Varus, captaine of a companie of footemen, to goe and receiue them: from whence grew a quarrell betweene the Captaine and Centurion (which because they would no longer be a iesting stock to the strangers) they referred to the ar­bitrement of the pledges themselues, and Lieutenants which conducted them: who preferred Corbulo before the other, partlie through the fresh renowne which was yet in euery mans mouth; and partly through a certaine inclination which the enemies themselues bare him. Hereupon grew a iarre betweene the captaines, [Page 181] Vinidius complaining, that, that was taken from him which was compassed by his aduise: Corbulo protesting on the contrarie part, that the king was neuer drawen to offer pledges, vntill that he being chosen captain of the warre, had turned his hopes into feare. Nero to set them at one, caused it to be published: that Quadratus & Cor­bulo, for their prosperous successes, shoulde haue baies added to the bundle of rods, which was carried before great captaines of warre. I haue ioined these things togi­ther, although they were done vnder other Consuls. The same yeere Caesar demaun­ded of the Senate that there might be an image dedicated to his father, and the Consularie ornaments giuen Asconius Labeo, who had beene his tutor; and for­bad that any image of massiue gold or siluer, should be offered in honor of himselfe. And although the LL. of the Senate had decreed, that the yeer should begin on that day of December that Nero was borne: yet he retained the olde ceremonie of be­ginning the yeere the Kalends of Ianuarie. Neither were Carinas Celer a Senator, accused by a slaue, or Iultus Densus gentlemen, called into question, although it was laide to their charge, that they fauoured Britannicus.

III. Nero beginneth to hate his mother: and falleth in loue vvith Acte.

CLaudius Nero and L. Antistius being Consuls, when the magistrates tooke an oath of obseruing the ordinances of the princes; he would not suffer Anti­stius his fellow officer to sweare to the obseruation of his: which the LL. of the Senate did highly commende in him; to the ende, that the youthly minde of the prince being sturred vp with the glorie of small things, shoulde continue in mat­ters of greater moment. After this followed his lenitie towards Plautius Lateranus, who being remooued from the order of Senators, for adulterie committed with Messallina, was restored by him to his roome; binding himselfe to continue this cle­mencie, with many orations: which Seneca, to testifie in what honest precepts he in­structed him, or for a bragge of his owne wit, published by the voice of the prince. But Agrippinaes credit and authoritie by little and little began to waine: and Ne­ro cast a liking to a freed woman called Acte: two comely youthes, Otho descen­ded from a Consularie house; and Claudius Senecio, son of one of Caesars freed men, being partakers of his counsels: his mother being at the first a stranger to the mat­ter, and in vaine at last striuing to the contrarie. So far she had possessed him by dis­solute behauiour, and riot & secret conuersation, that his greatest friends & seue­rest, seemed not to know it: considering that this woman satisfied his lusts, without the offence of any. For Octauia his wife, a womā of noble birth, & of approued good life, either by some secret destinie, or bicause things vnlawfull are most greedily de­sired, he vtterly disliked. And some feared also that if he were brideled of that loue; he would lust after the defiling of noble women. But Agrippina fretted and fumed that a freed woman should beard her, & a bond woman become her daughter in law; with other such like womanish complaints; not hauing patience to see whether her sonne woulde either repent or be filled: and the more opprobriouslie she vpbraided him, the more she inflamed him; till at last ouercome with the rage of loue, he shaked off all dutie & reuerence towards his mother, and committed himselfe wholy to Se­neca. Amongst his familiars was Annaeus Serenus, who faining loue to the same freed woman, couered & cloked with his owne name, the first heats of this yoong prince: and such things as the prince had bestowed on hir by stealth, he openly aduouched to be his gifts. Then Agrippina changing her stile seeketh to win the yoong man by [Page 182] faire alluring speeches, offereth rather hir own chamber and bosome to hide those things which his youth & high fortune desired. Yea she cōfessed her vntimely seue­rity; & offered him the vse of al her wealth, which was little inferior to the Emperors: as before too seuere in correcting her sonne; so now vnreasonably humbled and cast downe in courage. The which change did neither deceiue Nero, and gaue his neerest friends cause of feare; and prayed him to beware of the trecherie of this woman, alwaies fell and cruell; and then false and dissembling. Nero hauing by chaunce seene the wardrop where the apparell laye, which Princes wiues and pa­rents were wont to shine in, made choise of a garment and iewels, and sent them his mother most bountifully: seeing he sent of his own the chiefest, and which by others were most of all desired. But Agrippina exclaimeth that these ornaments were not so much giuen her to adorne and trim her selfe, as to exclude her from the rest; and that her sonne would diuide those things with her, which came wholly from her. Neither wanted there some to carrie these speeches, and make them woorse then they were. Whereupon all such growing odious vnto Nero, vpon whom this wo­mans pride chiefly relied, displaceth Pallas from the charge which Claudius had gi­uen him; in which he carried himselfe as if he had beene chiefe Lord and master of all. It is reported that when Pallas departed with a great retinue following him, Nero verie aptly said that Pallas went to resigne his office. True it is, that Pallas had couenanted with the Prince not to be called in question for any act past; and that he had made euen with all accounts of the common-wealth. Agrippina, after this, more mad and wilfull then euer, gaue out threatning and thundering speeches: yea not forbearing the Princes eares, but criyng, that Britannicus was now growen to mans estate: a true and woorthie plant to receiue his fathers Empire, which a graffed sun by adoption now possessed by the iniury and trumperie of his mother. There should be no let in her, but that al the villanous practises of that infortunate house should be layde open: and first of all her owne marriage, and her impoisoning of Claudius. That only thing was prouided by the gods to her good, that her sonne in law was a­liue. She would goe with him to the campe, where on one side Germanicus daugh­ter should be heard: on the other side that base companion Burrhus, and Seneca the banished; the one his hand cut off; and the other with his professors eloquence quarelling and debating of the rule and gouernment of the whole world. In vtte­ring of this she bent her fist towards him; heaped one iniurie vpon another; called Claudius, and the infernall ghosts of the Silaniens; and so many fruitlesse wicked at­tempts, which she had beene author of. Nero troubled with these speeches, and the day now at hand, on which Britannicus had accomplished the full age of foureteen yeeres; began to ponder with himselfe, sometimes the violence of his mother; som­times the towardlines of Britannicus knowen of late by good proofe; & which hath won him great fauour and good will. On a festiuall day dedicated to Saturne, a­mongst other pastimes of his equals, drawing lots who should be King; the lot fell to Nero: who commanding diuers things vnto others, which could not turne to their shame; commaunded Britannicus to rise vp and stand in the middle and begin a song, hoping the childe should be laughed to skorn, as one ignorant how to carrie himselfe in sober companie; much lesse in drunken. But he verie constantly began a verse, which signified that Nero had thrust him from his fathers seate, & gouerment of the Empire: which mooued them all to open compassion; because the night and lasciuious wantonnes had taken away all dissimulation.

IIII. Britannicus empoisoned. Agrippina chased from the Emperours house.

NEro feeling himselfe toucht, augmented his hatred; and incensed with Agrip­pinaes threats, because he could lay no iust cause against him, nor openly durst not commaund the murdering of his brother, practiseth secret meanes, and commaundeth poison to be prepared; Pollio Iulius tribune of the Pretorian co­hort being his minister in the action. Vnder whose charge Locusta, a woman infa­mous for lewd practises, and before condemned for empoysoning, was kept priso­ner. For it was long before prouided that such as were neerest about Britannicus should haue no regard either of honestie or faith. He tooke the first poison of his bringers vp; which not being strong enough, he voided by siege; or els because it was tempered, least it should worke immediatly. But Nero impatient of lingring & long working wickednes, threatned the Tribune, cōmanded the poisoneresse to be put to death, bicause that whilest they respect the rumor, and forge excuses for their owne safty, they droue off his security. They then promising as spedy a death, as if he shold be slaine with a sword, neere vnto Caesars chamber a poison was sod strong and vio­lent, by proofe of poisoning. The custome was for Princes children to sit with other noble mens, of the same age, in presence of their neere kindred, with a spare diet at a table by themselues: Britannicus there taking his repast, because one of the ser­uitours did taste his meates and drinkes, least the custome should be omitted, or the villanie disclosed by both their deaths, this pollicie was deuised: A drinke yet not hurtfull, but very hote, and tasted of, was presented to Britannicus; then that being refused by reason of the heate, the poison was powred into cold water, which so spread throughout all the parts of his bodie, that his speech and spirits were at once taken from him. Those which sate about him were in a maze; the other which knew nothing ran away: but they which were of deeper iudgement stirred not, but looked Nero in the face; he leaning on the table like one that knew nothing of the practise, sayd: he was often wont to fall into such fits, through the falling sicknes, which Bri­tannicus had been greeuously afflicted with from his infancie; and that his sight and speech by little and little would come to him againe. But Agrippina was possessed with such a great feare, & an astonishment of senses, although she indeuored to hide it in countenance, that she was easily iudged to be as ignorant of the fact, as Britan­nicus sister Octauia: for she saw that she was bereaued of her greatest stay, & percei­ued well that it was a beginning of parricide. Octauia also although of yong yeeres, yet had learned to hide her griefe, her loue and all affections; and so after a little silence, the mirth of the banquet began againe. Britannicus bodie was burnt the same night he died, all funerall preparation hauing beene prouided before hand, which was but small: neuertheles he was buried in Campus Martius, in such stormes & showres, that the people beleeued they portended the wrath of the gods against so heinous a fact: which yet many excused in Nero, calling to minde the auncient discord of brothers in termes of soueraigntie, and how Kings admit no companions. Many writers of that time do deliuer, that Nero many dayes before had abused Bri­tanicus bodie; and therefore that now his death could not seeme either vntimely or cruell, although it happened in the sacred libertie of his table, his sister not ha­uing so much as time to imbrace him, hastned before his enemies face against the last of Claudius bloud, and his bodie defiled before he was poisoned. Caesar excused the hastines of the obsequies by an edict, saying, that the custome of auncient times [Page 184] was to celebrate in secret manner, and not openly dolefull and bitter funerals, with­out either solemnities or praises. As for himselfe hauing lost the ayde and comfort of his brother, the rest of his hopes were anchored wholy in the common wealth: and that the Lords of the Senat & people should so much the more fauour & main­taine that Prince, which was only left of the familie borne to rule and absolute do­minion. Then he enriched with gifts the chiefest of his friends. Neither wanted there some which blamed men pretending grauitie, that they deuided houses and possessions, as though they had beene booties. Some thought the Prince forced them thereto, as guiltie of his fact, and hoping for pardon if he could bind vnto him the mightiest and strongest in power. But his mothers wrath could by no munifi­cence be appeased, but she embraced Octauia, and had often secret conference with her friends: and besides her naturall couetousnes, scraping money together of all hands as it were for some purpose on a pinch, she entertained the Centurions and Tribunes with all courtesie: she honored the names and vertues of the nobilitie which then were in towne, as though she had sought for a head to make a faction. Nero perceiuing that, commaundeth the gard of souldiers which heretofore was appointed to gard the Emperors wife, and now her, as his mother, to be taken from her; and certaine Germans which she had, besides the former appointed to gard her, to depart and be gone. And least she should be frequented with multitudes of saluters, he deuideth his house, & sendeth his mother to that which was Antoniaes; and as oft as himselfe came thither, garded with a companie of Centurions, after a short salutation, departed againe.

V. Agrippina accused for conspiring against Nero. Silana punished. Pallas, and Burrhus accused.

THere is no mortall thing more mutable and flitting, then the fame of great­nes, not sustained by his owne force and strength. Agrippinaes house was now vtterly forsaken; no man went to comfort her; no man to visite her, sa­uing a few women: and vncertaine of them, whether for loue or hatred. Among which Iunia Silana was one, who as I haue alreadie declared, at Messallinaes instiga­tions was separated from hir husband C. Silius; a woman of great parentage, of allu­ring and wanton beautie, and a long time welbeloued of Agrippina. Yet afterwards there was a priuie grudge betweene them two, bicause Agrippina had dehorted Sext. Africanus a noble yoong gentleman from marriyng of Silana: saying, shee was vnchast and growne into yeeres; not because she meant to reserue him for hir selfe; but fearing least he should enioy Silanaes goods if she died without issue. Sila­na hauing a hope of reuenge offered, sollicited Iturius and Caluisius, followers of her owne, to accuse Agrippina: yet not for any old and stale matter, as that she be­wailed the death of Britannicus, or published the iniuries done to Octauia; but that she intended to stir vp Rubellius Plautus (by the mothers side, as neere to Augustus, as Nero was) to new enterprises against the state, & by marriyng, of him & Empire got­ten by her meanes, afflict & inuade the common-wealth afresh. These things Iturius and Caluisius discouered to Atimetus a freed man of Domitia, aunt vnto Nero. Who glad of the occasion offered (for betweene Domitia and Agrippina there was deadly hatred) vrged the stage player Paris a freed man likewise of Domitia, to goe withall speed to Nero, and enforme most bitterly against her. The night was well spent, and Nero well tippled, when Paris entereth as one accustomed at other times to entertaine the Prince with sports and iestes: but then his countenance setled to [Page 185] sadnes, and declaring the whole order of Atimetus tale, did so terrifie and daunt the Prince, that he determined to kill not onely his mother, and Plautus; but discharge Burrhus of his office, as aduaunced by Agrippinaes fauour; and readie therefore to requite her with as good a turne. Fabius Rusticus reporteth, that letters were writ­ten to Caenina Tuschus, to come and take charge of the guard; but that Burrhus credit was saued, and kept in his office by Senecaes meanes. Plinie and Cluuius seeme there was no doubt made of Burrhus loyaltie: and in verie deede Fabius inclineth much to the commendation of Seneca, as one of his preferment. But our meaning is to fol­low the consent of authors; and if any affirme contrarie, we will deliuer it vnder their names. Nero trembling for feare, and exceeding desirous of the death of his mother, could not indure the delay, vntill Burrhus had promised to performe it, if she were conuicted of the crime. But euerie man might alleage what he could for his defence; much more a mother. Neither were there any accusers present, and no­thing to ground on but one mans report out of an enimies house. He was to cōsider that it was night, and that spent in banqueting; and therefore all would seeme to smell of rashnes and folly. The Princes feare somewhat lightened by these speeches and the day come, one went to Agrippina to let her vnderstand of the accusation, & to purge her selfe, or looke to suffer. Burrhus was to do the message in presence of Seneca, with some freed men as witnes of the speeches. Then Burrhus hauing decla­red the accusation, and the authors of it, vsed threatning termes: and Agrippina not forgetting her old fiercenes, returned him his answere: saying, I maruell not if Silana neuer hauing had childe, know not what the affections of mothers are: neither are children changed by their parents, as adulterers by shamelesse women. Neither if Iturius and Caluisius, hauing wasted their substance, bestow this their last labour in vndertaking this accusation: therefore am I to sustaine the infamie of parricide, or Caesar haue scruple of conscience, that I would commit it: as for Domitia I would thanke her for the hate she beareth me, if she would likewise in good will and loue towards my Nero, striue with me. Now by her concubine Atimetus, and Paris the stage player she doth as it were compose fables for the stage. She was busie about her fish pooles of Baia, when by my counsels, Neroes adoption; proconsularie autho­ritie; election to be Consull; and other steps to mount to the Empire were procu­red. Or else let some one be brought foorth to make it appeere, that I haue practised with the citie-cohorts; corrupted the loyaltie of the Prouinces; or sollicited bond-men, or freedmen to rebellion. I might haue liued if Britannicus had beene soue­raigne: but if Plautus or some other should get the rule of the common-wealth, for­sooth there should want accusers to laye to my charge, not wordes sometimes vn­aduisedly escaped thorough feruencie of loue; but such crimes also from which I could not be acquited, but as a mother by hir son. The assistance moued with these speeches and endeuoring to appease her anger; she requireth to speake with her sonne: before whom she spake nothing in defence of her innocencie, as if she had distrusted; or of her benefits, as to vpbrayd him: but obteined reuenge of her accu­sers; and rewards for hir friends. The charge and office of prouision of corne was giuen to Senius Rufus; the commission of plaies which Caesar was a preparing, to Aruntius Stella: Aegypt to C. Balbillus: Syria was appointed to P. Anteius, then abused with diuers deuises, and in the ende detained in the citie. But Silana was banished; Caluisius also and Iturius: Atimetus was executed: Paris being in grea­ter credit (by reason of pleasures ministred to the Prince) then that he should be put to death. Plautus was sent away for the time with silence. Pallas after this and Burrhus were accused to haue practised to call Cornelius Sylla, for noblenes of birth [Page 186] and affinitie with Claudius, whose sonne in lawe he was by marriage of Antonia, to the Empire. The author of that accusation was one Paetus, a man infamous, by causing debters to forfeit their goods: and then manifestly conuicted of vanitie and falshoode. Neither was Pallas innocencie so gratefull, as his pride insupportable: for when some of his freed men were saide to haue beene priuie to the practise; he made answer that in his house he appointed nothing to be done, but with a nod of his head or hand; or by writing, if he had much to say, least if he shoulde haue spo­ken vnto them, he should seeme to haue made them his fellowes. Burrhus although accused, yet gaue sentence among the iudges. Paetus the accuser was banished, and the writings burnt, by which he went about to renewe the recordes of the treasurie alreadie cancelled. In the end of the same yeere, the gard of the soldiers which was woont to be at the plaies, was taken away, for a greater shew of libertie: and bi­cause the souldier being absent from the disorder of the Theater, shoulde be lesse corrupt; and the people shewe by proofe, whether they would vse modestie if the guarde were away. The prince hallowed and purged the citie with sacrifices, by ad­uise of the southsaiers, bicause Iupiters and Mineruaes temples were set on fire with lightning.

VI. Neroes disorders: the case of the franchised debated: an order for certaine magistrates.

Q. Volusius and P. Scipio being Consuls, there was peace abroad, & filthie la­sciuiousnes at home: during which, Nero gadded vp & down the streetes, to infamous brothell houses, & by-corners, in slaues attire, to be vnknown; accompanied with such as snatched away wares from mens stales, wounded such as met them, and with such small regard whome, that Nero himselfe hath receiued and carried away blowes and marks on the face. And when it was knowne to be Caesar which played those pranks, the disorder grew greater against both men and women of accompt; and with like licentiousnes abusing Caesars name, many practi­sed the same insolencies, gathered together in particular companies, and so spen­ding the night as it had been in taking a towne, and captiuitie. One Iulius Montanus a Senator, who had not yet taken vpon him the dignitie, by chaunce coping with the Prince in the darke, and rudely thrusting him backe as he offered him violence; then knowing him, and crauing pardō, was inforced to die, as though therby he had reproched him of folly. Nero more wary and fearefull after that, went not without a rabble of souldiers and fencers; which medled not at the first, and whilest the prince made his party good: but after, if he were ouermatched, by such as he abused, they layd hands immediately on their weapons. He turned the disordered licence at plaies, and part-taking in fauor of stage players, almost to a mutinie, by giuing im­punitie and rewards, himselfe priuily or for the most part openly looking on; vntill the people growing to sedition, and fearing greater stirres, no other remedie was found then to expell the stage-players out of Italie, and place a gard of souldiers a­gaine on the theater. At the same time the deceit and vngratefull behauior of freed men was debated in Senat; and instant sute made that the patrons might haue authoritie to reuoke the freedome giuen to such as deserued it not: for many there were of that opinion. But the Consuls not daring to determine the matter; without the priuitie of the Prince; yet wrote the common consent vnto him: And that he should be the author of the decree, few being of a contrary opinion, and some grudging that the irreuerence of their late bondmen, by reason of libertie was [Page 187] growen to that, that they cared not whether they carried themselues towards their patrons dutifully or not: nothing at all waying what they sayd vnto them: yea, bende their fists towards them; thrust and elbow such as would haue any lawe made to bridle them. For what other redresse was there graunted vnto patrons of­fended, but to banish his freed man aboue twentie miles off, to the coast of Campa­nia? all other actions were indifferent and equall to both. Some weapon therefore should be giuen the patron, which the freed man should not despise. Neither could it seeme hard if the manumised should with the same obedience keepe their liberty, by which they got it. And such as were openly conuicted of crimes, were woorthily brought againe to seruitude; that such might be brideled by feare, whom benefits could not change. Some spake to the contrarie, saying: That, that fault of a fewe should be preiudiciall but to themselues; and not derogate from the priuiledges, common to them all; bicause it was a bodie farre spred abroad. From them were ta­ken many Tribes and Decuries, fit men for magistrates & priests, and citie cohorts: and many gentlemen and Senators could deriue no beginning but from thence. If the freed men should be seuered from the rest, the number of the free borne woulde appeere very small. Not without cause our auncestors when they diuided the citi­zens into degrees and callings, left libertie in common. Yea they had institu­ted two kindes of manumising their bondmen, bicause it might be in their choise to repent or yeelde newe fauour. Those whome the patron did not manumise Vindicta before the magistrate, remained still as it were in the bonds of seruitude. That eue­rie man should looke into the merits of his slaue; and graunt that slowly, which be­ing once giuen coulde not be taken away. This opinion caried it away. And Caesar wrote to the Senate that they should priuately examine the cause of the freed men, as oft as they were accused by their patrons: and derogate nothing from the whole bodie of them. Not long after, Paris the late bondman was taken from Domitia, Neroes aunte, vnder colour of ciuill lawe; not without a disgrace to the Prince: by whose commandement iudgement of free condition was giuen him. Neuerthe­lesse there remained a certaine shew of a free common-wealth. For a contention be­ing growen betweene Vibullius the Pretor, and Antistius tribune of the people, for releasing out of prison certaine vnruly fauourers of the Stage-plaiers, committed by the Pretor: the Lords of the Senate approoued the Pretors fact, and blamed Anti­stius boldnesse. Withall the Tribunes were forbidden to vsurpe any thing belong­ing to the Pretors or Consuls authoritie; or call such before them out of Italie, whose right was to be determined by law. L. Piso Consull elect added further, that they should not exercise their authoritie in punishing of any in their own houses: & that the Quaestors of the treasury should not enter into record before foure months were past, the mercements adiudged by them: and that in the mean time it might be lawfull to speake against them; and the Consuls determine the matter. The au­thoritie of the Aediles is also restrained, and order set down how much the Curules, and the people might take to pawne, and how farre they might punish. Thereupon Heluidius Priscus, Tribune of the people, shewed his priuate grudge against Obultro­nius Sabinus Quaestor of the treasury, as though he had too seuerely enforced the ex­ecution of open sales of goods against the poore. Then the Prince transferred the records of publicke debts from the Quaestors to the Prouosts of the citie: albeit, the forme of that office hath beene diuersly vsed, and often chaunged. For Augu­stus gaue the Senate licence to choose the Prouostes; then canuasing of voices be­ing suspected, they were drawne by lot out of the number of the Pretors. Neither did that long continue, because the lot fell oft vpon the vnmeetest. Then Claudius [Page 188] restored againe the Quaestors to the office, and bestowed extraordinarie promotion vpon them, least for feare of offence they should be slacke in their dutie. But bicause there wanted authoritie of age in manie which were in that office, as being the first they were possessed of; Nero chose such as had beene Prouostes, and tried by long experience. Vipsanius Lenas was condemned vnder the same Consuls, for behauing himselfe too rauenously in the Prouince of Sardinia. Cestius Proculus was acquited of extorsion, his accusers letting fall the sute. Clodius Quirinalis, Captaine of the galli-slaues at Rauenna, accused for molesting Italie with riot and crueltie, as the least of all nations, preuented his condemnation by poisoning himselfe. Aminius Rebius a principall man for the skill of the lawes and of great wealth, escaped the griefes of sickely olde age by letting himselfe blood in the vaines, although he was thought to be too cowardly to kill himself; by reason he was giuen too effeminately to lustes. But L. Volusius died with great fame, hauing liued ninetie three yeeres, verie rich by good meanes, and neuer once hurt by any of those vniust Emperors, vnder whom he liued.

VII. What Annales ought to intreate of: plaies forbidden.

NEro being the second time Consull, and L. Piso, few things happened worthy of memorie; vnlesse some would thinke it well done to fill vp volumes in praising the foundations and timber imployed by Caesar in the huge buil­ding of the Amphitheater in Campus Martius, seeing it is meet for the dignitie and honor of the people of Rome to commit famous actes to their annales, and such as those to the diurnall of the citie. Capua and Nuceria both colonies, were reenfor­ced with a supplie of old souldiers. There was bestowed a gift of Sixe shil. 3. d. fortie sesterces by powle to the people, and About 31250. pound. foure hundred thousand sesterces to the publike trea­surie to maintain the people faithful vnto him. The tribute of the fift, & of the twen­tieth for the sale of slaues was released in shew rather then in deed: for when the sel­ler was commaunded to pay it, he enhansed the price still to the buiers losse. Caesar commaunded by an edict, that no magistrate, procurator of any prouince, should set foorth a shew of fencers, or wilde beasts, or any other pastime. For heretofore the subiects were no lesse endomaged by such-liberalities, then by taking their money from them, whilest they cloaked with fauor gotten by such spectacles, their faults committed by robbing the people. A decree of Senate was made as well for reuenge as securitie, that if any man had been slaine by his bondmen, those also who being manumised by testament, & continued in the same house, should be punished as the other bondmen. L. Varius somtimes Consull was restored to his dignitie, re­moued before for couetous dealing and extortion. And Pomponia Graecina a noble woman, and wife to Plautius, who returned with a small triumph out of Britannia, and accused of strange superstition, was remitted to the iudgement of her husband; and he according to the auncient custome, in the presence of her neerest kindred, heard her cause of life and death, and pronounced her innocent. This Pomponia liued long, and in continuall sorrow: for after that Iulia, Drusus daughter was murdered by Messallinaes trecherie, she was not seene for forty yeers but in mourning apparel, and very sad & doleful. Which she might lawfully do whilest Claudius raigned, & af­terward turned to her glory. Many citizens were accused that yeere, of which num­ber P Celer being one, at the information of the inhabitants of Asia, because Caesar could not acquit him, he prolonged his cause till he died of age. For Celer (as I haue alreadie sayd) hauing besturred himselfe in the murdering of Silanus the Proconsull, [Page 189] cloaked all other villanies vnder the greatnes of that lewd action. The Cilicians ac­cused Cossutianus Capito, criminally noted and discredited with many vices, thinking he had had the same priuilege of vsing insolent behauiour in the prouince, as he had done in the citie. But turmoiled and molested with an ouerthwart accusation, in the end letting fall his defence, was condemned of extorsion. Great suings preuailed so much for Eprius Marcellus, of whom the Lycians demaunded restitution, that some of the accusers were banished, as though they had indangered an innocent man.

VIII. A liberalitie of Nero towards certaine decaied gentlemen. The warre of Armenia renewed. Tiridates de­parteth the countrey.

WHen Nero was the third time Consull, Valerius Messalla entered the same office, whose great grandfather Coruinus an orator, some old men re­member to haue beene companion in office with Augustus of famous memorie, Neroes great grandfathers father. But the honor of this noble familie was bettered by giuing Messalla by yeare About 3906. pound 5. [...]. fiue hundred thousand sesterces to relieue his harmelesse pouertie. To Aurelius Cotta likewise, and Haterius Antoninus, the Prince graunted that an annuall sum of money should be giuen, although they had wasted riotously the wealth their ancestors had left them. In the beginning of that yeere, the warre which was drawne at length with soft and milde beginnings vntill then, betweene the Parthians and the Romans for obtaining of Armenia, was nowe hotly pursued: because Vologeses would neither suffer his brother Tiridates to be depriued of the kingdome in which he had inuested him, nor that he should enioy it as a gift from another Lord; and Corbulo thought it woorthie of the greatnes of the people of Rome to recouer that which by Lucullus and Pompey had beene once got­ten. The Armenians being doubtfull, and faithfull to neither side, inuited both: yet by the site of their countrey and conformitie of conditions, being more neere vn­to the Parthians, and intermingled with them by mariages, and not knowing what libertie was, inclined rather to that seruitude. But Corbulo had more adoe with the slothfulnes of the souldiers, then perfidiousnes of the enimies: for the legions remo­ued from Syria, by a long peace grown lazie and idle, could hardly endure the labor and paines of the Roman discipline. Certaine it was there were old souldiers in that campe, which had neuer kept watch nor ward; a rampire or trench they gazed at, as at a new and strange deuise: without head-peeces; without curasses; neate and fine; hunting after gaine; hauing spent all their seruice in townes. Whereupon the olde and feeble being dismissed, he desired a supplie, which was had out of Galatia and Cappadocia. And to them was added a legion out of Germanie with wings of horsemen, and all the armie kept in campe; although the winter were so hard, and the earth so couered with yce that they could not pitch their tents, vnlesse they had first digged the ground. Manie of their limmes grew starcke with extre­mitie of cold; and many died in keeping the watch. And there was a souldier noted carriyng a faggot, whose hands were so stiffe frozen, that sticking to his burden, they fell from him as though they had beene cut from his armes. Corbulo slightly ap­parailed, bare headed, was with them when they marched; when they laboured, praised the stout; comforted the feeble; and gaue example vnto them all. Then bi­cause many refusing to endure the hardnes of the season, & such rigor of discipline, forsooke him; he sought a redresse by seueritie: for he did not pardon the first and second fault as in other armies, but he suffered death presently who forsooke his en­signe: [Page 190] which by experience proued more profitable, then clemencie. For fewer forsooke that campe, then where there was much mercie shewen. In the meane sea­son Corbulo hauing kept the legions in campe vntill the spring, and disposed the ayd­cohorts in conuenient places, charged them not to giue the onset. The charge of the garrisons he committed to Pactius Ophitus, once Captaine of the first ensigne: who although he wrote to Corbulo that the Barbarians were carelesse and disorde­red, and a fit occasion offered of atchieuing some exploite; yet he was commaunded to keepe within his garrison, and expect greater power. But breaking his comman­dement when he saw a few troupes of horsemen issue out of a castle hard by, and vn­skilfully demaund battell; he encountered the enimie, and went away with the losse. And those which should haue seconded them, terrified with that discomfiture, fled as fast as they could euerie man to his hold; which to Corbulo was an exceeding griefe. Who rebuking Pactius and the Captaines, and the souldiers, commaunded them all to pitch their tents out of the campe: and there kept them in that disgrace, vntil they were deliuered by the intercession & sute of the whole armie. But Tiridates besides his own followers, succoured by his brother Vologeses; not now by stelth, but with open warre molesteth Armenia, spoiling all such he thought faithfull to vs: and if any forces were brought against him, he deluded them, by flying hither and thither, terrifiyng more by fame then fight. Corbulo therefore seeking occasion to ioyne battell, but in vaine; and constrained to make war now in one place, now in another, as the enimy did; seuered his forces, to the end that the Lieutenants & Cap­taines might inuade diuers places at once. Withall, he aduertised King Antiochus to set on the gouernment next adioyning to him. For Pharasmanes, his sonne Rhadamistus being slaine, as a traitor towardes him, to testifie his loyaltie to­wards vs, shewed more willingly his inueterate hatred against the Armenians. Then the Isichians, a nation neuer before confederate with vs, being nowe brought to our side, inuaded the hardest passages of Armenia; whereby all Tiridates deseignments were crossed. He sent Embassadors to expostulate in his owne, and the Parthians name, Why hauing of late giuen hostages, and renewed amitie, which opened the way to new benefites, he should be driuen from the auncient possession of Armenia? therefore Vologeses was not yet moued to warre, because he had rather debate the matter by reason, then by force. But if they would persist in warre, the Arsacides should neither want courage nor fortune, often experimented to the losse of the Romans. Hereupon Corbulo knowing well that Velogeses was troubled with the Hircanians rebellion, perswadeth Tiridates to deale with Caesar by intrea­tie; that he might obtaine a firme possession of a kingdome without bloudshed; if leauing of a long and slow hope, he would imbrace that which was present and more sure. Then they resolued, because by entercourse of messengers they profited nothing, for the full knitting vp of peace, to appoint time and place for a parlie. Tiridates sayd, that he would come with a thousand horse for his gard: how many of whatsoeuer sort of souldiers Corbulo should bring, he weighed it not; so as they came without curasses & helmets, as a better shew of peace. The barbarous treache­rie was palpable to all men, much more to an old circumspect captaine: therfore a small number was limited on one part, and a greater permitted to the other, that the treason might be the better effected: for to oppose against practised horse­men archers, vnarmed men, the multitude would auaile nothing. Yet Corbulo ma­king as though he had not perceiued the treason, answered, that publick affaires would better be debated in the face of both the whole armies. And for the purpose chose a place whereof the one part had hils of an easie ascent fit for ranks of foote­men; [Page 191] the other stretched out into a plaine, conuenient to display troupes of horsemen. And the day agreed on, Corbulo appeared first in this order: He placed the cohorts of allies, and succours sent by Kings, in the wings: and in the middle, the sixt legion; among which he had intermingled three thousand of the third, sent for by night from other garrisons, with one ensigne, as if all were but one legion. Tiri­dates the day being well spent, shewed himselfe aloofe, where he might better be seene then heard: so the Romaine captaine without parlie, commaunded his soul­diers to depart euery man to his owne camp. The King either suspecting fraude, because our men went at once to diuers places, or to intercept our prouision of victuals, comming from the sea of Pontus, and the towne Trapezunt, maketh away with all speede. But he could not hinder the comming of the victuals, because it was brought through mountaines possessed by our owne garrisons; and Corbulo be­cause the warre should draw to an end, and the Armenians constrained to defend their owne, goeth about to raze their Castels.

IX. Corbulo hauing taken the Castles, destroyeth Artaxata the chiefe towne of the countrey.

COrbulo chose to himselfe the strongest place of the countrey called Volan­dum to assault; the lesser he committeth to Cornelius Flaccus Lieutenant, and Isteus Capito camp-maister. Then surueying his forces, and seeing all things in a readines for the assault, incourageth his souldiers to vnnestle the vaga­bond enemie, neither readie for peace nor warre; acknowledging by his fleeing away his perfidiousnes and cowardise; and so win at once both glory and wealth. After this, hauing deuided his armie into foure parts, he lead some close and thicke ranked together, for a target fence to vndermine and beate downe the rampire: others to scale the walles: others to let flee fire and darts out of engins of warre: the sling-casters and stone-throwers had a place appointed them, from whence they might a farre off throw pellets of yron and stone, that the besieged might haue no refuge or comfort of one another, all places being full of like feare. The courage of the assailants was so great, that within the third part of the day the wals were naked of defendants; the gates broken downe; the fortresse scaled; and all of lawfull yeeres put to the sword; no one souldier lost on our side, and verie few hurt: the weake and vnable people were sold in a portsale and made slaues; the rest of the bootie fell to the Conquerours share. The Lieutenant and camp-master had the like fortune; three castles taken in one day; the rest for feare and by consent of the inhabitants yeelded: which encouraged the Romans to set on Artaxata the chiefe towne of the countrey. Yet the legions were not brought the next way, bi­cause that passing the riuer Araxis which washeth the wals, by the bridge they should haue come vnder the danger of blowes; but went ouer a farre off at broade foordes. But Tiridates assailed with seare and shame, least if he should suffer the besieging, he might seeme not to be able to succour it; if hinder it encomber himselfe and his horsemen in dangerous and difficult places, resouled in the end to shew his armie in battell aray, and a day appointed, giue the onset; or making as though he would flee, dresse an ambush. Whereupon on a sudden he enuironeth the Ro­mans; our Captaine not ignorant thereof, who had marshalled his armie in such aray, that it might both march on, and fight. On the right side the third legion; on the left the sixt marched; in the middle a companie chosen out of the tenth; the carriages betweene the rankes, and a thousand horsemen in the rereward, with [Page 192] commaundement that they should resist and make head against the enimie if they passed in; but if they sled, not to follow. In the wings went the footemen archers with the residue of the horsemen; the left wing stretched somewhat longer to the bottome of the hils; that if the enimie should enter on them, he should haue beene receiued both in the front and middle. Tiridates on the contrarie side, came about the Romans freely; yet not within a darts cast; now threatning; now making as though he were afraide; and so retiring, to see whether we would open or breake our rankes to follow, and so entrap vs being scattered. But not seeing any thing dis­ordered, nor any ranke broken by rashnes; and onely one vnder Captaine of horse­men ventring boldlier then the rest to haue beene slaine with an arrow, and the rest by his example to obey, the night being almost come, he departed. Corbulo hauing pitched his campe in the same place, considered with himselfe, whether he should goe by night to Artaxata, and besiege it with light and vncumbered legions, sup­posing that Tiridates had retired thither. Then the scouts hauing brought intelli­gence that the King had taken a longer iourney, doubtfull whether to the Medes or Persians, he staied vntill it was day: sending before a companie lightly armed, to en­uiron the wals, and beginne the assault a farre off. But the townesmen opening the gates of their owne accord, yeelded themselues and all they had to the Romans; whereby their liues were saued. But Artaxata was burnt and raced to the ground, because it could not be kept without a strong garrison, by reason of the compasse of the wals; and our forces were not so great that we could leaue there a sufficient gar­rison, and withall, keepe the field: or if she should be left standing and vngarded, there would be neither profit nor glorie that she had beene taken. There is a mira­cle reported, as it were by some diuine power happened: for all things out of the houses were lightened by the sun; but that which was inuironed with the wals, was on such a sudden couered with a darke cloud & separated with lightning, that it see­med the will of the gods was, it should be destroyed. Hereupon Nero was saluted Emperor, & processions made by decree of Senat; and images & triumphall arches set vp, and the Consulship continued on him: and ordained that the day the victo­rie was gained, the day of the newes, the day wherin they talked of it in Senat should be kept holie, & other such like; so far beyond measure, that C. Cassius cōsenting vnto the rest of the honors giuen him, touching the processions; said, that if they would giue the gods thanks for so many fauours of fortune, al the yere would not be enough to make them processions. And therefore they should distinguish working daies from holie daies, in such sort that the gods might be honoured, and temporall bu­sines not hindered.

X. Suilius is banished. Octauius tribune of the people killeth Pontia, with whom he was in loue.

ABout that time, P. Suilius, a man crossed with many aduersities, and iustly incurred the hatred of many, was called in question, and condemned; not without some touch of Senecaes credit. This Suilius in Claudius raigne was both cruell and corrupt, and by alteration of times brought lowe, though not so much as his enemies desired; and who rather would seeme culpable, then as a sup­pliant craue pardon. For it was thought that the penaltie of the law Cincia, against such as pleaded causes for money was set on foote againe, only to subuert and ouer­throw him. Yet Suilius neuer forbare complaints and hard speeches, besides his na­tural fiercenes, more free by reason of his old age: laying in Senecaes dish that he was [Page 193] an enemie to Claudius friends, vnder whom he had sustained a most iust banishment: withall, that with his idle and dead studies, applying himselfe to the vnskilfulnes of raw youth, he enuied such as vsed a liuely and vncorrupt eloquence in defending the citizens. He had beene Questor to Germanicus; and Seneca, an adulterer of his house. Was it to be iudged a greeuouser offence to receiue a suters reward freely offered for a mans honest trauell, then to defile the beds of Princes wiues? with what wisedome, with what precepts of Philosophers within foure yeeres friendship with the King, had he gotten About 2343750. lib. three thousand times three hundred thousand se­sterces? At Rome he coozened men of their legacies, and such as died without chil­dren, as if he had layd a snare to intrap them. Italy and the prouinces were drawne dry by his excessiue vsurie. As for himselfe, he had but small store of wealth got­ten by his labour and sweate. He would suffer the accusation, perill, and what else might fall, rather then subiect his old credit and estimation to a new vpstart. Neither wanted there such as reported these or worser speeches to Seneca againe: and other informers were found, which accused Suilius that he had pouled and pilled the allies when he was gouernor of Asia, and purloined the common trea­sure. Then because he had obtained a yeeres space for to make enquirie of these matters; it seemed to be the shorter course, to begin with crimes committed neere about the citie, because of such, witnesses were at hand. They obiected against him, that the bitternes of his accusation droue Q. Pomponius to a necessitie of ciuill war: that he had brought Iulia the daughter of Drusus, and Sabina Poppaea to destruction; & falsly accused Valerius Asiaticus, L. Saturninus, & Cornelius Lupus: yea a great com­panie of gentlemen of Rome had beene condemned by his meanes: in fine, all Clau­dius crueltie was imputed to Suilius. He for his defence answered, that he had vnder­tooke none of those things of his owne will, but to obey the Prince, vntill Caesar cau­sed him to hold his toong, saying, that he was assured by his fathers memoriall, that he neuer inforced any man to accuse another: then he pretended Messallinaes com­maundement, and his defence began to faile him. Why was there no other chosen to speake for that cruell vnchast dame? the instruments of cruell actions are to be punished, when as hauing receiued the reward of their lewdnes, yet go about to lay it to others charge. Therefore part of his goods being taken from him (for part was left his sonne and his neece, and that also was excepted which was giuen them by their mothers or grandfathers testament) he was banished into the Ilands of Balea­res, neuer losing courage either in the time of his danger, or after condemnation. And it is reported that he suffered that separation from company, liuing both a­boundantly and delicately. The accusers had ouerthrowne his sonne Nerulinus, for the enuie they bare the father, and his owne extortions, if the Prince had not oppo­sed himselfe, as though the reuenge had beene sufficient. About the same time Octauius Sagitta, Tribune of the people, mad in loue with Pontia a maried wise, by great gifts brought her vnlawfull loue, and vse of her bodie; then to forsake her hus­band, promising her mariage, and inducing her to the liking of him. But when this woman was free from her husband, she began to finde delayes, shifting it off that her father was vnwilling, and in the end finding a hope of a richer husband, went from her promise. Octauius on the contrary side somtimes complained, sometimes threatned, protesting his credit was lost, and his money consumed; finally put his life which only remained in her hands. But being reiected, craueth one nights plea­sure for his satisfaction, then promised he would desist. The night was appointed, and Pontia gaue charge of watching the chamber to a maide which was priuie to their dealings. He with one freed man conueyeth in a weapon vnder his garment, [Page 194] Then as the manner of louers is, sometimes angrie, sometimes chiding, sometimes intreating, sometimes vpbraiding, & spending some part of the night in voluptuous pleasures, at last kindled with griefe and complaints, with his sword ran through this woman, which feared no such thing, and wounded the maide which ran in, and so rusheth out of the chamber. The next day the murder was knowne, and the murderer not doubted of, being knowne manifestly that they had beene together. But a freed man protested it was his doing, in reuenge of the iniuries done to his patrone, and moued some with the strangenes of that example to beleeue him, vn­til the maid, recouered of her wound, discouered the truth. Then Octauius accused of the murder before the Consuls by Pontias father, at the end of his Tribuneship was condemned by the Senat, according to the lawe Cornelia against murderers.

XI. Nero taketh away Sabina Poppaea from her husband.

THe same yeere, an vntemperate life, no lesse infamous then the former; was a beginning of greater mischiefes in the common wealth. There was in the citie one Sabina Poppaea, daughter of T. Ollius: but she had takē the name of Sabinus Poppaeus, her grandfather by the mothers side; a man of worthie memorie, honored with the Consularie dignitie, & ornaments of triumph: for Seianus friendship did o­uerthrow Ollius before he came to any dignities. This woman was graced with all things sauing an honest mind: for her mother surpassing other women of her time in beautie, gaue her both glorie & beautie: wealth she had sufficiēt to maintain her no­bilitie: her speech affable & gratious, nor no grosse wit; but knowing wel how to pre­tend modestie, & liue lasciously: she came little abroad, and then part of her face couered with a vaile; either not to fill the eie of the beholder, or bicause it becōmed her best: of her credite regard she had neuer; making no differēce betweene hir hus­bands & adulterers: neither subiect to her owne will, nor anothers; but where profit was offered, thither she carried her affection. This woman then being wife to Rufus Crispinus, a gentleman of Rome, by whom she had a sonne; Otho seduced through his youth & riot; & bicause he was most inwarde in friendship with Nero: It was not long but they ioined marriage to adulterie. Otho either bicause he was vncircumspect in loue, or bicause he would enflame the princes lust; praised his wiues beautie and comely feature in his presence; that both enioying one woman, his credite and au­thoritie might by that bond grow greater. He hath bin often heard to say, as he hath risen from banquetting with Caesar, that he woulde go to her in whom was all beau­tie and nobilitie; and to her who kindling all mens desire, was able to make them most happie. Through these and the like prouocations, there was no long delaie made. Nero then finding accesse vnto her, Poppaea at the first by allurements and cun­ning, began to inueigle him; saying, that she was not able to withstande his loue, and that she was ouercome with his beautie. Then perceiuing the princes lust to be growen hot; she began to grow proud; and if she entertained him aboue a night or two, it was all she coulde affoorde him; saying, she was a married wife, and that she could not abandon her husband as being bounde vnto Otho, for his man­ner of cariage and behauiour, which fewe came neere vnto: that he was in courage and demeanour magnificent; and in all respects woorthie of highest fortune. As for Nero vsing a bond-slaue for his concubine, and tied to Actes familiaritie, he had learned nothing of that seruile companie, but basenes and niggardice. Otho af­ter this was barred of the accustomed familiaritie with the Prince; then of his com­panie and retinue: and last of all, least he should be his concurrent in the citie, he [Page 195] made him gouernour of the prouince of Portingall. Where he liued vntill the ciuill wars, not as before disorderly; but honestly and vncorruptly, as one loosly giuen when he had little to do; but in office and rule more stayed and temperate. All this while Nero sought to cloke his vitiousnes and licentious life. Afterward he beganne to be iealous of Cornelius Syllaes dull and heauie disposition, interpre­ting it contrarie to that which it was, deeming him a craftie and subtle dessembler. Which iealousie Graptus a freed man of Caesars by age, and experience and time, vntill then well practised in Princes houses, augmented with this lie. The Miluian bridge in those daies was notorious for a haunt, of dissolute and vnruly persons in the night. Whither Nero resorted also to inioy his licentious pleasures more free­ly, being out of the towne: and returning backe by the Flaminian way; Graptus put him in the head that there had bin wait laid for him, which he escaped by destinie, be­cause he went another way to Sallustius gardens, & falsly accused Sylla to be the au­thor thereof: Bicause that some of the Princes seruitors returning that way by chaunce, were, by some licentious behauiour of youth, which in that place was verie cōmon, put in greater fright than danger. Yet there was no one of Syllaes seruitours or vassals knowen. His faint hart and not daring any enterprise being well knowen to be farre from any such fact: yet neuerthelesse as though he had been conuicted, he was commaunded to depart his countrey, and liue within the wals of Marsiles. Vnder the same Consuls the Embasies of the Puteolanians were heard, which the Senators on one side, and the communaltie on the other, sent to the Senate: the Se­nators charging the communaltie with insolencie; and the people charging the magistrates & chiefe gentlemen with couetuousnes. And when the sedition was al­readie growen to throwing of stones, and threatning to fire one another, and like to drawe on murder and war, C. Cassius was chosen to order the matter; but knowing that they could not endure his seueritie at his request, that care was committed to the brothers the Scribonians, with a band of the Emperours guarde: through the terrour of which, and punishment of a fewe, the townesmen were set at quietnes againe. I would not speake of the very common decree of Senate, by which the ci­tie of Syracusa was licensed to exceede the number prefixed in the shew of Fencers: If Paetus Thrasea had not spoken against it and giuen matter vnto backbiters to re­prehend his iudgement: For said they, if he beleeued that the common-wealth wan­ted the libertie of Senators, why did he meddle in such trifles? He should rather haue perswaded or disswaded matters of warre or peace; of tributes, of lawes, and other things wherein consisted the estate of Rome. It was lawfull for the Lords of the Senate as oft as they thought conuenient to giue their opinion, to propounde what they listed, and aske for a consultation vpon it. Was it onely woorthie of cor­recting, that at Syracusa the plaies should not be so long? Be all other things in the Empire, as well as if, not Nero, but Thrasea had the gouerment thereof? The which if they were let passe with great dissimulation; how much more should they forbeare vaine trifles? Thrasea on the contrary, his friends demaunding him a reason why he contradicted the decree, made answere; that he did it not as being ignorant of the present estate of things; but for the greater honour of the Lords of the Senat: and shew manifestly that they would not dissemble in important affaires, which would looke into such small matters.

XII. Matters of policie redressed. The Senators withstand Nero touching subsidies.

THe same yeere, through the often and importunate sute of the people, blaming the couetousnes of the farmers of the common rents; Nero doubted whether it were best to command that there should no more subsidies and tributes be leuied; and giue so faire a gift to the worlde. But this sudden pang, hauing first commended the bounteousnes of his minde; the LL. of the Senate staied, affirming it to be the dissolution of the Empire, if the reuenewes by which it was sustained should be diminished: for if custome were taken away, it would follow that the abo­lishing of tributes woulde be demaunded. Manie societies of tributes and tallages were established by the Consuls and Tribunes of the people, euen when the com­munaltie had greatest libertie. Things afterwarde were so proportioned, that the receits and reuenues shoulde be answerable to the layings out. Indeede the coue­tousnes of the farmers was to be moderated; least things tolerated so many yeeres without complaint, should turne to further mischiefe and hatred, by their strange greedines. The prince therefore by edict commanded, that the taxation of euerie custome which hitherto hath bin concealed, should now be published: and that the farmers should not after the yeere was expired demaund any thing, let slip, or for­gottē, during that time. That in Rome the Pretor; in the prouinces, those which sup­plied the places of the pretors & Consuls, should extraordinarily determine against the farmers of common rents. That souldiers shoulde keepe their immunitie: those things excepted wherin they trafficked: and many other iust things, which obserued a short time, afterward came to nothing. Neuerthelesse the abolishing of one in fortie, and one in fiftie continueth, and what other names the farmers had inuen­ted for their vnlawfull exactions. The carriage of corne to partes beyond the seas was moderated. And ordained that marchants ships should not be valued in the ge­nerall estimate of their goods, nor tribute paied for them. Caesar discharged Sulpi­tius Camerinus, and Pomponius Siluanus, who had beene Proconsuls in Affrike; and accused by the prouince; obiecting against Camerinus, rather cruell dealing against a few priuat men, then extortion in generall. A great number of accusers came about Siluanus, and required time to produce witnesses: but the defen­dant desired his defences might presently be hearde: which being rich, child­lesse, and old, he obtained; and ouerliued those by whose suite he had escaped. The estate of Germanie was quiet vntill then, through the industrie of the cap­taines, who seeing the honor of triumph common, hoped for greater glory if they could continue peace. Paullinus Pompeius, and L. Vetus had charge of the armie at that time: yet least they should keepe the souldier in idlenes, Paullinus finished a banke begun threescore and three yeeres before by Drusus, to keepe in the riuer of Rhene. Vetus went about to ioyne Mosella and Araris by a ditch cast betweene them, that the armies conueyed by sea, then by Rhodanus and Araris by that ditch, anon after by Mosa into Rhene, in the end should fall into the Ocean: that all diffi­culties of the passages taken away, the west and north seas might be nauigable from the one to the other. Aelius Gracilis Lieutenant of Belgia enuied the worke, dehor­ting Vetus, least he should bring the legions into anothers prouince, & seeke to win the harts of the Gallois, affirming it to be dangerous to the Emperour: a pretext which often hindereth honest indeuours. Through the continuall rest of the armies a rumor was spred, that the Lieutenants were forbidden to leade them against the [Page 197] enemie. Whereupon the Frisians placed their youth in the woods and marishes; sent their feeble old men to the banks of Rhene, planting them in voide grounds appointed out for the vse of souldiers; Verritus and Malorigis being the authors thereof, who then gouerned the countrey which the Germains were Lords of. Now they had built houses, sowed the ground, and tilled it, as though it had been their na­tiue countrey: when Dubius Auitus hauing receiued the prouince of Paullinus, threatning to send the Roman forces, vnlesse the Frisians would returne to their old homes, or obtaine a new place of habitation of Caesar; enforced Varritus and Ma­lorigis to fall to intreatie. And taking their iourney to Rome whilest they attended for Nero, busied in other matters, among other things woont to be shewen to bar­barous people, they went to Pompeius Theater to behold the multitude of people. There at their leisure (for being vnskilfull in those plaies, tooke no great delight in them) whilest they inquired of many things touching the assemblie, skaffolds, diffe­rences of degrees, which were gentlemen, where the Senators sate, they perceiued some in a strange attire in the Senators roomes: and asking who they were, when they vnderstoode that that honour was done to the Embassadors of those countries which excelled in vertue, and friendship with the Romans; they cried that There were none in the world more valiant and faithfull than the Germans; and so went and sate among the Lords of the Senate, which was courteously taken of the beholders, as a forwardnes of their old good nature, and a commendable emulation of vertue. Nero gaue them both the priuileges of a citizen of Rome, and commaunded the Fri­sians to depart the countrey they had possessed: who refusing to obeie, a troupe of ayde horsemen sent on the sudden forced them to it, and those taken and slaine which most obstinately resisted. The Ansibariās entered the same territories, a stron­ger nation then the other: not onely by their owne strength, but by the pitie their neighbours take on them; bicause that being driuen out by the Chauci, and wanting dwelling places, they desired they might haue it as a sure place of exile. They had for their conductor a man of great reputation in that countrey, and vnto vs likewise trustie, called Boiocalus: who declared, how by the commaundement of Arminius he had beene taken prisoner, when the Cheruscirebelled: then how he had serued the Romans fiftie yeeres vnder Tiberius and Germanicus. He said further, He would put his nation vnder our dominion. What neede was there of such spa­tious waste grounds, to put at sometimes onely the souldiers heards and cattell to feed? That they might reserue those grounds they had receiued for their stocks (al­beit men died with famine) so as they desired not rather a wildernes than an habita­tion of people their confederates. In times past those fields belonged to the Cha­mauorians; then to the Tubantians; and in the ende to the Vsipians. As the heauen was giuen the gods, so the earth to makind; and that which was not posses­sed, was common. Then beholding the sunne, and calling vpon the rest of the stars, he asked as it were in their presence, whether they would see the land naked? That they would rather ouerwhelme the takers away of the earth with the sea. Auitus mooued with these speeches; aunswered that the commaundement of their betters was to be obeied. It was the will of the gods whom they called vpon, that the arbi­trement should belong to the Romans, what they should giue, and what take away; neither would they suffer any iudges but themselues. These things he aunswered the Ansibarians in publicke, to Boiocalus he would giue grounds in memorie of his friendship. Which he as if it had beene a reward of treason contemning added: We may want land to liue in; but to die in we cannot: and so they parted both discon­tented. They called the Bructeri, and Tencteri, and other nations further off, their [Page 198] confederates to ioine in warre with them. Auitus hauing written to Curtilius Man­cia Lieutenant of the vpper armie, that he should passe ouer Rhene, and shew the forces behinde them; conducted the legions himselfe into the Tencterans coun­trey, threatning their destruction vnles they would breake with the Ansibarians. These therefore desisting, the Bructeri daunted with the like feare, and the rest flee­ing from others perils, the Ansibarian nation alone retired back to the Vsipians and Tubantians: from whose territories being expulsed, as they went to the Catti, then to the Cherusci, by long wandering, strangers, poore, enemies, in a strange coun­trey, that youth that was left was slaine: those that for age were vnfit for warre, diuided for a pray. The same summer there was a great battell fought betweene the Hermunduri, and Catti, each side striuing by force to be maister of a riuer which yeelded aboundance of salt, sited in the confines of both their countries. And besides a desire of ending all strifes by warre, they had a religion rooted in them, that those places are aboue others neere heauen; and the prayers of mortall men no where sooner heard, then from thence. For they were of opinion, that by the goodnes of the gods in that riuer, and in those woods came increase of salt, not as in other countries, of the wooes of the sea, when the water is dried vp; but by that water cast vpon a pile of wood set on fire, by the vertue of two contrary ele­ments, fire and water, which becommeth thick and congealed. The warre was prosperous on the Hermundurians side, but the vtter ruine of the Catteans, because of a vow they made, that if they were conquerors, they would dedicate the con­trary army to Mars and Mercury, protesting, horses, men, all things ouercome, should be put to the sword; and truly those deadly threats were turned against themselues. But the citie of the Iuhonians confederate with vs, was afflicted with a sudden disaster: for fires issuing out of the earth, burned townes, fields, villages euery where, and spread euen vnto the walles of a Colonie newly built; and could not be extinguished, neither by raine, nor riuer water, nor any other liquor that could be employed, vntill for want of remedie, and anger of such a destruction, certaine peasants cast stones a farre off into it; then the flames somewhat slakning, drawing neere, they put it out with blowes of clubs, and other like, as if it had been a wilde beast. Last of all, they threw in clothes from their backs, which the more worne and fouler, the better they quenched the fires. The same yeere, the Fig tree called Ruminalis, in the place of assemblies, which aboue eight hundred and fortie yeeres before had couered Remus and Romulus infancie, hauing his boughes dead, and the bodie beginning to wither, was held as a prodigious signe, vntill it began to flourish againe, and thrust out new shootes.

THE FOVR TEENTH BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Nero abused by Poppaea, determineth to put to death Agrippina his mother. Agrippinaes vnchast life to main­taine her greatnes.

CVipsanius and Fonteius being Consuls, Nero deferred no longer his long before intended wickednes; his boldnes by long rule being increased, and his lust to Poppaea more and more enflamed: who casting off all hope of marrying Nero, or seeing a diuorce betweene him and Octauia whilest Agrip­pina liued, sometimes tauntingly, and sometimes merily, began to find her self grieued with the Prince, and calling him a ward, & subiect vnto others controulement, said he was so far from the gouerment of the Empire, that he wanted his owne libertie. For why was the marrying of her de­layed? forsooth her beautie did not please his eye, nor the noblenes of her grand-fathers, who had so oft triumphed? Or did he misdoubt her childbearing and true affection? or least being his wife, she should discouer the iniuries done to the Senat, and the anger of the people against the pride and couetousnes of his mother. But if Agrippina could indure no daughter in lawe but such as her sonne can worst away withall, let her be restored againe to Otho her husband. She was content to go any whither, where shee should rather heare of the contumelies done to the Prince, then see them, and take part of his dangers. These and the like pearcing speeches with teares and cunning by the adulteresse vttered, no man hindered: all men desiring that the mothers authoritie were taken lower; and no man beleeuing that the sonnes hate would extend to her death. Cluuius doth report that Agrippina through a burning desire of continuing her authoritie and great­nes grew to that shamelesnes, that in the midst of the day, when Nero was well tip­pled and full of good cheere, she offered herselfe to him drunke as he was, trimly decked, and readie to commit incest: and the standers by noted her lasciuious kisses, and other allurements, messengers of her vnchast meaning: And how Seneca hauing recourse to another woman for a remedie against these intisments, sent Actes a freed woman priuilie to him; who carefull as well of her owne danger as Neroes infamie, gaue aduertisment, that the incest was commonly spoken of, by reason his mother bragged thereof; and that the souldiers would not endure the gouerment of so pro­fane a Prince. Fabius Rusticus reported that not Agrippina, but Nero lusted after that: but was discouraged by the cunning of the same freed woman. But what Cluuius had reported, is confirmed by other authors: and the fame inclineth that way; either because Agrippina had conceiued indeede so heinous a fact in her minde, or that an intention of strange lust seemed more credible in her, who in her yongyeeres blinded with hope of rule, forfeited her honestie with Lepidus; and with the like lust abandoned her bodie euen to Pallas will, as one hardned and shameles in all loosenes of life, by marrying her owne vncle. Therefore Nero eschued her secret companie. And when she went to her gardens, or to Tusculanum, or Antia­tes, he praised her that she droue away idlenes. At last, wheresoeuer she bestowed [Page 200] her selfe, thinking her troublesome to him, determined to make her away, whether by poison or by the sword, or any other violence, that only was his doubt; and first he resolued to do it by poison. But if it should be giuen her at his table, it could not be attributed to chance, Britannicus alreadie dying the same death: and to sound the minds of her seruants, seemed dangerous; and being a woman long practised in wickednes, was alwayes armed against the like; and by taking counterpoisons be­fore hand, it was to be feared it would take no effect. To kill her with the sword, there was no inuention how to conceale the murder; and Nero feared least any chosen to so dangerous attempt, should refuse to obey.

II. Anicetus worketh a meanes how to make away Agrippina Neroes mother.

ANicetus a freed man, captaine of the nauie at Misenum, one which had brought vp Nero in his childhood, hating, and hated of Agrippina, found out an inuention for the purpose: which was, that there might a gallie be made loose by arte in the bottome, that should let her fall into the sea when she suspected least. There is nothing more subiect to chance then the sea, and if she should perish by shipwrack, who is so vnreasonable as to ascribe that to any vngracious inuen­tion, which was the fault of the windes and waues? And to colour the matter with­all, the Prince should build a temple in honor of the dead, erect altars, and institute other ceremonies, to shew a loue and reuerence towards her. This subtile inuen­tion pleased the Princes humor, and fell out at a fit time, because Nero then cele­brated the feast of Minerua fiue dayes together at Baias. Thither by faire words he brought his mother; affirming, that the displeasure of parents was to be borne with, and meanes to be sought to pacifie their anger: which hee did to giue out a reconciliation betweene them, and so receiue Agrippina (as women by kinde are of easie beliefe) willing enough to see the sport. Then going to meete her on the shore of Antium, tooke her by the hand and embraced her, and lead her to Baulos, which was a countrey house betwixt the promontorie of Misenum and the Baian lake, hard by the sea side, where a gallie trimmer than the rest was readie prepared, as a thing among others to honour his mo­ther: for she had beene accustomed to the gallie, and to be carried by force of ro­wers. After that, she was inuited to a banket, bicause the night might the better cloke the deuice. But sure it was some one or other had bewraied the plot, and Agrippina vnderstanding the practise, and doubtfull whether she should beleeue it, caused herselfe to be carried to Baias in a bearing-chaire: there Neroes caresses lessened her feare, being courteously entertained, and placed aboue him; entertay­ning her with much communication; somtimes with a youthfull familiaritie, againe as it were recalling himselfe, and interlacing it with serious talke, made the banket holde a long time: and his eies fixed on her as she departed, embraced her more streightly then he was accustomed; either because he would omit no complement of dissimulation; or else because the last sight of his mother euen readie to perish, did mollifie his hart though fell and cruell. A bright star-light night and quiet with a calme sea, as it were to manifest the wicked practise, the gods themselues did yeeld. The gallie not farre gone, and Agrippina hauing onely two of her owne persons with her, the one Crepereius Gallus, which stood not far from the sterne, & Aceronia lying at Agrippinaes feete, with great ioy discoursed of her sonnes re­pentance, and the fauour she had recouered. But the watch-woord being giuen the [Page 201] couering of the place heauily loaden with lead, fell downe vpon Crepereius and prest him to death immediately. Agrippina and Aceronia, the vppermost bearing of the couering, by fortune being stronger then the rest though it shrunke with the waight, were saued, & the vessel not loosed asunder: all being amazed, and some which were ignorant of the practise, hindered others which were priuie to it. Then the rowers thought best to way the gallie on one side, and so to sincke her. Yet they could not agree vpon so sudden an aduise; but some swaying to the contrary way, caused the vessell not to sinke on the sudden, but by little and little. But Aceronia vnaduisedly crying that she was Agrippina, and that they should helpe the Princes mother, with poles and oares, and such implements in the gallie as came first to hand, was slaine. Agrippina not speaking a word, therefore not knowen, receiued onely one wound in the shoulder: then swimming towards the banke, was succoured by small barkes, and carried by the lake Lucrinus to her owne house. There casting in her mind how she had beene sent for by craft and false letters, entertained with especiall honour: how the vessell neither tossed by winds, nor carried vpon rockes, the vp­per part fell as it had beene a land-frame: noting Accroniaes death, and beholding hir own wound, thought it the only remedy against the treachery, to make as though she perceiued it not. And thereupon sent Agerinus a freed man to tell her sonne, how by the goodnes of the gods and his good fortune, she had escaped a great dan­ger: and prayed him that although he were affrighted with his mothers daunger; yet that he would forbeare a time from visiting her, bicause that for the present she had need of rest. And in the meane while making shewe of securitie, healeth her wound, and chearisheth hir bodie. And commaunded Aceroniaes testament to be sought for, and her goodes to be sealed vp, which was the onely thing wherein she shewed no dissimulation. But whilest Nero expected messengers to certifie him that his plot had taken effect; tidings cam that she had escaped lightly wounded, but passed through great dāger, the author therof not once doubted. Nero stroken dead with feare, and crying she would reuenge out of hand, either by arming her slaues, or sturring vp the soldiers, or run to the Lords of the Senat, or people, there cōplaine of the shipwrack, her wound, & the murder of her friends; knew no shift, vnles Burrhus & Seneca would bestur themselues, whom immediatly he sent for, doubtful whether they had vnderstoode the matter before or not. They stoode mute a long time, fea­ring least their perswasions should take no effect; in the end concluded, that vnlesse Agrippina were preuented, Nero should perish. Then Seneca hitherto forwarder of the two, looked vpon Burrhus, as though he should haue asked, whether the souldier should be commaunded to execute the murder? but he answered, that the gard be­ing bound to all Caesars house, and so mindfull of Germanicus, would not vndertake so cruell an enterprise against his progenie, and that Anicetus should accomplish his promise. He nothing at all staggering, demandeth the whole charge of the exe­cution. At which speech, Nero professed openly, that that day the Empire was be­stowed vpon him, and that the author of so great a gift was his freed man; and therefore that he should make speede, and take with him such as were readiest to fulfill his commaundement. He hearing that Agerinus, Agrippinaes messenger was come, maketh a colour of his enterprise in this sort: Whilest Agerinus deliuered his message, Anicetus let fall a sword betweene his legs, and as it were taking him in the manner, as though he had come to kill the Prince, commaundeth him to be cast in prison, that he might make the world beleeue that the mother had pretended her sonnes death, and killed her selfe, for shame that the plot was discouered. In the meane season, Agrippinaes danger being spread abroad, as though it had hapned [Page 202] by chance, euery man as he vnderstoode it, ranne to the sea shore; some clammered vp the sea dammes, some gate into the next boates, some waded as farre as they could into the sea, some stretched out their hands to her. The coast was filled with complaints, vowes, and cries, of such as either asked diuers questions, or answered doubtfully. And a great multitude flocked thither with torches, who vnderstanding that she was escaped, set themselues in a readines, as it were to haue welcomed her, vntill they were dispersed by the sight of a threatning armed companie of souldiers. Anicetus besetteth her house with a gard, and hauing broken the gate, layeth hand on all the seruants he meeteth, vntill he came to the chamber dores, where there stoode but a few, the residue terrified with those which burst in. There was but little light in the chamber, and one mayde only, Agrippina more and more perplexed that she heard not from her sonne, no nor of Agerinus. The face of the shore was now almost quite changed, euery man gone, and on the sudden a great noise, and tokens of extreme danger. Then that one mayde going away, speaking these words, Thou doest also for sake me, she espieth Anicetus, accompanied with Herculeus cap­taine of the gallie, and Oloaritus a Centurion of sea souldiers, vnto whom she sayd, that if he came to visit her, he should go and say that she was well recouered; if to execute any villanie she suspected her sonne no way, and that the parricide was not by him commanded. The murderers came about her bed, and the captaine of the galley first stroke her on the head with a cudgell. For to the Centurion drawing his weapon to kill her, thrusting out her belly she cried; strike my belly, and so hauing re­ceiued many wounds, she was slaine. Thus many report with one cōsent. Whether that Nero beheld his mother when she was dead, & praised the feature of her bodie, some there are which affirme, some which denie. She was burnt the same night in a banketting bed with base funerals; and whilest Nero raigned, neuer buried. Not long after by the care of her friends, she had a tombe of small expenses neere the Miseni­an way, and Caesar the Dictators house, which from a high place looked vpon a gulphe of the sea vnderneath. When the funerall fire was kindled, Mnester her freed man thrust himselfe thorough; but whether for loue of Agrippina, or feare of death, doubtfull. That this should be her ende Agrippina many yeeres before did beleeue, but contemned it. For consulting of Neroes fortune, the Chaldaeans tolde her that he should be Emperour, and kill his mother: and she aunswered, let him kill her, so as he be Emperour.

III. Neroes excuses in Senate for murdering his mother: the flatterie of the people.

BVt after this vnnaturall fact was committed, Caesar began to waigh how hei­nous it was: and the rest of the night, now in dumme silence, often rising vp as affrighted, and out of his wits, looked for day as if it had beene a messenger of death. But at Burrhus perswasion the first flatterie of the Centurions and Tribunes did animate him to hope: who taking him by the hand, reioyced that he had esca­ped an vnlooked for danger, and his mother wicked practises. Then his friendes frequented the Temples, and the example begun the free townes adioining to Cam­pania, witnessed their ioy with sacrifices and Embassadours. He counterfeiting the contrarie, sad and as it were an enemie to his life, wept and bewailed the death of his mother. Yet because the face of places is not chaunged like vnto the counte­nances of men, the grieuous sight of that sea and shore comming oft to his remem­braunce (and some there were which beleeued that there was heard a sound of a [Page 203] trumpet in those high hils adioining, and lamentations at his mothers tombe) he went to Naples and sent letters to the Senate, with contents as followeth. That Agerinus one of Agrippinaes deerest freed men, was found with a sword to kill him, and that she with the same remorse of conscience, had suffered the punishmēt, with which she had prepared her lewd enterprise against him. He added farre fet crimes, as that she would haue beene equall with him in the Empire, and that his guarde should haue sworne allegeance to her being but a woman, hoping to haue done the same dishonor to the Senate and people. And that perceiuing these deuises to want effect, offended with the souldiers, the Senators, and the people; she hindered a gift which should haue beene giuen the people, and sought the ruine of many noble men. How greatly laboured he, that she should not rush into the Senate, and giue fortaine nations their answeres? And by a by-glancing at Claudius raigne, cast vpon his mother all the lewd actions of his gouernment, affirming that she was dead for the common good of the estate. He declared hir shipwracke likewise; the which to haue happened by chaunce, who was so blockish as to beleeue? or that one man alone should be sent from a woman that had suffered shipwracke to force a guarde and Emperors nauie? Therefore now not Nero whose crueltie surpassed all com­plaints, but Seneca was hardly spoken of, as one confessing the fact by that oration. Neuerthelesse processions were ordained with a woonderfull strife of forwardnes in euerie Temple, and a bed made in the Temples in honour of their gods; and also that the fiue daies feastes of Minerua called Quinquatrus, in which the trecheries were discouered, should be celebrated euerie yeere. And that an image of gold of Minerua should be set in the Curia and the Princes by it. And that the day of Agrip­pinaes natiuitie should be accounted among the dismall daies. Thrasea Paetus with silence or short assent accustomed to passe ouer others flatteries, went out of the Senate, and procured danger to himselfe, and opened not the way of libertie vnto others. Many prodigions signes happened likewise, but of no effect. A woman brought forth a snake, and another companying with her husband, was striken dead with lightning. The sun was darkened on a sudden, and fourteen places of the citie damnified with tempest from heauen: which chaunced so without the care of the gods, that Nero many yeeres after continued the Empire and wickednes. But to make his mother more odious, and shew his owne lenitie was augmented by her death, he recalled from banishment two noble women Iunia and Calpurnia, and Va­lerius Capito, and Licinius Gabolus, who had beene Pretors long before, banished by Agrippina. He permitted also that Lollia Paullinaes ashes should be brought backe, and a sepulchre to be built her, and released the punishment of Iturius and Caluisius, whom not long before he himselfe had banished. As for Silana she died in comming backe at Tarentum; Agrippinaes malice which was her ouerthrow, either appeased, or her credit beginning to waine. Whilest he lingered in the townes of Campania, doubtfull how he should enter into the citie: whether his best way were to seeke the fauour of the Senat, or good will of the people; the lewdest conditioned, whereof there was no court better stored, perswaded him that the name of Agrip­pina was odious, and that by her death the fauour of the people was more bent to­wards him than euer: therefore that he should goe boldly, and with his presence trie how he should be reuerenced. And withall they earnestly entreated him to set forward: and found all things in a greater readines than they had promised: the Tribes came to meete him; the Lords of the Senate in their holy-daie robes, wiues and children placed according to their age and sexe: and all the way he should goe builded with staires as in publicke shewes or triumphes. Thereupon puffed vp with [Page 204] pride, as a conquerour of publicke seruitude, he went to the Capitoll, and gaue thanks to the gods: letting loose the raines to all lusts and licenciousnes of life, which before badly restrained, yet the reuerence towards his mother such as it was, did in some sort bridle.

IIII. Neroes exercises.

IT was an old practise of his neuer to be absent from the race of chariots: and no lesse vnseemely was that other delight of his, at supper to sing to the harp as minstrels did, which he said to haue beene a custome of auncient Kings and Cap­taines; and a thing highly commended by Poets, and attributed to the honor of the gods. For melodie is sure dedicated to Apollo, & in that attire he doth stand, not only in the cities of Greece, but also in the temples at Rome: a principall deitie, and knowing things to come. Neither could he now be remoued, seeming good also to Seneca and Burrhus to yeeld him the one, least he should persist in both. And there­upon a space was inclosed in the valley of the Vatican to mannage his horses, and not to be seene indifferently of euery man: and not long after of his owne accord he called the people to see it, who highly extolled him; as the manner of the people is, to be desirous of pastimes, and very glad if the Prince draw them to it. And his shame published abroad, brought him not as it was thought it would, any loa­thing therin, but a farther prouocation, thinking that the discredit would be shaken off, if he could dishonor many with the like. He brought to the skaffold many descended of noble houses, bought for pouertie, which because they be dead, I will not name, as hauing regard vnto their auncestors: being rather his fault to giue money for ill doing, then least they should commit that which is naught. He con­strained also the chiefe gentlemen of Rome with mightie gifts to promise their labour in the Theater: vnlesse you say that a reward giuen by him who may com­maund, bringeth a necessitie in obeying. Yet least he should be discredited by the publick Theater, he instituted Playes called Iuuenalia, as it were for the health of youth, to which euery man willingly gaue his name; not any ones nobilitie, not his age, or office borne, being any hinderance vnto them, but that Greekes and Latins exercised the arte of a stage player, euen vnto gestures and measures vnseemely for men. Yea noble women practised many gestures, and vnseemely to their calling. And in the wood which Augustus planted about the lake, where he represented a sea fight, Tauernes and meeting places were built, where all prouocations of wanton lusts were sold, where money was giuen to the good to spend of necessitie, and to the intemperate to glory and brag of. From thence sprang all lewdenes and infamie, neuer at any time (not when there was great corruption in manners in times past) more dissolute lasciuiousnes vsed then at those impure assemblies. Shame is scarse retained among men of honest example; much lesse among such which striued who should haue most vices, can chastitie and modestie, or any good be­hauior be maintained. Last of all, Nero himselfe entereth on the stage, tuning and playing on his instrument with great care, and premeditating what to say; his fami­liars assisting him, and besides them a cohort of souldiers, Centurions and Tribunes, and Burrhus, both grieuing, and praising him. Then also were first inrowled the gentlemen of Rome called Augustani, men for their age and strength of body highly esteemed: part of them shamelesse and saucy in behauior, and part hoping thereby to rise to greater authoritie, day and night with clapping of hands made all to ring of them, commending the feature, and voice of the Prince with termes attributed to [Page 205] the gods, and were respected by him as honorable personages for their vertue. And yet least the Emperours skill on stage only and musick should be published, he desired to be well accompted of for versifying, hauing gathered about him such as had any cunning therein, much more such as were excellent. They sate together *, and made those verses hang together which he made there or elsewhere, and sup­plied his words howsoeuer they were vttered, which the fashion it selfe of his verses doth declare, not running with one and the same vehemencie, and vaine of writing. He bestowed also some time after meate with Philosophers, taking pleasure to heare how euery man defended his owne opinion, and ouerthrew the contrarie. Neither wanted there some, which with their voice and graue countenance desi­red to be thought pleasant with the Emperour.

V. A strife betweene the inhabitants of Nuceria, and the Pompeians.

ABout the same time, of a light quarrell rose a great murder betweene the inhabitants of Nuceria, and Pompeians at a shew of fencers, which Liuineius Regulus put from the Senate as before I haue rehearsed, represented to the people. For first prouoking one another with bitter termes, as it is often seene in malapert and saucie townesmen, they came to stones, and last of all to weapons; the Pompeians being the stronger, with whom the shew was set forth. Many of the Nucerians were brought lame and wounded to the towne, and many wept for the death of their children and parents: the determining of which the Prince referred to the Senate, the Senate to the Consuls. And the cause being againe brought to the Senators, the Pompeians were forbidden to assemble any such companies for tenne yeeres, and their corporations erected against the lawes dissolued. Liui­neius and such others as raysed the sturre, were banished. Pedius Blaesus also was put from his Senators roome, at the information of the Cyrenensians; who layd to his charge that he had robbed the treasure of the god Aesculapius, and mustered soul­diers for money and suite. The same Cyrenensians accused Acilius Strabo some­time Pretor, and sent by Claudius as arbitrator of certaine lands which once be­longing to King Apio, and left to the people of Rome with the kingdome, their neighbours possessed and occupied, and by long licence and iniurie defended them to be theirs by right and equitie. The lands therefore being giuen from them by sentence, they enuied the iudge: and the Senate answered they were ignorant of Claudius pleasure, and that they should aske the Princes aduise. The Prince appro­uing Straboes sentence, wrote neuertheles that he would ayde the allies, and giue them that which they had vsurped. There died not long after, Domitius Afer, and M. Seruilius, two notable personages, which flourished with great honors and elo­quence: he in pleading of causes, Seruilius famous for long frequenting the Forum, and then for writing the Romane histories, carriage of himselfe, and neatnes of life, which made him more renowned; as equall to the other in wit, yet different in conditions.

VI. Whether it be conuenient to haue often playes to entertaine the people.

NEro being the fourth time Consull, and Cor. Cossus, the play called Quin­quennale was ordained to be played at Rome, after the maner of the Greeke [Page 206] combate, whereof there went diuers reports, as almost it hapneth in all new things: for some there were which said that Gn. Pompeius was blamed by the ancient men for building a permanent Theater. For in times past the playes were wont to be set forth on a skaffold built for that time, and seates to continue no longer then the play lasted. Or if thou wilt looke into more ancient times, the people beheld them standing, least if they should sit, they would continue in the Theater whole daies in idlenes. Neither should the ancient fashion of playes be obserued, whē, * as oft as the Pretors shuld set them forth; no necessity was laid vpō any of the citizens to fight, or looke on. But the customes of the countrey being by little and little abo­lished, were now vtterly ouerthrowne by disorders set from strange countries; that whatsoeuer elsewhere might corrupt, or was corrupted, was seene in the citie; and the youth vnlike to that it hath beene, through strange manners, wrestling naked, idlenes, and licentious loue, the Prince and the Senate being authors thereof, who haue not only giuen licence to vices, but also giuen them strength and force. The noblemen of Rome vnder colour of making orations and verses are discredited by stage-playing. What remaineth then but only to vncloath themselues starke na­ked, and take the caesti in hand, and practise that fight in stead of armes, and exer­cises of warre? Or do they thinke they shall better vnderstand the knowledge of southsaying, be more skilfull in the decuries of gentlemen, accomplish the hono­rable charge of Iudicature, if they vnderstand cunningly broken tunes, and sweere­nes of voices? whole nights also were added to those shames, because no time should be left honest: but in that confuse multitude what euery person most disso­lute desired by day, durst venter on by night. That licence pleased many, and yet they cloaked it with honest termes. That the ancients likewise did not abhorre the delight of playes and shewes according to their calling at that time, and that stage-players were sent for, from Thuscia. The horse-race was represented by the Thurians: but since Achaia and Asia was possessed by vs, playes haue beene more exactly set foorth. Neither hath there beene any one in Rome nobly descended, which by reason of stage-playes hath discredited the stocke from whom he came these two hundred yeeres, since L. Mamius triumphed, who first set forth that kinde of shew in the citie. Farther, there was a regard had vnto thrift, in erecting a continuall standing Theater, rather then with infinite charges euery yeere set vp and build a new. Neither should the magistrates waste their goods as they haue done; on the people haue cause to be importunate with them for the combates according to the Greekes manner, seeing the common-wealth did defray the charge. The victories of orators and poets would be an incouragement vnto wits: neither could it be offensiue to any iudge to lend his eares to honest studies, and allowable pastimes. To mirth rather then lasciuiousnes, a few nights in fiue yeeres were giuen, in which there is such great light of fires, that no vnlawfull acte can be hidden. In very deede that shew past without any notable dishonest part commit­ted, neither did the people shew any great insolencie, although the common vices were restored to the stage, and forbidden to shew themselues in such playes as were represented in honor of the gods. The praise of eloquence none caried away, but Caesar was pronounced victor: and the Greekish attire which many wore in those dayes, was layd aside.

VII. Nero falleth sicke.

DVring these things, there appeared a blasing starre, which in the opinion of the common people, betokeneth the change of a Prince. Therfore as though Nero had alreadie beene driuen out, they were busie to knowe who should succeede him: Rubellius Plautus being famous in euerie mans mouth, by the mo­thers side descended from the Iulian familie. He was an obseruer of the old manner of liuing, vpright, graue and seuere, liuing with all honestie, as one retired in his own house: and the more secret he was for feare of being accounted of; so much the more his reputation increased. An interpretation of a lightning begun by the like vanitie, augmented the rumor. For Neroes meate being striken with lightning, and the table throwen downe at the lakes of Simbruinum, in a place called Sublaqueum, in the confines of Tiburtum, from whence Plautus had his beginning by his fathers side; all men beleeued that he was destined by the prouidence of the gods to the Em­pire: and thereupon many fawned and courted him: which by a greedie and for the most part deceiptfull ambition, admire new things, doubtfull and vncertaine. Nero moued with these rumors writeth to Plautus, aduising him to looke to himself and his assemblies, and rid his hands of those which lewdly defamed him: and that in Asia he had possessions by descent from his auncestors, in which he might passe his youth safely and without troubles. Whereupon he went thither with Anti­stia his wife, and a few of his familiars. At the same time too greedy a desire of plea­sing his will in all he liked, bred Nero both infamie and danger: for swimming in the fountaine of the Martian water which was brought to the citie; it was construed that he had defiled the holy drinkes, and ceremonie of the place with his whole bo­die; and falling dangerously sicke thereupon, it was constantly beleeued that it pro­ceeded as a punishment from the wrath of the gods.

VIII. Corbulo conquereth all Armenia; ouer which Nero sendeth Tigranes to be King.

BVt Corbulo after the rasing of Artaxata, thinking it his best to make profit of the fresh terrour: for the easilier forcing of Tigranocerta, by destroying of which, he should augment feare in the enimie; or by sparing it, purchase the reputation of clemencie: marcheth thither, vsing no hostilitie by the way, least he should take from them all hope of pardon: yet with no remisnes or carelesse procee­ding, as one knowing that that nation is easilie subiect to chaunge: as slow to perill, so faithles when occasion is offered. The Barbarians euerie man according to his wit, some entreated; some forsooke their villages and conueighed themselues to inaccessible places; some hid themselues, and the things they made most recko­ning of in caues. The Roman Captaine therefore, vsing diuers policies, shewed mercie towards the humble; vsed celeritie in pursuing those which ranne away; and crueltie against those which fled to the dennes and caues, stopping the mouthes of them with vine branches and small wood, and after set them on fire. And passing by the confines of the Mardians, a people well practised in theeuing and robbing; they set on him, but fled to their mountaines for their defence, when they saw he tur­ned towards them. But Corbulo sent an armie of Hiberians to waste them, reuen­ging by that meanes with the blood of strangers the audaciousnes of the enemie. Himselfe and his armie, albeit he receiued no hurt by the battell; yet began to faint for want of victuals and ouer great trauell, hauing no meanes to driue away hunger, but with the flesh of beasts. All this, with the want of water, feruent heat, long iour­nies, was mitigated by the onely patience of the Captaine; himselfe induring more [Page 208] than a common souldier. Then we came into tilled groundes, but where haruest was in: and of two castles into which the Armenians had fled, the one was taken by force; and the other which had resisted the first assault was forced with siege. From thence passing into the countrey of the Taurantians he escaped an vnlooked for danger: for not farre from his pauilion, there was found a Barbarian of no small reputation with a weapon; which by torture discouered the order of a treason (him­selfe the inuentor of it) and all his complices: and they were conuicted and puni­shed which vnder colour of friendship went about treason. Not long after Embassa­dors sent frō Tigranocerta, bring tidings that the gates are open, and the inhabitāts willing to obey the Romans. Withall, they presented him a crowne of gold as a gift to honour a stranger: which honorably he accepted, and tooke away no priui­lege from the towne, bicause they should more faithfully retaine their obedience. Neuerthelesse the Kings fortresse, which the fierce youth had shut themselues in, was not gotten but by fight: for they came foorth & skirmisht before the wals, but driuē into their rampiers, & no lōger able to resist, at the last yeeld to the forces of the assailers. All which the Roman atchieued so much the easlier, bicause the Parthians were hindered with warre against the Hyrcanians: who had sent to the Romane Prince to craue their alliance, declaring that for a pledge of their frindship, they had stopped Vologeses. Corbulo fearing least those Embassadors in returning backe, hauing past Euphrates should be surprised by the ambushe of the enimie, with a good guard conducted them to the red sea: whereby hauing escaped the confines of the Parthians, they retuned safe to their countrey. Besides this, Corbulo droue away Tiridates farre off: and from all hope of warres entering the confines of Ar­menia by the Medes; by sending before the Lieutenant Verulanus with the confe­derates, himselfe following with vncombred legions: and hauing wasted with fire & sword those he knew to be our enimies, & adhere to the King, put himselfe in pos­session of Armenia: when as not long after came Tigranes chosen by Nero to take the kingdome, one of the nobilitie of the Cappadocians, and King Archelaus ne­phew: but by being kept a long time an hostage in the citie, was humble and lowly euen vnto seruile patience: neither accepted by consent, some still fauoring the Ar­sacides: but the most part hating the pride of the Parthians, desired rather the King giuen by the Romans. He had also a garrison sent him by the Romans, a thousand le­gionarie souldiers, three bands of allies, and two wings of horsemen. And to the end he might the easlier defend the new kingdome, part of Armenia, as it adioyned to Nipolis *, Aristobolus, and part Antiochus had charge of. Corbulo came into Syria, which by the death of the Lieutenant Vinidius was without a gouernor and com­mitted to his charge.

IX. An earth-quake in Laodicea. An order for appellations.

THe same yeere, Laodicea one of the most famous cities of Asia, destroied by an earth-quake, without any helpe of ours by her owne wealth, recouered her selfe againe. But in Italie the auncient towne of Puteolum, got of Nero the priui­leges and surname of a colonie. The old souldiers assigned to inhabite Tarentum and Antium, did not furnish the lacke of people in those places: many of them be­ing sent into Prouinces, where they ended their seruice. And not accustomed to marrie, nor bring vp children, they left their houses without posteritie: for whole le­gions, were not brought as in times past with Tribunes and Centurions and souldi­ers of the same band, that by consent and loue they should make a common-wealth: [Page 209] but strangers the on to the other, of diuers companies, without a gouernour, with­out mutuall loue, as it were gathered on the sudden, of another kinde of people, ra­ther a number than a colonie. The election of Pretors wont to be chosen at the will of the Senat, which was now done by suite and briberie; the Prince assumed to him­selfe, and gaue the charge of a legion to each one of the three which sued extraordi­narily. And augmented the honour of the Senate, by ordayning that such as from ordinarie iudges appealed to the Senators should incurre the same penaltie, as they did which appealed to the Emperour: for before, that was free for euerie man, and not punishable. In the ende of the yeere Vibius Secundus a Roman gentleman, at the suite of the Moores, was condemned of extortion and banished Italie, and sup­ported by the fauour of his brother Vibius Crispus, that he had no grieuouser a pu­nishment.

X. Warre in England. Suetonius Paullinus conquered the Ile of Anglesey. The Queene Boudicea abused by the Romans.

WHen Cesonius Paetus, and Petronius Turpilianus were Consuls, there was a verie great ouerthrow receiued in Britannie: where neither the Lieute­nant Auitus as I haue alreadie saide, could do no more but keepe that which was alreadie gotten; and his successor Verannius with small inrodes hauing wasted the Siluri Southwales., was hindered by death from making any long warre: a man whilest he liued, famous for seueritie, but in his last will shewed himselfe openly am­bitious. For after much flattering of Nero, added, that he would haue subdued the Prouince to his obedience, if he had liued the two next yeeres. At that time Pauli­nus Suetonius gouerned Britannie, in skill of seruice, & opinion of the people (which suffereth no man without a concurrent) comparable with Corbulo, desiring to match his honour of recouering Armenia by subduing the enimie of this countrey. He ma­keth all preparation to inuade the Ile of Mona Anglesey. strong with inhabitants, and a re­ceptacle of fugitiues; and buildeth flat bottomde vessels, because the sea is shallow, and landing vncertaine. So the footemen hauing passed ouer, the horsemen follo­wed by the foord, or by swimming, if the waters were high. Against them the ene­mies armie stoode on the shore, thicke in aray, well appointed with men and wea­pons, and women running among, in mourning attire, their haire about their eares with fire-brands in their hands like furies of hell: and the Druides round about, lif­ting vp their hands to heauen, and powring out deadly curses: with the newnes of the sight amazed the souldier, and stood stocke still close togither, not once moouing a foote, as though they had presented themselues to the wounds. Then by the en­couragement of the Captaine, and animating each the other, that they should not feare a flocke of women, and franticke people, they displaied their ensignes and marched on; ouerthrew such as encountered them, and thrust them among their owne fires. Which being done, they placed garrisons in their townes, and cut down their woods; which through their execrable superstitions among them were recko­ned holie. For they accounted it lawfull to offer sacrifice at their altars with the blood of captiues, and aske counsell of their gods by the aspect of mans intrailes and fibres. Newes came to Suetonius as he atchieued this enterprise, of a sudden rebel­lion of the Prouince. Prasutagus King of the Icenians Suffolke, Norfolke, Cambridgeshire Huntington­shire., verie famous for his riches a long time gotten, made Caesar with two of his daughters his heire by will, thinking that by that flatterie his kingdome and house should haue beene warranted from in­iurie, [Page 210] which fell out otherwise: for his kingdome by Centurions, his house by slaues was wasted & spoiled as lawfull booties. And to begin withall, his wife Boudicea was whipped, & his daughters defloured. And the chiefest of the Icenians as though they had receiued the whole nation for a pray, were dispossessed of al their ancient inheri­tance, & the Kings kindred reputed as slaues. By reason of which contumely & feare of worse (after that they were reduced into a forme of a prouince) they take armes againe: the Middlesex and Essex. Trinobantes being sturred to rebellion also, & others not yet broken to the yoke of seruitude, by secret conspiracies had vowed to recouer their libertie, bea­ring a bitter hatred against the old souldiers. For those which were lately brought into the colonie of Maldon in Essex. Camalodunum, thrust out of their houses the auncient inha­bitants, tooke their liuings from them, calling them captiues and slaues: the new soldiers fauouring the insolent fiercenes of the old, as well for likenesse and confor­mitie of life, as hope of like licence. Besides, a temple erected in honor of Claudius of famous memory, was an eye sore, and an altar of perpetuall dominion ouer them: and the Priests which were chosen vnder colour of religion, wasted all the wealth of the inhabitants. Neither did it seeme any hard matter, to extirpate that colonie vn­defensed and vnfortified, which was not circumspectly foreseene by our captaines, whilest they had a greater care of pleasure then good gouernment. Amongst these things the image of Victorie set vp in Camalodunum fell downe without any ap­parant cause why, and turned back, as though it would giue place to the enemie. And the women distempered with furie, went singing, that destruction was at hand. And strange noises were heard in their court, and the Theater gaue a sound like to a howling, and a strange apparition in an arme of the sea was a foretelling of the subuersion of the colonie. Further, the Ocean bloudie in shew, and dead mens bodies left after an ebbe, as they brought hope to the Britaines, so they droue the old soldiers into a feare; who because Suetonius was farre off, craued aide of Catus De­cianus procurator. He sent not aboue two hundred men, and those badly armed, and the number not great which was there before, trusted to the franchise of the temple. And those hindering which were confederates of the secret conspiracie troubled their deseignments: for they neither made trench nor ditch, nor sending away the old men and women, and keeping the yong men only, being as secure as it had beene in a full peace, they were surprised with a multitude of barbarous people, and all ouerthrowne, and wasted with violence, or consumed with fire: the temple only excepted, into which the souldiers had fled, which also within two dayes was besieged, and taken. And the Britaine being thus conqueror, and meeting with Paetus Cerealis Lieutenant of the ninth legion which came to succour them, put to flight the legion, and slew all the footemen. Cerealis with the horsemen escaped to the campe, and defended himselfe in the fortresses. Through which ouerthrow, and hate of the prouince, driuen to take armes through the auarice of the Romaines, Catus the procurator being afraid, sailed to Gallia. But Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passing euen among the enemies, went on to London, not greatly fa­mous by the name of a colonie, but for concourse of Merchants, and prouision of all things necessary, of great fame and renowme: and being come thither, stoode doubtfull whether he should choose that for the seate of warre or not: and conside­ring the small store of souldiers he had, and how Petilius had well payed for his rash­nes, he determined with the losse of one towne to preserue the rest whole. Neither was he won by weeping and teares to giue aide to such as demaunded it, but gaue signe of remouing, and receiued such as followed as part of his armie. If imbecillitie of sexe, or wearisomnes of age, or pleasantnes of the place kept any back, they were [Page 211] all put to the sword by the enemie. The free towne of S. Albons. Verulamium receiued the like ouerthrow, because the barbarians forsaking their Castels and forts, and being well manned, spoiled the richest and fattest, and carrying it to a sure place, glad of the bootie, went on to places more notable. It is certaine there were slaine in those places I haue spoken of, to the number of seuentie thousand citizens and con­federates. Neither did they sell or take any one prisoner, or vse any entercourse of traffick of warre, but kill, hang, burne, crucifie, as though they would requite the measure they had suffered, and as it were in the meane time hasten to anticipate reuenge.

XI. Suetonius vanquished the Britaines, vvhich Boudicea conducted: her stoutnes and death.

NOw Suetonius hauing with him the foureteenth legion, with the Standard bearers of the twentith, and the aides from places adioyning, which came all to the number almost of ten thousand armed men, resolued to lay aside all de­lay, and trie the chaunce of a maine battell. And chooseth a place with a narrow en­trance, and inclosed behinde with a wood, being well assured that he had no eni­mies but before him; and that the plaine was wide without feare of ambush. The le­gionarie souldier then marshalled togither in thicke and close rankes, and the light harnessed closely about them, the horsemen made the wings. But the Britaines forces triumphed abroade in troupes and companies, by such multitudes that the like had not beene seene; and of such fiercenes of courage, that they brought their wiues with them, and placed them in carts in the vtmost parts of the plaine, as wit­nesses of the victorie. Boudicea hauing her daughters by her in a chariot, now going to one, now to another: Told them that the Britaines were woont to make warre vnder the conduct of women. But at that time not as though she had descended of such noble auncestors, she sought neither for kingdome nor wealth, but a re­uenge as one of the common people, of their lost libertie, of her bodie beaten with stripes, and the chastitie of her daughters violated. That the desire of the Romaines was growen to that passe, that they left none, of what age soeuer, nor any virgin vn­defiled. Neuertheles that the gods fauored iust reuenge; that the legion which durst vndertake the battell was slaine; the rest had either hid themselues in their camp, or fought meanes by flight to saue themselues: that they could not indure the noise and cry of so many souldiers, much lesse their furie and strength. If they would waigh with themselues the strength of the souldiers; if the cause of the warre, they should resolue either to vanquish in that battell or die. That, for her owne part be­ing a woman, was her resolution, the men might liue if they pleased, and serue. Suetonius held not his toong in so great danger, who although he trusted in the va­lour of his souldiers, yet enterlaced exhortations and prayers. That they should contemne the lowde and vaine threates of the barbarians; that there were more women seene in their armie then yong men; that being vnwarlike, and vnarmed, they would presently yeeld when they should once come to feele the weapons and valour of the conquerors, who had so oft ouerthrowne them: yea where many le­gions haue beene, a few haue caried away the glory of the battell; and it should be an augmenting to their glory, if with a small power they could win the praise of a whole armie: that they should only continue the slaughter and butcherie close to­gether, by throwing of darts; then with their swords and pikes of their bucklers, not thinking on bootie; for the victorie once gotten, all should fall to their share. Such [Page 212] a feruencie and edge followed the captaines words; the old souldier experienced in many battels so besturred himselfe, and shewed such forwardnes in lancing his darts, that Suetonius assured of the euent, gaue the signe of battell. And first of all the legion not stirring afoote, but keeping within the streight, as in a place of de­fence; after that the enemie was come neerer, and had spent his darts to good pur­pose, the legion in the end sallied out in a pointed battell. The auxiliarie souldier was of the like courage, and the horsemen with long lances breaking before them all they met, or made head against them. The residue shewed their backs, hardly fleeing away, by reason the carts placed about the plaine had hedged in the passages on euery side. And the souldiers spared not from killing so much as the women; and their horses and beasts thrust through, increased the heape of bodies. That was a day of great renowme, and comparable to the victories of old times: for some there are which report, that there were slaine fewe lesse in number then four­score thousand Britaines, of our souldiers fower hundred slaine, and not many moe hurt. Boudicea ended her life with poison. And Poenius Posthumus, Campe­maister of the second legion, vnderstanding of the prosperous successe of the foureteenth and twentith legions, because hee had defrauded his legion of the like glorie; and contrarie to the order of seruice, refused to obey the Captaines commaundement, slewe himselfe. After this gathering the armie togither, they encamped againe, readie to end the residue of the warre. And Caesar augmen­ted his forces by sending out of Germanie two thousand legion aries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand horse; by whose comming the ninth legion was suppli­ed. The cohorts and wings were lodged in newe winter garrisons, and all those which were either openly against vs, or doubtfull, were wasted with fire and sword. But nothing so much distressed that nation as famine, being negligent in sowing of corne, and of all ages giuen to warre: and assuring themselues to liue on our proui­sion, being a fierce nation slowly gaue eare to any peace. For Iulius Classicianus sent to succeed Catus, and at variance with Suetonius, hindered the common good with pruate grudges: and had bruted abroad that the new Lieutenant was to be ex­pected, who without any hostile rancor, & pride of a conqueror, would entreat such as would yeelde with all clemencie. He sent worde likewise to Rome that they should looke for no ende of the warres, vnlesse some other should succeed Suetonius, attributing his aduerse lucke, to his own ouerthwartnes; and the prosperous, to the good lucke of the common-wealth. Whereupon to see what state Britannie stood in, Polycletus a freed man was sent, Nero greatly hoping, that by his authoritie there should not onely an agreement be made betweene the Lieutenant and Pro­curator; but also the rebellious mindes of the Barbarians be won to a peace. Nei­ther failed Polycletus with his great hoast to seeme burdesome to Italie and Gallia; and after he had passed the Ocean sea, shew himselfe terrible euen to our souldiers. But to the enimies he was but a laughing stocke, who being in ful possession of liber­tie, knew not what the power of freed men was: and began to maruell that a Cap­taine, and an armie which had atchieued so many great exploits could yeeld to obey a bond-slaue: all things neuerthelesse were made the best to the Emperour. And Suetonius being occupied in dispatching of busines, after he had lost a fewe galleies on the shore, and the gallie-slaues in them, as though the warre did continue, was commaunded to deliuer the armie to Petronius Turpilianus, who had lately giuen vp his Consulship: who neither prouoking the enimie, nor egged by him, gaue his lasie and idle life, the honorable name of peace.

XII. Balbus a Senators testament forged: and Pedanius Rufus killed by his bondmen.

THe same yeere two notable lewd parts were committed at Rome: the one by a Senator; the other by an audacious bondman. Domitius Balbus sometime Pretor, being aged, without children, and of great wealth, lay open to much treacherie. One of his neerest kinsmen, Valerius Fabianus, and Consull elect, forged a false testament in his name, hauing called thereunto Vicius Rufinus, and Terentius Lentinus gentlemen of Rome: and they associated vnto them Antonius Primus, and Asinius Marcellus. Antonie was readie and bold; Marcellus nobly descended, and nephewe to Asinius Pollio, of a good cariage and behauiour; sauing that he thought pouertie the woorst of all things. Fabianus then sealed the testament with those which I haue named, and others of lesser calling: whereof he was conuicted before the Lords of the Senat, with Antonius, & Rufinus, & Terentius, and condem­ned by the law Cornelia against forgerie. But Marcellus the memorie of his aun­cestors, and Caesars entreatie, acquited rather from punishment, than infamie. The same day ouerthrew Pompeianus Aelianus, a yoong man, who had been Quaestor and priuie to Fabianus practise, and was banished Italy and Spaine his natiue countrey. Valerius Ponticus sustained the like ignominie, because that eschuing the iudge­ment of the Prouost of the citie, he had informed against some before the Pretor first vnder colour of som lawes, then by preuarication to escape punishment. Wher­upon a decree of Senate was ordained, that he who should either buy or sell any such actions, should sustaine the same punishment, as he who was publickly con­demned for forging of crimes in false accusations. Not long after Pedanius Secun­dus Prouost of the citie was slaine by his bondman, either because he had denied him his libertie, which for woney he had couenāted; or hating him for the vnnatural lust of a youth, as not induring his lord to be his riuall. But when all the bondslaues of the house according to the old custom should haue bin condemned for that fact; through the flocking thither of people, which defended so many innocent persons, they grew almost to a mutinie, and euen in the Senate it selfe; among which there was a faction, some contemning that ouergreat seueritie; and many on the contrary side holding it necessary that nothing should be changed. Among which, C. Cassius vttered his opinion as followeth. I haue oftentimes been present in this aslemblie, Lords of the Senate, when new decrees haue beene demaunded, contrary to the lawes and ordinances of our auncestors: neither haue I euer gainesaide them; not that I doubted but that in times past they foresaw and tooke better and more vp­right order for all affaires then now; and that those things which were altered were changed into the worse: but least I should seeme by sticking too much to old cus­tomes, to extoll the thing I affected: with all I thought it not conuenient with of­ten contradiction, to ouerthrow this our authoritie whatsoeuer it be, to the end it might remaine strong and entire, if at any time the common wealth should neede of counsell. Which this day hath appeered, a Consull being murdered in his owne house, by treason of his slaues, which none either hindered or bewraied, although the decree of Senate be yet in force, which in this case threatned punishment to the whole familie. Decree in good truth impunitie. But whom shall any mans digni­tie warrant, seeing the Prouostship of the citie auailed not? whom shall a multi­tude of slaues defend, seeing foure hundred haue not protected Pedanius Secundus? Whom shall any ones familie help, if standing in feare of lawes our seruants care [Page 214] not what danger we fall into. Shall we say, as some are not ashamed to inuent, that this murderer reuenged his owne priuat iniurie, because he had compounded for his fathers inheritance; or that some old slaue had beene taken from him? Let vs pro­nounce sentence without any further adoe, that Pedianus seemeth to vs to haue bin iustly slaine. Giue me leaue to reason of that point, that hath been determined by wiser men: If we were now first of all to consider of the matter, do you thinke that a slaue had had the hart to murder his Lord, if no threatning word had before esca­ped him? if he had vttered nothing rashly? forsooth he concealed his intention, he prepared a weapon amongst such as knew nothing of it. Could he passe the watch, open the chamber dores, bring in light, commit the murder, all of his fellowes igno­rant of it? If slaues would bewraye such attempts, they can giue many signes: which if they discouer, we alone may be safe among many lewde persons: in the end if we must needes dye, yet not vnreuenged of the wicked. The disposition of slaues hath alwayes beene feared by our auncestors; yea although they were borne in the same countrey and houses, and haue iust occasion presently to loue their lords. But seeing we haue nations of them in our families, vsing diuers rites and cus­tomes, strange or no ceremonies of religions at all, this rascalitie thou shalt not be able to bridle but by feare. But some innocents shall be cast away. When an armie is discomfited, and euery tenth souldier is culled out and beaten with a cudgell, the lot falleth also vpon the valiant. Euery exemplarie punishment hath somewhat in it which is vniust, which being in particular to the preiudice of some, yet is recom­pensed by the generall good of the whole. As no one man durst gainsay Cassius opi­nion, so many confusedly answered together, that there should commiseration be taken, of the number, age, sexe, and vndoubted innocencie of many. Yet that opi­nion preuailed, which cōcluded they should be punished; but it could not be execu­ted, a multitude being flocked together, threatning with stones and fire. Then Caesar rebuked the people by an edict, & beset al the way, by which the condemned parties were lead to punishment with a gard of souldiers. Cingonius Varro aduised that the freed men which liued vnder the same roofe with their maister slaine, should be ba­nished Italie. But that was withstoode by the Prince, least the auncient custome which clemencie had not diminished, should by crueltie be made worse. The same men being Consuls, Tarquitius Priscus was condemned for extortion, at the suite of the Bithynians, the Senators greatly reioysing thereat, who bare in minde that Sta­tilius Taurus their Proconsull had beene accused by him. The people were num­bred and valued in Gallia by Q. Volusius, and Sext. Africanus, and Trebellius Maxi­mus; and whilest Volusius and Africanus contended for woorth and nobilitie, and both disdaining Trebellius, they preferred him before themselues. That yeere died Memmius Regulus, in authoritie, constancie, fame, as much as might be, the impe­riall highnes shadowing him, greatly renowmed: in so much that Nero being sicke, and such as were about him flattering him, and saying that the Empire was at an end if he should miscary, made answere; that the common wealth had a support and stay. Then they demaunding him in whom especially? he added, in Memmius Regu­lus. Neuertheles Regulus liued after this, shrowded by his quiet life, and because he was of new nobilitie, and not enuied for his wealth. The same yeere, a place of all kinde of exercise called Gymnasium was dedicated by Nero, and oyle giuen when they wrestled naked to the gentlemen and Senate, according to the courtesie of the Greekes.

XIII. Libellers punished: of Veiento which sold Neroes fauour.

P. Marius and L. Asinius being Consuls; Antistius the Pretor, who as I haue said before behaued himselfe licentiously when he was Tribune of the people, made opprobrious verses against the Prince, and published them in a solemne banket at Ostorius Scapulaes house. Whereupon he was accused of treason by Cossu­tianus Capito, not long before receiued into the number of Senators at the request of his father in law Tigellinus. It was thought that then first of all that law was put on foote, which wrought not so great an ouerthrow to Antistius, as glorie to the Em­perour: by which the condemned partie, by the Senate was deliuered from death, by the negatiue voice of the Tribune. And albeit Ostorius protested he had heard nothing to beare witnes off; credit was giuē to the testimonie of his aduersaries, and Iunius Marullus Consull elect gaue his censure, that he should be depriued of the Pretorship, and put to death according to the auncient custome. The rest after that yeelding their assent, Paetus Thrasea hauing said somewhat in the commendation of Caesar, sharpely rebuked Antistius, and declared: That it was not expedient, that the extremitie of punishment should be vsed vnder a good Prince, and when the Se­nat was by no necessity bound to ordaine it: that there was no vse now of an executi­oner and halter: and that there were penalties ordained by lawes, and punishmēts in­flicted without note of the seuerity of the iudges, & infamy of times. With the losse of his goods he should be confined in some Iland, where by how much the longer he drew his guiltie life, by so much the more miserable it should be to himselfe in parti­cular; and in time to come a notable example of publicke clemencie. Thraseas liber­tie of speech broke the silence of the rest. And after that the Consull had permitted the going aside to agree in their opinions, all of them (a fewe excepted) condescen­ded to Thrafeas opinion: amongst whom the forwardest in flatterie was A. Vitellius, brauling and contending with euerie one of the better sort, but neuer replying to an answere: a certaine note to know a timorous and faint hart. But the Consuls not da­ring to put the decree in execution, with common consent wrote to Caesar: who wa­uering betwixt shame and anger, in the end wrote againe: That Antistius no iniu­rie before offered him, had vsed most contumelious speeches against the Prince: whereof a reuenge was demaunded of the Senat. And it was conuenient that a punishment should be ordayned answerable to the greatnes of the offence. As for himselfe, as he would haue hindered the seueritie of their resolution, so he would not be against the moderation of the punishment: therefore they might determine as they thought good, giuing them power if they lusted to acquite him. These or the like speeches recited, and his dislike manifestly perceiued: yet for all that neither did the Consuls alter their relation, or Thrasea shrinke from his opinion; or the rest goe from that which they had once allowed; part of them least they should seeme to haue exposed the Prince to enuie; many shrowding themselues vnder the number of voices; Thrasea by his accustomed stoutnes of courage, and because he would not fall from his glorie alreadie gotten. Fabricius Veiento was accused of the like crime, for vttering many slanderous speeches against the Lords of the Senate, and Priests, in those bookes which he called Codicillos. Talius Geminus his accuser added fur­ther of him, that he had sold offices and fauours of the Prince, and the right of ob­taining honours: which was the cause why Nero vndertooke the hearing of that iudgement. Who after conuiction banished Veiento out of Italie, and commaun­ded [Page 216] his bookes to be burnt, which as long as the reading and getting of them was dangerous, were much sought for; then libertie of hauing them graunted they were forgotten.

XIIII. The death of Burrhus: and who Tigellinus and Rufus his successours were. The decay of Senecaes credit with an ora­tion of his to Nero, with Neroes answere.

AS publicke calamities daily increased; so the remedies against them grewe scarse. And Burrhus ended his life, but whether by sicknes or poison, vncertain. It was coniectured by sickenesse, because that his winde-pipe within swelling by little and little, and in the end stopped, he yeelded vp the ghost. Most men affirme that by Neroes commaundement, making as though he would haue applied a reme­die to the palate of his mouth annointed it with poison: and that Burrhus vnderstan­ding the practise, when Caesar came to visite him, turned his face from him: and as­king him how he did, answered onely, I am well. He was much lamented in the citie for the memorie of his vertue: and harmlesse sloth of one of his successors, and enormous wickednes, and adulteries of the other. For Caesar had made two Cap­taines of the garde: Fenius Rufus through the fauour of the people, because he dealt in corne matters without gaine; and Sofonius Tigellinus, who helde on his old course of vncleane and infamous life, which by custome was another nature in him. Tigel­linus was more inward with the Prince, chosen as one priuie to his secret pleasures. Rufus was of good reputation and fame with the people, and accepted of the soul­diers, which he found by experience to breed Neroes mislike. The death of Burrhus weakened Senecaes authoritie, bicause his good artes wanted the strength they had: hauing lost one as it were of their guides; & Nero inclined to the worser sort. Which with sundrie sorts of calumniations set vpon Seneca, saying: That he continually heaped vp wealth aboue the calling of a priuate man, and sought to win the peoples harts; that in pleasant gardings, and stately buildings he did almost exceede the Prince. They obiected also that he attributed to himselfe onely, the praise of elo­quence, and made verses often, after he saw that Nero tooke a liking to them. For shewing openly a dislike of the princes pleasures; he detracted from his skil in riding, and scoffed at his voice when he sang; to what other purpose, but that nothing should seeme excellent in the common-wealth, which was not thought to be his in­uention? Nero was now out of his childhood, and in the strength of his youth; he should shake off his master, being alreadie instructed with sufficient teachers, to wit his ancestors. But Seneca knowing of these accusations, by some which had a care of honestie; and Caesar more and more estranging himselfe from his familiaritie: de­sireth a time to be heard; and hauing obtained it, beginneth thus. It is foureteene yeeres Caesar, since I haue beene put to thee as a guide to thy hope; and eight since thou hast gouerned the Empire. From that time vntill this, thou hast heaped on me so many dignities and so much wealth, that there wanteth nothing to my felici­tie, but the moderation of them. I will alleage great examples; not of mine owne cal­ling, but of thine. Augustus thy great great grandfathers father, licensed M. Agrip­pa to withdraw himselfe to Mitylenum to liue a priuate life, and C. Maecenas to abide in the citie; yet at ease as if he had beene in a forraine countrey. Whereof the one a companion of his warres; the other tossed and wearied with many trauels at Rome, had receiued large rewards, but answerable to their manifold deserts. As for my selfe, what was there in me for the requitall of thy munificencie, saue onely my stu­as [Page 217] I may say, nourished in the shadow? By which I haue gotten credit and reputa­tion, because I seemd to haue beene at hand and directed thy youth with instruc­tions: a great recompence in very deed of my trauell. But thou hast done me be­sides this, great fauours, and inriched me with infinite wealth; in so much that I do oft debate the matter with my selfe, saying: Am I, being but a gentleman onely, and borne out of the citie, reckoned among the chiefest peeres of the citie? Can it be that my new rising can shine among noble men honored with the marks of ancient anti­quity? Where is that minde of mine which once was contented with a little? What, doth he make such goodly gardens & walke in such manner houses neer the wals of the citie: doth he abound in such scope of grounds, and vsury in so many places? One defence commeth to minde for all, that is, that it was not my part to striue a­gainst thy gifts, but both of vs haue filled our measure, thou by giuing as much as a Prince could bestow vpon a friend, and I in taking as much as a friend could take of a Prince. That which is aboue this augmenteth enuie, the which no doubt, as all mortall things doth lye vnder thy greatnes, but lye heauily on my shoulders; there­fore I neede help: and as wearie in seruice of warre, or on the way, I would craue suc­cour; so in this iourney of my life, old and vnable to wade through the smallest cares, seeing I cannot sustaine the burden of my riches any longer, I craue thy aide and helping hand; commaund them to be mannaged by thy procurators, and be re­ceiued as thy owne goods. Neither will I thrust my selfe into pouertie, but giue vp those things, whose brightnes dimmed and dazeled me: that time which I was wont to bestow in my gardens and houses of pleasure, I will imploy in recreation of minde. Thou art in the floure of thy age, and the regiment of thy Empire establi­shed and setled many yeeres, and we thy old friends may betake our selues to rest. This also shall redound to thy glorie, that thou hast raised such to great honors as could haue contented themselues with a meane estate. Vnto which, Nero answered almost as followeth. That I am able extempore to answere thy premeditated oratiō, I am principally indebted to thee, who hath instructed me how not onely to acquit & discharge my selfe of things premeditat, but also of such as happen on the sudden. My great great grandfathers father Augustus suffered Agrippa and Mecenas after great labour to take their ease; but in such an age, that his authoritie might main­taine whatsoeuer had been bestowed; yet he neuer tooke those rewards from them he had once giuen them. In warre and dangers they had deserued them, for in these things Augustus youth was employed: neyther would thy weapons and hands haue been wanting, if I had been in armes. But as the present state of times required, thou diddest with reason, and counsell traine vp first my childhood, then my youth: and therefore the gifts which thou bestowedst vpon me, whilest life lasteth shall re­maine with me. Those things which thou hast receiued of me, thy orchyards, vsury, countrey houses, are subiect to casualtie; and although they seeme much, yet many not equall with thee in knowledge haue possessed more. I am ashamed to speake of such as haue been slaues, which seeme richer then thou. And therefore I blush that thou, who in affection art deerest vnto me, doest not surpasse all men in wealth and fortune. And thou art of thy age a lustie man, and able to inioy thy wealth and com­moditie thereof, and we enter into the first steps of the Empire; vnlesse pardie thou doest preferre thy selfe before Vitellius thrise Consull, or me before Claudius. But how much Volusius scraped by long sparing, so much my liberalitie cannot fulfill towards thee. If the slipperines of our youth be ouerprone to that it should not, thou drawest it back, and temperest carefully with aduise our vnseemely and vnruly cou­rage. Not thy moderation if thou shouldest restore thy wealth, not thy ease if thou [Page 218] shouldest forsake the Prince: but my couetousnes, and the feare of my crueltie shall be in euery mans mouth. And although thy continencie should be highlie commended, yet were it not seemely for a wise man, from whence he procureth infamie to his friend, from thence to seeke glorie to himselfe. To these his speeches he ioyned embracements and kisses, framed by nature, and practised by custome, to cloake hatred with false flattering speeches. Seneca (which is the conclusion of all speeches had with Princes) gaue him thanks, but changed the course and manner of life which he vsed in authoritie, forbidding the multitudes which came to salute him, and auoiding such as would follow him; shewing himselfe seldome in the citie, as though he had kept home, either through sicknes, or busie at his studie.

XV. Tigellinus credit. Plautus and Syllaes death.

SEneca being thus puld downe, it was an easie matter to abate Rufus Fenius credit, by accusing him of the friendship he had with Agrippina: but Tigel­linus credit daily grew greater, and thinking that his lewde practises, wherein onely he was his craftsmaister, should be more acceptable, if he could oblige the Prince by a league of naughtie dealing; he began diligentlie to search out all his feares, and perceiuing that Plautus and Sylla were suspected aboue others, Plautus being banished of late into Asia, and Sylla into Gallia Narbonensis, he entereth into the consideration of their nobilitie, and how the one was too neere the armie of the East, and the other that of Germanie. That he for his owne part had not in his head as Burrhus had, contrarie hopes to the Emperours, but regarded only his safetie, which in some sort might be secured by his presence from citie practises: but by what meanes could tumults far off be redressed? The Galli became prechant at the name of a Dictator, and the people of Asia no lesse to be suspected through the renowme of Drusus, Plautus grandfather. Sylla was poore and needie, and there­fore bold and venturous, and counterfeiting a lazines, vntill he found a fit oportu­nitie to shew his rashnes. Plautus abounding in wealth, did not so much as pretend a desire of a quiet life, but made open shew of imitating the old Romanes: hauing taken vpon him the arrogancie and sect of the Stoicks, which maketh men busie headed, and desirous to be set aworke. Neither was there any further delay vsed but Sylla (those which were to do the feate arriuing at Marsils the sixt day) before feare or rumor, was slaine being set at table, and Nero skoffed when his head was brought him, as euilfauored by vntimely hoarines. But it was not so secretly kept that Plautus death was intended, because many had a care of his safetie, and the dis­tance of the iourney and sea, and the time betweene, had spread it abroad; and giuen out among the common sort, that he went about to sturre vp Corbulo then lord ge­nerall ouer great armies, saying, that if noble and innocent personages were thus murdered, he was most likelie to come into danger. Further, Asia had taken armes in fauour of this yong man, and the souldiers sent to go forward with the enterpri­ses, being neither strong in number, nor in courage stout, seeing they could not performe that which they were enioyned, turned altogether to new hopes. These speeches were common in idle persons mouths. But Plautus freed man hauing a prosperous winde, preuented the Centurion, and deliuered him a message from L. Antistius his father in lawe, which was. That he should auoide a cowardly death, and not trust a lazie life, nor seeke starting holes; as to thinke that he should be pi­tied for his nobilitie: he should finde good men and of courage readie to take his part: in the meane time that no aide was to be reiected. If he had driuen backe [Page 219] threescore souldiers (for so many came) whilest the messenger could returne to Nero, and another power be sent back, many things will follow, which may prosper and grow euen to a warre. To be short, either he must prouide for his safetie by such counsell, or at all aduenture there can come no worse to him by stoutnes then co­wardise. But those perswasions did nothing moue Plautus, either foreseeing he wan­ted sufficient meanes, as being vnarmed, and a banisht man, or for the irkesomnes of doubtfull hope, or for the loue of his wife and children, to whom he thought the Prince would be more milde, if he troubled him not with care. Some report, that other messengers came to aduertise him, that there was no cruell matter intended; and that two Philosophers Coeranus a Greeke, and Musonius a Tuscane borne, per­swaded him to abide a constant death, for an vncertaine and fearefull life. True it is, as he was found naked in the middle of the day, exercising his bodie, the Centu­turion killed him in the presence of Pelago an Eunuch, whome Nero had made ouerseer of the Centurion, and of a band of men which serued for the retinue of him which executed the Kings commaundement. His head being brought to Nero, at the sight thereof he vttered these very words: Why doest thou not Nero (quoth he) hasten the marriage of Poppaea hitherto deferred by such feares, and put from thee thy wife Octauia, although of good and modest behauior, yet for the memorie of her father, and affection of the people disliked and ill thought of? Neuertheles he wrote letters to the Senate, not confessing the murdering of Sylla and Plautus, but that both of them were of a busie and turbulent humor, and that he had a care of the safetie of the common wealth. Thereupon Processions were ordained, and that Sylla and Plautus should be put from the Senate, a matter of greater skorne and mockery then hurt.

XVI. Nero putteth away Octauia and marrieth Poppaea: and her complaints against Octauia: and her death.

HAuing thus receiued a decree of Senate, and perceiuing that all his vngraci­ous actes were taken for worthie exploites, he putteth away Octauia, saying she was barren, and marrieth Poppaea. She, long a concubine, and hauing power ouer him as an adulterer, then as her husband, procureth one of Octauiaes seruitors to accuse her that she was in loue with one Eucerus a bondman, a minstrell, borne at Alexandria. Thereupon many bondwomen were tortured, some of them ouercome by extremitie of torment, yeelded to falshood; and many stood stoutly in defence of their mistres innocencie. Amongst whom, one of them, Tigellinus ear­nestly vrging hir, answered, that Octauiaes secret parts were chaster then his mouth: yet at the first she was put from him vnder colour of a lawfull diuorse, and Burrhus house and Plautus possessions assigned her, both presages of ill luck. Then she was driuen into Campania, with a gard of souldiers; whereof grew many complaints and lamentations, and those not in secret among the people, as hauing small wise­dome, and little to lose, so subiect to fewer dangers: by reason whereof, though no whit sory of that he had done, Nero recalleth his wife Octauia, and the people very ioyfully went vp to the Capitoll, and worshipped and thanked the gods, threw downe Poppaeas images, and bare Octauiaes on their shoulders, strawed flomes on them, and placed them in the Forum and Temples, praysed and honored the Prince for taking her againe. And now they had filled the pallace with multitudes and cries, when as companies of souldiers sent, with blowes and threates, thrustand scat­tered them some one way, some another; and changed all that the people had done [Page 220] by sedition, and restored Poppaeas images to their places againe. Who alwayes fell and cruell with hatred towards Octauia; and then with feare, least a more forcible violēce of the people should fall vpō her; or Nero be changed, seeing how the people were affected, casting herselfe at his knees, sayd: That she stoode not now on those termes that she might reason of her marriage, (although she esteemed it more then her safty) but that she was brought into dāger of her life by Octauias cliēts & slaues, which shadowing themselues vnder the name of the people, durst venter that in peace, which could hardly haue hapned in warre. Those armes were taken against the Prince: there wanted only a Captaine, which in a tumult would easily be found. Octauia might now leaue Campania, and go to the citie, seeing that at a beck in her absence such tumults were raised. What fault had she committed? whom had she offended? Whether is it because she was likely to bring forth a true and lawfull progenie to the house of the Caesars? would the people of Rome there should be ra­ther brought into the imperiall highnes the issue of a minstrell of Aegypt? To be short, if that be conuenient for the state, he should rather willingly then constrai­nedly call his mistres, or looke to his safetie with iust reuenge. The first tumults are appeased by easie meanes: but if they did despaire of hauing Octauia for Neroes wife, they would prouide her a husband. This doubtfull speech appliable to feare and anger, did both terrifie Nero, and incense him. But the suspition of the slaue was of small credit, and the torture of the bondwomen had made the matter cleere: therefore it was thought conuenient, to haue the confession of some one, which might be charged with some practise against the state. Anicetus the executioner of his mothers death seemed to be a fit instrument for the purpose, as I haue al­ready sayd, Captaine of the nauie at Misenum, in some small fauour after the vil­lanie committed, but anon after most odious, because the ministers of great villa­nies are looked on as vpbraiders of the same. Caesar then causing him to be sent for, putteth him in mind of the former seruice, and telleth him that he only had been the safegard of his estate against his mothers treason, and that there was now an oppor­tunitie of no lesse fauor, if he could rid him of his wife, which greatly disliked him. Neither should he neede hand or weapon, but only confesse he had committed a­dultery with Octauia: and promiseth him great rewards, though for the present the world should not know them, and pleasant dwellings; or if he should denie it, threatned him death. He like a blockhead as he was, his first villanie making an easie way to this, inuenteth more then was commanded, and confesseth it vnto such of the Emperors friends, whose counsell as it were he had vsed in the plot. Then he was banished into Sardinia, where he indured no poore exile, and died naturally. But Nero accused her that she had corrupted the captaine of the gallies, in hope of winning him to her deuotion: and forgetting that not long before he had accused her of barrennes, publisheth by edict, that to hide her licentious life, she had de­stroyed the children she had had by others then by him, and that thereof he was as­sured, and therefore banished Octauia to the Iland Pandateria. No banished wo­man did euer moue the beholders to greater pitie then she. Some did yet remember Agrippina exiled by Tiberius; and Iulia banished by Claudius was fresher in me­morie: but both besides the strength of age, had tasted of some pleasure, and com­forted their present cruell hap with the remembrance of a better estate. Vnto this woman, her first day of marriage was in stead of a graue, being brought into a house in which she could finde nothing but what was dolefull and lamentable: her father poisoned, and her brother anon after. Then the maid greater then the mistres, and Poppaea married for no other end, but to ruine her; and last of all a crime obiected [Page 221] more grieuous then any death. But this yong princesse of the age of twentie yeeres, being betweene the Centurions and souldiers as it were alreadie depriued of life, with the presage of so many miseries, yet could not yeeld to death. A few daies after she was commanded to be put to death, although she protested she was no wife, but a widow only, and a sister of the Emperours, calling to Germanicus ghost to aid her, and Agrippinaes likewise, in whose lifetime she should indeede haue indured an vnhappie marriage, but without danger of death. Notwithstanding she was shut vp in prison, and all the vaines of her bodie opened; but because the bloud stopped with feare issued forth slowly, she was killed with the vapor of a very hot bath. And a deadlier crueltie also added, that Poppaea saw her head cut off, and brought to the city; for all which it was decreed, that gifts should be offered in the temples. Which we haue vttered, that who soeuer shall either by vs, or other writers, vnderstand the euents of those times, may be assured, that as oft as the Prince commaunded either banishment, or murder, so oft thanks were giuen to the gods; and those things which in times past were marks of prosperitie, were then badges of publick calami­tie. Yet neuertheles we will not hold our toong if any decree of Senat hath beene ordained, new and strange by flattery, or by base and abiect sufferance. The same yeere, it was thought he empoisoned his chiefest freed men, Doryphorus as being a­gainst Poppaeas marriage, and Pallas because he kept from him infinite wealth by liuing too long. Romanus by secret informations accused Seneca as a confederate of Pisoes: but he was touched more neere the quick by Seneca for the same fault, which droue Piso into a feare, and that commencement of great, but vnprosperous trea­sons against Nero.

THE FIFTEENTH BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Vologeses King of Parthia crovvned King of Armenia by his brother. Tiridates is hindered by Corbulo to enioye it, and expulsed by Tigranes.

WHilest these things thus passed, Vologeses King of the Parthians, vnderstanding what successe Corbulo had in his affaires: and how Tiridates his brother being expulsed, and Tigranes a stranger made King of Armenia; resolued to reuenge the con­tempt offered the greatnes of the Arsacides: yet considering the great power of the Romans, and alliance a long time continued, was diuersly perplexed, as one of his owne disposi­tion slow and lingering; and then intangled with many warres by the reuolt of the Hyrcanians, a strong and mightie nation. And as he thus wauered, he was further exasperated by the newes of fresh iniurie: for Tigranes gone out of Armenia, had wasted and spoiled the Adiabenians, a nation bordering, farther and longer than any rodes of enemies heretofore. Which grieued not a little the chiefe noble men of that nation, that they were growen to that contempt, that they should be forraged and robbed not of a Roman Captaine, but by the rashnes of an hostage, so manie yeeres held and esteemed no better than a bond-slaue. Monobazus gouernour of the Adiabenians augmented their griefe, asking them what remedie, or from whence? Armenia was alreadie gone, and the countrey adioyning would goe short­ly after: and vnlesse the Parthians would defend them, those which yeelded to the Romans should find an easier seruitude, then those which were taken. Tiridates chased out of the kingdome, by silence complayning not a little; was no small griefe, telling them that great Empires were not maintained by cowardlines; but they must trie the valour both of men and armes. For among great Princes, he seemed to haue most reason and right, who had most strength. And it was the praise of pri­uate houses to keepe their owne; but the glorie of a King to warre for other nations. Vologeses being mooued with these speeches, calleth a Councell, and placed Tirida­tes hard by him, and thus began. This man, borne of the same father that I am, ha­uing yeelded vnto me the name of the King in regard I am his elder, I did put in pos­session of Armenia, which is reckoned the third part of my kingdome. For the Medes Pacorus had before possessed; making account that in so doing I had taken away the inueterate hatred which raigneth between brothers, and fully setled the state of our familie. The Romans hinder this, and now breake the peace also to their owne ruine, which they neuer yet disturbed but to their owne destruction. I will not deny but I had rather hold things gotten by my ancestors, by equitie then blood, by rea­son then armes. If I haue offended by lingering, I will amend it with valour. Your strength and glorie is intire with fame of modestie; which neither ought to be contemned of the highest, and is esteemed of the gods. Hauing thus said, he put the Diademe on Tiridates head; and gaue Moneses a noble gentleman a gallant com­panie of horsemen, which vsually followed the King, and withall the aide of the Adi­abenians; [Page 223] and commaunded Tigranes to be chased out of Armenia: Whilest he pacifiying the sedition of the Hyrcanians, draweth his whole forces togither, and vt­most power of warre, threatning the Roman Prouinces. Whereof Corbulo being aduertised by certaine messengers, sendeth two legions with Verulanus Seuerus, and Vectius Bolanus to aide Tigranes, with a secret charge they should proceed rather or­derly and aduisedly, then hastily: for he had rather entertaine, than make warre. And wrote to Caesar that it was needfull to haue a Captaine of purpose to defende Armenia; and that Syria by Vologeses approach was in greater danger. And in the meane time he lodgeth the rest of the legions by the banke Euphrates: leuieth and armeth in haste a power of the countrey people, and intercepteth the enimies passa­ges with a garrison. And bicause the countrey is scarce of water, he fortified hard by the fountaines, & couered certain small brookes with mounds of sand. Whilest Cor­bulo vsed this preparatiō for the defence of Syria, Moneses because he would preuent the rumour of his comming, marched with all speed: but yet found not Tigranes vn­aduertised or vnprouided; who had put himselfe into Tigranocerta, a verie strong towne, well manned and walled. Besides this, the riuer Nicephorius of a reasonable breadth, enuironeth part of the wals, and a huge ditch cast in length, where the riuer was distrusted as not sufficient. There were souldiers within to man it, and prouisi­on of necessaries: for conueiyng whereof, some hauing beene too forward in ven­turing, and on the sudden surprised by the enemie, enflamed the rest rather with an­ger, than feare. But the Parthian wanting courage to performe the assault at hand, spent a fewe arrowes a loofe; lost his labour; and put the besieged into no feare at all. The Adiabeni, as they began to raise ladders and other engines, were easily thrust backe, and by a sallie made by our men, hewd in peeces. Yet Corbulo, notwith­standing things prospered on his side, thinking it his best to vse fortune moderately, sent some to Vologeses, finding himselfe greeued, that violence should be offered the Prouince: and that a King confederate and a friend should besiege the Roman co­horts; therefore that he should giue vp the siege, or else he would incampe in the enimies countrey. Casperius a Centurion chosen for that Embassie, went to the King at a towne called Nisibis, seuen and thirtie miles distant from Tigranocerta, and deliuered his message verie stoutly. Vologeses had long resolued with himselfe to auoide warres with the Romans: neither went things currantly with him for the present; the siege tooke no effect; Tigranes was strong in men and prouision; the besiegers put to flight; certaine legions were sent to Armenia; and others in a rea­dines for Syria to assaile him in his owne countrey. That he had but a weake com­panie of horsesmen; want of stower; for a multitude of Locusts had eaten vp all grasse and leaues. Therfore concealing his feare, and making shew of more milde­nes, answereth that he would send Ambassadors to the Emperour of Rome, to de­maund Armenia and establish a peace. And commaundeth Moneses to depart from Tigranocerta, and himselfe turned backe. These things many extolled as proceeding from the Kings feare, and Corbuloes threatnings. Some construed it that they had pri­uily agreed to forbeare warre on both sides; and that Vologeses departing, Tigranes should also depart from Armenia. For why (saide they) went the Romans forces from Tigranocerta? Why were those things abandoned in time of rest, which they had defended in warre? Could they haue wintered better in the remote parts of Cappadocia, in cabbins erected on a sudden, than in the chiefe seate of the kingdom lately possessed? Doubtles the warres were put off, that Vologeses might rather fight with some other, then Corbulo. Corbulo would not indanger his glorie so manie yeeres alreadie gotten. For as I haue alreadie said, he had demaunded a spe­ciall [Page 224] Captaine to defende Armenia; and notice came that Cesennius Paetus was at hand, and by that time he was come. Their forces were so diuided, that the fourth and twelfth legions, and withall the fift which was lately called from the Moesi­ans, and the aides of Pontus, Gallatia, and Cappadocia should obey Paetus: the third, sixt, and tenth legions, and the souldiers which before remained in Syria should con­tinue with Corbulo. The rest they would ioyne or diuide as occasion serued. But neither Corbulo could endure a concurrent, and Paetus vnto whom it was sufficient glorie, if he were reckoned the second, made small account of the seruice alreadie done, saying: that there hath beene no slaughter made, no bootie gayned; and that he had woon townes only with words, and not with deedes. He would impose tri­butes and lawes vpon them, and instead of a shadow of a King, he would force them to liue like conquered people vnder the Roman lawe. About the same time Vologeses Ambassadors, as before I haue rehearsed sent to the Prince, returned and nothing done. And the Parthians openly made warre; neither did Paetus drawe backe, but with two legions, whereof the fourth Famisulanus Vectonianus conducted, and the twelfth Calauius Sabinus, he entered Armenia with an vnluckie presage. For hauing made a bridge and passing ouer Euphrates, without any manifest cause, the horse which bare the consularie ornaments fled backeward, and escaped. And the beast readie for sacrifice, neere to the winter campes which were a fortifiyng, the worke halfe finished, brake loose, and leapt ouer the trench: and the souldiers iauelins and darts were on a fire; the woonder so much the more to be noted, bicause the Parthi­ans fight with weapons throwen with the hand.

II. Paetus goeth into Armenia: and his vnskilfulnes in seruice.

BVt Paetus setting nought by ominous signes, nor hauing sufficiently fortified his wintering campes, nor prouision of corne made, conducteth his armie in all hast ouer the hill Taurus, to recouer (as he saide) the Tigranocertians, and to forrage the countries which Corbulo had left vntouched. And some castles he tooke, and some glorie and some bootie he wanne, if he had vsed his glorie with mo­deration, and his bootie with circumspection. Hauing by long iourneies ouerrun those places which he could not keepe, and that the prouision of victuals was spoiled and corrupted which he had taken, and the winter now at hand, he brought his ar­mie backe againe: and sent letters to Caesar as though the warre had beene ended, in wordes magnificent; but voide of matter. In the meane season Corbulo hauing had alwaies a speciall care of the bankes of Euphrates; lodged on them now a grea­ter strength of garrisons, then before he had: and least the enimie troupes should hinder the making a bridge (for they braued it with a gallant shew in the champion which lay vnder them) he brought vp the riuer vessels of huge bignes, ioyned to­gither with timber worke, and built towres on them; beating off the Barbarians with stones and speares out of Balistas and other engines, let flie farther, than that the countrey shot of arrowes, could match vs with the like againe. The bridge con­tinued and finished, the opposite hils were seased by the cohorts of allies, and after­ward possessed by the campe of the legions, with such great celeritie and shew of puissant forces, that the Parthians, all preparation of inuading Syria omitted, turned all their hope against Armenia. There Paetus ignorant what was at hand, had the fift legion far from him in Pontus: and had weakned the rest by inconsiderate licensing the soldiers to depart, vntill newes was brought that Vologeses came with a great ar­mie resolutely bent to do great mischiefe. The twelfth legion was sent for, ho­ping [Page 225] that thereby it would be noised that his forces were increased; but indeed that bewrayed his weakenes, with which neuer thelesse he might haue incamped: and the Parthian deluded by drawing the warre in length, if P [...]ato had beene constant, ei­ther to follow his owne, or others counsels. But he by men experienced in warre being counselled what was best against imminent casualties, least he should seeme to haue neede of thers aduise, would do quite contrarie and much woorse. And then forsaking his standing campes, crying that he had no trench and rampire giuen him against the enimie, but bodies and weapons, issued out with the legions, as though he would fight a field. And hauing lost a Centurion and a few souldiers, sent be­fore to view the enimies forces, came backe againe greatly affrighted. And bicause Vologeses came on but coldly, resuming againe a vaine hope, lodged three thousand choise men on the top of the hill Taurus hard by, to hinder the King to passe. He placed also certaine cornets of Pannonians, which were the strength and sinewes of his horsemen, in one part of the plaine. His wife and sonne were shut vp in a castle called Arsamosata, and a cohort appointed to guarde them; and thus dispersed the souldiers, which vnited in one, would much better haue made head against the stra­gled and rouing enimie. It is reported that he was hardly brought to confesse vnto Corbulo that the King was at hand: neither did Corbulo make any great haste, to the end that the dangers growing great, his own praise in succouring might be the grea­ter. Neuerthelesse he commaunded three thousand to be set forwarde out of the three legions; eight hundred horse, and the like number out of the auxiliarie co­horts. But Vologeses although he had vnderstood that the passages were shut vp by Paetus on the one side with footmen, and on the other with horsmen, nothing al­tering his determination; what with violence, what with threatnings, hauing put the horsemen to flight, broke the legionaries; one onely Centurion Tarquitius Crescens hauing courage to defend himselfe in a towre wherein he had a garrison: making often sallies, and slaying such Barbarians as came neere, vntill he was forced by fire to yeeld. Of the footemen if any was vnhurt he fled to bye-places a farre off, the wounded returned to the campe; extolling the valour of the King; the cru­eltie and number of his souldiers, and all else for feare; such easily beleeuing them as were in the like perplexitie. The Captaine himselfe not once endeuoruing to re­medie the calamitie, neglected all duties of seruice, and sent againe to intreat Corbu­lo, that he would come away in all poste haste, to defend the ensignes and standarts, and the onely name left of the vnfortunate armie: he for his owne part would whi­lest life lasted remaine faithfull.

III. Corbulo goeth to Syria to aide Paetus: who in the meane space maketh a dishonorable peace with Vologeses.

COrbulo daunted nothing at all, leauing part of his forces in Syria to defende the fortresses built vpon the shore of Euphrates, tooke his iourney as the nee­rest way and plentifullest of victuals, by the Comagenians, then by Cappado­cia, and from thence to Armenia. There followed the armie, besides the vsuall furni­ture and prouision of warre, a multitude of camels loaden with corne, to driue a­way both the enimie and hunger. The first he met of those which were throughly affrighted was; Pactius the Centurion of the first ensigne; then many other soldiers, who pretending diuers and sundry causes of their flying away, he admonished to re­turne to their ensignes, and trust to Paetus clemencie. As for himselfe he was rigo­rous to none, but to the conquerers. Withall, he went to his legions, encouraged [Page 226] them, put them in minde of their old valour, and what occasion they had to win new glory. That they sought not now villages and townes of Armenia for a reward of their trauels, but Roman camps, and amongst them two legions. If vnto euery common souldier, the crowne was giuen by the Emperors hands, as a speciall honor to him who had saued one citizen only, how great and worthie an honor shall it be when the like number shall be seene of the succourers & succoured. And with these and the like incouragements generally cheered, (and some there were whom their brothers perils and neere kindred inflamed of their owne proper motions) they hastned their iourney day and night. Vologeses so much the more eagerly pursueth the besieged, now assailing the trench of the legions, now the fort, where the feare­full or aged had fled for defence, approching neerer then the Parthians custome is, to allure by temeritie his enemie to battell. But the Romans hardly haled out of their cabins, did but defend their rampires, part at the commaundement of the cap­taine, and others by their owne cowardlines, looking for Corbulo; and if they should be put to any distresse, purposed to shift for themselues by the example of the ouer­throwe at Caudina and Numantina. Neither had the Samnites people of Italie, nor the people of Carthage which contended for greatnes with the Romans, so great power as the Parthians. Their auncestors also, both valiant and commended of all, when fortune crossed them prouided for their safetie. By which desperation Paetus, the generall of the armie vtterly cast downe, yet sent not his first letters to Vo­logeses in humble sort, but in manner of a complaint: That he vsed hostilitie against the Armenians, subiect alwaies to the Romans, or to a King chosen by the Empe­rour. That peace was alike profitable to both. That he should not regard things present only. That he was come against two legions with all the power of his king­dome, but the Romains had the whole world besides at commandement to aide the warre. Vologeses answered nothing touching the matter, but that he was to expect his brothers Pacorus and Tiridates, and that that place and time was appointed to consult of Armenia. * And that the gods had fauored them so much, being a mat­ter worthy of the Arsacides greatnes, that withall they could determine of the Roman legions. After that, Paetus sent messengers to intreate a parly with the King, who commanded Vasaces captaine of the horse to go. Then Paetus beginneth with the Luculli, Pompei, and such other Captaines as had conquered and giuen away Armenia. Vasaces answered, that the Romaines had but a shadow of holding and giuing away of Armenia, and that the right and power was with the Parthians. And hauing sufficiently debated the matter on both sides, Monobazus Adiabenus the next day was called a witnes of their agreement: which was, that the legions should no longer be besieged, and all the souldiers depart out of the bounds of Armenia, and all forts and prouisions to be deliuered to the Parthians: which done, that Vologeses should haue licence to send Embassadors to Nero. In the meane space Paetus built a bridge ouer the riuer Arsamites, which ran by the camp, vnder colour of passing that way: but the Parthians had commanded it to be done as a token of the victorie, for it serued their turne, and our men went another way. And the rumor went, that the legions were sent Speares pitcht acrosse like gallowes, vnder which, enemies van­quished were forced to go in despight. Sed vt expri­matur tandem confessio, sub­actam domi­tam (que) esse gen­tem sub iugum abituros, &c. Liu. lib. 3. sub iugum, with other disgra­ces which the Armenians were wont to vse against the vanquished. For they entered the trench before the Romaine camp was departed, and beset the way, challenging and leading away their horses, and such as had beene their slaues. Their apparell also and weapons were taken from them, and the souldiers yeelded them for feare, least any occasion of quarrell should be giuen. Vologeses hauing ga­thered together our weapons and dead bodies, to witnes the ouerthrow of our [Page 227] people, forbare from seeing the running away of the legions. A fame of modera­tion was sought for, after he had satisfied and filled his pride. He passed the riuer Arsamites on an Elephant, and euery man neere the King on horseback, because a rumor was spread that the bridge would fall vnder the burden, by the deceit of the makers. But such as ventured to go ouer it, found it strong and sure.

IIII. Paetus cowardlines. Corbuloes diligence to succour him. An agreement with the King of the Parthians.

MOst certaine it was, the besieged had such store of corne left, that they fired their storehouses; and on the other side Corbulo declared, that the Parthians were in want of all necessarie prouision, and their stouer all consumed, ready to haue forsaken the siege, and himselfe but three dayes iourney off. He added far­ther, that Paetus had promised by oath before the ensignes, in the presence of such as the King had sent to beare witnes, that no Romane should enter into Armenia, vn­till it appeared by Neroes letters whether he agreed to the peace or not. Which things as they haue beene inuented to increase infamie, so the rest is not vnknowne, that Paetus went in one day fortie miles, leauing the wounded scattered behind him: which fear of the fleers away was no lesse ignominious, then if in fight they had tur­ned their backs to the enemie. Corbulo meeting him at the banke of Euphrates with his forces, made no such shew of his ensignes and armes, that he should seeme to vpbraide him of his cowardlines. For his common souldiers sad, and bewailing the case of their fellowes, could not forbeare weeping. They scarse saluted the one the other for teares. Strife of valour there was none, no ambition of glorie, the only de­sire of men in prosperitie. Pitie only bare sway, and most of all with the meaner sort. The captaines vsed few words, and those complaining that their labour was lost, that the warre might haue beene ended with the flight of the enemie. Paetus answe­red, that all was whole and in good state to them both, that they should turne their ensignes, and iointly inuade Armenia, weakened by Vologeses absence. Corbulo an­swered he had no such commission from the Emperour: that he had gone out of the prouince moued with the danger of the legions; and seeing that the Parthians at­tempts were vncertaine, he would returne to Syria. And that he was to pray for good fortune, that his footemen wearied with trauelling so farre afoote, might o­uertake the Kings horsemen going before cheerefully, hauing the aduantage of the countrey. From thence departed Paetus to winter in Cappadocia. But Vologeses Em­bassadors sent to Corbulo, warned him to pull downe his forts beyond Euphrates, and leaue the riuer indifferent to both. Corbulo demaunded on the other side, that the garrisons should depart out of diuers parts of Armenia. And in the end the King yeelded to it, and the fortresses which Corbulo had made beyond Euphrates were pulled downe, and the Armenians left to their will. But at Rome, trophees and triumphant arches were erected in signe of victorie ouer the Parthians, in the middle of the Capitol, by order of Senate, the warre yet fresh and not finished, only for a faire shew, no conscience made whether by desert or not. Yea Nero, to dis­semble the cares of forren affaires, did cast corne into Tyber, corrupted by the peoples ouer-long keeping it, to shew thereby a securitie and plentie of victuals: the price nothing enhanced, although almost two hundred ships were cast away by tempest in the very hauen, and a hundred brought vp Tyber consumed by casuall fire. After that, he appointed three Consuls, L. Piso, Ducennius Geminus, Pompeius [Page 228] Paullinus, to take charge of the tribute, with an inuectiue against other Princes, which by excesse of expenses, spent more then the reuenewes came to, and he would bestow yeerely on the common wealth * threescore millions of sester­ces. There was a very bad custome commonly practised at that time when the About 68750. pound. choosing of officers was at hand, or casting lots for gouerment of prouinces; which was, that many which were without children, colourably adopted some, and being thereby admitted amongst the Lords to draw lots for Pretorships and Prouin­ces, immediately after manumised those they had adopted. Whereupon, those which had children went to the Senat with a great complaint, declaring the law of nature, the labour in bringing vp of children, against the fraud and deceit and short time of adoption. That it was a sufficient recompense to the childelesse, that with great securitie, without charge, they had credit, honors, and all things else offered them. That to them the promises of lawes long expected were turned into a iest, when a man without care, a father, without mourning, childlesse, would on the sudden be equall with the long desires of fathers. Whereupon a decree of Senate was made, that fained adoption should not benefit in any part to any publicke charge, nor yet to succeede in others inheritances.

V. Magistrates sent into Prouinces no more rewarded. The Gymnase burnt. Pompeius towne suncke with an earthquake.

AFter this Claudius Timarchus of Candie, was accused of all the crimes, that rich gouernours of Prouinces are woont to be touched with; and growne insolent with ouer great wealth to the oppression of the meaner sort. One speech of his reached to the disgrace of the Senate, which was, that it laye in him whether the Proconsuls of Candie should haue thankes giuen them, or not. Which occasion Paetus Thrasea turning to the common good, after he had giuen his opini­on that the accused should be banished Candie; added these words. It is prooued by experience, Lords of the Senate, that most excellent lawes, and honest examples haue their beginning by good men, from others offences. So the licence of orators was cause of the lawe Cincia; the suing of competitors of the Iulian lawes; the co­uetuousnes of magistrates of the Calpurnian decrees. For the fault goeth before the punishment, and the remedie commeth after the offence. Therefore against the new pride of Prouinces, let vs take some aduise woorthie of the Roman integri­tie and constancie, that nothing may be derogated from the protection of the allies, or the opinion conceiued of vs weakened, or a citizen be else where iudged, than be­fore vs, or reputed other than he is esteemed by vs. In times past not onely a Pretor or Consull, but priuate men also were sent to visite the Prouinces, which should re­port, what was thought of euery ones dutie and loyaltie: and the people were afraid of a particular mans estimation and iudgement. But now we adore strangers and flatter them; and as at the pleasure of one, thankes are now a dayes giuen, so the ac­cusation of one more redily receiued. Let the decree contiuue, and let the Prouin­ces haue power to shew their authoritie by such meanes: but let false praise, and wroong out by praiers be restrained, no lesse than malice and crueltie. For there are more offences committed whilest we goe about to win fauour, than whilest we do offend: yea some vertues are odious, obstinate seueritie, and an inuincible minde against fauour. Hereupon the beginnings of our magistrates are for the most part better, and the end declineth, whilest we hunt after suffrages: which if they were for­bidden, the Prouinces would be gouerned more iustly and constantly. For as coue­tuousnes [Page 229] is brideled through feare of being accused of briberie and extortion; so thankes giuing being forbidden, ambition would be restrained. This opinion was appooued with great consent of all: yet a decree of Senate could not be established, the Consuls denying the matter to haue beene propounded. Anon after by au­thoritie of the Prince they ordayned, that none should propound it in the councell of the allies, that thankes should be giuen before the Senate, the Propretors or Pro­consuls, and that no man should do that message. Vnder the same Consuls the place of exercise called Gymnasium was burnt with a flash of lightning, and Neroes image melted to a shapelesse lumpe of brasse. And by an earth-quake, the famous towne of Pompey in Campania was ruined in a great part. And Laelia a virgin Ve­stall died; in whose place was chosen Cornelia of the Cossian familie.

VI. The birth of Nero and Poppaeas childe. The death of the same daughter. The Parthian Ambassadors receiue no answere: and Corbulo made Lieutenant generall of the war.

MEmmius Regulus, and Verginius Rufus being Consuls, Nero had a daughter by Poppaea, which he tooke as a matter aboue all mortall ioy, and called her Augusta, and gaue the same surname to Poppaea. The place where she was brought to bed was Antium a colonie, where he himselfe was borne. The Senate had alreadie commended Poppaeas wombe to the gods, and had made publick vowes; which were multiplied and performed. And there were added processions, and a Temple to the goddesses Fecunditati; & combate ordained to the imitation of the Athenians. And that the golden images of Fortunes should be placed in the throne of Iupiter Capitoline: & that as the Circensian play should be exhibited in the honor of the Iulian familie at Bouillas; so at Antium of the Claudian and Domitian: all which were vaine and fleeting things, the girle dying within fower moneths. Which gaue occasion of new flatterings; some being of aduise that she should be honored like a goddesse, with a bed, a Temple, and a Priest. And Nero himself as before he was without measure glad; so now most sorrowfull. It was noted that when all the Se­nate ranne to Antium at the new birth of the childe, and Thraseas forbidden: he tooke the contumelious repulse with a stout courage, as a presage of his imminent ouerthrow. It was reported, that Caesar bragged to Seneca, that he was reconciled to Thrasea, and that Seneca was glad thereof. From whence grew at once glorie and danger to woorthie men. In the meane time in the beginning of the spring, the Ambassadors of the Parthians brought King Vologeses message and letters to the same effect. That he would now forgoe all the former challenges so oft debated for obtayning of Armenia: bicause the gods, although arbitraters of puissant na­tions, had deliuered the possession to the Parthians, not without the ignominie of the Romans: that hauing of late besieged Tigranes, then Paetus, & the legions; when he could haue ruined them, yet suffered them to depart in saftie. His force was suffici­ently tried, & a proofe giuen of his lenity. Neither would Tiridates refuse to come to the city to receiue the Diademe, if he were not hindered by a religion of priesthood: he would go to the insignes & images of the prince, where in presence of the legions he would luckily begin his gouerment. Vologeses letters being of this effect, because Paetus had written the contrarie, as though al had bin wel, the Centurion which came with the Ambassadors was demanded, in what state Armenia stood? He answered that al the Romans were departed from thence. Then the Barbarians scoffe beingvn­derstood, who demanded that which they had alreadie taken by force; Nero consul­ted [Page 230] with the chiefest of the citie, whether it were best to make a doubtfull war with the enemie, or peace. It was not doubted but warre. And Corbulo so many yeeres practised in warres, knowing the souldiers and the enimies, had the generall charge giuen him, least there should be a new errour committed by some others vnskilful­nes: for of Paetus bad gouerment, they were sorrie and repented. Whereupon they were sent backe without any conclusion, yet with gifts; whereby it might be hoped that Tiridates should not aske in vaine, if he came by way of intreatie. The gouer­ment of Syria was committed to Cintius; the strength of warre to Corbulo; and the fifteenth legion vnder the conduct of Marius Celsus was brought out of Pannonia. Letters were sent to the Tetrarches, Kings, Prefects, and Procurators, and Pretors, which ruled Prouinces adioyning, that they should obey Corbulo: augmented almost like vnto that, that the people of Rome gaue Pompey, when he was to war against the Pirates. When Paetus at his returne feared greater matters; Caesar thought it inough to scoffe and iest at him almost with these words. That he would pardon him pre­sently; least being so easily brought into a feare, he should be sicke with longer pen­siuenes. But Corbulo sent the fourth and twelfth legion, which seemed vnable for warre, because they had lost the valiantest among them, and the rest affrighted, into Syria; and conducteth the sixt and third from thence into Armenia, all entire and whole, and accustomed to often and prosperous successe: and added the fift legion, which was in Pontus not daunted with the ouerthrow of the others: Withall, the fifteenth newely arriued, and some chosen in Illyricum and Aegypt, and all horsmen and footemen with aides of Kings allies, drawen togither to Melitenes, where he purposed to passe the riuer Euphrates. Then hauing taken a suruey of the armie making an oration vnto them, beginneth with many stately & magnificall discourses of the Emperours gouerment, and his owne exploits, auoiding the memorie of Pae­tus vnluckie vnskilfulnes; which he vttered with great authoritie, that it serued a war­like man in steed of eloquence. Then taketh his iourney that way which Lucullus had once passed, opening the passages which long continuance of time had shut vp. And not disdayning Tiridates and Vologeses Ambassadors comming to intreat of peace, sent Centurions to accompanie them with no rough charge: For matters were not yet growne to that head, that they should neede a maine battell. That to the Romans many things had sorted luckily, and some to the Parthians; a lesson against pride. Therefore it behooued Tiridates to accept as a gift the kingdome vnwasted: and that Vologeses should better further the Parthians being confederate with the people of Rome, than mutually endomaging the one the other. He knew what dis­cord they had within themselues, and what a fierce and vnruly nation he had to rule: contrariwise, that his Emperour had euerie where a firme peace, and no warre but that. Besides his counsell he stroke them into a feare, droue the Megistanas Arme­nians which first reuolted, out of their houses: battered downe their castles; filled with like feare the plaines; the hils; the strong and weake. Corbuloes name was not yet hatefull vnto the Barbarians, much lesse did they pursue him like an enemie, and therefore credited his counsell as faithfull. Vologeses therefore was not impla­cablie head-strong *, and demaunded truce vnto some gouerments. Tiridates requi­reth place and day of parley. A short time was assigned; the place, where of late the legions were besieged with Paetus, seeing it was chosen by the Barbarians in remem­braunce of their ioyfull hap, was not refused by Corbulo; that the diuersitie of for­tune might augment his glorie. Neither was Paetus infamie increased; which ap­peered plainely, in that he commaunded his sonne who was Tribune, to appoint cer­taine bands to burie and couer the dead bodies of the vnfortunate conflict.

VII. Tiridates speaketh with Corbulo: and yeeldeth vp the crovvne of Armenia in the Roman campe.

THe day appointed, Tiberius Alexander, a noble gentleman of Rome, giuen as an aide to the warre, and Viuianus Annius, Corbuloes sonne in lawe, not yet of age to be Senator; but assigned in the place of the Lieutenant of the fift legi­on, came to Tiridates campe to do him honour: and that hauing such pledges he should feare no treacherie. And then were taken twentie horsemen on each side. And the King seeing Corbulo, lighted first from his horse; and Corbulo did the like im­mediately, and both of them on foote, ioyned right hands. Then the Roman praised the yoong Prince, that leauing dangerous vncertainties, he would imbrace sure and wholesome counsell. Tiridates hauing spoken much of the noblenes of his stocke, in the rest was temperate, saying: that he would goe to Rome, and bring Caesar newe glorie: Arsacides humblie intreating, the Parthians being daunted with no aduerse encounter. Then seemed it good that Tiridates should lay his royall crowne before Caesars image, and not take it againe but at the hand of Nero; and so the speech was ended with a short salutation. A few dayes after, with a great pomp on both parts, they shewed themselues, his horsemen ranged into troupes on one side, with the ensignes of his countrey; and on the other the armie of the legions marshalled in order with glittering standards, and ensignes and images of the gods in manner of a temple. In the middle was planted a tribunall, and in it a chaire of estate, with Neroes image; vnto which Tiridates went, and sacrifices offered according to the custome, taketh the crowne from his head, and laide it vnder the image; which troubled the minds of such as had yet before their eyes the slaughter and besieging of the Romane armies. But now fortune was changed, and Tiridates a spectacle to the people; how much better then a captiue? Corbulo added to his glorie courtesie and feastings: and as the King marked any strange thing, and asked the cause; as the beginnings of the watches brought by the Centurion, the banket ended with a trumpet, the pile of wood before the Augural altar lighted with a torch: Corbulo made him answere, extolling euery thing more then it was, to draw the new Prince into an admiration of the old custome. The last day when he was to take his iour­ney, he desired time to visit his brothers and mother before his departure, and left his daughter for an hostage in the meane space, and letters of submission to be sent to Nero. And departed thence, he found Pacorùs with the Medes, and Vologeses at Ecbatanes, not vnmindfull of his brother: for he had requested of Corbulo by spe­ciall messengers, that Tiridates might not shew any token of seruitude, or deliuer vp his weapons, or be barred from imbracing the gouernors of prouinces, or attend at their dores; but haue the same honor at Rome that the Consuls had. Being accusto­med to forren pride, he was vnacquainted with our manners, with whom the lawe of rule and dominion beareth sway, vanities being laid aside. The same yeere Caesar ho­nored the nations of the sea Alpes with the rights and priuiledges of the Latians, and in the Cirque placed the Gentlemen of Rome before the people. For vntill that day they sate indifferently, because the lawe Roscian had taken no order but for foureteene orders. A shew of Fencers was represented that yeere with like magni­ficence as others before: but many noble women and Senators wiues were discre­dited in the Theater.

VIII. Nero singeth on the stage. The fall of the same stage. Torquatus Silanus death. Nero attired like a woman weddeth Pythagoras.

C. Lecanius, and M. Licinius being Consuls, Nero more and more desired to frequent the stage without any respect: for as yet he had not song but in his house, and gardens in plaies of youth, which now he despised as not frequen­ted, and too meane for such a voice. Yet he durst not begin at Rome, but chose Naples as a Greeke citie, thinking that that might serue for a commencement to goe to Achaia, where hauing obtained the famous, and in times past reputed sacred crownes, & by that meanes grown in credit, he thought he should stur a great desire in the citizens of Rome to heare him. The cōmón rabble flocked together, or such as the fame of those plaies had drawne frō the next colonies & townes, and such as fol­lowed him either to do him honor, or sundrie other occasions; yea companies of souldiers filled the Theater of Naples. There hapned as most men thought, a dole­full chance, but yet as he construed it, foretokening good luck, and sent by the fauo­rable prouidence of the gods. For the people were no sooner gone, and the Theater emptie, but it fell downe, without hurt done to any. Therfore with songs composed for the purpose, thanking the gods, and celebrating the fortune of the late chance, going to the Adriatike sea, he stayed in the meane time at Beneuentum, where, by Vatinius was exhibited a notable play of Fencers. Vatinius was one of the shame­lest monsters of his court, brought vp in a coblers shop, mishapen of bodie, and a scurrile iester: and therefore first emploied in that practise; then by pickthanking and informing against the better sort, grew to such authoritie, that in credit and wealth, and power of doing hurt, he was worse then the worst. Nero then comming to the play he had set forth, no not at their pastime did they abstaine from doing of mischiefe. For the selfesame daye Torquatus Silanus was constrained to dye, be­cause that besides the noblenes of the Iunian familie, he sayd, that he was in the fourth degree lineally descended from Augustus of famous memorie. The accusers were commaunded to lay to his charge, that he was prodigall in gifts, and that all his hope lay in the alteration of the state. And that he had noble men about him which he called his Secretaries, maisters of requests, & Auditors, which were names of imperiall dignitie, and deseignments of great attempts. Then the chiefest of his freed men were bound and caried away. And when Torquatus condemnation was at hand, he cut the vaines of his armes, and Nero as his manner was, made an ora­tion after: that although he had beene culpable, and worthily distrusted his pur­gation, yet he should haue had his life graunted him, if he would haue expected the Iudges clemencie. Not long after forsaking Achaia for the present (the causes were vncertaine) he came againe to Rome, hammering greatly with himselfe of going to the prouinces of the East, and especially Aegypt. Then by an edict witnessing his absence should not be long, and that all should go well with the common wealth, he went to the Capitol to worship the gods. And as he entered the temple of Vesta, taken suddenly with a shaking ouer all his bodie, either the goddesse of the place terrifying him; or the remembrance of his villanies alwaies accompanying him with feare, he changed his determination; affirming, that all cares, were nothing to him, in regard of the loue of his countrey; that he had seene the sad countenances of the citizens, heard their secret complaints, why he should go about so great a iourney, whose short and reasonable absence they could not indure; as men wont to be [Page 233] comforted with the sight of the Prince against all crosses and aduersities. Therefore as in priuat friendships, the neerest pledges and kindred are most deerest; so the people of Rome had great power ouer him, and that he must obey them, seeing they kept him from going. These and the like speeches were pleasing to the people, de­sirous of pastimes, and which was their chiefest care fearing want of corne if he should be absent. The Lords of the Senate and the nobilitie knew not whether he were more cruell farre off, or neere: then as the nature of all great feare is, they beleeued that which hapned to be worst. He to win an opinion that he was no where so merrie as in the citie, made bankets in publick places, and vsed the whole citie as it had beene his owne house. Those bankets were most spoken of for riot and fame, which Tigellinus prepared, which I will lay downe as a parerne of all, least the same wastfulnes should be often repeated. In Agrippaes lake therefore he built a boate, whereon the banket was drawne with other boates. The boates were beset with gold and Iuory. The rowers were stale Catamites, placed accor­ding to their age and skill of vnnaturall vncleannes. He had prepared Fowle, and wilde beasts out of diuers countries, and out of the Ocean. On the brinke of the poole were brothell houses, filled with noble women: and ouer against them were common strumpets naked, vsing filthie gestures and behauiour. And when the night was come, all the wood and houses about rang with singing, and shi­ned with lightes. Nero himselfe defiled with lawfull, and vnnaturall lusts, left no wickednes vndone, because he would be most corrupt. And a few dayes after, he was wedded as it had been solemnely to one of that polluted crew, called Pytha­goras. The Emperour was couered with a yellow vaile. There went before him those which gaue him in marriage, the wedding bed was prepared, and wedding torches: all was seene, which euen the night doth hide in a married woman.

IX. Diuers parts of Rome burnt by chaunce, or by the malice of Nero.

THere followed a great misfortune, but whether by chaunce, or deuise of the Prince, vncertaine: for authors haue affirmed both: but of all, the greatest and most grieuous that euer chanced to this citie, by violence of fire. It began in that part of the Cirque that ioyneth to the hils Palatine & Caelian: then taking in the ware-houses wherein was marchandise, which nourished the fire, increasing more and more by the blowing of the winde, burnt all the length of the Cirque. Neither were the houses compassed with any defences, or temples walled, or any thing else to stay the furie of it. But spreading with violence, consumed first the plaine, then rising to the hils, againe wasting the low places, by swiftnes of hurt preuented the remedies, the citie being subiect to it by reason of the narrownes of the streetes, turning and winding lanes on euery hand, and vnorderly as it was in old Rome. Therewithall the lamentations of fearefull women, of aged men, and vn­skilfull youth, helping themselues, and succouring and leading the weake and impo­tent, or tarrying for them, some hastning, some abiding, encombred, and hin­dered all the rest: and often whilest they looked behinde them, the fire had hold on them, either on the side, or before them: or if they had escaped to the next places, there was all on a light fire likewise: yea, those places which were thought farre from danger, were found to be in the same case. In the end, doubtfull what to eschue, or whither to flee, they filled the streetes, and lay in the fieldes: some all their goodes lost, and wanting dayly foode; other for loue of some which they could not saue, cast themselues away, although they had easie meanes [Page 234] to escape. Neither was there any man which durst to quench it, through the often threatning of many which hindered them: yea some openly threw burning fire-brands into it, and cryed alowd, that they had a warrant for it, either because they might rob and steale more licentiously, or because they were so commaunded. Nero being then at Antium, came not to the citie vntill the fire was come neere his owne house, on that side that it ioyned with the pallace and Maecenas orchardes. Yet it could not be hindered from burning his house and pallace, and all else round about. But to giue some cōfort to the chased & fugitiue people, he opened Campus Martius, and the monumēts of Agrippa, and his own gardens: and erected buildings in haste to receiue the needie multitude. Vtensiles were brought from Hostia and other neere townes, and the price of corne brought downe vnto Fiue pence b. q. three nummos. All which although done in fauour of the people, yet was not accepted; bicause a rumor was spread, that at the verie time that the citie was on fire, he went to the stage in his house, and sang the destruction of Troy, comparing present calamities with old disasters. At last, on the sixt day, the fire ended at the bottom of the Esquilin hill, by beating downe a huge number of buildings, that the fielde and as it were the open heauen, might withstand and encounter the continuall rage. And before the feare was past, it began afresh, but not so terriblie in open places of the citie, and therfore the hurt of people the lesse: but the Temples of the gods, and galleries deuoted to pleasure, were almost all ruined. The obloquie of that fire was the grea­ter, bicause it burst out to Tigellinus houses of pleasure, sometimes belonging to the Aemylians. And it seemed that Nero sought the glorie of building a new citie, and calling it by his name. For Rome was diuided into fourteene wardes: whereof fower were vntouched; three consumed to the ground: of the other seauen, some markes of buildings remained, but rent and halfe burnt. It were no easie matter to reckon the number of houses, and buildings standing by themselues, called Iles, and Temples which were consumed: but the auncientest in regard of religion, as the Temple which Seruius Tullius built in honour of the Moone; and the great altar and Temple which Arcas Euander consecrated to Hercules; the Temple of Iupiter Sta­tor, vowed by Romulus; Numaes pallace; and the Temple of Vesta with the peculiar gods of the people of Rome, were consumed and burnt to ashes. Now wealth got­ten in so many victories, excellent workes of the Greekes inuentions, then old and perfect monuments of rare wits, which in so beautifull a citie, and flourishing more and more, with manie other notable antiquities, auncient men haue obserued and spoken of, which could not be recouered. Some there were which noted, that this fire beganne the fourteenth Kalends of Iulie, on which the Senones burnt the citie after they had taken it. Some were so diligent therein, that they counted iust so ma­ny yeeres, and moneths, and daies betweene both the fires.

X. Nero buildeth a sumptuous house. Order taken for the buil­ding of houses. Nero punished the Christians as though they had set the citie a fire.

YEt Nero vsed the destruction of his countrey to his benefit; and built a house, in which precious stones and gold were not so much woondered at (as a thing long vsed, and by superfluous riot common) as for the fields and pooles, in manner of wildernesses; on one side woods, on the other spatious fields, and pro­spects. The masters and contriuers of the worke were Seuerus and Celeris, men of wit [Page 235] and audacitie to enterprise that by arte which nature had denied, and foolishly cast away the Princes wealth. For they had vndertaken to make a nauigable ditch from the lake Auerne, vnto the mouth of Tyber alōg the rough and hard shore, or through the opposite mountaines. Neither is there any other moisture to feede the waters, but the marshes of Pomptina: other places being vneuen craggie grounds, or drie; and if they could be wrought through, it would be an intollerable labour, and no cause why. Nero notwithstanding, desirous to bring incredible things to passe, laboured to digge the hils adioyning to Auerne: where remaine the markes of his vaine hope to this day. But the houses which were ruined were not built without order, here and there as when the Galli had fired them: but the streetes drawen by measure and proportion, with spatious and large waies; the buildings restrained to a certaine height, and the courts made wide, and galleries added to defend the front of the houses called Iles: which galleries Nero promised to builde at his owne charges, and deliuer them to their masters, the courts and floores made cleane. And gaue rewardes according to euerie mans degree and wealth: and prefixed a time, within which the housings finished, or Iles, their masters should receiue them. The marishes of Hostia were appointed to receiue the rubbish: and that the vessels which brought corne vp the riuer Tibris, should be loaden downe with rubbish: and that some part of the buildings themselues, without timber should be built with stone of Gabi and Albanum, which cannot be damnified with fire. Now, that water inter­cepted by priuate men to their owne vse from the citie, might more aboun­dantly flowe in manie publicke places, there were watchmen appointed to ouer­see it: and that euerie man should haue some prouisions to quench fires: and that euerie house should be inuironed with his owne wals, and not common to his neigh­bour. Which being ordained for the publicke commoditie, brought ornament to the new citie. Yet some were of opinion that the old fashion of building was more wholesome, bicause the narrownes of the waies, and height of the houses, could not so easily be pearced with the heat of the sunne. But now the streetes being open and wide, and vndefended from shadow they are scorched with greater heat. And these things were prouided by mans counsell. Anone after, purging sacrifices were sought for of the gods, & the Sibyls books perused; by aduertisement of which, praiers were offered to Vulcane and Ceres, and Proserpina; and Iuno made fauourable by the matrons, first in the Capitoll, then at the next sea. From which hauing drawen water, the Temple and the image of the goddesse was sprinkled, and the married wiues prepared banqueting beds, and watcht in the Temple in honour of the same goddesse. But the infamie was not wiped away, neither by mans helpe, nor lar­gesse of the Prince, or pacifiyng of the gods; but that it was thought the fire came by commandement. Therefore to extinguish the rumour, Nero falsly accused and punished most grieuously certaine people, hated for their wickednes The author being no Christian, calleth Chri­stian religion Maleficium., which the common sort called Christians. The author of that name was Christ, who in Ti­berius raigne was put to death vnder Pontius Pilat, Procurator of Iudaea. And their dangerous superstition suppressed for the time burst foorth againe: not onely tho­rough Iudaea where it first began, but in the citie also: whither all wicked and shamefull things runne from all parts, and are solemnised and esteemed. First they were apprehended which confessed that religion; then by their detection, an infinite multitude were conuicted, not so much for setting the towne on fire, as for the hate of all men against them. Such as were condemned, were skorned and mocked, and couered in wilde beasts skins, and torne in peeces with dogs; or fastened on crosses; or burnt in fire: and when the day failed, they were burnt in the night to giue light. [Page 236] Nero had made the prospect of his gardens fit for that spectacle, and caused shewes to be set foorth in the Cirque, and himselfe either apparailed like a wagoner, shuffeld among the people, or ranne the race with them. Whereupon pitie was taken on those persons, though guiltie and deseruing exemplarie punishment; seeing they suf­fered not for any publicke good, but to satisfie one mans crueltie onely.

XI. Nero raketh money on all hands, and robbeth the Temples. Prodigious sights, and their meaning.

IN the meane time Italie was wasted by contributions and borrowing of money; the Prouinces ruined; and the confederats of the people of Rome empouerished; and the cities which were called free. Yea the gods themselues were not priuile­ged from being made a pray: but the Temples in the citie were robbed, and the gold carried away, which the people of Rome in all ages, either in triumphes or vowes, in prosperitie or feare, had dedicated to the gods. Yea in Achaia and Asia, not onely gifts, but the images of the gods were taken away, Acratus, and Secundus Carinates being sent thither of purpose. The one a freed man readie to all villanies: the other exercised in the Greekish learning, in words onely, but his minde not seasoned with any good artes. It was reported that Seneca, because he would shake from himselfe the infamie of sacriledge, desired licence to depart to some countrey house a far off: which not being graunted, he fained himselfe sicke of the gout and kept his chamber. Some haue giuen out that poison was prepared him at Neroes commandement, by a freed man of his owne, called Cleonicus, and auoided by Seneca, as forewarned by the freed man, or by his owne feare, sustained his life with a simple diet, Crabbes, and if he were a thirst with running water. About the same time the Fencers at Preneste offering to make an escape, were hindered by a guarde of souldiers which watched them: the people both fearful and desirous of nouelties, & now muttering & whispe­ring of Spartacus, and calling to minde the hurts which happened in times past. Not long after newes came of a great misfortune by sea; not by warre (for a more firme peace was seldome seeme) but Nero had commaunded the nauie to returne by a certaine day to Campania, not excepting the hazards of the sea. The Pilots there­fore although the sea were rough put from Formium; and the Southweast winde blowing strongly, whilest they stroue to winne the Promontorie of Misenum, they dasht against the Cumanian shores, and lost almost all the galleies, and many other smaller vessels. In the end of the yeere prodigious woonders were noised as messen­gers of imminent misfortunes. Great and often flashes of lightnings, and a blazing starre alwaies purged by Nero with the blood of noble men. Monsters of men and beasts borne with two heads and cast into the streetes, or found in the sacrifices when the custome is to slaie them when they be great with yoong. And in the ter­ritorie of Placentia neere the way a calfe was brought forth with a head in the leg. The Soothsaiers interpretation of it was, that the Empire was to haue another head, but neither strong nor hidden, bicause stifeled in the panche, and brought foorth by the way side.

XII. A conspiracie against Nero by L. Pisoes friends.

AFter that Silius Nerua, and Atticus Vestinus entered the Consulship, a con­spiracie was begun, and growen strong against Nero: vnto which Senators, gentlemen, souldiers, and women gaue their names auie, as well for the ha­tred [Page 237] they bare Nero, as good will to L. Piso. He was descended from the Calpurnians, and of great nobilitie by the fathers side; in high reputation with the people for his vertue, or apparances like vnto vertue: his eloquence he had imployed in defence of the citizens: vsed liberalitie towards his friends; and to strangers courtesie and affa­bilitie. He had also the gifts of fortune: was of a tall stature, and comely counte­nance; but grauitie in behauior he was farre from, or moderation in pleasures. He gaue himselfe to courtesie, bountie, and sometimes to dissolutenes: which many allowed of, thinking it not necessarie, that in so great sweetnes of vices, he, who was destined to highest rule, should be streight-laced, or ouer seuere. The beginning of the conspiracie proceeded not frō his own desire: yet can I not easily tell, who was the first author, or at whose instigation that was begun, which so many enterpri­sed. The forwardest to haue bin Subrius Flauius, Tribune of the Pretorian cohort, & Sulpitius Asprus, a Centurion, the constancie of their end doth shew. And Lucanus Annaeus, and Plautius Lateranus, Consull elect, came with deadly hatred against him. Peculiar causes enflamed Lucan, because Nero suppressed the fame of his ver­ses, and had forbidden him to publish them, vainely comparing his owne vnto them. Lateranus Consull elect, no iniurie, but loue of the common wealth associ­ated vnto them. But Flauius Sceuinus, and Afranius Quinctianus, both Senators, vn­dertooke the action, contrary to the opinion which was had of them. For Sceuinus bare a lasciuious mind, and therfore led a lazie & drowsie life: Quinctianus infamous of his bodie, and defamed by Nero, by reprochfull verses, sought to reuenge his in­iurie. Therefore discoursing among themselues, or with their friends, of the Princes wickednes; that the Empire drew to an end; and that choise was to be made of one to support the afflicted state, associated vnto them Tullius Senecio, Ceruarius Procu­lus, Vulcatius Araricus, Iulius Tugurinus, Munatius Gratus, Antonius Natalis, Mar­tius Festus, gentlemen of Rome: among which Senecio hauing been of Neroes in­ward familiaritie, and then retaining a shadow of friendship, was perplexed with the imagination of many dangers. Natalis was a partaker of all Pisoes secrets. The rest hoped after a change. Besides Subrius and Sulpitius, whom I haue spoken of for greater strength, there were drawne in Granius Siluanus, and Statius Proximus, Tri­bunes of the Pretorian cohorts, Maximus Scaurus, and Venetus Paullus Centurions. But for chiefest strength, they relied on Fenius Rufus, captaine of the gard, who be­ing for life and reputation worthie praise: Tigellinus through his crueltie and vn­cleane life, surpassed in credit and fauour with the Prince, and charging him with many false accusations, brought Caesar oft into a feare, as if he had plaied the adulte­rer with Agrippina, and therefore for loue of her, carefully plotting a reuenge. Therefore when the conspirators were fully assured by his owne often speeches, that the captaine of the gard was one of their faction, they were now more readie to consult of the time and place of the murder. It is reported that Subrius Flauius had a sudden motion to set vpon Nero singing on the stage, or running hither and thither in the night vngarded, his house being on fire: on the one side the opportu­nitie of finding him alone; on the other, the companie of people, witnes of so worthy an exploit pricked forward his most valiant courage, if the desire of escaping (an eni­mie to all great attempts) had not kept him back. In the meane time, betweene hope and feare lingering and deferring, one Epicharis, vnknowne by what meanes she came to the knowledge of the attempt (and before that time carelesse of all that honest was) began to incense & blame the conspirators: and in the end grieued with their slacknes, being then in Campania, went about to corrupt the chief of the nauie which lay then at Misenum, and bind them to consent to the practise with this [Page 238] beginning. There was in that nauie one Volusius Proculus, a coronell of a thousand men, and among others an instrument in murdering Neroes mother, and as it was iudged not sufficiently rewarded according to the greatnes of the fact. He acquain­ted of old, or newly growne into friendship with this woman, and shewing how much he had deserued of Nero, and yet how his labour was lost, complaining much, and declaring a purpose of reuenge, if meanes were offered; put Epicharis in hope he might be induced to conspire and draw others with him to the same confe­deracie. Neither was the help of the sea small, but offered many occasions, because Nero tooke great pleasure on the sea at Puteolum and Misenum. Whereupon Epi­charis added more, and opened all the Emperours villanies: and that the Senate * had prouided, how he should be punished for ouerthrowing the common wealth: that he would only prepare himselfe, bestow all indeuour, draw to his side the vali­antest of the souldiers, and assure himselfe of worthie recompense. Neuertheles, she concealed the names of the conspirators, whereby Proculus betraying the matter, tooke no effect, although he had caried all he had heard to Nero. For Epicharis sent for, and brought face to face before the appeacher, supported by no witnesses, ea­sily confounded him. Neuertheles she was kept in prison, Nero suspecting that those things were not false which were not prooued true. Yet the conspirators, for feare of being betraied, thought it conuenient to change the place of the murder, and execute it at Baias, in a house of Pisoes; whither Caesar came oft, as delighted with the pleasantnes of it; and there vsed to bathe and to banket without any gard, care­lesse of the greatnes of his estate. But Piso refused, pretending it would breede him enuie, if the solemnities of his table, and gods of hospitalitie should be distained with the murder of any Prince whatsoeuer. Therefore that it might be better per­formed in the citie, in that hatefull house built with the spoiles of the citizens, or in publick place, seeing it is vndertaken for the publick weale. Thus they debated the matter in common, but yet with secret feare, least L. Silanus, a man of great nobili­tie, and by C. Cassius discipline, vnder whome he was brought vp to all renowne, should lay hold on the Empire; all which were free from the conspiracie ioining to help him, and such also as would pitie Nero as slaine by treacherie. Some beleeued, that Piso would not meddle with Vestinus the Consuls fierce courage, least he should attempt the bringing in of libertie; or if another Emperour should be cho­sen, ascribe the bestowing of the state to himselfe: for he was not priuie to the con­spiracie, although Nero to satiate his inueterate hatred layd it to his charge, though guiltles. At last, they resolued to accomplish their deseignments on that day that the Circensian plaies were represented in honor of Ceres; because Caesar shewing himselfe then little abroad, or shut vp in his house or gardens, came to the plaies at the Cirque; and therefore might easilier be come vnto, because he tooke delight in the pastime.

XIII. The order of the conspiracie. How it was discouered. Epi­charis constancie: and cowardlines of some of the conspirators.

THey concluded the order of their conspiracie to be, that Lateranus vnder co­lour of making request for some aide of maintenance of his estate, should fall at the Princes knees; and being of a stout courage, and great stature ouerthrow him vnawares, and keepe him downe. Then as he lay along and hindered from ri­sing, that the Tribunes and Centurions according to each mans boldnes should run [Page 239] in and murder him: Sceuinus requesting to be first, who had taken a rapier out of the Temple of Health in Etruria; or, as others report of Fortune, in Ferentanum; and car­ried it about him as some sacred thing to do some notable act. Piso in the meane time should stay in Ceres Temple, from whence the Captaine Fenius and the rest should carrie him to the campe; and Antonia, Claudius Caesars daughter followed him, to winne the peoples fauour, as C. Plinius doth report. Our meaning was not to conceale this, howsoeuer it hath beene left vs; although it should seeme absurd and friuolous (vnlesse the desire of dominion surpasse all other passions and affecti­ons) that Antonia should lend her name, or endanger herselfe for him, or that Pi­so (the loue towards his wife so well knowen) should binde himselfe in marriage to any other whatsoeuer. But it was strange how all was kept close, among so many of diuers callings, degrees, ages, sexes, rich and poore; vntill the detection beganne in Sceuinus house: who the day before the feate should be effected, long confer­ring with Antonius Natalis; then returning home, sealed his testament: hauing drawen the rapier (of which I haue spoken) out of the scabberd; and angrie that it was dull with long keeping, commaunded it to be sharpened at the point and scou­red; giuing the charge of that care to his freed man Milichus. Withall he made a more sumptuous banket than his custome was: and made some of his bondmen he best liked free; and vnto others gaue money. And he himselfe was sad and easily seene, his head was fraighted with great imaginations, although he dissembled mirth with impertinent talke. In the ende warned the same Milichus to prepare rowles to binde vp wounds, and things necessarie to stanch blood; either as one knowing the conspiracie, and vntill then trustie; or ignorant of it, and then first tooke hold of suspitions, as some haue thought by the consequents. For when this seruile minde, waighed with himselfe the rewards of his falshood, and represented to his owne imagination huge summes of money and great authority, honestie gaue place; and his masters safetie, and the memorie of his receiued libertie. He tooke also the counsell of his wife (a womans counsell in deed, and the woorser) which droue him into a further feare, affirming that manie freed men and slaues were by, which sawe as much as he: the silence of one auailed nothing; but ones should be the recōpence, if he preuented the rest in detecting it. Whereupon as soone as it was daie, Mili­chus goeth to the Seruilian gardens: and being driuen from the doores, sayed, he brought heinous and great matters to discouer, and thereupon lead by the porters to Epaphroditus Neroes freed man; and anon from him to Nero, declareth: that there was imminent and dangerous strong conspiracies at hand, and all the rest which he had either heard or coniectured. He sheweth also the weapon prepared to kill him, and commaunded the partie accused to be sent for: who drawen by the souldiers, and beginning his purgation, answered: That for the rapier he was accu­sed of, his father in times past made great reckoning of it, & therefore he had it in his chamber, and that it was stolne away by the fraude of his freed man. That his testa­ment had beene often sealed by him, not keeping the daies when in memorie. Money & liberties he had hereto fore giuen to his slaues: but then more bountifully, bicause his estate was decayed, and his creditors being eager on him, he distrusted his testa­ment. Indeed he was alwaies wont to make liberall bankets, and lead a pleasant life, not well liked of seuere and hard iudges. He commaunded no medicaments for wounds, but bicause the rest of his accusations were plainely vaine, he thought good to adde this crime, and make himselfe accuser and witnes. He confirmed his speech with constancie, and rebuked Milichus as one not to be admitted to beare witnes, being a lewde and naughtie person; and that with such a resolution in words and [Page 240] countenance, that the accusation had come to nothing, if his wife had not put him in minde, that Antonius Natalis had had much secret conference with Sceuinus, both of them being most inward familiars of Piso. Natalis therefore was sent for, and both of them seuerally examined what their speech was, and touching what matter. Then grewe a suspition bicause their answers agreed not. And being put in­to irons, they were not able to endure the sight and threatnings of the torture. Yet Natalis as better acquainted with the whole conspiracie, and withall skilfuller in accusing, first confesseth of Piso: then added Annaus Seneca, either bicause he was a messenger betweene him and Piso, or bicause he would purchase Neroes fauour: who bearing deadly hatred to Seneca, practised all inuentions to bring him to de­struction. Natalis confession knowen, Sceuinus with the like imbecillitie, or belee­uing that all had beene discouered, and that no profit could rise by keeping counsell, appeached the rest. Among which Lucanus, and Quinctianus, and Senecio long de­nied the matter. And afterward corrupted by promise of impunitie, to excuse their backwardnes, Lucanus named Atilla his mother; Quinctianus, Glicius Gallus; Senecio, Annius Pollio their chiefest friendes. And Nero calling to minde in the meane while that Epicharis was in indurance through Volusius Proculus information, thin­king that a womans bodie was not able to endure much griefe, commaundeth her to be rent with tortures: but her; neither stripes, nor fires, nor the rage of the tortures, which so much the more cruelly racked her least they should be contemned by a wo­man, could ouercome: but she denied the crimes obiected, and so the first day of torture was contemned. The next daie when she was brought to the same tortures in a bearing-chaire (for her members out of ioint and broken, she could not put foot to ground) fastning a lace which she drew from her breast to the bow of the chaire, in manner of a sliding knot, put her necke into it: and weighing downe with the heft of her bodie stopped that little breath she had left. A notable example that a freed woman should defend in such great crueltie of torture strangers, and almost vn­knowen to her; when as men, and free-borne, and gentlemen of Rome, and Senators not touched with tortures, detected the deerest of their kindred. For Lucanus, Se­necius, and Quinctianus, stucke not indifferently to bewray their confederates; Nero growing more and more fearefull, although he had doubled his guard. Further, he filled the citie and the wals with bands of souldiers, and beset both sea and riuer with watch and wards. And to and fro, by the Forum, the houses, the fields, and townes adioyning, footmen and horsmen scoured vp and downe, intermingled with Ger­mans, whom he best trusted, bicause they were strangers.

XIIII. Accusations continued. Piso would not take armes: his death with Lateranus and Seneca.

AFter that, continuall troupes one after another were drawen to their answere, which lay before the gates of the gardens. And when they had entered in, to defend themselues euerie man triumphed ouer the conspirators. If they had spoken togither by chance; if met on another on the sudden; if at a shew, or banket, they had beene seene togither, it was accounted a crime: and besides Neroes and Tigellinus bloodie interrogatories, Fenius Rufus not yet detected, vrged also vehe­mently: and to winne an opinion that he had not beene consenting to the attempt, was cruell against his confederates. The same Fenius held backe Subrius Flauius then present, and nodding with the head, whether in the verie hearing of the matter he should draw his sword, and execute the murder; and brake his heate euen then [Page 241] putting his hand to his weapon. Some there were which seeing the conspiracie de­tected, whilest Milichus was examining, and Sceuinus doubteth whether he should confesse or not, perswaded Piso to goe to the fort of the guarde, or goe vp to the Ro­stra, and found the affection of the souldiers and people, saying: That if the confe­derates would ioyne togither, the rest which were not priuie would follow them: that the fame of an attempt was a great matter, and could do much in new enterpri­ses. That Nero had made no prouision to withstand him: stoutmen were daunted with sudden enterprises; much lesse would that stage-player, accompanied with Ti­gellinus and his concubines take armes against him. Manie things are done by venturing, which to the faint harted seeme hard. It was a folly to hope for silence and fidelitie in so many mindes and bodies of partakers: by torment or reward all things are made easie. And some would come to clap irons on him, and put him to a shamefull death. How much more commendable were it for him to die, embracing the common-wealth, and seeking aide for libertie. Although the souldier should saile him, and the people shrinke frō him, if it should cost him his life, his death would be glorious as well to his auncestors, as his posteritie? But nothing mooued with these speeches, shewing himself little abroad, then keeping within doores, confirmeth his minde against death: vntill a band of souldiers came, which Nero had chosen a­mong the yoong souldiers, and such as lately were receiued into seruice: suspecting that the old were made on Pisoes side. And cutting his vaines, yeelded vp the ghost. His testament was full of filthie flatteries toward Nero, through the loue of his wife, whom commendable only for her beautie, and nothing sutable to his calling, he took from a friend vnto whom she was married. Her name was Arria Galla; her first husband, Domitius Silius: he by patience, she by vnchastnes spread abroade Pi­soes infamie. Next followed the death of Plautus Lateranus Consull elect, and that with such haste, that he suffered him not to imbrace his children, nor haue so much as that short time of chosing his death: but lead away to a place where slaues were executed, was killed by the hand of Statius the Tribune: full of constant silence, ne­uer once reproching the guilt of the same fact to the Tribune. Then followed the death of Annaeus Seneca most ioiful to the Prince; not bicause he had found him ma­nifestly priuie to the conspiracie, but bicause he would shew crueltie with the sword, seeing poison tooke no effect. Onely Natalis this farre did vtter: that he was sent to Seneca being sicke to visite him and complaine, whie he barred Piso from hauing accesse to him: and that it would be better to entertaine their friendship by familiar conuersation. And Seneca to haue answered, that their interchaung of speech, and often communication was profitable for neither of them: yet that his safetie did de­pend on Pisoes welfare. These things Granius Siluaenus Captaine of the guarde, was commaunded to carrie to Seneca, and aske him whether he acknowledged Natalis speeches, and bring Senecaes answere. Seneca by chaunce, or of purpose, returned that day from Campania, and remained in a countrey house fower miles from the citie. Thither came the Tribune the next euening, and besetteth the house with a companie of souldiers: then openeth vnto him the Emperours charge as he sate at meate with Pompeia Paullina his wife, and two other friends. Seneca answered, that Natalis had been indeede sent to him, and complained in Pisoes behalfe that he was forbidden to visit him: and that he excused himselfe with sickenes, as being desi­rous of quietnes. Why he should preferre the welfare of a priuat man before his owne safetie, he had no cause. Neither was his inclination much giuen to flatterie, as Nero best knew: who had oftner tried Senecaes libertie of speech, then ser­uile pleasing. When these speeches were brought back by the Tribune in presence [Page 242] of Poppaea, and Tigellinus, who was of the cruell Princes inward counsell, he asketh whether Seneca prepared himselfe any voluntarie death? The Tribune affirmed, he found no signes of feare in him, nor token of sadnes in words or countenance: and thereupon he was cōmanded to go back, & giue him warning he should die. Fabius Rusticus doth report, that he returned not the same way he came, but turned aside to Fenius the captaine: and hauing imparted vnto him Caesars commandement, asked him whether he should obey it or not; who aduised him to do his commandement; which was a cowardlines fatall vnto them all: for Siluanus was one of the conspira­tors, and was now a furtherer of the crueltie, to whose reuenge he had before con­sented: yet he spared both his toong and presence, and sent to Seneca one of the Centurions, to denounce him the last necessitie. He nothing amazed, called for his testament, and the Centurion denying it, turned to his friends, and said: That seeing he was not suffered to requite their merites, he protested he left them yet one thing which of all other he held most precious, which was the patterne of his life: of which if they were mindfull, they should carry away the fame of good learning, and of so constant friendship. Withall, hindereth their teares, now with speech, now more earnestly as it were rebuking them, and calling them back to constancie, As­king where were the precepts of wisedome? where the resolution so many yeares premeditated against imminent dangers? vnto whome was Neroes crueltie vn­knowne? neither did there remaine any thing to be done after he had murdered his mother and his brother, but that he should adde the death of his bringer vp and maister. When he had discoursed this or the like, as it were in generall, he imbraced his wife, and hauing somwhat confirmed her against present feare, prayeth & intrea­teth her to temper her griefe, lament no longer, but in the contemplation of her for­mer life spent in vertue, beare the lack of her husband with honest comforts. She on the contrary side assured him, that she was resolued to dye, and demaundeth the hand of the executioner. Then Seneca loth to hinder her glory, and deerely louing her, least he should leaue her, whome so tenderly he affectioned to the iniuries of others, sayd: I had taught the comforts of life, but thou haddest rather the glory of death. I will not enuie thy example; let there be of this so short a death, an e­quall constancie in both; but thy renowme will be farre greater. After which words they both cut the vaines of their armes at one time. Seneca because his old bodie, and leane with a slender diet, gaue the bloud slow passage, cut also the vaines of his legs, and hams; and being wearied with cruell torments, least he should discourage his wife with his griefe, and himselfe descend to impatiencie, by seeing the torment she indured, perswadeth her to go into another chamber. And in the very last mo­ment, his eloquence not failing him, calling some to dictat his speech, deliuered many things, which published in his owne words, I purpose not to alter or change with other termes. But Nero, hauing no peculiar hatred against Paullina, least the odiousnes of his crueltie should grow greater, commaundeth her death to be hin­dered. Whereupon her bonde and freede men at the souldiers commaundement, bound her armes, and stopt the bloud. But whether she knew it or not, is vncertaine: for (the common people being alwaies readie to speake the worst) there wanted not some which beleeued, that as long as she feared Nero to be implacable, she sought to haue the glory of accompanying her husbands death; then a milder hope offe­red, that she was ouercome with the sweetenes of life, vnto which she added a few yeeres after, with a lawdable memorie towards her husband: but her face and other parts of her bodie were growne so pale and wan, that it easily appeared her vitall spirits were much diminished. Seneca the meane time perceiuing himselfe to linger [Page 243] and pine away with a long death, intreateth Statius Annaeus his knowne friend, and expert Phisition, to giue him of that poison with which the condemned by publick iudgement at Athens are put to death, whereof long before he had made prouision: which being brought him he dranke in vaine, the parts of his bodie alreadie cold, & the conduits stopped against the force of poison. In the end he went into a bath of hot water, and sprinkling his slaues next about him, saying, That he offered vp that liquor to Iupiter the deliuerer. Then put into the bath, and with the vapour of it ha­uing yeelded vp the ghost, was burnt without any funerall solemnitie, as he had commaunded in his last will, when very rich and in authoritie he disposed of his minde. The report was, that Subrius Flauius, with the Centurions in secret counsell, yet not without Senecaes priuitie, had determined, that after Nero should haue been slaine by the help of Piso, Piso should also haue been slaine; and the Empire deliue­red Seneca, as one iust and vpright, chosen to that high authoritie only for the excel­lencies of his vertues: yea, and Flauius owne words were published to be these. It skilleth not for the shame of the matter, if a minstrell be remoued, and an actor in a tragedie succeede him: for as Nero had sung with the instrument, so Piso in tra­gicall attire.

XV. Many souldiers punished. Fenius death. Flauius Su­brius, and Sulpitius Afers answere to Nero.

THe conspiracie of the souldiers could be no longer kept close, the detecters being very eager to bewray Fenius Rufus, whom they could not indure should both be of counsell to the plot, and an examiner of others. Therefore vrging and threatning * Sceuinus, shewing himselfe obstinate, told him that no man knew more then himselfe: and exhorted him, that he would shew himselfe willing to re­quite so good a Prince. Fenius could neither answere this, nor hold his toong, but entangling himselfe in his owne words, shewed a manifest feare; and the rest, but especially Ceruarius Proculus a gentleman, laboring all they could to conuict him, by commandement of the Emperour, Cassius a souldier which stoode by, and was of exceeding strength of bodie, laid hold on him, and bound him. Not long after, by their appeaching, Subrius Flauius Tribune was ouerthrowne, first alleaging the dis­similitude of his maners and life for his defence, and that he being a man of armes, would neuer in so dangerous an enterprise, associate himselfe with vnarmed effemi­nate persons: after that farther prest, imbracing the glory of confession, and de­maunded of Nero for what reasons he had proceeded so farre as to forget his oath. I hated thee (quoth he:) neither was there any of the souldiers more faithfull vnto thee then I, whilest thou deseruedst to be loued. I began to hate thee after thou be­camest a parricide of thy mother, and wife; a wagoner, a stage-player, and a setter of houses a fire. I haue reported his very words, because they were not published as Senecaes were: neither was it lesse conuenient to know the vnpolished, but waigh­tie words of this souldier. It is certaine there hapned nothing in all that conspiracie more grieuous to Neroes eares: who as readie and prompt to all mischiefes, so vn­accustomed to heare of that he had done. The punishment of Flauius was commit­ted to Veianus Niger, Tribune. He in the next field commaunded a pit to be digged, which Flauius finding fault with as not deepe inough, sayd to the souldiers stan­ding by, This is not according to the order of seruice. And being willed to stretch out his neck stoutly, I would to God (said he) thou wouldest strike so stoutly. Who [Page 244] quaking very much, when he had scarse cut off his head at two blowes, bragged to Nero of his crueltie, saying, that he was killed with halfe a blow. The next example of constancie the Centurion Sulpitius Asper did shew; for Caesar asking him why he had conspired his death? answered briefely: That so many his villanies could not otherwise be redressed. Then he sustained the punishment commanded. Neither did the rest of the Centurions degenerate in bearing their punishments. But Fenius Rufus had not the like courage, but set downe his griefes and lamentations in his testament. Nero expected that Vestinus the Consull should also be drawen into the action, iudging him violent, and an enemie to him: but the conspirators would not communicate their deseignments with him; some by reason of old grudges; but more, because they thought him rash, headie, and insociable. Furthermore, Neroes hatred against Vestinus proceeded of their inward familiaritie, the one contemning the Princes knowne cowardlines; and the other fearing the fell courage of his friend, often iesting at him with bitter skoffes: which when they carry much truth with them, leaue behinde them a biting memorie. Besides, there was a fresh cause of malice betweene them, because Vestinus had married Statilia Messallina, not igno­rant that Caesar kept vnlawfull companie with her. Therefore no crime, no accuser appearing, because he could put on no shew of accusation, he fled to his absolute power, & sendeth Gerelanus the Tribune with a band of souldiers, & inchargeth him to preuēt the Consuls deseignmēts, seise vpō his house, which was as it were his for­tresse: and slew his chosen cōpanie of youth, because Vestinus had his house looking ouer the market place, and handsome slaues all of one age. He had fulfilled that day all the duties of a Consull, and making a banquet, fearing nothing, or else dissem­bling his feare, the souldiers entred in; and when word was brought him that he was called by the Tribune, he rose without any delay, had all things prepared him in a trice, shut himself vp in his chamber, & had his Phisition at hand which cut his vaines; and being yet lustie, was caried to a bath, put in hot water, not once vtte­ring a word, which could argue either griefe, or compassion on himselfe. Those which were at table with him, were in the meane time beset with a gard, and not dismissed till the night was farre spent; and then Nero imagining and laughing at the feare they were in, as looking for their imminent ruine, sayd, they had paied enough for the Consuls good cheere.

XVI. Lucanus and Quinctianus death. Neroes liberalitie to the souldiers. Who Nymphidius was. The Senators flattery toward Nero.

AFter that, he commanded the death of M. Annaeus Lucanus, who perceiuing as his bloud went out, his feete and hands to waxe cold, and his spirites by little and little to forsake the exterior parts of his bodie: his hart yet strong, & his wit fresh, remembring verses made by himselfe, in which he represented a soul­dier wounded, and dead with the like kinde of death, rehearsed the verses them­selues, which were the last words he spake. After that Senecio and Quinctianus, not according to their former effeminat life, and the residue of the conspirators, were put to death, neither speaking nor doing any thing worthie memorie. But in the meane time the citie was filled with funerals, the Capitoll with sacrifices, one ha­uing his brother, another his sonne put to death, or friend, or neere kindred, gaue thanks to the gods, deckt his house with Bayes, fell downe at the Emperors knees, [Page 245] and wearied his right hand with kisses. And he thinking it to be done for ioy, re­wardeth with impunitie Antonius Natalis, and Ceruarius Proculus speedie dete­ction: and Milichus enriched with recompences, tooke vnto him a name, which in the Greeke signifieth a sauiour. And Granius Siluanus the Tribune, although quit, yet slew himselfe. Statius Proximus frustrated the pardon which he had recei­ued of the Emperour by the vanitie of his death. After this, Pompey, Cornelius Mar­tialis, Flauius Nepos, and Statius Domitius, were depriued of the Tribuneship, not because they hated the Prince, but yet supposed so to do. Nouius Priscus, for the friendship he had with Seneca, and Glitius Gallus, and Annius Pollio, diffamed ra­ther then conuicted, were sent into banishment. Antonia Flacilla Priscus wife fol­lowed him: Egnatia Maximilla did the like with Gallus: at the first all their wealth which was great, left them: then taken away, both which increased their glorie. Rufus Crispinus was banished also, vnder colour of the conspiracie; but hated of Nero, because he had beene Poppaeas husband. Verginius Rufus great reputation was cause of his exile: for Verginius furthered the studies of youth with eloquence; and Musonius with precepts of Philosophie. Cluuidienus Quietus, Iulius Agrip­pa, Blitius Catulinus, Petronius Priscus, Iulius Altinus, as it were an armie to make vp a number, were banished to the Iles of the Aegaean sea. But Cadicia Sceuinus wife, and Cesenius Maximus were banished Italie, knowing by the punishment only that they were called in question. Annaeus Lucanus mother Atilla, though not acquited, yet was let go without punishment. These things done by Nero, & calling the soldiers together to an oration, he bestowed by pole vpon euery souldier vnder bands two thousand Nummi About 15. li. 12, s. 6. d.; and corne without any price, which they had be­fore, according to the rate it was sould. Then as though he would declare some exploit done in war, assembled the Lords of the Senate, & bestowed the orna­ment of triumphe vpon Petronius Turpilianus Consull; Cocceius Nerua, Pretor e­lect; Tigellinus captaine of the gard: and so extolling Tigellinus and Nerua, be­sides their triumphall images in the Forum, he placed their images also in the Pallace. He gaue Nymphidius also the ornaments of a Consull, of whome I will speake a little, because now is the first occasion offered: for he also was part of the Roman miseries. He therefore sonne of a freed woman, which had abandoned and made common her comely bodie to Princes bonde and freede men, affir­med he was begotten by C. Caesar, because by some chance he was tall of perso­nage, and of a sterne grim countenance: or else C. Caesar being desirous of light­women, had abused his mother also. But Nero, the Senators assembled, and an ora­tion made among them, published an Edict to the people; and added the infor­mations and confessions of the condemned; because he was often diffamed in the peoples mouth, as though he had executed innocent persons for enuie or feare. Neuerthelesse, those which had a care of knowing the truth, did neither then doubt, but the conspiracie was begun, growne to ripenes, and set on foote a­gaine; as those which returned to the citie after Neroes death confessed. But in the Senate, all of them according to each mans griefe, abiecting themselues to flatterie: Alienus Clemens bitterly inueighed against Iunius Gallio, amazed with the death of his brother Seneca, and intreating for his owne life, cal­ling him enemie and parricide: vntill the whole Senate shewed their dislike therein; least hee shoulde seeme to abuse publicke calamities, and make them occasion of his priuate grudge; or drawe the Prince to new crueltie, forgot­ten, and tempered with clemencie. Then order was taken, that gifts and [Page 246] thanks should be rendered the gods, and peculiar honor done to the Sunne, vnto whome there is an old temple in the Cirque, in which the enterprise should haue beene accomplished; who disclosed by his diuine power, the secrets of the confe­deracie: and that the Circensian pastime in honor of Ceres should be exhibited with more horse races; and that the moneth of Aprill should beare the surname of Nero: that a Temple should be built to Salus, in the place from whence Sceuinus had taken the rapier, which he himselfe had offered vp in the Capitol, and wrote vnder it, To Iupiter the reuenger. Which presently was not noted, but after that Iulius Vindex had taken armes, it was interpreted as a foretelling and presage of fu­ture reuenge. I finde in the commentaries of the Senate, that Cerealis Anicius Consull elect, gaue his censure, that a Temple should be built with all speede at the common charge to diuine Nero; which he thought conuenient, as though ex­ceeding the highest mortall degree, he had deserued to be worshipped of men: which after was knowen to be a token and foretelling of his end. For the honor of the gods was neuer giuen the Prince vntill he were dead, and gone out this mor­tall life.

THE SIXTEENTH BOOKE OF THE ANNALES OF CORNELIVS TACITVS.

I. Nero consumeth much in seeking out a hidden treasure which Cesel­lius Bassus dreamt of. The death of Bassus. Nero con­tendeth on the Stage for the prise of play­ing on the Harpe.

AFter that time, Fortune began to delude Nero through his own vanitie, taking hold of a promise made by Cesellius Bassus: who being an African borne, and busie headed, built an assured hope vpon the shadow of a dreame which he had in the night. And come to Rome, hauing bought accesse to the Prince, de­clareth that there was a caue in his ground of a huge depth, wherein was contained great quantitie of gold vncoyned and vnwrought in a masse, as in old time it was wont to be hidden! For there lay a wall of very heauie bricks on the one side; and on the other, pillers standing vpright: all which had laine hidden many yeeres to increase the wealth of the present time. And as coniecture doth shewe Dido the Fenissian, fleeing from Tyrus, after she had built Carthage, hid that treasure there; least the newe people with ouer-great wealth should become wanton and riotous: or the King of the Numidians their olde ene­mie, for greedines of their gold sometime be incensed to make warre against them. Whereupon Nero, not well assured of the credit of the Author, or certaintie of the busines, nor any sent to view and learne whether a truth were reported: of himselfe encreaseth the rumour, and sendeth some to bring away all, as it were a pray alreadie gotten. Galleies and choise vessels were appointed to helpe to hasten the matter: the people hauing no other speech in their mouth, but that treasure, through the credulousnes of the discouerer, though not reporting of it all alike. And it fell out by chaunce that the Quinquennale pastime, which euerie fift yeere being represen­ted, was then the second time celebrated: which ministred the orators their chiefest subiect to commend the Prince; saying: That the earth did not now bring forth only the vsuall fruits, nor gold mingled with other mettals; but a new plentie: and that the gods themselues bestowed wealth in all aboundance: and manie other things with great eloquence, and no lesse seruile and base flatterie they fained; being assu­red of easie beliefe in the hearer. Riotuousnes in the meane time grew greater by vaine hope, and the old wealth was consumed, as though the other had beene offe­red, prodigally to waste many yeeres. Yea from thence largesses were bestowed: and the expectation of that wealth, was a cause in part of the publicke pouertie. For Bassus hauing digged his ground, and large fields round about; auouching boldly this or that to be the promised caue: not onely souldiers followed him; but the countrey people were taken to dig and labour; at length leauing his sottishnes, and maruelling that his dreames neuer prooued false before, and that he was neuer de­ceiued vntill then, ridde himselfe of shame and feare by killing himselfe. Some haue reported that he was imprisoned, and set at libertie againe incontinently, his goods first taken to the Princes treasure. In the meane time the Senate, the Quinquen­nale pastime drawing neer, to shadow his shame, offereth him the victorie of singing, [Page 248] and withall the crowne of eloquence to colour the reproch of his singing on the Stage. But Nero, saying that he needed not the authoritie and fauour of the Senat in that respect; as able of himself to make his partie good with his concurrents, & little doubting but that by the vprightnes of the iudges he should obtaine his deserued praise; sang first of all a verse on the Stage: then the people instantly crauing that he would publish all his studies (for those were their words) he entereth the Thea­ter, and obserueth all the orders of the Harpers: as that being wearie, yet he should not sit downe; that he should not wipe off his sweate, but with the garment he wore; that no excrements should be seene at his mouth or nose. And last of all kneeling, and shewing a reuerence to the assembly with his hand, expected the iudges sen­tence with a counterfeite feare. And the citie-people accustomed also to approoue the gestures of the players, answered him with a certaine measure and artificiall ap­plause. Thou wouldest haue thought they had reioyced, and perhaps they did, for the iniurie of the publick discredit. But those which from townes farre off, retaining as yet the auncient seueritie and custome of Italie; and from remote Prouinces vnac­quainted with dissolute behauiour, came either as Ambassadors, or for priuate bu­sines, could neither indure that sight, nor applaude any way so dishonorable a labor: but awearie with their vnskilfull clapping of hands, and troubling the skilfull, were often beaten by the souldiers, placed in thicke aray, least any moment of time should be lost by an vntuned and disproportionable crie, or slothfull silence. It is certaine that many horsemen which laboured to passe through the crowd and thicke multi­tudes were troden vnder feete; and others whilest they continued day and night in their places, were striken with deadly sicknes. And yet if they should haue beene ab­sent their feare was greater; many openly, and more priuily obseruing the names and countenances, cheerefulnes and heauines of the lookers on. Whereupon pu­nishments were inflicted vpon the poorer sort foorthwith; the hatred against noble men dissembled for the time, shewed it selfe within a short space after. And it is re­ported that Vespasian was rebuked by Phoebus a freede man, as though he had beene somewhat drousie with sleepe, and was hardly defended by the intreatie of the better sort: and afterward escaped imminent ruine by a greater chance.

II. The death of Poppaea. Banishment and death of others.

AFter the pastime was ended, Poppaea died by a sudden anger of her husbands, striking her with his foote being with childe. Neither do I beleeue that she was poisoned, although some writers do so report, of hatred rather than truth: for he was desirous of children and blinded with the loue of his wife. Her bodie was not burnt as the Roman manner was, but embalmed according to the custome of forreine Kings, stuffed with sweete odors, and buried in the tombe of the Iulians. Yet publicke funerals were solemnised, and he himselfe praised her beautie before the people assembled; that she had beene the mother of a diuine daughter; and other gifts of fortune he commended in steed of vertues. The death of Poppaea as in shew sorrowfull; so to the remembrers of her loose life and crueltie ioyfull; Nero made more odious by giuing new matter of hatred, by hindering C. Cassius from being present at her exequies; which was the first token of his ruine, not long defer­red. And Silanus bare him companie for no crime committed, but because Cassius for his auncient riches, and grauitie of manners, Silanus for noblenes of birth, and modest youth, were woorthie praise aboue the rest. Hauing therefore sent an oration to the Senate, declared that they were both to be remooued from the common-wealth. [Page 249] And layd to Cassius charge, that among the images of his auncestors, he had done honour also to the image of C. Cassius, which had this written vnder it: To the Captaine of the parts. For seedes of ciuill warre, and a reuolt from the house of Caesars might haue beene intended by those words. And least he should vse the me­morie only of a hatefull name to ground a quarrell on; he ioyned L. Silanus a yoong man of a noble stocke, rash and headie, vnder a pretence and colour of mouing newe broiles. Further, he rebuked Silanus for the same matters, as before he had done his vncle Torquatus, as though he did alreadie dispose of the cares of the Empire, and giue his freed men charge of the accounts, requests and secretariships: things both vaine & false. For Silanus was warie & fearfull, and by the death of his vncle circum­spect in his actions. After this he induced some vnder the name of accusers, which falsly charged Lepida, Cassius wife, Silanus aunt, of incest with her brothers sonne; and with certaine execrable rites of sacrifices. There were drawen in as priuie thereto, Vulcatius Tullinus, and Marcellus Cornelius, Senators; and Calpurnius Fabatus, a gen­tleman of Rome: who appealing to the Prince, and disappointing the present con­demnation; anon after Nero being busied about some great mischiefes, were for­gotten as men of small reckoning. Then banishment was decreed against Cassius and Silanus by order of Senate; and that Caesar himselfe should dispose of Lepida. Cassius was exiled to the Iland Sardinia, * exspecting their further order from the Lords of the Senate. Silanus conueighed to Hostia, as though he should be carried to Naxus; was after shut vp in a towne of Apulia, called Barium. And there, wise­lie bearing his most vnwoorthie aduersitie, a Centurion sent to kill him laying hands on him; perswaded him to cut his vaines: who answered, that he had a minde re­solute & readie to die, but he would not permit an executioner to haue the glorie of the seruice. But the Centurion, although seeing him vnarmed; yet strong, and more inclining to anger than feare, commaunded his souldiers to dispatch him. Neither did Silanus omit to resist, and lay on blowes as well as he was able with naked hands, vntill he fell downe ouermatched with the Centurions wounds on his face as it had beene in a skirmish. With no lesse courage died L. Vetus, and Sexia his mother in law, and his daughter Pollutia: hatefull to the Prince, as though by liuing, they should vpbraid him with the murder of Rubellius Plautus, L. Vetus sonne in law. But the first discouerer of his crueltie towards them, was one Fortunatus a freed man of Vetus, who hauing pilfred away his masters goods and fearing an enquirie, began to accuse him, associating Claudius Demianus with him, who emprisoned by Vetus Pro­consull of Asia for his misdeeds, Nero deliuered in recompence of the accusation. Which being vnderstood by the partie accused, and that there was no difference made betwixt him and his freed man, hedeparteth to Eormianum, where a secrete guarde of souldiers watched him. His daughter was with him, who besides the im­minent danger, through long griefe, fell and cruell, as soone as she had seen the mur­derers of her husband Plautus, grew to further extremitie: and hauing cast herselfe about his necke embrued with blood, kept still the blood, and her apparell besprin­kled with it, remaining a widow, drownd in continuall griefe, vsing no other foode, than was necessarie to keepe off death. Then her father exhorting her, she goeth to Naples. And, because she was kept from the speech of Nero, lying in waite for his going abroad, she cried alowde that it would please him to heare the innocent, and not commit one who had beene his companion in the Consulship to the dispo­sition of a freed man, sometime with a womanish lamentation, sometimes going be­yond her sexe, with angrie and bitter termes: vntill the Prince shewed himselfe in­flexible; and no way mooued, either with praiers or hatred he might incurre. And [Page 250] warneth her father to cast away hope, and resolue himselfe to the present necessitie. Withall newes came, that the matter should be heard before the Lords of the Se­nate, and a cruell sentence intended. Thereupon some aduised him to pronounce [...]ar his heire for the most part of his goods, and so helpe his nephewes with the rest; which he refused, least he should dishonour with this last seruile acte his life past almost in libertie: and gaue all his money among his bondmen, and if any thing could be carried away, that euerie one might serue himselfe; three beds onely reser­ued for his funerall obsequies. Then in the same chamber, with the same knife they cut their vaines, and with speed each one couered with a simple garment, for mode­stie sake, they were put into bathes. The father looking on the daughter, the grand­mother on her neece, she on both, praying a-uie for a speedie end to leaue the others aliue, though to follow incontinently after. And fortune herein kept the order, the eldest dying first, then the next in age. And being accused after their buriall, and or­dayned they should be punished according to the auncient manner: Nero was against it, suffering them to make choise of their manner of death, for such kinde of scoffes were vsed after the murders committed. P. Gallus a gentleman of Rome, be­cause he was inward with Fenius, and not an enemie to Vetus, was banished: the freed man and accuser rewarded for his paines, and a place giuen him in the Theater a­mong the beadles of the Tribunes. And the month of May which followed Aprill, and called Nero, was changed into the name of Claudius, and Iuly into Germanicus: and Cornelius Ofitus, whose censure that was, saide that therefore the month of Iune was past ouer, because two of the Torquatus alreadie executed for their misdemea­nors, had made the name of Iune vnluckie. A yeere continued with so many lewd actions, the gods haue marked and made notorious by tempests and diseases. Cam­pania was destroied with boisterous stormes of windes, which did euerie where beat downe houses, woods, and graine, and brought the violence of it to places adioy­ning to the citie. Where the rage of the pestilence spared none, although there was no manifest shew of corruption of the aire to be seene. Yet the houses were filled with dead bodies, and the waies with funerals; no sexe, no age, free from danger; as well bond, as free borne indifferently perished: amidst the lamentations of their wiues and children; who whilest they sat by them and bewailed, were often burnt in the same funerall fire. The death of gentlemen and Senators although in different with others, lesse lamented, as though they had by a common mortalitie preuented the Princes crueltie. The same yeere they mustered in Gallia Narbonensis, Affrick, and Asia, to supplie the legions of Illyria, which worne out either with yeeres or sickenes were freede from their oath. The Prince relieued the oalamitie of Lugdu­num with About 31250 pound. fortie hundred thousand sesterces to recouer the losses of their citie: which summe of money the Lugdunenses had before bestowed in troubled times.

III. The death of certaine noble men, for desire of their wealth or other iealousies.

C. Suetonius, and L. Telesinus being Confuls, Antistius Sosianus banished, as I haue sayd before, for making slanderous verses against Nero, vnderstan­ding that pickthankes were so honored, and the Prince so forward to mur­ders, busie minded, and not slow in taking hold of occasions, insinuateth himselfe through conformitie of fortune, into the fauour of Pammenes a banished man of the same place; and for his skill in the Chaldean arte, supported by the friendship [Page 251] of many. This Antistius supposing that messages and consultations came not to him in vaine, vnderstandeth withall that he had money yeerely supplied him by P. Anteius. Neither was he ignorant that Anteius through the loue he bare to A­grippina was hatefull to Nero; that his wealth, as it had beene of others, might be a motiue to procure his destruction. Whereupon hauing intercepted Anteius let­ters, and stolne his writings wherin the day of his natiuitie and things to come, were hidden among Pammenes secrets, and withall found those things which had beene composed of the birth and life of Ostorius Scapula: writeth to the Prince, that he would bring him great newes touching his owne safetie, if he might obtaine a short intermission of his banishment: for Anteius and Ostorius watch for opportunitie to lay hold on the soueraigntie, and searched out their owne and Caesars destinies. Therupon swift vessels were sent & Sosianus brought with all speed. And his accusa­tion diuulged, Anteius and Ostorius were reckoned rather among the condemned than accused; in so much that no man would haue sealed Anteius testament, if Tigel­linus had not beene their warrant. Anteius was first admonished not to delay the making of his testament: but he hauing drunken poison, weary of the slow working of it, by cutting his vaines hastened his death. Ostorius at that time was farre off in the confines of Liguria, whither a Centurion was sent to make him away with all speed. The cause of the haste proceeded of that, that Ostorius being for matter of warre of good reckoning, and deserued in Britannie a ciuicall crowne, of a mightie strength of bodie and skilfull in armes, droue Nero into a feare least he should as­saile him; alwaies timorous & fearfull, but then more then euer, through the conspi­racie lately detected. The Centurion therfore when he had beset al escaping places, openeth to Ostorius the Emperours cōmandement. He conuerted against himself his courage often tried against the enimy. And bicause his vaines whē they were opened, yeelded but little blood, vsing the hand of his slaue only to take out a rapier & hold it stedfast: he drew his right hand to him, and ranne himselfe through the necke. If I should haue written of forrein wars, and deaths sustained for the common-wealth, with diuers other accidents & chances: yet I should not only haue seemed tedious to my selfe; but to others also: abhorring the deaths of citizens, being dolefull and continuall, although honorable. But now a seruile patience, and so much bloode lost at home, doth trouble my minde and oppresse it with griefe. Neither do I require any other defence or excuse of those who shall know these things, but that they hate them not, for dying so cowardly. That was certainely the anger of the gods against the Roman state, which ought not so easily be runne ouer with once writing, as in the ouerthrow of armies, or taking of townes. Let this prerogatiue be giuen the posteritie of worthie personages, that as how they are distinguished from the confuse multitude in the solemnitie of their funerals: so in the deliuerie of their last ends, that they may receiue and haue a proper and peculiar memorie. For within a fewe daies by the same violent course, Annaeus Mella, Cerialis Anicius, Rufus Crispi­nus, and C. Petronius perished. Mella and Crispinus were gentlemen of Rome, and equall in dignitie with Senators. Crispinus once Captaine of the guarde, and hono­red with Consularie ornaments, and of late through the conspiracie, exiled into Sar­dinia, hauing receiued tydings he should die; slew himselfe. Mella borne of the same parents as Gallius and Seneca, forbare purchasing of dignities, by a preposterous am­bition, to the end that a Roman gentleman might be equalled in authoritie to the Consuls. Withall he thought it a shorter course of getting wealth, to mannage the affaires of the prince in quality of a Procurator. The same Mella was Annaeus Lucanus father, which was a great credit to him: but after his death, seeking out too narrow­ly [Page 252] his goods, stirred vp an accuser against him, one Fabius Romanus, one of Lucans familiar friends: which falsly fathered vpō him & the father, the priuitie of the con­spiracie, by counterfeiting of Lucans letters: which Nero hauing perused, comman­ded to be caried him, gaping after his wealth. But Mella, which was then the readiest way to death, loosed his vaines, hauing bestowed in his testament a huge summe of money vpon Tigellinus, and on his sonne in law Cossutianus Capito, that the rest might stand good. He added to his will as it were a complaint of the iniustice of his death: That he died for no causes deseruing punishment: but Rufus Crispinus and Anicius Cerialis enioyed their life, being the Princes enimies. Which words were thought to haue bin forged, of Crispinus because he was alreadie slaine; of Cerialis because he should be slaine. Who not long after killed himselfe, lesse pitied than the rest: as bearing in minde that he had discouered a conspiracie to C. Caesar.

IIII. The constant death of C. Petronius, and what life he led.

OF C. Petronius, a few things aboue recited are heere againe to be repeated. He passed the day in sleepe, and the night in delightfull sports, or other affaires of life. And as others, industrie; so this man, slouth had raised to fame: a riotous and wastfull spender he was, not accompted like many, which run through all, but vsing riot to his credit. And his words and deedes how much the freer, and shewing a certaine carelesnes; so much the more gratefully receiued, as sauoring somewhat of simplicitie. Notwithstanding being Proconsull of Bithynia, and anon after Consull, he shewed himself quick & stout, and able to wade through great matters. Then falling againe to his vices, or else shew of vices, was receiued amongst Neroes familiar friends, as a iudge and arbitrator of his daintiest delights, esteeming nothing pleasant or delightfull, vnlesse Petronius had approued it. Thereupon grew Tigellinus malice against him, as against a concurrent, or one more skilfull in pleasures then himselfe, whetting Neroes crueltie (vnto which all other lusts gaue place) against him: obiecting the friendship he had with Sceuinus, corrupting a slaue to be his accuser: taking from him all meanes of defence, and the greatest part of his familie drawne into prison. By chance about that time Caesar went to Campania, and Petronius gone as farre as Cumas, was there stayed; and not able any longer to indure the lingering betweene hope, or feare, yet did not rashly kill himselfe, but cutting his vaines, and binding them vp as pleased him, opened them againe, and talked with his friends, though not of any serious matter, or worthie to purchase the glorie of constancie: but gaue eare to those which dis­coursed with him, yet nothing of the immortalitie of the soule, or opinions of wise men, but of light verses, and easie songs. On some of his slaues he bestowed gifts, and on some stripes. He went sometimes abroade, and gaue himselfe to sleepe, that although his death was constrained, yet it should be like a casuall death. Neither in his testament (as most men were wont to do) did he flatter Nero or Tigellinus or any other fauorite, but wrote down the vncleane life of the Prince, vnder fained names of stale catamites, abused against nature, and of women, with the strangenes of the abuse of either of them; and sealed vp, sent it to Nero, and brake his seale, least after­ward it might serue to breede danger to others. And Nero doubting how the inuen­tion of his night pleasures should come to light, Silia by being the wife of a Sena­tor not vnknowne, and abused in all his licentious lusts, and very familiar with Pe­tronius, came to his minde, whom he thrust into banishment, as not hauing kept se­cret [Page 253] those things she had seene and suffered: moued thereto by his owne particular hatred rather then rest occasion. He deliuered Numicius Thermus once Pretor, to Tigellinus priuie hatred, because Thermus freed man had layd some criminall mat­ter to Tigellinus charge, which he should pay for by torment of torture, and his maister by vndeserued death.

V. Neroes hatred against Thraseas Paetus, and Bareas Soranus.

SO many worthie men being murdered, in the end Nero coueted to destroy vertue, it selfe, by killing Bareas Soranus, and Thraseas Paetus, of old enemie to both; and new occasions rising against Thraseas, because he went out of the Senat, as I haue alreadie said, when Agrippinaes cause was debated; & because that in the pastime of youth called Inuenales, he shewed not so acceptable indeuor as was expected: which grudge pearsed the deeplier, because the same Thrasea at Padua where he was borne in the Cestian playes, instituted by Antenor the Troian, sang in tragicall attire. The day also that Antistius the Pretor was condemned for outrages against Nero, he gaue a milder sentence, and obtained it: and when the honor of the goddes was ordained for Poppaea, absent of set purpose, was not at the conuoy of the funerall. Which things Capito Cossutianus did not suffer to be forgotten, besides his ouer-readie inclination to naughtines, enemie to Thrasea, because that by his au­thoritie, countenancing the deputies of Cilicia, he lost his cause, when they pur­sued Capito for vsing iniustice and extortion in his office. He obiected farther: That in the beginning of the yeere Thrasea did auoide the oath; was not present with the rest at the offering vp of vowes, although he were one of the fifteene Priests, yet he neuer offered sacrifice for the health of the Prince, or heauenly voice: that hereto­fore he hath beene often present, and diligent, shewing himselfe a fauorer or an ad­uersarie to the ordinarie consultations of the Lords of the Senate, but hath not once entered the Curia this three yeeres: and very lately when euery man ran who first might, to punish Silanus and Vetus, he attended rather on his clients priuat busi­nes: that was now a reuolting, and a faction, and if many durst do the like, it would breede to a warre. As in times past (sayd he) the citie desirous of garboile, spake of C. Caesar, and M. Cato; so now of thee ô Nero and Thrasea, and hath his adherents or rather followers, which imitating, though not his obstinacie of opinions, yet his be­hauior and countenance, seuere and sterne, do cast thy lasciuiousnes in thy teeth. This man only is carelesse of thy health, no way procuring thy honor, he little re­gardeth the Princes prosperous successes. What, is he not filled with thy griefes, and sorrowes? It proceedeth from the selfesame minde not to beleeue Poppaea to be agoddesse, and not sweare to obserue the ordinances of Augustus and Iulius of fa­mous memorie. He despiseth holie things, abrogateth lawes. The diurnals of the people of Rome are curiously read in the prouinces and campe, that it might be knowen what Thrasea hath not done. Either let vs condiscend to his ordinances if they be better: or let the captaine and author be taken away from desires of no­uelties. This sect brought forth the Tuberones & Fauonians, vnpleasing names to the auncient common wealth. That they may ouerthrow the state, they pretend libertie: but if they should ouerthrow it, they will giue an assault to ouerthrow liber­tis likewise. Invaine thou hast extinguished Cassius, if thou wilt suffer the followers of Brutus to grow and take head. In fine, write thou nothing of Thrasea; leaue vs the Senate arbitrator of the cause. Nero extolleth Cossutianus stoutnes, whet on [Page 254] with choler, and ioyneth with him Marcellus Eprius, of a quick and liuely eloquēce. As for Barea Soranus, Ostorius Sabinus, a Romaine gendeman had required he might accuse him for matter committed in the Proconsulship of Asia: in which he aug­mented the displeasure the Prince bare him for iustice and industrie: and because he had beene very carefull in opening the hauen of the Ephesians; and had left vn­punished the violence of the citie Pergamena, which hindring Acratus Caesars freed man to carry away their images and pictures. But the fault indeede laid to his charge, was his friendship with Plautus, and ambition in alluring the prouince to new hopes. The time chosen to condemne him, was, when Tiridates came to take the kingdome of Armenia: that domesticall wickednes might be obscured and hidden with the rumors of the strangers arriuing; or else that he might shew the greatnes of an Emperour by the death of worthie men, as a royall act. Whereupon all the citie being run out to receiue the Prince, and behold the King, Thrasea for­bidden to go to meete him, lost not courage therefore; but wrote to Nero, demaun­ding his accusations, boldly affirming that he would purge himselfe, if he might haue knowledge of the crimes, and licence to cleere them. These writings Nero re­ceiued very greedily, in hope that Thrasea being terrified and deiected, would haue written somewhat sounding to the magnificencie and excellencie of the Prince, and discredit of his owne reputation: which falling out otherwise, fearing the counte­nance, and courage and libertie of the innocent, commaunded the Lords of the Senate to be assembled. Then Thrasea consulted with his friends, whether he should aduenture his purgation, or let it passe. Those which thought it best he should enter into the Senat house, said, they were assured of his constancie, and that he would say nothing but what should augment his glory. Cowardly and timorous men did shut themselues in secret places at the time of their death. The people should see a man offering himselfe to death; the Senate should heare words more then hu­mane, as it were of some diuine power, that Nero himselfe might also be moued with the miracle: but if his crueltie should continue, certes the memorie of an ho­norable death should be distinguished with posteritie from the cowardlines of such as perished with silence. Contrarywise, such as thought it conuenient to expect within dores what might happen, said the same of Thrasea: But yet that skoffes and iniuries were at hand: he should therefore withdraw his eares from checks and re­prochfull speeches: not only Cossutianus and Eprius are prompt to naughtines: some there are which peraduenture would let their hand walke and strike, through the crueltie * of Augustus: yea the good do the like for feare. That he would rather deliuer the Senat whom he had alwaies honored, of the infamie of so great a villa­nie: and leaue it doubtfull, what, hauing seene Thrasea, the Lordes of the Senate would determine. That Nero should be ashamed of his wickednes, was to trouble himselfe with a vaine hope: and that it was much more to be feared, least he should grow cruell against his wife, his familie, and the rest of his children. Therefore that vndefiled and vncorrupted, whose steps and studies he had imitated in his life, theirs also he should follow in the honor of his death. There was present at this consultation Rusticus Arulenus, Tribune of the people, a hot yongman, who for desire of praise, offered to oppose himselfe to the decree of Senate. Thrasea coold his courage: Least he should begin a vaine enterprise vnprofitable to the criminall, and dangerous to the opposer. As for himselfe he had ended his yeeres, and that he ought not forsake the manner of his life so many yeeres continued: but he entred now into offices, and was in his choise to accept or refuse such as are behind. That he should waigh well and ponder with himselfe what course of gouerning he should [Page 255] enter into, of taking charge in the common wealth in such a time as this. Whether it were fit for him to come into the Senate, or not, he would haue it rest in his owne consideration.

VI. Thraseas accusation and death.

THe next day two armed Pretorian cohorts, beset the Temple of Venus the mo­ther: the waies to the Senate a companie of gownd-men had filled, not hiding their weapons: and a thicke aray of souldiers dispersed in the place of assem­blies and Temples; amidst whose lookes and threats the Senators went into the court; where the Princes oration was heard by his Quaestors mouth. None noted by name, he blamed the Senators; That they neglected publicke duties, and that by their example the gentlemen of Rome were become lazie. For what maruell was it, if from Prouinces farre off they came not to Rome, when as the most part hauing obtained the Consulship and priestly dignities, gaue themselues rather to passe the time withall pleasures in their gardens? Which the accusers tooke hold of as it were of a weapon. And Cossutianus leading the daunce, and Marcellus with greater vehe­mencie: Cried that this touched the whole state, that through the disobedience of the inferiours, the lenitie of the commaunder was made lesser. The Lords of the Se­nate vntill that day had beene too milde in suffering Thrasea to forsake their side, his sonne in law Heluidius Priscus in the same madnes; Paconius Agrippinus, heire of his fathers hatred against Princes, and Curtius Montanus composing destable verses to scoffe and abuse men without punishment. He found a lacke of a Consull in the Senate, of a priest in vowes, in an oath a citizen: but against the ordinances and ce­remonies of our auncestors, Thrasea had openly put on the person of a traitour and an enemie. Finally, that he should come and play the Senator, and as he was wont, protect the backbiters of the Prince, and giue his censure what he would haue a­mended or chaunged: for they could more easilie endure one finding fault with all things, then endure his silence now, condemning all things. Doth peace through­out the world displease him, or victories without losse of the armies? That they would not suffer him haue the desire of his ouerthwart ambition, who grieued at the common prosperitie, thought the place of assemblies, the Theater, and Temples, solitarie places, and threatned his owne banishment. These things vnto him seemed not decrees, not magistrates: nor this the citie of Rome: that he would abandon, and separate his life from that citie, whose loue in time past, and now whose sight he had cast off. When with these and the like speeches Marcellus had inueighed, grim and threatning, in voice, countenance and eies kindled with rage: not that knowen, and by often vse of daungers, vsuall heauines, but a new and a deeper feare seased the Lords of the Senate, beholding the hands and weapons of the souldiers. Besides that, the reuerent representation of Thrasea came to their imagination: and some there were which had compassion that Heluidius should suffer punishment in regard of harmelesse affinitie. What was obiected against Agrippinus, but the la­mentable fortune of his father? When as he innocent also, was ruined by Tiberius crueltie. Montanus, a vertuous yoong man was banished, because he made shew of his wit, though not with any diffamatorie verses.

VII. Soranus daughters oration in Senate, and his death.

IN the meane season Ostorius Sabinus, Soranus accuser, commeth in, and begin­neth with his friendship had with Rubellius Plautus: and that being Proconsull of Asia, he caried himselfe rather as fitting his own nobilitie, than the cōmon good, by entertayning and nourishiug sedition among the citizens. These were stale mat­ters, but as if they were fresh he ioined the daughter to the fathers allea­ging that she had bestowed money vpon Magicians. So it was indeede, through the loue and affection Seruilia (so was she called) bare her father, and vndiscretion of age; yet she consulted of nothing but of the safetie of their house; or whether Ne­roes wrath would be pacified; or the Senators hearing of the cause, would be to the preiudice of her father. She was called into the Senate, and stoode one from the other before the Consuls tribunal; the father very aged, the daughter vnder twen­tie yeeres, a widow, and desolate, her husband Annius Pollio of late banished; and not so much as looking towards her father, whose dangers she imagined she had increased. Then the accuser asking her whether she had sould her dowrie orna­ments, and taken her iewell from her neck, to get money to practise magicall super­stitions? first prostrating her selfe on the ground, with a long silence and weeping, then imbracing the altars, said: I haue not called vpon any wicked gods, I haue made no diuelish inuocatiōs, nor any thing else by my vnhappie praiers, then that this my very good father, thou ô Caesar, & you Lords of the Senat, would saue aliue. So I haue giuen my iewels, and apparell, and ornaments of my dignitie, euen as I would haue done my bloud and life, if they had demaunded it. Let these men heretofore vnto me vnknowen, looke what names they carry, what artes they practise: I made no mention of the Prince, vnlesse it were among the gods. Yet my most vnfortunate father knoweth it not: if it be an offence, I alone haue offended. Soranus tooke the words out of her mouth as she was yet speaking, and cried, that she went not with him into the prouince: for her age Plautus could not know her; she was not confe­derate with her husbands crimes; she was guiltie only of ouer-great and tender loue: and therefore whatsoeuer should sort to his lot, he besought them that they would separate his cause from hers; withall, hastned to cast himselfe in the armes of his daughter which came to meete him, if the serieants putting themselues be­tween them, had not hindered both. By and by the witnesses were heard; and how much pitie the crueltie of the accuser had moued, so much anger P. Egnatius the witnes sturred. This man being a client of Soranus, and then hired to oppresse his friende, pretended grauitie of the Stoicall sect, in demeanor and countenance to represent the patterne of honest exercises; but in minde was traiterous, and de­ceiptfull, couering auarice, and a lewd minde: which being discouered, and made knowne by money, hath taught vs to beware of such, as vnder colour of liberall sci­ences, are false in friendship: no lesse then of those which are notoriously noted for vice, and treacherous dealing. The same day was shewed a notable example by Cas­sius Asclepiodotus, who for wealth, being the chiefest among the Bithynians, vsed the same tokens of kindnes towards Soranus in his aduersitie, as before he had done in time of prosperitie: for which cause being depriued of all his goods, and cast into ba­nishmēt, by the iustice of the gods * which lay before vs a precident as well of good as of bad. Thrasea, Soranus, & Seruilia had their choise giuen them what death they would haue. Heluidius and Paconius were banished Italie. Montanus was granted to his father, with conditiō that he should beare no charge in the common wealth. To [Page 257] the accusers Eprius & Cossutianus, to each were giuen About 39062 pound 10. shil. 5. millions of sesterces; to Osto­rius 12. hundred thousand About 9375. pound., & the ornamēts of a questor. Then toward the euening, the Cōsuls Questor was sent to Thrasea, being then in his gardēs, visited with a great companie of noblemen and women, very attentiuely hearing the doctor Demetrius, one of the Cynicall sect, of whom as it was to be coniectured by his coun­tenance, and heard if they speake any thing lowd, he demaunded sundrie questions of the nature of the soule, and of the separation of the spirit from the bodie; vntill Domitius Cacilianus, one of his familiarest friends came, and declared what the Lords of the Senat had decreed. Those which were present, bewailing and moning Thrasea with all speede were exhorted to depart, least their lot should be to partake the dangers of a condemned person, & perswadeth his wife Arria, who would haue died with him, to follow the example of her mother Arria, to keepe her selfe aliue, and not bereaue their daughter of them both, & of her only stay and support. From thence he went to his gallery, where the Questor found him, rather cheerefull then sad, because he had vnderstood that Heluidius his sonne in lawe was only banished Italie. Then hauing receiued the order of the Senate, he brought Heluidius and De­metrius into a chamber, and stretching out the vaines of both his armes, after he saw the bloud gush out, sprinkling it on the ground, and calling the Questor neerer, said: Let vs sacrifice to Iupiter the deliuerer. Behold, yong man, yet the gods preserue thee from the like lucke: neuerthelesse thou art borne in those times, in which it is expedient to strengthen thy minde with constant examples: then the slow going out of the bloud, causing grieuous torments, turning to Demetrius. *

The rest of the Latin is lost.

FINIS.

THE DESCRIPTION OF GERMANIE: AND CVS­TOMES OF THE PEOPLE, BY CORNELIVS TACITVS.

ALL Germanie is diuided from the Galli, the Rhaetians, and Pannonians, with two riuers, Rhene and Danubius; from the Sarmatians and Dacians by mutuall feare of one the other, or high hils. The rest the Ocean doth enuiron, compassing broad and wide gulphes, and large and spatious Ilands; the people and Kings of which hath beene of late discouered by warre. The riuer of Rhene hauing his beginning on the top of the inaccessible, steep Rhaetian Alpes, and winding somewhat towardes the West, falleth into the North Ocean. Danubius springing from the top of the hill Abnoba, not so steepe, passing by manie nations, falleth by sixe channels into the Ponticke sea: the seuenth is lost in the marishes. I may thinke that the Germans are home-bred and the naturall people of their countrey, and not mixed with others, comming from other places; bicause such as in times past sought new habitations, came by sea and not by land: and that huge and spatious Ocean, and as I may terme it, different from the other, is seldome trauelled by our men. For besides the daunger of the rough and vnknowen sea; who (vnlesse it were his natiue soile) would leaue Asia, or Affricke, or Italie, and plant himselfe in Germanie? Be­ing a countrey of it selfe rude, and the aire vnpleasant and rough, to looke on ilfa­uoured; not mannured nor husbanded. They giue it out as a high point in old ver­ses (which is the onely way they maintaine the memorie of things, as their Annales) that the god Tuisto, sonne of the earth, and his sonne Mannus, were their first foun­ders and beginners. To Mannus they assigne three sonnes; whose names the Ingae­uones tooke, a nation neere the Ocean: the Istaeuones, and Herminones lying be­tweene them both. But some through a licence which antiquitie doth giue, affirme that the King had moe sonnes, from which moe nations tooke their names; as the Marsi, Gambriui, Sueui, Vandali, all true and auncient names. As for the name, Ger­manie, it is a new name lately coyned: for those which first past the riuer of Rhene & droue out the Gallois, were now called Tungri, now Germani: so the name of one people, not of the whole nation, growing great by little and little: as they were all at the first called for feare, as best liked the Conquerour; so at last, Germans, being a name of their owne inuention. And they record that Hercules, came amongst them of all that euer was the valiantest person. They goe singing to the warres. And haue certaine verses, by singing of which, calling it Barditus, they incourage their people, and by the same song foretell the fortune of the future battell: for they both strike a feare into others, and are themselues striken with feare, according to the measure and tune of the battell: seeming rather an harmonie of valour than voices; and do affect principally a certaine roughnes of the voice, and a broken confuse murmur, by putting their targets before their mouthes, to the end their voice by the reuerbe­ration might sound bigger and fuller. Yea some are of opinion, that Vlisses in his long and fabulous wandring, being brought to this Ocean, came into Germanie, [Page 259] and built the towne Asciburgium vpon the banke of Rhene and inhabited at this day, which he called [...]. And that an altar consecrated to Vlisses hath been found in the same place, with his fathers name Laërtes: and that there are yet monu­ments extant, and certaine tumbes inscribed with Greeke letters, in the confines of Germanie and Rhaetia: which I intend not to confirme by reasons, or confute; and therefore I leaue it to euerie mans iudgement to beleeue or not. For mine owne part I hold with them, which thinke that the people of Germanie, not changed and altered by marrying with other nations, haue continued the true and pure nation like vnto none, but themselues. And therefore you see they haue all one feature and making, though they be infinite in number: firie and gray eies, yellow haire, great bodies, and strong at a push onely. Trauell and paine they cannot endure: nor yet thirst nor heate; but to hunger and cold the aire and the countrey hath inured them. The soile, although differing somewhat in kind, yet generally is wilde with woods, or vnpleasant and ilfauoured with marishes: moister towards Gallia: more windie towards Noricum and Pannony: batfull enough; but bad for fruit-bearing­trees; cattle plentie, but for the most part harletry runts: their kine and labou­ring beast hath no beautie in him: all their ioye is in plentie of them: and therein consisteth their wealth; & the wealth they chiefly desire. Siluer & gold whether the angry or fauourablegods haue denied them, I doubt. Neither wil I affirme that there is no vaine in Germany which yeeldeth siluer & gold: for who hath sought it? the pos­session of these metals or vse, they do not greatly affect. Yet vessels of plate you may see among them presented to their Embassadors & Princes; but as smally accompted of, as if they were of earth: although the borderers for commoditie of trafficke, like gold and siluer well; and do acknowledge and choose some coine, bearing our images. Those which dwell further in the land, go more simplie to worke, and ac­cording to the old manner, haue no buying and selling, but by exchange of com­modities. The older the money, and longest knowne, the better liked, as that which is toothed about like a sawe: or hath the picture of a chariot drawen with two horses. They desire rather siluer then gold: not for any liking vnto it; but because that, being in smaller money, it is easlier put away in buying and selling of small wares. Yron they haue little among them, as by their weapons it may be gathered. Few of them vse swords, or great lances: but carrie Iauelins, or as they terme them Frameas, with a narrow and short yron, but so sharp and handsome, that as occa­sion serueth, with the same weapon they can fight both at hand, and a farre off: and the horseman is contented with a shield and a framea. The footemen vse weapons, to throw one man a great many, and that a great way off: naked, or couered with a light cassocke. Handsomnes and neatnes in attire they do not brag of, but trim and distinguish their shields only with varietie of colours. Brigantine or cote of fence few haue. Salet or head-peece scarse any one vseth. Their horses are neither beau­tifull to the eye, nor swift, nor mannaged to the carrire according to our fashion; but to go on straight, or turne on the right hand so close and round, that not one drags behinde another. All things well considered, their greatest strength consi­steth of footemen: and therefore in their fight they mingle the one with the other; the footemen which are a chosen number out of the youth, and placed before the battell, neither going too hastily before the horsemen, nor drailing after, but mar­ching in proportionable measure with them. There is a certain number set downe, that is, of euery towneship or borough an hundred, for so they terme themselues: and that which was but a number at the first, is now a name and an honor. Their bat­tels be pointed: to giue ground, so as they charge lustely after, they thinke rather [Page 260] a point of good policie then cowardlines. The bodies of their souldiers they carrie away, euen in doubtfull battels: to abandon his shield is the chiefest disgrace and offence: an ignominious person is barred from their sacrifices, and from their assem­blies; and many which haue fled from battels, haue for shame hanged themselues. Their Kings they choose by noblenes of birth, and their Captaines by valour. The Kings power is restrained, and not to do what he listeth; and their Captaines if they be forward in sight, and in the point of the battell, are admired and reuerenced ra­ther for their example, then commanderie. Power to punish, to emprison or beate, none haue but Priests: yet that not as a punishment, or at the Captaines comman­dement; but as it were by the commaundement of God, whom they beleeue doth assist warriors in battels; and carrie before them certaine images, and monuments taken out of the woods. And which is the chiefest encouragement of all, they make not their pointed battell at hap hazard, of all persons as they come; but of their familie and friends, and kinsfolke, with their children not farre of; from whence they may heare the howling of their wiues, and crying of their children: which are to all, sacred witnesses of their valour, and best commenders. They goe when they are hurt to their mothers and wiues; which are not afeard to number or sucke their wounds; and carrie the souldiers meate, and incourage them to stand to it. It is reported that some battels, euen readie as it were to be lost, and discomfited, haue beene by the womens earnest prayers, exposing their bodies to the daunger, and by shewing how neere at hand their captiuitie was, recouered againe: which in regard of their wiues is a greater griefe and hart-breake vnto them; in so much that those cities are more straightly bound, which amongst other hostages haue deliuered also noblemens daughters: for they dreame that they haue in them I know not what holi­nes & foresight of things; which maketh them regard their counsell, & giue credit to their oracle. Vnder Vespasian of famous memorie, we haue seene Velleda a long time and with many nations counted as some diuine thing: and in times past did adore Aurinia, and many others, not of flatterie, or as though they would haue made them goddesses.

II. Their religion and policie.

OF all the gods, they adore especially Mercurie; vnto whom they thinke it lawfull certaine daies, to offer men in sacrifice: but Hercules and Mars they pacifie with beasts, lawfully killed to that vse: & som of the Sueuians sacrifice to Isis. What reason they haue to vse that strange sacrifice, I know not: vnlesse it be that the image of that goddesse, being fashioned in forme of that kinde of boat, doth declare that their religion hath beene brought them from a strange countrey. They thinke it a matter il beseeming the greatnes of the gods, to inclose them with­in wals, or paint them in mans shape. They consecrate woods and forrestes; which secret places they call by the names of gods: which they see onely by apprehension and reuerence.

Soothsaying and lots they obserue aboue all others. Their custome in casting of lots is without fraude: for they cut a branche from a fruit-bearing-tree, into many peeces; and distinguished with seuerall markes cast them vpon a white garment, at auenture: then if the matter belong to a communaltie, the Priest; if to a priuate per­son, the master of the house hauing prayed the gods, and looking vp to the heauen, taketh vp euerie of them three times: and interpreteth them according to their markes. If the lots fall contrarie to their mindes, they consult no more that day, [Page 261] the same matter. But if they do, yet they will trie what further credit there is in Soothsaying: for they are not ignorant in this countrey of obseruing the singing of birdes and their flying, consulting with their gods of both. And it is a thing pecu­liar vnto that countrey to trie the presages and warnings of horses; which are bred and maintained in those woods and forrests, white, vnbacked, or vnlaboured: which harnessed and put to a sacred chariot, the Priest, King, or Prince of the citie do fol­low; obseruing their noise and neying. Of all presages this is of greatest credit with the Priestes, noblemen, and common people: thinking themselues ministers of the gods; and the horses priuie to their secrets. They haue another obseruation among them, by which they search out the euent of great and weightie battels; which is this. They get some one, how they can, of that nation with whom the warre shall be; and take another choise man of their owne, and arme them, each according to his fashion; and so trie their valour: and by that preiudice, coniecture on whose side the victorie shall fall. In small matters, the Princes themselues determine of them: but if they be of importance, they all in generall consult: but yet so, that those things whose determination belong to the people, are concluded before the Prince. And vnlesse some casuall or sudden accident fall out, they make their assemblies certaine daies, either in the first quarter or full moone; thinking that to be the luckiest time to begin their workes. The number of daies they recken not, as we do, but of nights; and in them make their appointmēts, and sommonces to appeere, thinking that the day is gouerned by the night. Their libertie is cause, that they meet not togeither, nor as they are commaunded, but spende two or three daies in expecting one ano­ther. They sit armed as they come, and the Priest, who hath authoritie to punish, commaundeth silence. Then the King or Prince, or euerie man according to his age, nobilitie, and renowne of warre, or as he is eloquent, beginneth to speake. Vsing ra­ther perswasion then authoritie of commaunding. If their opinion mislike them, they reiect it with a murmuring noise: if it liked, they shake their iauelins: but the most honorable manner of liking is to approoue it by their weapons. It is lawfull in their councell to accuse, and arraigne in criminall causes. Punishments are distin­guished by the offence: traitors and fugitiues they hang on trees: the cowardly and vnwarlike, and such as were vnnaturally lewd of their bodies, they did drown in mud and marrishes, and couer them with hurdles. The drift of that diuersitie of punish­ments was; to declare that it was expedient to shewe offences as they were, in pu­nishing, but hide heinous crimes. But in lesser trespasses, according to the qualitie of the punishmēts, the parties conuicted, are fined, in some number of horses, or other cattell; whereof part goeth to the King, or citie; part to the partie damnified, or to his kindred. In the same councels they choose rulers, to administer iustice in townes and villages: which haue an hundred chosen out of the people, to accompanie them, which are as their counsell, and authoritie. They consult neither of publicke nor priuate affaires but armed: but yet it is not the maner for any to take weapons, vnlesse he haue beene iudged before by the citie able to vse them: and then in the councell, either one of the gouernours, or his father, or some one of his kindred, doth honour the yoong man with a shield and a Framea. This is with them a gowne; this is the first honor giuen to yoong men: before reputed a part of their particular house, but from thence forward, of the common wealth. High nobilitie, or merit of predecessors, maketh their children although they be but yoong, woorthie of dig­nitie, which associat themselues to the stronger, and long tried: and take it for no disgrace, to be seene among their followers: among which there be likewise degrees according to his discretion of whose traine they be. And there is a great emulation [Page 262] among the followers who should be in greatest fauour with his Prince: and amongst the Princes, who should haue the greatest number following him, and most couragi­ous. This is their honour, this their strength; to be garded alwaies with a company of choise youth: which is a credit and reputation, in peace; and in warre, a defence. And it is not onely an honour and glorie in ones owne nation to haue a gallant number, and a valiant in his traine; but is also a matter of reputation with cities adioyning: as men sought vnto by Ambassadors: and presented with gifts: and do oftentimes by their onely fame end warres. When they come to ioyne battell, it is a dishonor to the Prince, to be ouercome in valour: and to his followers, not to go as far in pro­wesse as their Prince. Now to returne aliue from that battell, in which his Prince is slaine, is a perpetuall infamie and reproch: being the principallest part of their oath, to defend and maintaine him, and ascribe their owne exploits to his glorie and honour. Princes fight for victorie; the followers, for the Prince. If the citie where­in they are borne, grow lazie with a long peace, and idlenes; most of the yoong no­blemen, goe of their owne will to those nations, wherein there is warres: bicause that nation disliketh rest and quietnes: as winning greater renowne in doubtfull and hazardeous attempts; and not able to entertaine so great number of followers, but by violence and warre: sometimes by the liberalitie of their Prince getting that horse of seruice, and bloodie and conquering sword. Their bankets, and large, but rude diet, is insteede of pay: but matter to minister liberalitie commeth by warre and rapine. To manure the ground, or expect the season, thou canst not so easilie per­swade them; as to prouoke the enimie, and deserue wounds: to get that with the sweate of thy browes, which thou maist winne by the losse of thy blood, they hold as an idle & slothfull part. When they are not busied in wars, they giue not themselues much to hunting: but spend more of their time in idlenes, as a people much giuen to sleep and feed. When the valiantest and warlikest are idle, they commit the care of houshold affaires & tillage, to women & old men, & to the weakest of their family; and do themselues grow heauie and lazie: a strange diuersitie of disposition, that the same men should so much loue slouth, and hate quietnes. The custome is in cities to bestow by pole vpon the Princes, either of their cattell or graine, which is receiued as an honor, yet supplieth their wants. But aboue all, they are exceeding glad if any thing be presented them by neighbour-nations, which do send some­times in particular, sometimes in common: as choise horses, great weapons, furni­ture for horse, and chaines; and now we haue taught them also to receiue money. It is well knowen that the Germans dwell in no cities, nor will not suffer their hou­ses to ioyne together, but asunder, the one from the other, as they liked best of their fountaines, fields, or wood. They build not their villages as we do, one house close to another: but euery man leaueth a space about his house, either as a remedie a­gainst misfortunes of fire, or by vnskilfulnes in building. Parget and mortar they vse not, nor tiles: and vse to all buildings vnsquared and vnwrought timber, without any beautie or delight, but do daube some places very diligently with such a cleare and shining earth, that it resembleth a picture, or draught of colours. It is a fashion amongst them to dig deepe caues vnder ground, and couer them ouer with dung, as a succour in the winter, and garner for their graine; tempering the rigour of the cold by such places: and if at any time the enemie come vpon them, he forrageth all open places, but hidden vnder ground, are either not found, or else are saued, be­cause they are driuen to seeke them. They all weare a kinde of cassock called sagum, clapsed, or for want of one, fastned with a thorne, and hauing no other garment, but naked, lye all day in the harth, or by the fire. The richer sort are distinguished from [Page 263] the others by their garments, which are not large and wide as the Sarmates and Parthians vse to weare them, but straite, and shewing the proportion of euery part of the bodie. Besides, they weare certaine pelts made of beasts skins; those neere the Rhene-banke carelesly; but those which are farther off more curiously, as neuer trim­ming themselues with far-fet merchandise. They make choise of certaine beasts, and heere and there specke their skins with spots: and the like with the skins of beasts taken in the farthest Ocean, or vnknowen sea. The man and womans attire diffe­reth in nothing, sauing that the women often vse linnen garments trimmed and in­terlaced with purple: and the vpper parts of their bodies without sleeues, their armes bare, and their bosome naked and vncouered. Yet matrimonie is seuerely kept among them: the thing most commendable of all their manner of life: for of all barbarous people, they alone content themselues, euery man with one wife, except some very few: which not for vnruly lust, but for their nobilitie are sued vnto for sundrie marriages. The wife giues not a dowry to her husband, but the husband to the wife. Their parents and neere kinsmen are present, when they giue any gifts the one to the other: which are not exquisite as to daintie dames, or for to beautifie and trim the new married wife; but oxen, and a horse with furniture, and a shield with a sword, and lance. With these gifts the wife is taken, and she also doth bring her husband some armes: this is the greatest bond: these are the secret cere­monies: these they thinke to be the gods of marriage. And least the woman should thinke herselfe exempt and free from bonds of vertue, or hazards of warre, in the very beginnings and first speech of marriage, she is put in minde, that she commeth as a companion of his labours and dangers: and that she shall suffer and venture the fame in peace and warre that he doth: that is the signification and construction of the oxen yoked, of the horse with bridle and furniture, this the meaning of the weapons and armes giuen on one side and the other: thus she must liue, thus she must die: she receiueth that which she must deliuer vnuiolated and pure to her children, which their daughters in lawe do receiue as worthie things, and yeeld a­gaine to their nephues. They liue therefore in most straite chastitie, vncorrupted with the allurements of shewes and spectacles, or prouocations in banketting. As well men as women are ignorant of the secrets of learning. Adulterie is seldome committed in so populous a nation, and the punishment for it incontinently inflic­ted, as best liketh the husband: who hauing cut her haire, turneth her naked out of his house in the presence of her kinsfolks, and driueth and beateth her throughout all the towne: no pardon giuen to her that hath violated her chastitie: neither for her beautie, nor age, nor wealth, can she euer after finde another husband▪ No man laugheth at vices: neither when any is corrupted, or doth corrupt, do they say, it is the time. Yet there is one thing more commendable in those cities, that only vir­gins do marrie, and that only once, and the man the like, contracting with the hope and desire of one wife. As they haue but one bodie, one life; so they take but one husband: that they might haue no other thoughts, no farther desires, nor loue him as so deseruing it, but because of matrimonie. To prescribe a certaine number of children, or kill any of their neere kindred, they compt it a heinous crime. Good manners are of greater authoritie and force among them, then elsewhere good lawes. They grow to haue these great lims and bodies which we maruell at, naked, and slouenly in euery house. Euery mother nurseth her owne children with her owne breasts, and send them not to nurses or other women. Thou shalt not know the Lord from the slaue, by any note of deintie and nice education: for they liue a­mongst the same cattell, and on the same ground, vntill age doth distinguish the [Page 264] [...] his valour make him knowne. Yong men giue not themselues too [...]e with women; and therefore decay not so soone: neither are [...]ed to marrie: they are of the same yeeres, of like growth: they are [...] with such as are of like strength; and the children expresse and shew the strength of their parents. Sisters children are as much set by in their vnckles house, as in their fathers. Some are of opinion, that this bond of bloud is the straitest and holiest, and most of all required, in taking of hostages: as those which are of a more constant minde, and in the familie the greatest part: yet euery mans children suc­ceede as heires: and testament they make none at all. If there be no children to succeede, the next in degree are brothers, vnckles by the fathers side and by the mothers. The more kindred, the greater affinitie, the more an old man is honored: and to be without children, is of no reputation. They must as well become enemie to their fathers enemies or kinsmens, as friend to their friends. Their hatred is not implacable: for mans slaughter it selfe is satisfied and redeemed with a certaine number of beasts, which contenteth the whole familie, and is profitable for the common good: for where libertie is, there priuate enmities are dangerous.

III. Their domesticall life and behauiour.

GReater hospitality and entertainment is no where more bountiful than there, being a cursed deed to barre any man his house: and not giue him meate and drinke according to his abilitie. When all is spent, the last hoste will be a guide and companion vnto him to the next house vninuited: for that skilleth not; but are receiued with like curtesie: in respect of hospitalitie making no difference whether he be of acquaintance or not. If any thing be demaunded of him which is going away, the manner is to graunt it; and he may with like facilitie aske againe. Gifts are things which please them well: but those which giue them do not thinke they do you a benefit therein, and those which receiue them not bound or beholden for them. They entertaine their guests courteously: immediatly after they rise (which for the most part is verie late and the day well spent) they wash, and most commonly in warme water, as hauing long winters: and when they haue washed, they fall to eate, eurie man his stoole and his messe to himselfe: then they fall to their busines; and as oft to banket and make good cheere all armed. To sit a tip­ling a day and a night, is no disgrace to any. There arise many quarrels (as common­ly it happeneth where drunkards meete) which seldome end with brawling and in­iurious termes, but oftner with murder and hurt. In their bankets they consult of peace and warre, make attonements betwixt such as are at debate, make marriages, and choose their Princes: as a time when the mind is neuer more open to plaine dealing; or more sturred vp to great attempts. The people being neither craftie nor subtle, through the libertie of the place doth thē most discouer the secrets of his breast. Euerie mans minde then being open and discouered, the next day, they waigh and examine it; with a regard had to both the times. They deliberate when they cannot dissemble; and resolue when they cannot erre. Their drinke is a li­quor made of barley and corne, corrupted into the likenes of wine. But those which dwell neere the banke of Rhene, buie wine: their meats are simple; wilde Apples; fresh venison; or curds or creame: they driue away hunger without any solemne ser­uice, ordainties: but against thirst they vse not the like temperance. If thou wilt please their humour in drunkennes, in giuing them what they aske: they will be as ea­silie ouercome with vices as armes. They haue but one and the same kinde of: pa­stime [Page 265] in euerie assemblie. Yoong men, which know the sport cast themselues na­ked, and leape betweene swords and launces. Practise bred the arte of doing it, and arte the grace; yet neither for gaine nor recompence: albeit the reward of bolde and rash toies is the delight of the beholder. And (which thou wouldest maruell at) fresh and fasting, they play at dice, as a matter of serious and earnest busines, with such a rash desire of winning and losing; that whē all else is lost, they lay their libertie and bodie vpon the last throw: and he who is ouercome entereth a voluntarie ser­uitude: and although he be yoonger, and stronger; yet suffereth himselfe to be bound and sold. Such is their obstinacie in a bad matter; which they call faith: but slaues of this condition, they make away by marchandise, to rid themselues of the shame of such a victorie. Their other slaues they employ not in certaine affaires of house, as we do ours; but euerie one gouerneth his own house and houshold. The Lord inioyneth him to pay a certaine of corne; or cattell, or apparell, as he doth his tenant, which the bondslaue performeth & no more: other duties of house belōg to the wife & children. It is a rare matter to beat their slaues, or ouer-labour or empri­son them: yet they are woont to kill them; not by discipline and seueritie, but car­ried away with sudden anger, as against an enimie, sauing that it is vnpunished. The freed men are not much aboue the slaue; they seldome beare any sway in the house or city, sauing in those countries which haue a King. For there they are in greater au­thoritie, then ether free borne or noblemen: in other countries freed men being of vnequall condition, make libertie better knowen. To practise vsurie, and in rich themselues with it, they know not what it meaneth: which is better kept then if it were forbidden. All the ground the inhabitants about do possesse, according to their number: which they diuide among themselues, according to their calling; which is easily done by reason the fields are so spatious. Their earable land they change by yeeres: and let onelie; not labouring to ouercome the fertilnes and largenes of it by industrie; by planting of orchardes; inclosing their medowes; and watering their gardens: onely they vse much tillage. Hereupon they diuide not the yeere into so many seasons, as we do: the winter, spring time, and sommer, they vnderstand, and haue names for: but as for the autumne, as well the name, as the commodities it bringeth, are vnknowen. Ambition they vse none in their funerals: onely that one thing is obserued; that the bodies of noblemen are burned with a certaine kinde of wood. The pile of the funerall fire, they do neither fill vp with apparell nor sweete odors: euerie mans armes, and somes horse was burnt likwise. The toombe is raised vp with turnes of earth: great workes and laborious monu­ments they despise as heauie for the dead: lamentation and teares they quickly for­beare; but griefe and sorrow slowly. It is seemely enough for the women to mourne; and for men to remember the dead. This is it which we haue learned in generall, of the beginning and customes of the Germans. Now I will lay downe the ordinan­ces and customes of euerie people in particular; and how they differ; and what na­tions haue gone out of Germanie, to the Gallois.

IIII. What Gallois haue passed into Germanie.

IVlius of famous memorie, the chiefest of all authors doth deliuer, that the state of the Gallois hath in times past beene of greater force and power, then now it is: and therefore not vnlike, but the Gallois went into Germanie. For what great hinderance could the riuer be; that, euerie nation as he was strong, should not set himselfe in possession and chaunge seats, yet vnoccupied, and not diuided by any [Page 266] power of kingdomes? Therefore the Heluetians held that which lyeth betweene the Hercynian forrest, and the two riuers Rhene and Moene: and the Boij that which is beyond, both nations of Gallia. The name of the Boiemi doth yet continue, and doth signifie the old memorie of theplace, although the inhabitants be changed: But whether the Arauisci from the Osi, a people of Germanie, came into Panno­nia; or the Osi from the Auarisci into Germanie, is yet vncertaine: considering they vse the same language, lawes, and customes: for being equall in times past in pouertie and libertie; the commodities and discommodities of both the banks were common to them alike. The Treueri and the Neruij ambitiously seeme to haue their beginning frō the Germans: as though by this glorie of blood, they should be vnlike, and differ in cowardlines from the Gallois. Without all doubt the banke of Rhene is inhabited with the people of Germanie, the Vangiones, Treboci, Nemetes. The Vbij, albeit they haue deserued to be a Roman colonie: and desire to be called rather Agrippinians by the name of their foundresse, though not ashamed of their beginning, haue heretofore past ouer; and for good proofe of their fidelitie, haue beene planted vpon the banke of Rhene, to keepe off others, and not for any safetie of their owne. Of all these nations, the chiefest in valour are the Batauians, which inioye small parte of the banke of Rhene, but inhabit an Ilande of the riuer ofRhene; in times past a people of the Catti, and went by reason of ciuill sedi­tion into those countries to be a part of the Roman Empire. The honour and marks of auncient alliance do yet continue, for they are neither contemned by pay­ing tributes, nor oppressed by the farmer of publick reuenues. They are exempted from charges and contributions, as reserued for vse of warre, as it were armes and weapons. The Mattiaci do the like allegeance: for the greatnes of the people of Rome hath been inlarged further then the old bounds of the Empire did extend, and beyond the Rhene. Therefore in regard of their habitation and bounds, they inhabit the banke, but in hart and minde dwell with vs: in other things like the Ba­tauians; sauing that by reason of their soile and aire, they are more forward and stout. I will not accompt them among the people of Germanie, albeit they are planted beyond Rhene, and the Danube, of whose land the tenth is raised. The lewdest of all the Gallois, and whom neede hath driuen to venture, haue possessed that coun­trey as doubtfully holden. Not long after, hauing inlarged their bounds, and placed fortresses farther, they are within the compasse of the Empire, and are a part of the prouince. Beyond these, the Cattians begin from the Hercynian forrest, but haue not so wide & marish a countrey, as the other cities in which Germanie doth open and spread itselfe: for the hils are one by another, and continue a certaine space, and then by little and little waxe thinner: and the Hercynian forrest doth containe the Catti, and is the bounds of their territorie. They are a people hardned to la­bour, well set, sterne countenanced, and of greater courage. As Germans go, they are sensible wise men, and considerate: they preferre choise men, harken to their leaders, know their ranks, know where aduantages are, bridle their heate, dispose of the day to their benefit, intrench in the night, hold fortune among things doubt­full, and esteeme of valour as of certaintie: and which is most rare, and vnderstood only by discipline, they repose more assurance in their leader, then in the armie. All their strength consisteth in footemen, whom besides their armes they loade with yron tooles and prouision. Thou maist see others go to skirmish: but the Catti march to warre. They seldome skirmish, or fight at aduenture. Their horse­men are of this propertie, that they either quickly win the victorie, or yeeld. Sud­dennes is neere vnto feare; lingering draweth neerer constancie. And that which is [Page 267] seldome vsed among other people of Germanie, through their boldnes and hardi­nes it is growen to a cōmon consent among the Catteans: that is, when they come to ripe yeeres, they suffer their haire and beard to grow at length; and neuer put off that vowed ornament of the face, and as it were a bond of vertue, vntill they haue killed an enemie. Vpon bloud and spoile, they vncouer their forehead, and say, they haue paied back the price of their birth; and thinke themselues worthie of their countrey and parents: the cowardly and vnwarlike remaine in their ilfauourednes. Besides this, euery man as he is most valiant, weareth an yron ring (an ignominious thing to that people) as it were a bond, vntill they rid themselues of it, by killing an enemie. This qualitie pleaseth many of the Catteans. And then they grow graye, respected of their owne people and enemies: these begin euery battell: these make alwayes the first ranke; strange to behold: for in time of peace, they are altogether as fierce in countenance. There is not one of them that hath a house, or liuing, or care of any thing. As they come to euery mans house they are maintained: prodi­gall of other mens; and contemners of their owne: vntill through feeble old age, they are no longer able to indure so hard a labour.

V. Of the Tencterians, Chamauians, and Frisians.

NExt vnto the Catti, the Vsipij and Tencteri do inhabit the Rhene, running in a certaine channell, and which may suffice for a bound. The Tencteri be­sides their auncient renowne of warres, excell the rest in seruice of horse: and the Catteans deserue no greater commendation for footemen, then the Tencteri­ans for horsemen. So did their predecessors ordaine it, and successors follow it. These are the childrens pastimes; this the emulation betwixtyong men; and old men continue the same; and horses are deliuered, as rights of inheritance among the familie: and the sonnes receiue them, though not the eldest, but he who is most couragious, and likeliest to make a marshall man. Hard by the Tencteri, in times past the Bructeri did inhabit; but now it is reported that the Chamauians, and An­griuarians, are entred into that countrey, and wholie rooted out and chased the Bructerians, by agreement of nations adioyning: either as hating them for their pride, or for sweetnes of pray, or some fauor of the gods towards vs; as not denying vs the spectacle of the battel, wherein there were slaine threescore thousand, not by the Roman armes and weapons: but, which is more glorious, to shew vs pastime, and please our eye. I wish that if those people cannot loue vs, that they would hate one another, seeing that the state of the Empire fatally declining, fortune can do vs no greater fauor, then sowe sedition among the enemies. The Angriuarians and Chamauians, haue behinde them the Dulgibini and Chasuari, and other nations not greatly spoken of; and before them the Frisians. The Frisians are called great or small, according to their strength: the Rhene bordering both vnto the Ocean, and besides that, do comprehend huge and spacious lakes, which the Roman nauie hath past: yea and the Ocean itselfe we haue entred into and tried on that side. And the fame goeth, that Hercules pillers are yet there to be seene; either because Hercules went so farre, or else because by common consent all that is any where magnificall, is attributed to his renowme. Drusus Germanicus wanted not courage: but the Ocean hindered vs for being ouer inquisitiue of him or Hercules. After that, no man assayed to do it, as being an act of greater deuotion and reuerence, to beleeue the actions of the gods, rather then know them. Hitherto we haue seene the West part of Germanie: towards the North it goeth bowing with a great compas. And first [Page 268] of all the people of the Chauceans, although they begin at the Frisians, and possesse part of the shore, coast all those nations I haue made mention of, vntill they wind into the Catti; and so spacious and huge countrey the Chauci do not only hold, but fill likewise: of all the German nation the noblest; and desirous to maintaine their greatnes by iustice: without couetousnes or vnbrideled lust, quiet and retired; stirre vp no warres, neuer waste, spoile, nor rob. And which is a speciall marke of their valour and strength, they got not their superioritie ouer others by any wrongs of­fered. Yet they are all readie for warre, and if occasion require to make an ar­mie, wanting neither horse nor men: and although they lie quiet, yet their re­putation is neuer the lesser. On the side of the Chauci and Catti, the Cherusci haue nourished long, beeing neuer prouoked, an idle and lazie peace: which was more sweet than safe vnto them, bicause there is no sure peace betweene stir­ring and strong people. For when the matter is come to hand-strokes, modestie and good dealing be termes which belong to superiors. So the Cherusci in times past good and iust, are now called cowards and fooles: and the fortune of the Cat­ti being fauourable, is cause that they are counted wise. The Fosi, a people bordering vpon the Cherusci, are touched with their ruine, companions in their aduersitie, though in prosperitie they were inferiour vnto them. Neere vnto the same coast of the Ocean, the Cimbrians inhabite; now a small people, but highly renowned: ha­uing yet remaining certaine markes of their old glotie; to wit, on both the bankes, trenches and lodges: by the circuit of which, thou maist yet measure the greatnes and strength of that nation, and beleeue the number of so great an armie. It was sixe hundred and fortie yeeres after the foundation of our citie, before the Cimbri­ans armes were heard of, when Caecilius Metellus, and Papirius Carbo were Consuls. From that time, vnto the second time that the Emperor Traian was Consull, by iust account, are two hundred and ten yeeres: and so many yeeres we were a conquering Germanie. In the middle time, there were many losses on both parts. Not the Samnites, not the Carthagineans, not the Spaniards, or the Gallois; no, not the Par­thian haue so often troubled vs: the libertie of the Germans being more earnest, than the kingdome of the Arsacides. For what can the East obiect against vs, sa­uing the death of Crassus, when he had defeated Pacorus, before troden downe by Ventidius? But the Germans, hauing either slaine or taken Carbo and Cassius, and Scaurus Aurelius, and Seruilius Cepio, and M. Manlius, haue defeated also fiue Con­sularie armies, and Varus with three legions in Caesars time: neither haue C. Marius in Italie, or Iulius in Gallia, Drusus, and Nero, and Germanicus, molested them in their houses without blowes. After that C. Caesars great threatnings were turned to a iest. Then there was quietnes, vntill our ciuill warres gaue them occasion, when they had taken the standing campes of the legions, to haue a desire to enter Gallia: from whence being againe driuen out, in late times, they haue beene rather trium­phed ouer then vanquished.

VI. The Sueuians and other people.

NOw we will speake of the Sueui, which are not one nation as the Catti and Tencteri: and possessing the greater part of Germanie, and seuered by pe­culiar names and countries: although by one generall name they be called Sueui: whose marke is to curle their haire and tie it on knots. By that the Sueui­an is distinguished from the other Germans: and the free borne Sueuian from the bond man. That in other countries is vsed also but seldome times, either for affi­nitie [Page 269] with the Sueuians; or as it often happeneth by imitation, and whilest they be yoong: but the Sueuians euen vntill they be old and gray, haue their haire standing an end, and often tie it on the crown only: princes weare it after a finer fashion. That is the harmelesse care they haue of their beautie. For they vse it not, either to winne loue, or be beloued: but turne it vp to a certaine height, to seeme to the enimie more terrible, when they go thus trimmed to the warre. The Semnones say, they are the most auncient of the Sueuians, and the most noble. The credit of their antiquitie they confirme with this ceremonie. At certaine times, all of one blood meet by their deputies in a wood, reputed holy by the auguration of their forefathers, and auncient reuerence; where publickly killing a man, they celebrate the barbarous beginnings of their ceremonie. Yet there is another reason why the wood is had in reuerence. No man entereth into it, but bound with somewhat as an inferiour per­son, and acknowledging the power of the god. If he fall by chaunce; it is not law­full for him to rise, or get vp: but is rowled out: all their superstition tending to this that from thence the nation had his beginning: that there dwelleth the God, ruler of all others; and vnto whom all other things are subiect and obedient. The for­tune of the Semnones giueth this authoritie: their countrey is inhabited by an hun­dred villages: and by their great bodie, they take themselues to be the head of the Sueuians. Contrarily, the Longobards are renowned, by reason their number is so small: that being hemmed in with many, verie puissant nations; yet maintaine them­selues, not by doing any dutie to any but by warres and dangers. After them the Reudigni, and Auiones, and Angli, and Varini, and Eudoses, and Suardones, and Nuithones, are defended by riuers or woods: hauing no notable thing particular in any; sauing that generally they adore Herthum, that is, the mother-earth, whom they beleeue to be present at mens affaires. There is a wood called Castum in an Iland of the Ocean, and a chariot dedicated in it, couered with apparell, which one Priest onely may lawfully touch. He knoweth that the goddesse is in some secret part of the house, and followeth her with great reuerence as she is lead by Kowes: and make those holy daies & places of ioy which she vouchsafeth to honor with hir presence. Warre they make none, nor put on any armour, nor shew any weapon: but peace and quietnes is onely knowen and loued: vntill the same priest, bring backe the goddesse to her Temple, filled with the conuersation of mortall men. Then the chariot and the apparell, if you will beleeue it, the diuinitie itselfe is wa­shed in some secret lake: bond men minister vnto her, which the same lake doth in­continently swallow vp. Whereof ariseth a secret terror, and an holy ignorance, what that should be, which they onely see which are a perishing. And this part of Sueuia, reacheth far within the country of Germanie: the neerer (that I may describe that part which lyeth by Danub, as I haue done that which lyeth along the Rhene) is the citie of the Hermunduri, faithfull to the Romans: and therefore of all the Germans trafficke, not onely vpon the banke of Rhene, but euen within the hart of the countrey, and in the most famous colonie of the Prouince Rhaetia. These goe all ouer without a guard: and whereas we shew other nations, somtimes our armes, sometimes our campe; to these we lay open our houses, and villages, as people not desiring them. In the countrey of the Hermunduri, the riuer Albis hath his be­ginning, in times past a famous riuer and well knowen; but now onely heard of. Neere vnto the Hermundurians dwell the Narisci, the Marcomani, and Quadi. The greatest renowne and strength that the Marcomans haue, is in that they got their dwellings by valour and driuing out in times past the Boiens. Neither do the Na­risci, and the Quadi degenerate. And that is as it were the frontier of Germanie, on [Page 270] that side which the Danube borders. The Marcomani and the Quadi, had euen vn­till times of our memorie, Kings of their owne nation, of the noble stocke of the Marobodui, and Tudri: but now they suffer strangers; which haue their strength and power, by the authoritie of the Romans: and seldome vse our armes, but are of­ten helpt with our money. Neither are the Marsigni, Gothini, Osi, Burij, which are behinde the Marcomani and Quadi, of lesser valour: among which the Marsigni, and Burij, resemble the Sueuians in speech and attire. The Gallican toong doth conuince the Gothinos, and the Pannonicall the Osos, not to be Germans: and that they endure to paie tribute; part of the tribute the Sarmates, part the Quadi charge them with, as strangers. The Gothini, the more to their shame, dig for mines of iron: and all these people inhabite small store of plaine ground, but wood-landes, and hill tops. Sueuia is deuided by a continuall ridge of hils, beyond which dwell many nations: amongst which, the name of the Lygians is farthest spread into many ci­ties. It will suffice to reckon the strongest, as the Arios, Helueconas, Maninos, Ely­sios, Naharualos. Among the Naharualians there is a wood long agone consecra­ted to religion, ouer which a Priest apparelled in womans attire is superintendent: but the Romans interpret them to be the goddes Castor and Pollux. The name of the god is Alcis. Images there are none, nor signe of strange superstition: yet they are reuerenced as brothers, and two yong men. But the Arij besides their strength, wherein they go beyond the other people I haue made mention of, fell and cruell, do set forth their naturall fiercenes with arte, & time: for they vse black targets, and die their bodies with the same colour, and choose the darkest nights to fight in, striking a terror with the shadow of so deadly an armie, into the enemies; none of them able to indure so strange and as it were hellish sight, the eyes being first ouercome in all battels. Beyond the Lygians the Gothones liue vnder Kings in a more seuere go­uernment then the other people of Germanie, and not in full libertie. Then from the Ocean follow the Rugij, & Lemouij, all of them bearing for their marke round bucklers, and short swords, and liuing vnder the subiection of Kings. After those are the cities of the Suionians, scituated in the Ocean; besides men and armor, strong in shipping; which in making differ from other vessels, in that both ends are fore­parts, readie to land at each end, without saile, or oares in a ranke in the sides, but the mariners are at libertie readie to change hither and thither, as occasion serueth, as in some other riuers. Those people esteeme of riches: and therefore one hath amongst them absolute rule and gouernmēt, and not at the will of the subiect. They are not all licensed to weare weapons as in other parts of Germanie, but their wea­pons are shut vp vnder a keeper, and that a slaue, because the enemie can make no sudden incursion against them, by reason of the Ocean. If the souldiers be idle and at rest, they easily grow insolent: and in deede it is not for the Kings profit to com­mit the charge of armor to noblemen, or free borne, or freed men. Beyond the Suionas, there is another sea so slow and almost immoueable, that many thinke it to be the bounds which compasse in the whole worlde, because that the Sunne continueth so cleare and bright from his setting till the rising, that it darkneth the starres. And some are further perswaded, that the sound of him is hard as he riseth out of the sea: and many shapes of gods seene, and the beames of his head. So farre the fame is true, and that there was the end of nature and the world. Now on the right shore of the Sweuian sea the Aestyans inhabit, whose maner of life is like the Sweuians, but their language more like the Britains language. They adore the mo­ther of the goddes: for a skutchion of their superstition, they carry the pictures of wilde Boares. That serueth them for all weapons and all defence, and assureth all [Page 271] those which worship that goddesse, euen amongst the enimies. They haue small vse of iron, but great, of clubs. They sowe corne and plant fruits, more painefully, than ordinarily the slothfull German is accustomed to do. They search out what the sea will yeeld: and onely amongst all, gather on the flattes, and on the very shore Rosin or Amber., which they call Glesum. Yet they haue not sought out (so barbarous they are) what is the nature of it, or by what meanes it is ingendred. Yea a long time i [...] lay as nought worth, like other purgings of the sea, vntill our wantonnes gaue it a name. They haue no vse of it themselues: but gather it foule & filthie; & so bring it, and maruell at the price we giue for it. But it is the iuice of trees: for there shine in them some birdes or foule, which wrapped in the humor, and afterwards waxt hard, are so shut in it. And as in the secret places of the East, there are fertill woods and forrests, which sweat Frankinsence and Balmes: so may I beleeue that in the Ilands of the West, there are others, which being neere to the sunne beames, yeeld an hu­mor, which melted runneth into the next sea, and by force of tempest is carried to the opposite shore. If by fire thou wilt make proofe what the nature of Amber is, it will burne like vnto wood pitched and rosened: and nourisheth a fat and strong sauoring fire: then waxeth pliant and clammie like Rosin or Pitch. Hard by the Suionians, be the Sitones: alike in all things, sauing one, which is, that a woman is their ruler: so far they degenerat, not onely from libertie, but also from bondage: and there is the end of Sueuia. I am in doubt, whether I should reckon the Peucini­ans, Venedians, and Fennians, among the Germans, or Sarmates: although the Peucinians, which some call Bastarnas, resemble the Germans in language, beha­uiour, housing, & dwelling: but all are generally, slouenly and lazie: and the noble­men allied by marriage with the Sarmates, are somewhat transformed into their v­sage: and the Venedians haue learned many of their fashions also. For they scowre and rob all the hils & woods which lie betweene the Peucinians and Fennians. Yet these may rather be accounted Germans; bicause they build houses, carrie targets, and are good footmen. None of which the Sarmates do vse, but alwaies ride in cha­riot, or on horseback. The Fennians are verie barbarous & beggerly: hauing neither armes, horses, nor houses; no food but herbs; no apparell but leather pelts; no bed­ding but the ground: hauing all their hope in their arrowes, which for want of iron, they head with bones. Man and woman liueth by the same hunting: for the women follow, and aske for part of the pray. Yoong children haue no other succour against wild beasts, and hard weather, but some couerture made of boughes: that is the lod­ging of yoong and old. That they thinke to be more glorious and magnificall, than toile in manuring the earth; and trouble themselues in building; and turmoile betwixt hope and feare, about their owne and other mens goods. Thus secure against men and gods, they haue woon this hard point, that they neede make no vowes at all. The rest is fabulous, as that the Hellusij, and Oxionae, haue the visage and countenance of men, but the bodies and members of beasts: which I leaue as a thing to me vn­knowen.

FINIS.

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