SO great and Universall is the respect that is worthily given to venerable Antiquity, that not any one orna­ment sets off any place, whether City or other, with greater lustre, or more proclaimes and applauds their Judgment that first selected the place for Habitation, then the true and knowne Antiquity, and long duration of the place.

Now no one thing almost of this nature that discourse shall offer to the consideration of an English man, especi­ally a Kentish man, shall finde more vulgar beleefe, nor is better grounded in tradition, then (my maine motive to the ensuing treatise) the Antiquity of this our City. And then it, what more celebrated in (the living Monuments of their deceased Authors) our stories and other like workes of English Writers? For brevity sake (which I shall study throughout my whole discourse) the Testimo­nies [Page 2] only of two, M ^r. Cambden Britannia. In Kent., our moderne Chorogra­pher, and Henry of Huntington Hist. lib. 6. De An. Dom. 10 11. one of our elder Histori­ans, as sufficient to justifie so knowne a verity, shall suffice for instance. Who, in the places here marginally quoted, have set and left the note and marke of Antiquity upon the place. And no marvell, when as in the English-Saxons time, and even in the beginning of their Heptarchy, it was the head or chiefe City of the Kentish Kingdome, and the Kings seate. Imperii Regis Ethelberti Metropolis, so Bede. Caput imperii, &c. so others call it. Florileg. ad An. Dom. 596. In civitate Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 25. famosa, quae antiquo vocabulo Dorovernia dicitur: is the close of a Charter of Kenulph King of Mercia, in the yeere 810.

As for the further discovery of the yet greater Anti­quity of the place, if any shall desire it; let him consider with me in the next place, the names that former times have knowne it by. As the Saxons of old Cambden in Kent. called Kent, [...] (i. the Countrey of the men of Kent:) So the name which they gave to this our City was [...] (i. the Kentish mens City, Court, or Borough:) A name well agreeing with that of Cair-Kent, or Caer-Kent (the City of Kent) as Nennius and the Britaines cal­led it. What time the Romane Empire extended it selfe hither, it was of them called Durovernum; haply from the British, Durwhern, rendred by my Author Cambden ubi supra., a swift River, such as our Stoure is: or else (as one Twyne. De Reb. Abion. lib. 1. pag. 113. will) from Thorowbourne, because of the Rivers running through the City. With very little variation from which Romane name, you may finde that our elder Historians, Bede, and others called it Dorovernia, and Dorobernia: and that you see before, in the yeare 810. was called Antiquum voca­bulum; and yet long afterwards in use, even untill that of Cantuaria, better answering to the English-Saxon, Cant­warabyrig, and from about the Normane Conquest hither­ward, more frequently then the other; and in time alto­gether [Page 3] taken up and used, made it give her place. But of our Citie [...] names see more if you please in the Antiquit. Britan. pag. 34.

Cleerely then Canterbury had an existence in the time Canterbury in being in the Romanes time. of the Romanes Empire here. Let me adde, and before, in the preceding Britaines time too, as to me seemes somewhat evident from hence, that the Romane Durover­num, is seemingly no other then the Latine-rendring of the Britaine Durwhern; by which or neere a like name (most probably) the Romanes found it called by the Bri­tains at their coming. However the mention of it in the Emperour Antonines Itinerary, more I take it, then foure­teene hundred yeares old, and the many pieces of Ro­mane Coyne, both of his, and also of preceding, and succeeding Emperours, found almost in all parts of the City; (some whereof are come to my hands) are evident tokens of the places great Antiquity. A thing not doub­ted of a farre more learned, and judicious Surveyor of our City, M ^r. Cambden Britannia. Of Canterbury, in Kent., in whose opinion it was famous in the Romanes time.

One strong argument whereof amongst the rest, are the present remaines of a double Military way of theirs; the great Stone-causeys, I meane, directly leading from two of their famous havens, Dubris and Lemanis; unto this our City, the former by Barham-downe, the latter by Stone-streete.

But (will some say:) what make I loytering here? It is neither in the Saxon, nor yet the Romane, neither the intervening Britain's time, that we are to expect the find­ing of our Cities Originall. It's much elder: Rome it selfe Elder then Rome. not so old. Indeed I read that one Rud-hudibras or Lud­rudibras a King of the Britains almost nine hundred years, before our Saviours Incarnation, was our Cities Founder. Of whom founded. So sayes the Author of the British story, a Writer, though by the best of our Antiquaries (Cambden especially) for [Page 4] the generality of his History exploded, as fabulous; yet in this particular followed by divers men of Judgement, and good Antiquaries too Author Anti­quit. Brit. Lam­bert. Holinsh [...]ad. Stow. Speed.: with what warrant, as I can­not determine, so neither will I examine, but leave it as I finde it to the scanning of others. So much for our Cities Originall and Antiquity.

Now what was the generall state and condition of it in either the Britains, Romans, Saxons, or Danes times: no man may exact or expect any accompt of me, in regard no History, or other Record enables me to show it. The Survey taken of it in the Conquerours time, and record­ed in the booke of Doomesday, is the first and most Why so called see Sir H. Spil­mans Glossary, and the inter­preter, in hac voce. ancient description of it any where extant. A transcript or extract whereof, here presented; reade if you please.

VVHen Canterbury was first enclosed with a wall, I think, is no where to be found in story, or other record, either private or publick. Tokens of the walls good antiquitie are the British bricks, to be seen at Riding­gate, at the gate also now done up, sometime leading from the Castle-yard to Wencheape, and at Queningate, or rather (if you will) at the place in the wall, where once the gate so called stood, and is now also made up. But in greatest plenty, upon the bank on either side the River behinde S. Mildreds Church in the remaines of the wall there. And that the City was walled in before the Norman conquest, is evident by the testimonie of Roger Hoveden Annal. Par. prior., who rela­ting the siege and surprisall of the Citie by the Danes, in the time of King Etheldred, Anno Christi 1011. tells us, that (amongst particulars of the Danish crueltie, wreaked on the poore English people of the Citie) many of them being by the Danes cast headlong from the wall of the Citie met with death in the precipice.

This may be further proved by severall Records of our Cathedrall, making mention of this wall in the English-Saxons time In Archivis ecclesiae Christi. Cantuar.. But that I may not seem to loyter, I pur­posely passe them by, and proceed to elder evidence. Now the first and most ancient mention of our City wall (I conceive) offers it self in King Ethelberts charter of the site of the Monastery called (from him, for whose sake it was founded of King Ethelbert) S. Augustines, da­ted Anno Christi 605. The ground therein set out for that intent being described to lie, sub orientali muro Civitatis Dorob [...]rniae. A plain argument of the Cities walling at that time, and (as I conjecture) Archbishop Parker's warrant for his Hanc muro cinctam Antiq. Brit. pag. 34., &c. where he reports the do­nation of this City, with the Royaltie thereof by King [Page 7] Ethelbert to Augustine. And that it was then walled, may hence be further argued, that as Edward the Confessour long after, is said to build S. Peters Church in Westminster without London-City-Wall, purposely for the place of his owne Sepulture Post aleos vide Cambd. in Middlesex.: so one maine end of the worke of that Augustinian Monastery, was (as both Ethelb. and Aug. in their severall Charters intimate) that it might be a Cimi­tery or place of buriall for them and their successors; the Kings and Archbishops of the place for ever. And why? but even because of the then unlawfulnesse of buriall within Cities, and other walled Townes, a thing, by that Though the Saxons in likelyhood re­garded not that Romane law, yet Au­stine, being a Romane did. Law of the twelve Tables (Hominem mortuum infra ur­bem ne sepelito, neve urito.) flatly forbidden. So have I briefly trac'd our City Wals to the furthest of their known Antiquity.

But, by the way, I may not conceale from you, what suspicion there is of (these Heralds of our City Wals An­tiquity:) the Ethelbertine Charters to be fictitious and counterfeit. S ^r. Henry Spelman, that learned and worthi­ly admired Antiqua [...]y hath that opinion of them. And indeed, there is a note to be found in the Records of our Cathedrall Vide Dom. Hen. Spelman. Tom. 1. Concil. pag. 125.: which confirmes the suspicion. It tels us, that untill Withred (King of Kent) about the yeere of grace 700. that Church did peaceably enjoy it lands & liberties, onely by custome, ex antiquo more, without any charters or other written muniments. Could it now be truly ad­ded that Withreds is the first and most ancient muniment of that Church, judging of the one by the other, this would give great cause of suspicion of the truth of those Ethelbertine charters. But in regard, that severall mu­niments of elder times then Withreds, as one of King Ed­bald sonne and successour of Ethelb: and two of Cedwalla the west-Saxon, made to this very Cathedrall, are to this day extant, being registred at length in the Leigers of that Church (I speak ex proprio visis) and, if judgement [Page 8] may be given by the agreement of the hands, even by the very pen of the authour of that note, there is more cause in my judgement to suspect that note, of falsitie, then those charters, which it may seem to question, of forgery.

But the noble Knight sets before you (if you please to peruse them) other reasons for his opinion. I referre you to them, and them to your consideration: and so passe on to further discourse of our Citie wall. Which I conceive carries yet greater antiquitie, then hitherto hath been spo­ken of. For (if as Huntington affirms it was) Canterbury were one of the 28 Cities infamousing this Iland in the Britains times, and of them called Kair-Chent, taking this note along with us, that Kair Caius de An­tiquitate Can­tabrig. lib. 16. 1 with them signified a wall­defenced town or City, we need not doubt but it was walled in their times. And so much for the walls antiqui­tie, now I passe to after-accidents that have betided it.

The City (as I have given you a former touch) being by the Danes, in the dayes of King Etheldred, besieged, taken, and with the Cathedrall (as all our Chronologers agree) burnt and utterly wasted; the City wall (no doubt) being the Cities best securitie against a like surprisall, if it should still have stood, was not spared by that all-wasting enemy.

I read that Archbishop Lanfranc, in the Conquerours time, was a great benefactour to the repaire of it. So saith M ^r. Lambert Perambula­tion of Kent. In Canterbury., and so Stow, followed by Speed. But no other story mentions it, no not that of his life and acts written by (his successour) Archbishop Parker. But so they say. Take it as I finde it. When or by whom soever it was re­paired, it is plain by the Monk of Malmesbury, that in his time, which was about the yeare of grace 1142. in the reign of King Stephen, it was walled round. For he saith it was De gest. Pontif. lib. 1. in Prologo. then a City much renowned (amongst other things) for the walls whole and undecayed enclosing it round about. Which being so, and no violence offered them afterward [Page 9] that we reade of, I marvell somewhat that there should be need of that fortification of the City with walls in Richard the first's time, as it seems there was: For the King being (it should appeare) taken prisoner in his return from the holy land, his Mother Q. Alianor, out of her care in her ab­sent sonnes behalfe, of this amongst other (as it seems) weak parts of the kingdome, takes order for the fortifying of it: as by her letters In Archivis Ecclesiae Cant. of the following tenor may appeare, written (itseems) at the instance and for the securitie of the Cathedrall Monks, fearfull that this one act of their as­sistance in the work of the Cities fortification, might in­fringe their libertie of Burgbote, and being drawn in conse­quentiam become a prejudiciall example, effectuall to compell them to the like in future time, as of the nature of a leading case.

With like caution I finde the same Monks, a while after help forward the Cities defence another way. For in King Iohns time, Rich. 1. immediate successour, the Citizens after much suit to the Monks, prevailed with them at length, to sell them of their wood to make hurdles or wat­tles withall, for the defence of their City. They are in­deed (as I am informed Vide Gloss. D. H. Spelman in verbo Hurdi­tium. things of especiall good and known use for such a purpose, in divers respects, but chief­ly serviceable, rightly used, for the securing of a wall against Rammes, and such like engines of assault and bat­tery. Consider of this further, after you have read these letters In archivis ec­clesiae Cant., which I may call the Monks acquitance, or pro­tection.

The prototype is yet remaining in the Cathedrall, where I have seen it with the seale appendant. The like to that (of the Authors) represented in figure in the last edi­tion of the Remaines pag. 209. and in the map of Kent.

I reade nothing of our walls afterward till Rich. 2.

dayes, who (as Thorne reported by M ^r. Lambert Peramb. of Kent in Canter­bury. saith) gave 250. markes towards the ditching, and inclosing of the City, and in whose reigne, Regis ad exemplum, that re­nowned Patriot Archb. Sudbury is said to have built the Westerne-gate of the City, together with the Wall, ly­ing betweene that and the North-gate, commonly called the long Wall, and was purposed (some say) to have done likewise about all the City [...]ver of an­cient funerall Monuments. pag. 225., if he had lived. The rest of the Wall (it seemes) either tottering, or being quite decayed at that time. Insomuch as Simon Burley (Warden of the Cinque Ports) advised that the Jewels of Christ-Church and Saint Augustines, should for more safety be removed to Dover-Castle Lambert. Per­amb. in Cant..

What cost in reparation it had afterward bestowed on it, was chiefely raised by the generall taxe of the City. For it appeares by the Book of Murage in the City-Cham­ber, that the whole City in the time of Hen. 4. was taxed and assessed to the repaire thereof: towards the sustaining of which both for the present and future, and the Citizens incouragement to proceed in that worthy undertaking, that King, by his writ of Privy Seale, gives them both a licence of Mortmaine, for the purchasing of twenty pound land per annum to the City for ever; and also grants them all wast grounds, and places lying within the City to use and dispose of for their best advantage, likewise in perpe­tuity. For your better satisfaction, take here a translated Copy of the Writ, as I have it from the Records of the Chamber.

[Page 13] The better and more easily to estimate and judge of the charge of which worke, I finde that the yeare before (3. Hen. 4.) the compasse and circuit of the Wall was mea­sured, and a note thereof taken and registred in the Re­cords of the Chamber. Let me present you with the Co­py of it, in the identity of words and language that I finde it.

• Primo à parva porta de Quyningate usque ad Burgate xxxviij. perticat, & porta de Burgate continet unam.
• Item, à dicta porta de Burgate usque ad Newingate xxxvij. perticat, & porta de Newingate continet unam.
• Item, à dicta porta de Newingate'usque ad Ridingate xlviij. perticat, & porta de Ridingate continet unam.
• Item, à dicta porta de Ridingate usque ad Worgate lxxxiij. perticat, & porta de Worgate continet unam.
• Item, à porta de Worgate usque ad aquam quae est à retro S. Mildredae, lxj. perticat, & riparia ibidem continet, iiij. per­ticat.
• Item, à riparia usque ad Westgate. cxviij. perticat, & di­mid', & porta de Westgate continet unam.
• Item, à porta de Westgate usque ad finem muri qui vocatur Long-wall continent', lix. perticat, & quartam partem perticat.
• Item, aqua quae vocatur Stower ab illo muro usque ad murum qui vocatur Waterlocke continet, xviij. perticat, & dimid.
• Item, & murus ab illo loco usque ad Northgate continet, xl. perticat, & porta de Northgate continet unam.
• Item, à porta de Northgate usque ad Quyningate continet lxix. perticat, quae est versus Prior' ecclesiae Christi Cant. Summa [...]otalis (but it is miscast) vclxix. perticat, & quarta pars perticat.

[Page 14] This Thomas Ickham, by the way, the Wall measurer, was Alderman of Burgate in the fourth yeare of Hen. 4. and dying the twenty sixe of May. 3. Hen. 5. was buried in Christ-Church. Liber Ms. in Archivis Eccle­siae Cant. Others of his name and family, (I take it) lye buried in Saint Peters Church in Canterbury, as I shall show hereafter.

By this Record you may perceive that the whole Wall betweene Westgate and Northgate was not then built, as now we see it is. For on either side the River, the Wall, by this Record, clearely breakes off, so that there is an in­terjected distance of eighteene perches long betweene the one, and the other Wall. And indeed it will easily appeare to be but a slight observation; that so much of the Wall as stands and is made up in that then un-walled part, namely betweene the Posterne and the Waterlocke, next Northgate, through which in Arches, with a Portclose, the River now passeth from Abbots Mill, is in the stone­worke much different from the rest of the Wall, and shewes not in any part the least wracke or decay, as the other doth. It seemes then that Archbishop Sudbury built not all the long Wall.

But enough of the Wall, unlesse the City of latter time had more tendred her own credit and safety in keeping it better repaired. In pity and just reproofe whereof (whe­ther in this City, or any other) I crave leave here a little to enlarge my selfe. A Cities aspect is much blemished by ruinous edifices: especially publicke, and in places most obvious to the eye. Now what more publicke and obvious then the City Wall? Against this deformity the Civill law very carefully provides, which sayes: Civitas ruinis non debet deformari. Fin. ne quid in loc. pub. lib. 43. ff. [...]. 8. As likewise doe the lawes of this land: Statutes being made 27. 32. and 33. Hen. 8. to remedy such deformities in many of our Cities, and this in particular. If this move not, know then that our Eng­lish Townes and Cities are taxed, and have a note set on [Page 15] them published to the World in Print, for their notori­ous defect of Walles and Bulwarkes. Expositae sunt nati­ones (saith the French Th [...]losanus) De Repub. li. 1. cap. 3. nu. 5. praedae exterorum, quae non habent muratas aut munitas Civitates, ut de Anglia, & Scy­thicis liqu [...] nationibus: Cito enim expugnatis portubus, in­gressu & aditu patefacto, omnia cedunt reliqua, &c. Thus he, and leaves it not so, but a while after hath it up a­gaine. Eod. lib. cap. 5. num. 3. Estque res notissima, Angliam aliasque regiones toties mutasse Reges & Dominos, quòd null [...] aut paucissimae sunt in eis urbes & arces munitae: ut sit axioma certissimum, in­gressis in eas Regiones obtento, statim dominationem earum sequi. Thus he, much to the discredit of our Nation: but deservedly I doubt, and suspect our particular neglect and defect in this kinde, partly gave the occasion. As we tender then our owne, and our Countries credit; as we respect our particular commodity in point of security and beauty, both which it will at once bring unto our City, let us with our forefathers, as good Patriots, looke better to our Walles.

But I feare I speake too late. Serò medicina paratur, &c. The malady is of that growth by the want of applying timely remedies, that, I thinke, it is now become incura­ble. Such danger, such detriment attends, and is begot­ten by delay. Yet let me not seeme tedious, whilest I re­member what some y [...]t living cannot have forgotten; that not long since the cure was in part worthily attempted by a noble Citizen, M ^r. I. Easday by name, sometime one Ann. Domini. 1586. of our Aldermen, who in the time of his Maioralty, well hoping his Successors in the place, would likewise have succeeded him in this his exemplary piety and commen­dable endeavour for the repaire of the City wall, to his great cost, being a man but of an indifferent estate, be­gan the repaire thereof at Ridingate, and therein pro­ceeded so farre, as where you may finde his name inscri­bed on the Wall. A worke left for future ages to follow, [Page 16] now having hitherto vouchsafed it their imitation. But I forbeare, because I list not to be satyricall.

In this Wall are to the number of twenty one Turrets, or small watch Towers orderly placed, the most of them (thankes to God) of no use now adayes; but in many mens judgements, such, as with no great cost, if it might stand with the wisdome of the City, might make, what we much want, convenient Pest-houses, and Recepta­cles for the poore visited people of the City, many times either indangering the publicke safety by their stay in their houses, or else hazarding their private well-fare abroad for want of such or like accomodation. I have done with the Walles.

Of what antiquity this Ditch is (I confesse) I cannot well tell. In the Survey of our City in Doomsday Booke, Ditch about the City how ancient. I meet with Fossatum Civitatis, but in what sense I doe not well know. For whether the City-Ditch be there inten­ded, or some siege rather or beleaguering of the City (for that sense the word Fossatum also carries:) it is to me some question. Eleven of those Burgeses (saith Doomsday) that were in Canterbury in the Confessors time, Vastati sunt in Fossato Civitatis. If it had beene said eleven Burgeses houses or mansions were so laid wast, it had beene some­what plaine. It might have beene supposed their Vasta­tion had beene to make way for the Ditch. But you see what the words are. Either there is a figure in them, or the Ditch is not so old. If so old, neglected afterwards. For Queene Alianor's letters before presented, speake of fortifying the City, not onely muris, but fossatis too, as in want of both.

This our Ditch (it seemes) was originally of a great Breadth of [...] Ditch. breadth, 150. foot over, as I find by the records of a suite commenced by the City against Archbishop Peckham, in the reigne of Ed. 1. the 18. yeare, who charging upon the Archbishop (but erroneously, the Jury finding it not his, but his Tenents fact) for incroching upon the City-ditch, and streightning of it with houses built upon it a­bout Westgate, to the Cities great damage and annoy­ance, in regard that the River running through that part [Page 32] of the ditch, many times overflowed the banks, to the great detriment of the Town-wall, make challenge to a ditch of 150 foot broad in these words. Praeterea dicunt quòd ubi Dominus Rex habere debet & antecessores sui habere consueverunt fossatum circuens murum Civitatis praed. quod quidem fossatum debet continere extra murum illum centum & quinquaginta pedes latitudinis &c. A breadth which the Liber Camerae) [...]atis Cant. present ditch, I think, in no part shews. But no marvell; for, as the wall, so the ditch too is in these dayes much negle­cted. Little more then halfe the wall is now in-ditched, the rest being either swerved, or else filled up, and in ma­ny parts builded upon; nay, the wall it self in some places easily scalable, what with piles and stacks of wood in some, what with housing and the like in other parts of it; a thing fatall unto some by the fall of the wall (Robert Quilter, De­nis Tiler and Ioane London, being killed by the fall of a part of the wall in Ridingate-ward, as they sate in the said Ioanes house Crown-rolls. Anno 17. Ed. 1. (and both very unseemly and dangerous also for the City. What sayes the Civil law in this case? Aedisi­cia (the words of the law) quae vulgò parapetasia nuncupant, vel siqua alia opera moenibus vel publicis operibus ita sociata co­haerent, ut ex iis incendium vel insidias vicinitas reformidet, aut angustentur spatia platearum, vel minuat' porticibus la­titudo, dirui ac prosterni praecipimus, &c. Aedisicium 13 deoperibus publicis. Pooe [...]ium.

Every well contrived city should have a Pomoerium. And what is that? The law Lexicon shall tell you. Pomoerium lo­cus erat, tam intrà, quam extra murum urbis, quem antiqui in condendis urbibus augurato consecrabant, neque in eo ullum fieri aedificium patiebantur Calvini Lexi­con in verb. Po­moerium. &c. Felinus the Canonist more suc­cinctly defines it thus. Pomoerium (saith he) est locus ad in­tra & extra, quo aedificare non licet DER scriptis c. Rodulphus num. 23.. But what respect we a Pomoerium? were it a Pomoerium, haply it would be better lookt unto. Witnesse the so much planting of the ditch in divers parts. What a shame is it for us in the mean time, that a little profit should banish all our care in this kinde, [Page 33] and to see the greedinesse of a small advantage to bee a meanes (as it is) to betray the City at once both to danger and deformity? But I may forbeare Censure: for I despaire of its regard in these dayes, wherein Meum and Tuum, the private profit of some few, is with too many more conside­rable then bonum & interesse publicum, the common good of many; which if it finde any regard, it is but base and secundary, like that of Vertue, post nummos. So much for the Ditch.

COme we now to the Castle, to which our passage from the City lay of old by a Bridge, and beyond that a Castle-ga [...]e and Bridge. faire Gate built at the entrance of the Castle-yard or Court, which I will prove unto you by an ancient deed recorded in the Lieger Booke of Estbridge Hospitall, concerning a piece of land lying (saith the deed) in the parish of S ^t Mary-Castle: juxta Ianuam Castri ad caput pontis ex parte West. Af­terward in the same deed thus described. Inter Regiam stra­tam versus Est, & fossam dicti Castri versus South, & quan­dam placeam terrae pertinent' ad ecclesiam beatae Mariae de Ca­stro praedict' vers. North, &c. This Gate had it usuall Porter or Keeper. For I read that one William Savage, Ianitor Por­tae Castri Cant. was questioned for taking the daughter of Hamon Trendherst, vi & armis, ex opposito Castri Cant. in Cant. and carrying her into the Castle, and there holding her eight dayes and upwards Crowne-Rolles. A [...]. 15. Ed. 2..

To approach nearer to the Castle it selfe, whose entrance (seemingly) was by an ascent of Steps porcht over on the Castles Anti­quity. West-side. Some there are will tell you that Iulius Caesar; other that Rudhudibras, or Ludrudibras, long before built it. You may beleeve them if you please. For my part I sub­scribe herein to M ^r Cambdens opinion. It carries (saith he) no shew of any great antiquity Britannia. In Kent., and very probably. For in all the sieges of our City, and the harrowing and sack­ing of it by the Danes, at large related by our Historians, [Page 34] especially that most remarkable (because most lamentable) one in King Etheldreds time, copiously storied by Roger Hoveden, and our Countryman Spott, telling us first of the siege of the City, with the continuance of it, the trea­chery by which the enemy surprised it, and diverse other particulars thereof; what is there of any Castle, but altum silentium? It was builded by the Normans, saith M ^r Camb­den. Indeed both hee and Speed Hist. in vita Conquest. informe us, that the Conquerour, for his better subduing and bridling of the Britannia. In Cambridgeshire. suspected parts of the Kingdome, builded Castles at such places, namely at Cambridge, Lincolne, Nottingham, Staf­ford, and elsewhere. A piece of policy, which I finde pra­ctised abroad. In Marchia Brandeburgensi, cum Cives Berli­nenses in suum tumultuarentur Magistratum, Fridericus Mar­chio interveniens, imposuit urbi arcem frenum libertatis Tholosanus de Repub. lib. 2. cap. 5. num. 3.. Might not this be one of the Castles so built by the Con­querour? I conceive not: for I take it to bee somewhat, but yet not much elder. Because it appeares by Doomsday-Booke, that the Conquerour had this Castle by exchange made with the Archbishop, and the Abbot of S ^t Augustines; who had for it, the latter 14. the former 7. Burgenses. I suppose it built in the interim of the Danish massacre, and the Norman conquest. Cleerely Doomsday Booke hath it; but before, it occurres not any where. Shortly after (as I finde) certaine of the Monke of S ^t Augustine, quitting the Abbey in the broyle betweene Archbishop Lanfranc and them, about Guido or Wido the 42. Abbat, sheltered them­selves under, or within this Castle. For, of them some for their rebellion being committed to the City Prison, by Lanfranc's command, nunciatum est ei caeteros abire jussos sub Castro (ad ecclesiam S ^t Miltrudis posito) consedisse Antiq. Britan. in vita Lanfran­ci. pag. 114.. The next thing that I read of it is, that Lewis the French Dolphin (Stow is my Author) arriving in the Ile of Thanet, and afterward at Sandwich, and landing his forces, without re­sistance, comes to Canterbury where he re [...]eived both Ca­stle and City into his subjection Stow. Annals in King Iohn. Common pri­son in the Ca­stle,.

Within this Castle in former time there was a common [Page 35] Prison kept. For proofe whereof I could muster up many Testimonies from records of good credit. But because tradition keepes it yet in memory with some, one shall suffice, which I have from the Crowne-Rols. Evasio (saith the Record) Walteri de Wedering, & Martini at Gate de Lamberherst. Prisones Domini Regis in Castro Cant. sederunt ligati in quodam loco vocat' Barbican juxta idem Castrum pro pane suo mendicando. Contigit quòd die Martis in Carnisprivio A ^•. R. R. Ed. Fil. Reg. Ed. ante occasum Solis, praedictus Walterus fregit seruram cathenae cum qualigatus fuit, & attrax­it secum praedictum Martinum contra voluntatem ipsius Mart. ad ecclesiam beatae Mariae de Castro, ubi remansit & abjuravit Regnum Angliae, & praed. Mart. rediit in prisonam ex bona voluntate. The Prison continued here a long time after, even (as I take it) untill the ordinary passage through the Castle-yard, by making up the further Gate, was debarred, to the end in likelihood the better to secure the Castle. Which was done (some say) upon Wiats rising in Queene Maries dayes; others, upon a former insurrection in Ed. 6. time, called the Common-wealth; but I thinke before them both, because I meet with the Prison by Saint Iacobs, whither (it seemes) the Castle-prison was removed in Hen. 8. time: divers of our Townesmen about that time, di­stributing their Testamentory, or dying almes, incarceratis prope locum S ^t Iacobi. It had yet a second remove, and that even in our memory, to Westgate-street, where it conti­nues. A few words now of the Barb [...]can, and I shall have done with the Castle.

The Castle, it seemes, ad majorem cautelam (as the Civi­lian Barbican. speakes) for the more security both of it and the City was anciently fore-fenced with a Barbican or Barbacan. Which exotick word S. H. Spelman [...] in verb. Barbaca [...] thus interprets. Barba­can (saith he) munimem à fronte Castri, al [...]ter antemurale dictum; etiam for amen in urbium Castrorumque moeniis ad traji­cienda [...]: necnon specula, & locus ubi excubiae aguntur. vox Arabica. So he, Minshew thus. A Barbican (saith hee) or out-nook in a wall, with holes to shoote out at the enemy. Dictionar. [...] hac voce. [Page 36] Some take it for a Sentinell-house, a Scout-house. Chaucer useth the word Barbican for a Watch-to wer. Of the Saxon Ber-ic-ken. i. I ken or see the Borough, &c. Here I will briefely prove unto you two things. 1. That there was Barbican. 2. The place where it stood. In a record of the City Chamber, shewing how the Fee-ferme of the City in Hen. 3. time was to be raised, occurres the name of the Barbican, in these words. De Barbicane, 5 ^s. qui debentur in comp'to super S'ccum. I finde also in the elder Rentals of Christ-Church, frequent mention of it, as a boundary to certaine of the Churches Demesnes lying neare it without Worthgate, in these or the like words. Extra Worgate juxta fossatum del Bayle, sed nunc Barbecan appellatur: and the like. Now that it was, is plaine enough. The place where it was, comes next to be inquired. I have seene a record of the 6. of Ed. 2. purporting that the City-Coroner coming to doe his office upon the dead Body of a murdered servant of the Prior of Christ-Church: he was not permitted, but the body being conveyed to the Barbecan, extra Castrum Cant. was there set upon and searched by a forreigne Co­roner. Now it must of necessity follow that this place where the inquest was taken (the Barbecan) was without the Cities liberty: but there is not neare the Castle any place, save the Castle-yard, that is so. The Record (if you please to see it) is extant in my Appendix, pag. 298. The Castle-yard, and Wall then now much impaired with age; but sometimes set with divers Watch-towers, foure at least, and which was otherwise called the Bulwarke, being the fore-fence to the Castle, was undoubtedly the Barbican, or the place and structure, which former ages knew and called by that name. I collect and conclude it also from that of Fossatum del Bayle, &c. which cannot otherwise be under­stood then of the Ditch about the Castle-yard-wall, which (untill of late that the piece of Wall was made betweene Winchep-gate and it at the one side, and the like at the other) compassed the same. Now for the better under­standing of the use and condition of this military structure, [Page 37] I referre you to Stowes Survey of London, pag. 62. where he speaks of the like somtime standing without Creeple-gate. And now I come to the River.

One commendation that our City hath (and worthily) from Malmesbury, De gestis Pon­tific. lib. 1. in Prologo. is the Rivers watering of it. This River we call Stoure, as did our Ancestors long ages. Inter gemi­nales Rivos fluminis quod dicitur Stour, are the words of a Codicill or Landboc of King Cenulph the Mercian made to the Archbishop, and his Monkes of Christ-Church, Anno Domini 814 In archivis Ec­cles. Cant.. Long before this, a Charter of Edric King of Kent, in Anno Domini 686. made to the Abby of Saint Augustine, giving certaine land in Stodmersh, mentioneth this River, bounding out the same to lye one way to a place called Ford-street, and on the other part to have Flumen quod nominatur Stur Thorne In vitis Abb. S. Aug.. And yet more anciently oc­curres the name. For Sturrey which takes it name from this River running by it, is by that name together with Chiste­let, granted by King Ethelbert himselfe (his Charter tels me so) to S ^t Augustine.

What the name signifies, or whence it was taken, certain­ly River when [...]e called Stour. I know not. Haply from the constant and continuall stirring and swift course or motion of it, to difference it from standing waters, whence probably the Britain name of the City, Durwhern. i. a swift river, or else from Store, for the plenty of water, and the many streames falling into it: as the river Stura, arising in the Alpes, one of the 30. which of the river Po are carried into the Adriatick Sea, whereof Plinie speaks, lib. 3. c. 16. is vulgarly called Store. Certes Stour is a name taken up, and given it since the Britains time. For Dur or Dour was with them the common name for all waters Cambd. Britannia. In Dors [...]shire pag. 209. Engl. edi­tion. Antiq. Brit. pag. 34., (whence, as erewhile you heard, our Cities name of Durobernia and Dorob. and I take it, the name of Do­ver sprang) as haply Stour was with the Saxons for all great­er rivers. Dour or Stour, saith Hollinshead speaking of the Cam­bridge river, as if they were all one, or that the latter were the proper name for that river to which the former had been given. I can but rove at uncertainties, and therefore quit the point.

[Page 38] For the sourse and course of this river I referre you to Hollinshead Chronicle fol 20. & Lambert P [...]rambul. of Kent., who will copiously herein give you satisfaction. Commoditie hath ever her opposites atten­dance. The great commoditie and conveniency of our Ci­ties plantation by this river is attended by and with the dis­commoditie and annoyance of inundation. But our Ance­stors, the Cities first Incolae, weighed not the inconvenience of the one, for the benefit and accommodation of the other. And it is an inconvenience in these dayes scarcely considerable, because seldome happening; or that can hap­pen in regard the City lies higher now then at thefirst, having in all parts of itbeen much raised at severall times, as cellar-diggers, and such like, who are much hindred in their work by old foundations which they meet with in their digging, daily finde: occasioned (as I conceive) by the many vastations of the City in the Danes time, and lastly about the yeare of our Lord 1160. by casuall fire.

The greatest channell of this our river, ran anciently through the middest of the City, to the Kings-mill. For I finde Archbishop Pickham charged by the Citizens with the diverting of it, by certain cuts or trenches, for the bet­tering of his mill at Westgate: which the Jury found to have been done before partly in Archb. Kilwarby, and partly in Archb. Boniface times Liber Camerae Civitatis.. The channell to Westgate then (it seems) became inlarged. But the first division of the stream was not then made. For, that Stour had it course that way much more anciently then those times, is most cleare. For I finde it to give name in the Conq. time, to the Archbishops Mannor, since and at this day called Westgate (from the situation of it neare that gate:) but then, from the standing of it by the Stour-side, Stour-seat, the seat by the Stour; as that other part of her divided chan­nell gave name to the street it runs by, called to this day Stourstree, that is, the street by or nigh the Stour.

The accommodation of the City by the scowring and Projects for the Rivers in­largement hi­therto fru­strate. inlargement of this river hath been a thing at severall times attempted, but sine fructu, or without successe worthy the [Page 39] designe. About the beginning of Hen. 8. reigne it was pro­jected to have made that part of the river between Ford­wich and Canterbury answerable to Fordw. river, that is, so to have cleansed, deepned and inlarged it, that lighters and boats might be brought to both alike. The matter procee­ded so farre, and with such probabilitie of a good issue, that the project was allowed and authorised by act of Parlia­ment 5 Hen. 8. c. 17., of this tenor (which I here insert verbatim and at large, because, being private, the ordinary edition of the Statutes doth not affoord it.)

Execution, which is said to be the life of laws, was wanting here. This law, this Statute-law (it seems) was never so inlivened. For notwithstanding this faire way made, I can­not tell by what infortunacy, nothing was done to any pur­pose at that time. Too likely it is that the difference be­tween the Archbish. and the City, as it diverted him from building here, what he built at Lambert Per­amb. of Kent. in Otford. Otford, a stately Palace, did the mischief, and nipt the project in the bud, so that it came to nothing then, as neither did the like project after­wards.

For albeit it was revived, and in part put in practise with hopes of good successe, through the great further­ance of one M ^r Rose an Alderman, and sometime Maior of the City, in the late Queens time, who was an especiall be­nefactor to the work while he lived, and dying ere the per­fection of it, but well hoping it would be accomplish'd, by his will In Registr [...] Consistorii Cant., gave 300 libr. towards it (a most pious act:) yet not being so well followed as behooved, through whose default I know not, succeeded now little better then be­fore. It is now a third time undertaken, and by the good endeavours of industrious men in that forward, as not un­likely to succeed: Gods blessing be upon the enterprise, and in due time crown it with perfection.

According to my proposed method, coming now to the Suburbs: my Survey thereof shall take beginning at the East part; and therein at Saint Augustines. Concerning which I will limit my discourse, to these two heads or par­ticulars.

• [Page 46]1. The first foundation and following estate of it.
• 2. A Survey of the present Remaines of it.

FOr the first. Augustine the Monke, the Apostle of the 1. Particular. English, (as the ancient Charters of the Abbey call him) Pope Gregory the Great's Nuncio, his Alumnus, com­ming over hither with this com-monachall associates, and being admitted first into the presence, and eftsoones into the favour of Ethelbert (the This is meant of the Saxons, who entred this Kingdome, and were formerly Idolaters: but the Britaines were Christi­ans almost from the time of our Savi­ours death, and so they conti­nued, though at this time, li­ving with their Bishops in the remote parts of this Iland of Britainy. first Christian Kentish King. Rex Ethelbertus inter Reges Anglorum Christicola primus, as it is in the bordure of the Quire-hangings of Christ-Church:) and having by his and his fellow-labourers preaching, both by life and doctrine, with Gods co-operating Grace, at length wrought his conversation to Christianity, was so well affected and thankfully handled of him, that, for reward of his service, amongst many favours, he obtained of the King his Patron, a certaine piece of ground on the East part of the City of Cant. Whereon afterwards, with the Kings helpe, he built this Abbey, dedicated when so first founded to the blessed Apostles, Peter and Paul, and so knowne a while, but afterward not (as Lambert Peramb. of Kent. in Cant. will) onely in memory of his benefit; but from the new dedication of it by Archbishop Dunstan, in honore Sanctorum Apostolorum Petri & Pauli, sanctique Augustini, in the yeare 978 Thorne. In vitis Abb. S ^t Augu­stini.: from thence (I say) his being added to the former Tutelars, and after that, untill the dissolution, called S ^t Augustines.

It may not be forgotten that one maine end of setting apart this Suburbian plot of ground, and of the erecting the Abbey upon it, (according to the meaning of both Ethel. and August.) was that it should be a common Sepul­chre both for them and their successors, as well in the King­dome, as in the Archbishopricke, for ever after. For it was not then, nor long after, the manner to bury within Vnlawfulnesse of buriall with­in Cities. Cities (the City being a place not for the dead but the li­ving, as it is in a Charter of Ethelb. which shall follow a­none:) and it being a thing defended. i. forbidden to bury [Page] [Page] [Page]

[Page] [Page]

[Page] [Page]

[Page] [Page 47] within Cities by the law of the 12. Tables: Hominem mortuum infra urbem ne sepelito, neve urito. A law (it seemes) standing till then; and long after in force here, yet more for the reason sake of it (as I conceive) fitting it to all Na­tions, which was the prevention of fire by burning, and other annoyance by burying the carcasse within the City, then as being any otherwise a binding law to this kingdome, long before deserted by the Romanes, and no way now dependent on that Empire, or in subjection to it.

The further discovery of this Abbeys foundation and originall; I leave to you to make and take (if you please) from the ensuing transcripts of the Founders Charters, foure in number, whereof the three former are of Ethel­bert, and the other of Augustine, closed and fenced (as you shall see, according to the manner of former times) with such solemne and dreadfull imprecations upon the violaters of their Piety; that (if the Charters themselves prove true and not counterfeit, as some suspect them) I for my part (how light soever some doe, and will make of them) would tremble to be lyable unto, for all the good, for all the gaine, were it neare so much, that might accrew unto me by intermedling. But to the Charters, which I have taken from Reyners Copy, in his Apostolatus Benedictinorum, writing of this Monastery.

These auspicious beginnings had answerable proceed­ings. For the foundation of the Abbey thus laid, it be­came in processe of time much advanced, both in the in­largement of her buildings, and augmentations of her in­dowment. For the first. After the death of King Ethelb. Eadbaldus (his sonne) at the instance of Lawrence the Archb' builded a faire Church in this Monastery which he [Page 53] called S. Maries. After Eadbaldus, King Canute (the great Monarch of this Realme:) Egelsine (the Abbat that fled for feare of the Conquerour:) Scotlandus (whom the same King put in Egelsin's place:) Hugh Floriac (that was of kin­dred to King William Rufus, and by him made Abbat:) were the persons that chiefly increased the building: some bestowing Churches and Chapels; some Dortors and Re­fectories or dining places, and others other sort of edi­fices Lamb. per­amb. of Kent in Canterbury..

Now for the latter, her increase in possessions and indow­ment, it would be too tedious a matter to particularize but the one halfe of the donations and grants of lands and re­venues that were made and given by the multitude of be­nefactors of all sorts, who out of the heat of their devotion to the place, for the double founders sake, the one the great instrument of Christianisme brought and wrought amongst the Saxon people of those parts, the other (by Gods bles­sing on his endeavours) the first Christian King of the English-Saxon race, strived of holy zeal, according to their knowledge to out-strip one another in an open handed li­beralitie to this Abbey. The Royall benefactors (for I shall Royall bene­factours to S. Augustine [...] Abbey. omit the rest) after Ethelb. (as Thorne informs me) were chiefly these. King Eadbald his sonne and next Successor, who gave the mannor of Northborne, consisting of 30 plough-lands. King Lothaire, who gave 3 plough-lands in Stodmersh. King Withred, who gave the mannor of Littleborne of 5 plough-lands. King Eadbert his sonne, who gave 6 plough-lands in Little-Mongeham. King Edmund, whose gift was 2 plough lands in Sybertsweld. Kenewulf King of Mercia and Cuthred King of Kent, who gave the mannor of Lenham, consisting of 20 plough-lands and 13 Denes. King Ethel­wulf the West-Saxon, who gave 40 Caslatos (Mansions I take it) in Lenham. King Ethelhert the West-Saxon also, who gave the mannor of Merton in East Kent, of 3 plough-lands. King Canute, who together with the body S. Mildred the virgin of Thanet, gave unto the Abbey all the indow­ment of that late Monastery. King Edgar who gave Plum­sted, [Page 54] of 4 plough lands. Edward the Confessor, who gave all the land he had in Fordwich.

The succeeding Kings, for the most part, were rather confirmers or restorers of the old, then contributers of new possessions to this Abbey. Whose Charters (as the o­thers) are many of them already published partly in Reyner's Apostolatus Benedictinorum, and partly in Wevers Funerall Monuments. Wherefore I spare their recitall here. Nei­ther will I wade or enter farre into discourse of the once flourishing estate of this ancient Abbey, lest I finde it (as I may justly feare it) even endlesse. For so many were the priviledges, so wide the possessions, and so very great the estimation of this Abbey, in many respects (that of it being, of old, the selected place for the Royall and Archiepisco­pall sepulture, not the least:) as few other in the King­dome did or could in all points paralell it.

Onely let me, ere my cloze, acquaint you from M ^r Lam­bert Peramb. of Kent. in Cant., that the house, before the dissolution, had five Co­vents, consisting (saith he) of 65 Monks, Benedictines, or of the order of the Black monks of S. Benet, which began here in England with their Founder, (the nature hereof see hereafter in Christ-Church:) And, as he addes (beside Juris­diction over an whole lath of 13 hundreds) it had possession of livelihood to the value of 808. l' by yeare. Herein, (I sup­pose) following the estimate of her temporalties, taxed at that summe by the Popes Delegates, the Bishops of Winche­ster and Lincoln, Iohn and Oliver, in the yeare 1292. authori­sed to tax and rate the temporalties of all the Clergy both religious and secular throughout the Kingdome, for the levying of a tenth thereby, which the Pope had granted to the King (Ed. 1.) in subsidium terrae sanctae. But it seems Lib. Eccles. Christi Cant. that upon the surrender and suppression of the Abby, which happened 4. Decemb. 29. Hen 8. that estimate was well neare doubled. For (as Speed and Wever both have it) it was then valued, as the Record in the Kings Exchequer shows, at The Abbey of what value. 1412. lib. 4 ^s. 7 ^d. ob. q.

Briefly this Abbey, and the Abbat thereof in right of his [Page 55] Abbatie, had Cuneum monetae, allowance of mintage and coynage of money, by the grant of King Athelstan Leg. Athel­stani in Archae­on. Gul. Lamb. pag., which continued untill the time of K. Stephen, & then was utterly lost, Silvester the 45 Abbat, who died Anno 1161. being the last that enjoyed it. Whereof Thorne writing his life hath these words. Memorandum (saith he) quòd iste Silvester Abbas & multi praedecessores ejus Abbates habuerunt Cuneum monetae in Civitate Cant. sicut per inquisitionem factam per Ar­noldum Ferre, Wulfinum Mercere & alios qui jurati dixerunt quòd quidem Abbas S. Aug. Silvester nomine habuit in Civitate Abbat of S. Austins had coynage of money. Cant. unum cuneum monetae & Elumdus Porre custodivit cune­um illud ex parte illius Abbatis, & quando ille Abbas obiit seisita fuit Abbatia in manu Domini Regis unà cum praedicto cuneo, nec unquam aliquis Abbas qui ei successit, illius cunei recuperavit seisinam. Et fuit ista inquisitio facta temporibus Hen. secundi Regis, & Regis Richardi filii ejusdem. The Abbat moreover was Abbas intratus, first made so by Pope Alex. 2. as the same Thorne (in the life of Abbat Egelsin) relates. Who saith Dignified by the Pope with Mitre and san­dals. that the same Egels. being sent on some Embassage to Pope Alex. 2. in the yeare 1063. was there the first Abbat of this Monastery, to whom it was of the same Pope permitted with his Successors, the Abbats of the place, to use the Mitre and sandals, in manner of a Bishop, the Pope thus then pro­nouncing and saying, Hunc apicem habere perpetuò rectorem de­crevimus Augustinensem, ob ipsius scilicet Romanorum alumpni & Anglorum Apostoli dignitatem. He was I say a mitred Abbat, that is by Cowels interpretation Interprete in verb. Abbat. pag. 2. an Abbat Sove­reigne, exempt from the Jurisdiction of the Diocesan, ha­ving Episcopall Jurisdiction within himself. He had place and voice not onely in Parliament as a spirituall Baron, but also in the generall Councell, where, by the gift of Pope Leo ix ^th, his place was to sit by the Abbat Montis Cassini Reyner in ap­pendice ad Apo­stolat. Benedi­ctin. pag. 53. A Catalogue of these Abbats and others, who living, by their learning and pietie; or dead, by the reliques of their mortalitie, their deceased bodies, some honourably intom­bed, others gloriously inshrined there, have enfamoused the place, I referre you to finde in Pitseus his Catalogue, [Page 56] and Wever's ancient Funerall monuments. And hitherto of the flourishing estate of this Abbey.

It neither may, nor will (I know) be imagined but that this Abbey tasted of both fortunes. Wherefore as you have heard somewhat of the weale, so now give me leave with what brevitie I can, to acquaint also with the wo; the detri­ments I mean and dysasters, that have at any time abated, and at last fatally obscured and finally extinguished the glo­ry and Majesty of this once famous and opulent Abbey.

Whereof the first in time and not of least regard was her losse of the long enjoyed right and interest to the burialls of the Kings and Archbishops, of which, the former, in Archbishop Brightwald's, and the latter in Cutbert's dayes were first taken from it Lamb. Per­amb. of Kent in Canterbury..

Another was the grievous and frequent infestation of Abby infected by the Danes. the place by the Danes: which (however their Chroni­clers, for their Abbeys greater glory, sometimes ascribe their safety, defence and deliverance from those Invaders to a miraculous preservation:) yet doubtlesse either suffer­ed their violence, or at the least, and at the best, purchased their peace (and so prevented their greater calamity) at a deare rate, and with costly redemptions, especially in that lamentable spoil and devastation of the City under King Etheldred, in the yeare 1011. The recorders of the tragi­call story whereof, the elder Monks, Henry of Huntington, Roger Hoveden, and others, (whose pens a miracle so mainly tending to the advancement of Monkery, in all likelihood could not have escaped) tell of no such miracle as Thorne will have the Abbey then rescued and saved by, which was, that when a Dane had taken hold of S. Augustines pall or cloak (wherewith his tombe was covered) it stuck so fast to his fingers, that by no means possible he could lose it, till he came and yeelded himself to the Monks, and made sor­rowfull confession of his fault. Which thing so terrified the rest of the Danes, that they desisted and ceased from inva­ding the Monastery, and became chief protectors and de­fenders of it. Cum Dani (as Thornes own words are) C [...]tu­ariam [Page 57] ferro undique & flamma vastantes saevirent, quidam illo­rum sacrilegi, non causa orandi, sed depraedandi malitia mona­sterium istud ultrò introierunt: moxque unus eorum ad malum proclivior, ad sepulchrum Apostoli nostri Augustini (ubi tunc jacebat tumulatus) improbè accessit, palliumque, quo illud pre­tiosum Augustini mausolaeum operiebatur, furtim rapuit, atque sub axilla sua illum abscondit: sed divina ultrix miseratio ra­ptorem mox rapuit, palliumque illud sub axilla furis abscondi­tum, quasi connativum cutis axillis furis inhaesit; nec unguibus nec ulla violentia aut arte deponi poterat, donec reatum suum co­ram sancto praedicto, & loci fratribus, veniam poscendo de com­missis, fur ipse prodiderat. Quae ultio ita caeterorum Danorum multitudinem terruit, ut hujus Monasterii non solùm fieri time­rent invasores, sed magis ejus praecipui forent defensores. Thus he. But (as I said) our elder stories have no mention of this miracle. Hoveden (I confesse) naming the then Ab­bat of the place, sayes that he was suffered to escape or go his way, haply (& as it may be reasonably thought) because he had ransomed himself and his Abbey, by composition with the enemy. But that your belief may not rest upon my bare and singular opinion of this Abbeys partaking with the neighbour City, and Cathedrall in their Danish pres­sures, I will stand by, whilest Reverend Archbishop Parker gives you his, who thinking it incredible that the Citie should so often suffer, by the Danes, and this Abbey escape, thus expostulates the matter. Quid dicam (saith he) de Monasterio Sancti Augustini, Doroberniae, omnium primo & an­tiquissimo, Romanorum Pontificum, atque Regum Cantiorum pri­vilegiis adeo superbo, quibus fretus ab omni subjectione & obe­dientia sui Archipraesulis, immune se putarit? &c. Credibile­ne est inter tantas procellas hoc insolens coenobium tutum & à Danorum impetu liberum esse potuisse, cum ipsam Deroberniam urbem inclytam, it a miserè depopulati sunt, ut supra retulimus: Thus he Antiq. Brit. In vita Celnoths. pag. 72..

A 3 ^d & 4 ^th great dysaster to this Abbey was, the firing of it Abbey fired. one time, & the almost drowning of it another. The former (by fire) happening in the yeer 1168. (Anno Dom. 1168. saith [Page 58] Thorne) die decollationis St. Ioannis Baptistae combusta fuit ista ecclesia pro maxima parte, in qua combustione multae codicillae an­tiquae perierunt, atque ipsum feretrum S. Augustini & multorum sanctorum hujus loci flebiliter sunt deformata; nec mirum cum ipsa pene tota ecclesia igne fuerat c [...]nsumpta. Cujus infortunio misertus Alexander Papa ecclesiam de Feversham ad reparatio­nem ecclesiae sic igne consumptae confirmavit; & ecclesiam de Menstre & Middelton ad [...]acristiam pro reparatione istius eccle­siae deputavit.) The latter (by water) in the yeare 1271. Abbey almost drowned. (Eodem anno (saith the same Author) die translationis St. Aug. facta fuerunt tonitrua & coruscationes & tanta inundatio pluviae, ut Civitas Cant. pene submersa esset. Occupaverat verò Vide Antiq. Brit. in initio vitae Kildward­by. Mortmaine. aqua totam istam Curiam pariter & ecclesiam, ut prope submersae essent, nisi virtus Sanctorum ibi quiescentium obsisteret.)

The next great crosse which befell this Abbey, but com­mon to it with other, was the restraint of the Laitie from any longer extending the hand of their bounty, in passing over their fee to the Abbey, without speciall licence of the King, by the Stat. of Mortmaine, or the law of Amortization; which timely to moderate the before unlimited libertie of [...]. Ed. 1. the Laity in that kinde, likely in time to give all to God, and leave nothing, or but little, for Caesar and themselves, by their over forwardnesse and extreame excesse in that kinde of operative devotion (a thing considering their full perswasion of the meritorious nature of it, nothing strange) provided a convenable restraint, tying and manacling the hands of the subject for the future from that kinde of over­active charitie, without the foregoing privitie and consent of the Prince. But this crosse, this losse, was in part sup­plied and made lesse sensible unto the religious, by a piece of policie which they quickly put in ure, and that was the procuring not onely of priviledges and immunities from payment of tithes, but also of Impropriations or Annexions Impropriati­ons. of Churches, Parsonages I mean, to their houses; which though invented, and on foot long before, upon what pre­text see Hay in his Astrum inextinctum. quaest. 2. num 9. & seq. fol. 98. 99. yet now, the other current of their gain being [Page 59] stopt, much more abounding then ever before Downings Discourse Conclus. 3. § 5.. All of them, but especially the latter, things improperly enough in the hands of the Religious, and with cause enough reck­oned among the 100 grievances of Germany Fox. Acts and Monum. vol. 2. pag. 85., but much more improperly in the possession of meer lay-men, as now they are most what; but generally like the gold of Tho­louse, not without a curse, a crosse at least, either reall or personall, upon the person of the invader, or his estate, or both, which though he either cannot or will not himselfe, yet others both can and do see and observe to follow such profaners of the Churches Patrimony the improper Lay­proprietaries of Parsonages and Church-livings. Amicus Plato, Amicus Socrates; sed magis amica Pietas. Pardon this digression, and I proceed.

By the way would you be further satisfied concerning the grounds, upon which Impropriations of Churches to Monks and Monasteries first began, I find them briefly to be these. Illud inprimis agebant Episcopi, dum ecclesias Monachis attri­buerent, ut paci ecclesiasticae subservirent. Quòd enim pleraeque earum ecclesiarum in ipsis Monachorum fundis conderentur, & ab eorum servis, qui terram extirpatis silvis novarunt, frequenta­rentur; ne quid inter Clericos & Monachos sereretur dissidii, po­stulabat aequitas, & concordia, ut Monachis traderentur guber­nandae. Ea causa cum deerat, aliam Episcopis suggessit charitas, ut Monachorum sustentationi caveretur. Postremo id quoque cau­sae accessit, ut ecclesiae meliùs regerentur, tum ob accuratiorem institutionem plebium, quibus Monachi ad omnem difficultatem praesto erant doctrinae per ea tempora fere principatum habentes, tum ob Presbyterorum, quos fere tunc erudiebant Monachi soli, delectum faciliorem. Itaque non paucae do [...]tiones ejus generis signatè cavent ut in Monachorum potestate s [...] Presbyterorum ele­ctio, atque Ecclesiarum gubernatio, &c. S. Roverius in his Il­lustrations upon the History of the Monastery of S. Iohns at Rheimes. pag. 606. But to S. Austins again.

I do not remember that I have read of or met with any other much considerable losse, crosse or misfortune to have befallen this Abbey afterwards, untill that fatall blow of [Page 60] utter dissolution was given it by Hen. 8. Little had all the 29. Hen. 8. 24. Decembris. former casualties been to the ruine of this goodly Abbey, had not that sudden and tempestuous storm (which bare down before it all the religious structures of this kinde throughout the kingdome) falling upon it, brought this with the rest, to irrecoverable ruine: whose uncovered walls stood so languishing in time, and storms of weather, that dayly increased the aspect of her ruines, till now lastly they are made subject to other publick uses, and the whole tract of that most goodly foundation in the same place no where appearing &c. as it is in Speed Hist. pag. 294.. Yet thither let me leade you, and have your patience whilest I survey the pre­sent Remains of the place, which is my second Particular touching this Abbey.

Amongst which, I finde scarce any of note beside Ethel­berts [...]. Particular. Tower and S. Pancraces Chapell. But ere we enter the Sept, a word or two of that. The sept or site of the Mona­stery yet appeares and may be traced by the circuiting walls, within the compasse whereof the Elemosinary, by the Court-gate (a place where the almes of the Abbey, the Almnery. remaines of their food being sent thither, were distributed as a main part of their subsistence, to certain almes-people consisting of a society of Brothers and Sisters, having had a Chapell to it now desolate, and rotting in it own ruines) was included long ago, as it seems by a Composition Liber Eccles. Christi Cant., in the yeare 1237. (foure hundred yeares ago) made between the then Archbishop and his Archdeacon of the one part, and the then Abbat, of the other: (amongst other things) touching Jurisdiction, and right to the coertion of crimi­nous persons of the Monastery delinquent in the Diocesse of Cant. extra septa sui Monasterii, quae continent elemosinari­am extra portam eorum, as the composition wordeth it. Hugh the Abbat, of that name the second, when he divided and distinguished the offices of his Monastery Thorne in ejus vita., assigned the Church or Parsonage of Northborne, with the Chapells an­nexed to this Almnery.

Now enter we the sept, where the first thing in our eye Refectory. [Page 61] observable (except the faire Hall, the late Refectory of the Monkes) is Ethelb. Tower. Not so called (as vulgar Ethelberts Tower. tradition will fabulously tell you it was) from the building of it, either by him, or by others in his time. In honor and memory of him I will grant it was, but yet long since his dayes, being not built (I take it) untill about the yeare 1047. For (as it is in the private Chronicler, Thorne) the then Archbishop Eadsin, beside some other acts of his bounty to the Abbey, gave 100. markes, ad turris aedifica­tionem, quae tunc fuerat in construendo, meaning this Tower, as I conceive. Other certainty of the age of it, I cannot give, and so leave it with the words of Speed Hist. pag. 294., who in the close of his discourse touching this Abbey, thus speakes of it. Onely Ethelberts Tower (saith he) in memory and ho­nour of the man, as yet hath escaped the verdict and sen­tence of destruction, whose beauty, though much defaced and overworne, will witnesse to succeeding Ages the mag­nificence of the whole, when all stood compleate in their glory together.

The next thing (and what else onely is observable a­mongst S ^t Pancrace Chapell. these heapes of ruines) is the Chapell of S ^t Pan­crace, built (as the private Chronicler makes report) be­fore Thorne. Augustine came; and used by the King, before his con­version to Christianity, for the place of his Idol-worship, but after it, the first that Augustine, after he had purged it from the worship of the false, consecrated to the service of the true God, and dedicated to S ^t Pancrace. Wherewith the devill all inraged, and not brooking his ejection from the place he had so long enjoyed; the first time that Augustine celebrates masse there, furiously assaults the Chapell to overturne it. But having more of will then power to actu­ate his intended mischiefe, all he could doe was to leave the ensignes of his malice, the prints of his talons on the South-Porch-Wall of the Chapell, where they are visible to this day. Thus Thorne tels the tale. And no better then a tale can I conceive it to be. I will grant that a Chappell of that name, of no small antiquity there was sometime [Page 62] standing, where a good part of her ruines are yet left, built almost wholly of British or Romane bricke (infallible Re­maines of antiquity:) That on the Walls out-side of the South-Porch, such tokens as the Historian will have to be the markes of the Beast, are visible enough: That of latter time this Story became vulgarly received. (Hamon Beale, to instance in one for many, Anno 1492. gives by his Will Penes Regi­strum Domini Archid. Cant. to the reparation of S ^t Pancrace his Chapell within the precinct of S ^t Augustines Church-yard, and of the Chapell where S ^t Augustine first celebrated masse in England, an­nexed to the former, 3 ^l. 6 ^s. 8 ^d.) But that either this was the place, where Saint Augustine first said masse in England (S ^t Martins was it, as Bede Ecclesiastic. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 26. will tell you:) or that the story is further true then I have granted, I cannot beleeve.

To give you my reasons. Consult venerable Bede's pre­face to his Ecclesiasticall Story, and you shall finde he there acknowledgeth his intelligence for these parts received chiefely from Albinus the then Abbat of S ^t August. who with diligence instructed him in all things that either by written record, or tradition of his Elders, had come unto his knowledge, any way memorable. But take his owne words. Auctor ante omnes (saith he) atque adjutor opusculi hu­jus Albinus Abbas reverendissimus, vir per omnia doctissimus, extitit. Qui in ecclesia Cantuariorum à beatae memoriae Theodoro Archiepiscopo & Hadriano Abbate viris venerabilibus at erudi­tissimis institutus, diligenter omnia quae in ipsa Cantuariorum provincia, vel etiam in contiguis ejusdem regionibus à discipulis beati Papae Gregorii gesta fuere, vel monumentis litterarum, vel seniorum traditione cognoverat, & ea mihi de his quae memoria digna videbantur per religiosum Londoniensis Ecclesiae presby­terum Nothelmum, sive litteris mandata sive ipsius Nothelmi viva voce referendo, transmisit. Thus Bede. Adde hereunto that this was a matter so remarkable, an occurrence, so much in itselfe, but in respect of the circumstances of time and place, much more memorable. Of time: It happening so in the very infancy of the English-Saxon Christian Church. Of place: Being such as from an Idol temple [Page 63] was become, and that but newly a Christian Oratory, that, then it, there is not a thing more worthy to be kept in me­mory in the whole story of the times: and therefore could not have escaped the one, the intelligencers (Albine's) knowledge, nor consequently the other, the Historian (Bede's) pen. But, for all this, looke and you shall finde, that Bede is so farre from making mention of it, that he remembers not so much as the Chapell. This is much. But let me adde yet further. The following Chronologers, for the most part Monkes all, passe it over in deepe silence. Could fame have beene (thinke you) so sluggish, or so con­fin'd, that so famous a matter as this should fall from no Authors pen till (in comparison) but yesterday, till Spott and Thornes dayes? The case so standing for me, credat Iu­deus apella. And so I leave it.

Now being upon taking our leave of the Abbey, and Church yard. making our retraict, let me lead you (as the next way out) over the forgotten Sepulchres of the dead; the ancient Cimitery ground of the Abbey, and so out at the gate be­fore Burgate. Which great and faire Gate, with a battle­ment, and that warlike invention of machicollation, called Porta occidentalis Cimiterii St Augustini Sic in Compo­sitione inter Abbatiam & Civitatem, de qua pag. 275., heretofore lead from Church-street (for so the street before it hath usually beene called) into S ^t Augustines Church-yard. A buriall place not private and proper onely to the Abbey, nor only free to the choice of any that desired buriall there; but with all untill the Dissolution, the proper and onely Cimi­tery belonging unto divers Parish-Chuches of the City, destitute of such Dormitories of their owne, of which the Abbey had the patronage: such as were S ^t Mary Magdalen, S ^t Andrew, and (as I verily beleeve) S ^t Paul too; however because of late some question hath beene made of it, I will not contend. But what if it shall appeare, that for more then 100. yeares together, next before the Dissolution of the Abbey, not one of the many testators of those Pari­shes have once mentioned any Church-yard of their owne, either in appointment of it for the place of their buriall (as [Page 64] in other parishes that had Church-yards it was usuall to doe) or otherwise; though of their Churches often? That scores, if not hundreds of them have from time to time pitched on this common Cimitery of S ^t Augustine for the place and purpose afore-said? that after the Dissolution, and that Cimitery withdrawne and taken from them, not yet a testator of succeeding times wills to be laid in any Church-yard of their owne; but, as now to seeke of a resting place for their bodies after death peculiar to them, betake them­selves for buriall to the Church-yards of Neighbour-Pari­shes? That as the situation of two of these Parish-Chur­ches will not admit of any adjoyning Churchyard: the one, like Fan-Church in London, standing in the middest of the street, the other in a throng of contiguous houses; so the the third needed none in regard of the neerenesse of it to this Churchyard of the Abby, which in right & title (I take it) of foundation, had the patronage of it? That it was the knowne Monkish policy, for the gaine sake, to draw all the burials they could to their Abbey, and for that end proba­bly A piece of Monkish po­licy. at the Churches foundation, wittingly debarred the people of a Churchyard, to their Church: and lastly that this Abbey and Cimitery was built and set a part for a buriall of old, when as yet it was not lawfull to bury in Cities. If these things (I say) shall be made appeare and proved, as they easily may, what judicious and indifferent man then will conceive, against the strength of so much probability and presumption to the contrary, that these Churches had their proper Cimiteries adjoyning to them, however there may be some who (in confidence of not being gainesaid, because of their somewhat extraordinary age) shall say they had? But videant quorum interest. And so I leave this Abbey.

The next thing after this Abbey, in the Suburbs, which I shall servey, is the Church of S ^t Martin, much celebrated S ^t Martin. both for the great antiquity of it, and also for the resort of Augustine and his fellow-labourers thither to their devoti­ons at their first arivall Bede Eccles. Hist. lib. 1. cap. 25., by the licence of King Ethelbert, [Page 65] imparted to them in favour of Queene Berta his wife (a Christian, and descended of Christian parentage, being the daughter of Chilperike King of France) to whom this Church built long before, to wit (as Bede saith) by the Ro­mans, as some say in King Lucius dayes Vide Britan­niar. Ecclesiar. Antiquitates. cap. 6. pag. 130., and dedicated to S ^t Martin, was permitted for the place of her publicke devotions. The Church indeed seemes very ancient, be­ing built (the Chancell especially) mostly of British or Romane bricke, the noted reliques and tokens of old Age in any kinde of building whether sacred or profane.

At this place afterwards. i. from Archbishop Theodores untill Lanfranc's time by the space to wit of 349. yeares, there was a Bishops See Ms. in Archi­vis Eccles Chri­sti Cant., who alwayes remaining in the Country, supplyed the absence of the Archbishop, that for the most part followed the Court: and that as well in go­verning the Monkes, as in the performing the solemnities of the Church, and exercising the authority of an Arch­deacon. So Lambert Peramb. of Kent in Cant [...]b.. But the Chaire happening voyde in Lanfranc's time: he whether because that two Bishops were too many for one City (the very reason which as some say, he gave for what he did) or by colour of that ordi­nance of the Councell of London holden An. 1075 De qua vide Malmesbur. de g [...]st. po [...]t. lib. 1. pag. 2 [...]3.. requi­ring the remove of Bishops Sees from obscure rurall villa­ges to Cities, or for that this B ^p. was a Chorepiscopus, a kinde of Country Suffragan, an order (he well knew, no doubt) for just reasons, abolished abroad Canon Chorepis­copi. 68. distinct.: or for what other cause it is not certaine. He I say (Lanfranc) refused to consecrate any other. Neverthelesse, because he needed the helpe of a Substitute, he created in his place and stead, one of his Chaplaines, Archdeacon of Canterbury Lambert ubi supra..

In Ed. 2. time, to wit in the yeare 1321. the Parson of this Church, and the Master of the Free-Schoole of the City fell at odds about the rights and priviledges of their severall Schooles: the Parson aforesaid, in right of this Church, and by concurrent Custome, challenging a liber­ty to the keeping of a Free-Schoole there, which the other would not admit of, but with a limitation of the number [Page 66] of his Scholars; of which more hereafter when I come to Christ-Church, within the moderne precinct whereof the City Free-Schoole (as I shall there show) was kept. And so I leave S ^t Martins. Onely I wish that for the venerable an­tiquity of the Church, and sometime Espicopall estate of the place, things that have much dignified both, it might better flourish in the maintenance of its due rights and re­spects then I heare it doth.

My Progresse next invites you to (my Lord-cheife-Iu­stice Finch his Seate or Mansion house) the Mote. So called Mote. now and of latter time; but formerly, and that of old, Wyke: deriving it name, either from that neighbour Wic, or Vicus, called Fordwik, upon which it borders at that place (I take it) which in the second of King Ethelberts Charters is called Wykingsmerke. Or else being named Verstegan. Wyk, because (as the word imports) it hath sometimes beene a place of refuge or retreat, as it were a hold or for­tresse in some time of hostility: a derivation not improba­ble nor improper, if we adde and take this along with us, that there is a hill hard by it in the same Charter of Ethel­bert, called Sibben-downe. i. The Downe (or Hill) of peace, or the Downe where the peace was made, intimating some battell or field there away fought, and afterward a truce entered, or a peace made there with the enemy. Lukedale.

Here or neare this place sometime lay the Chantery-Lands of Lukedale, in our Cities perambulation called Lokindale, which being deserted and left desolate, because of the smallnesse of the meanes not sufficing to the main­tenance of a Chantery-Priest with competent livelihood, was passed over to the Hospitall of S ^t Iohns without North­gate, where once I saw the deed of conveyance thereof, and thence tooke the following briefe. ‘The revenewes of the Chantery of Lukedale, (called Contaria in Welle vocat' Lukedale) consisting of thirty two Acres of Land, 16 ^s. 5 ^d. ^ob. eight Cockes and nineteene Hens of annuall Rent with the appertanances at Wyke neare Cant. (which Chantery was forsaken for the smallnesse of the meanes) [Page 67] were alienated and transferred, by Thomas of Garwynton the Patron, with licence of the King and the Lord of the Fee. i. The Abbat and Covent of S ^t Augustine (with­in whose Mannor of Lang-Port they did lye) to S ^t Iohns Hosp' without Northgate, An̄no 1384. and 38. Ed. 3. Vt orent & celebrari faciant pro animabus Reginaldi de Cornhelle quondam fundatoris ejusdem Cantariae, Thomae patris dicti Thomae, and others, &c. The Chanteries foundation shall be exhibited to you in my Appendix. Pag. 288.’

This place our City perambulation fetcheth within her bounds and liberty. Here (or hereabouts) the Hospitall of S ^t Lawrence had (haply still hath) a portion of tithes. For thus I read in the Hospitals private Leiger. Item praedict. Hosp. percipit totam decimam de campo vocat' Wikesfield, cum 2. crofts ibid' scil. Pitetokkyscroft & Homiscroft juxta Fish­pole, & jacet inter regiā Strat' vers. South, & Wyke vers. North. & viam quae ducit a cruce quatuor capitum ad Trendels vers. West, & viam quae ducit à Fordwich usque Fishpole vers. East.

Now let me lead you backe from the Mote to Long-port Long port. the ancient and first▪ Mannor of S ^t August. Abbey, whose bounds and limits are still the same that you shall finde and meet with in the second of King Ethelberts foregoing Char­ters. Lxx Burgenses erant in Cantuaria Civitate huic manerio pertinentes, saith Doomsday Booke. From this Long-port thus glanced at, let me lead you next by Chantery-lane, anciently called Nova-strata (New-street) to survey the Quondam Chantery there, called Doge's Chantery, built Doge's Chan­tery. by an Officiall to the Archdeacon of Canterb. and the last Parson of S ^t Paul (for in his time, and with his consent the Vicarage there was erected and indowed) one Hamon Doge, in the reigne of Hen. 3. in the yeare of our Lord. 1264. The foundation whereof Thorne records, thus.

Anno Dom. (saith he) 1264. Magister Hamo Doge suae novis­ssimae memor ordinavit Cantariam pro anima sua parentum suo­rum, & pro anima Domini Rogeri de Cicestria Abbatis S ^• Augu­stini, & pro animabus Successorum suorum, & pro conventu ejusdem loci, & benefactoribus suis, & eorum successoribus, de [Page 68] toto capitali Mesuagio cum omnibus ad idem pertinentibus in No­va strata in parochia sancti Pauli sit. cum quinquaginta & sep­tem acris terrae & quatuor lib. sex solid. & novem den. annui redditus. Habend' & tenend' omnia praedicta, scilicet in terris, redditibus, messuagiis, viis, planis, pasturis, releviis, curiis; sectis, escaetis, wardis, maritagiis & omnibus aliis libertatibus. Et ordinavit in praedicta Cantaria duos Capellanos in perpetuum; & unus celebret in praedicto mesuagio in libera Cantaria, & alius ad altare S ^ti Iohannis Baptistae in ecclesia S ^ti Pauli Cant. nisi in­firmitate ve aliqua necessitate rationabili fuerint praepediti. In creatione verò cujussibet novi Capellani & perpetui ad praedi­ctam Cantariam admissi idem Capellanus solvet Abbati & Con­ventui S ^ti Aug. Cant. xiij. sol. iiij. den. nomine relevii pro omni­bus terris & tenementis quae de ipsis tenuerit. Ius verò conferen­di, instituendi, in corporalem possessionem inducendi & inductum tuendi Abbati & conventui & corum successoribus dedit & con­firmavit, &c.

Steering our course Southward we come next to the ru­ines of the late Nonnery, called Saint Sepulchres, founded Nonnery. (not as Wever will, by one of the Abbats of S ^t Augustines, nor yet I beleeve to the end that Lambert sayes. i. to serve the necessity of the hot Monkes of that Abbey: but as Thorne reports) by Archbishop Anselm, upon a part of his soile there: The same (I take it) which his predecessor Wlfhelem (long before) purchased, described to lye juxta locum qui dicitur Rethercheap, extra portas Doroberniae Charta Eccles. Christi Cant.. But let me give you Thornes not of the foundation. Harum fundator (saith he) fuit Anselmus Archiepiscopus, & quanquam infra limites feodi beati Augustini sint constitutae, tamen in solo Archiepiscopatus sitae sunt. Erat namque ibi ecclesia parochialis in honore Sancti Sepulcri, de patronatu Archiepiscopi exiguis terris circumcincta, ubi in presenti constat eas esse fundatas. You have the foundation. Amongst the rest of the bene­factors, that afterwards of their Charity endowed this house with revenewes, William Calvell a Citizen of Cant. (of whose name there was of ancient time a flourishing fa­mily in the City) carries the name and fame for the chiefe. [Page 69] After that King Rich. 1. had given the Wood or Forest of Blean to Christ-Church, W. the Prior and Covent of the same, granted to this Nonnery, and the Prioresse and Co­vent Liber Eccles. Christi Cant. thereof as much Wood as one Horse going twice a day could fetch thence, where the Church Wood-Reeves stould appoint (summarium [summagium] unum in boscis Summarium. Summagium. nostris bis iturum [habendum] singulis diebus ferialibus, sumen­dum ubicunque ministris nostris ad custodiam Boscorum nostro­rum visum fuerit, &c. as the words of the grant are:) Which uncertainty in the yeare. 1270. the Nonnes releasing, had in lieu, and by way of exchange for it, a certaine part or portion of the said Blean-Wood assigned, and made over to them, to wit (as the words of the deed are) Octoginta & decem acras bosci, cum solo terra, fossis & fossatis in bosco Prioris & Conventus in Blen, jacent' in longitudine inter boscum Abbatis de Faversham, quod dicitur Bosindenne vers. West. & boscum Prioris & Conventus vers. Est, & in latitudine inter boscum eorundem Prioris & Conventus, versus North. & rega­lem viam versus South Liber Memo­ratus. Minchen-Wood.. The which Wood retaines to this day the name of Minchen-Wood, taking it name from the Nonnes, which our Ancestors, from the Saxon Mynecena called Minchens. Or if any man choose rather to derive it from the Latine Monacha, I shall not contend. For as in Egypt in times past, they used to call a Monke, or any man that became noted for his singular Sanctimony of life, Nonnus; so was it then and since, as ordinary for a Nonne or any like holy professor of that sex, to be called Monacha, as it were a shee-monke Lexic. Philolog. in v [...]rb. Non­nus..

In this Blean-Wood (as having this fit occasion I crave leave to observe) the Priory of Saint Gregories, and the Ho­spitall of Herbal-downe, sometime had the like summarium bosci granted severally to them. The former by Hen. 2. in these words. Vnum summarium bosci in Foresta de Blen, ad usus fociin ipsa ecclesia, & in domibus eidem ecclesiae continen­tibus in ipsa Civitate Can [...]uar' Lib. eccles. Cantuar.: The latter by Rich. 1. in the like, to wit these: Vnum summarium in bosco de Sorotte, (which was a part of Blean-Wood, and is now called [Page 70] Shoorth) ad attrahenda ligna ad opus fratrum Charta vctus Hospit.. In lieu and stead whereof they had severally the like quantity of 90 acres of wood in Blean, afterwards made over to them, as the Nunnery had Liber Eccles. Bant..

To which I return. In the yeare 1184. the Church. i. the Parsonage of S ^t Edmund of Ridingate was granted to it by the Abbat and Covent of S. Aug. as I have shewed before more at large in my survey of that gate. The which Church was afterward. i. in the yeare 1349. with the Nunnes con­sent (being Patrons) united by the then Commissary of Cant. to the Church of S. Mary Bredin, as I there also have noted.

Time and Superiors indulgence bringing their corrupti­ons, Nunnes inclo­sed. Nunnes were not in processe of time such Recluses as their order required; whence, and upon the command of Pope Boniface the 8. by his letters written to Archbishop Winchelsey and his Suffragans in that behalf Vide Wal­singham. Hist. Angl. de A ^o 28 Ed. 1. & Anno Dom. 1301., as well as by that Decretall of his Cap. vic'. de statu regularium. in sexto. concerning the confining of Nunnes to their Cloy ster: the same Archbishop, in the yeare 1305. inclosed these Nunnes of S. Sep. according to that Constitution Liber Eccl [...]s. Cant. Elisabeth Barton.

At this place sometime one Elisabeth Barton, more vul­garly known by the name of the Holy maid of Kent, that great Impostor of her time, was a vailed Nunne and Vota­risse. Whose pranks and practises, or rather the Monks and other Papalius, by her agency are obvious both in our Sta­tutes and Stories. It would prove tedious to repeat the whole matter. Accept therefore of this compendium of it in Speeds words. The Romanists (saith he) much fearing that Babel would down, if Queen Anne might be heard against wicked Haman The Pope., sought to underprop the founda­tions thereof, with certain devices of their own; and that the same might passe without note of suspicion, they laid their forgery upon Heaven it self; whose pretended ora­cle Elizabeth Barton (commonly called the Holy maid Elisabeth Barton the false oracl of the Roma­nists. of Kent) was made to be; and the pillars of this Godlesse fabrick were Edward Bocking, a Monk by profession, and [Page 71] Doctor of divinitie, Richard Masters parson of Aldington, the The assiste [...] of this false Prophetesse. town wherein she dwelt, Richard Deering a Monk, Hugh Rich a Frier; Iohn Adestone and Thomas Abell Priests, put to their helping hands, and Henry Gould Batchelor of Divinitie, with Iohn Fisher the Reverend Father of Rochester, imployed Reade Statute in Anno 25. H. 8. their pains to dawb these down-falling walls, with their un­tempered morter. The Scribes that set their pens for her miracles, were Edward Thwaites gentleman, and Thomas Lawrence Register, besides Hawkherst a Monk, who writ a letter that was forged to be sent her from Heaven; and Ri­chard Risby and Thomas Gould, were the men which disper­sed her miracles abroad to the world. This holy maid, Eli­zabeth, made a Votarisse in Canterbury, was taught by Bock­ing her ghostly father, and suspected Paramour, to counter­feit The counter­feiting of Eli­zabeth Barton. many feigned trances, and in the same to utter many vertuous words for the rebuke of sinne, under which, more freely she was heard against Luthers doctrine, and the Scri­ptures Edw. Hall. Iohn Stow. Hollinsh. translation, then desired of many: neither so onely, but that she gave forth from God, and his Saints, by sundry suggestive relations, that if the King proceeded in his di­vorce, and second marriage, he should not reigne in his Realm one moneth after, nor rest in Gods favour the space Cranmer. Cromwell. Latimer. of an houre. But the truth discovered by Gods true Mini­sters, this oracle gave place as all other such did, when Christ by his death stopped their lying mouthes: for her self and seven Elisabeth Barton. Edward Bock­ing. Richard Deering. Richard Risby. Richard Masters. H [...]y Gould. Two Monks. of her disciples were executed for treason at Tiburne, and the other six put to their fines and im­prisonment. Thus he.

Shortly this Nunnery was a corporation consisting of a Lady Prioresse and five black vailed Nunnes, whose habit or apparell was a black coat, cloak, coul and vail. It had a common seal and all other requisites of a compleat Nunne­ry. All which at length tasted of the common calamity and ruine of religious houses in her utter dissolution by Hen. 8. At what time the estimate of her revenues arose unto 38. lib. 19 ^s 7 ^d ob. per annum.

It seems the Parish Church of S. Sepulchre was born down S Sepulchres Church. [Page 72] in the same fall with the Nonnery. For however frequent mention may be found, both of Parish, Church, and Church­yard also before, yet since the suppression, the place of the two latter is unknown, the limits of the other uncertain, and the memory of all three almost extinct. Onely that Stonegate by the turning on your left hand to Dover-ward, seems to have been the Western doore of the Church, as I collect by this boundary. De terra quae jacet contra Ecclesiam Sancti Sepulchri juxta vicum quo itur versus Dudindale, ex parte australi dictae ecclesiae Rentale vetus Ec [...]lesie Christi Cantuar.. The boundary of the piece of ground directly over against it. The last Lady Prioresse of this house, by name Dame Philip Iohn, lies buried in the North Ile of S. Georges Church, which in her will she calls Capella beatae Mariae Lib. testamen­to [...]. penes reg [...]st. Dom. Archid. Cant. S. Lawrence..

Having done with the Nonnery, let us make next to S. Lawrence; an hospitall hard by, dedicate to the broyled Martyr S. Lawrence, when first built; (which as the private Lieger of the place shows) was in the yeare 1137. by Hugh, of that name, the second, Abbat of S. Aug. Hospitale S. Lau­rentii juxta Cant. fuit fundatum per Dominum Hugonem secundum quondam Abbatem Monasterii S. Augustini Cant. & conventum ejusdem loci 7. kalend. Feb. anno ab incarnatione Domini 1137. & anno regni Regis Stephani, secundo pro 16 fra­tribus & sororibus, & pro uno Capellano & uno Clerico in eod' Hosp. servien. Thus the Lieger. This Hosp. was intended Wever of an­cient funer. Monum. pag. 255. for the leprous of the Abbey: viz. that if it should so hap­pen that any profest Monk of that Monastery should be in­fected with any contagious disease, but above all with the Leprosie, by reason of which sicknesse or infectious mala­dy, he could not live within the precincts of the Abbey, without prejudice and scandall to the rest of the fraternitie, that then he should be provided for in this Hospitall of a convenient chamber, of meat, drink and apparell, in as full a measure as any one of his brethren living in the Mona­stery.

Also if it should so happen that the Father, the Mother, the Sister or brother of any Monk of this Monastery should [Page 73] come to such great want and indigency, as that (to the re­proach of any of these brethren) he or she be forced to aske at the Gates, the almes of the Fraternity, that then such of them so asking should be provided for in this Hospitall of sufficient sustentation, according to the ability of the house, by the advise and consideration of the Abbat of Saint Augustines, and the Master of this Hospitall for the time being, as further appeares by his Charter (which I have seene in the Hospitals private Leiger) confirmed by many of his successors.

After the founder himselfe (who gave to the mainte­nance of the Hospitall, nine Acres of ground upon which it was to be erected, and all Tith-corne of the Lordship of Langport, by his Charter of the following lines.

Notum sit omnibus Dei fidelibus tam praesentibus quam poste­ris, quòd ego secundus Hugo Dei gratia Abbas sancti Augustini ejusdemque loci conventus pro redemptione animarum nostrarum, praedecessorum nostrorum at que successorum concessimus ac dedi­mus in elemosinam novem acras terrae de dominio nostro precio quondam adquisitas, ad faciendum Hospitale in illis novem acris supra memoratis juxta viam quae a Canterburia ducit ad Dover, in dextra parte viae. Contulimus etiam illi loco ad sustentationem infirmorum aut pauperum decimam totius annonae de tota terra illa quam habemus in dominio in dextra parte viae, & omnem decimam frumenti & pisarum totius terrae quae adjacet ad Lange­port de dominio nostro in sinistra parte viae. Quicunque igitur pro amore Dei benefecerint insirmis illic habitantibus, & locum illum manutenuerint, benedictionem Dei habeant, & gratiam simul & commune beneficium loci nostri.

The revenewes of this Hospitall were in processe of time much improved by the benevolence of many devoute people, that became benefactors unto it The whole revenewes at the Collection were rated at 131 ^•. 7 ^•. 10 ^d.. Amongst the which one both of the first and most liberall was the Lord of Dodingdale, a neighbour, by name R. de Marci, who by his deed or Charter, gave unto this Hospitall in Franke­almoigne, the Tithes of that his whole Mannor. The Char­ter you shall have anone when I come to Dodingdale. Of [Page 74] these Tithes shortly after, the Canons of Saint Gregories endeavoured to despoile the Hospitall. For I finde a peti­tion Lib. dict. Hosp. directed to Herbert the Archdeacon of Canterb. by R. de Marci the foresaid Donor, to this effect, viz. That he would reseize the Hospitall of them as in former yeares, whereas they were that yeare, vi & armis, taken from it by the Religious of Saint Gregories, that he might have no cause of complaint to Richard de Luci, cujus homo sum (saith he) de tota terra mea. Concluding thus: Et certum sit vobis quòd illa decima & plures aliae de terra mea sunt de Capellaria mea, &c. This Herbert (to whom the petition is directed) that you may know the Age of it, was Archdeacon of Can­terb. in Hen. 2. dayes Vid. Cat. Ar­chid. pag. 200., as Richard de Luci (whom it menti­ons) was chiefe Justice of the Realme about the the same time Gloss. D. H. Spelman. pag. 411..

It seemes this Hospitall, and Saint Gregories did not well agree together. For after this, to wit in the yeare 1225. the Proctor and brothers of this Hospitall, sued the Prior and Canons of Saint Gregories, before the Abbat of Fever­sham, and the Prior and Archdeacon of Rochester (the Popes Deligates, it's like) for the Tithes of Molonde besides Hepyntone, to wit (saith the Leiger Liber. Hosp. S ^ti Lawrentii.) of 80 Acres of Land of the Earle of Glocesters Fee; but with what successe I doe not finde.

Now to Dodingdale Tithes againe. Afterwards in the yeare 1320. Robert de Malling, the Commissary of Canterb. gave sentence with this Hospitall for the Tithes both of the same Mannor, and also of 300 Acres and more of Land of Thomas Chich and his Tenents, lying within the limits and bounds of Saint Mary Bredin's Parish, upon cleare evidence of the Hospitals right to the same by ancient Muniments and otherwise Liber. Hosp. Pauperum Sa­ [...]dotum.. For these last named Tithes of the 300. Acres and upwards, there lay a tye of regratulation up­on the Hospitall. For thus I read in the Leiger: Item prae­dictum Hospitale percipit totam decimam de 300 acris terrae & ultra Iohannis Chich, de quibus 50 jacent apud Havefeld, & residuum jacet juxta curiam suam, & in Mellefield juxta S ^tum [Page 75] Lawrentium. Et idem Iohannes percipiet de praedict. Hosp. in autumpno pro famulis suis quinque panes frumenti & 2 lagenas & dimid. cervisiae, & dimid' caseum quatuor denarior. Idem etiam percipiet unum par cirocecarum ferinarum pro seipso & unam libram cerae in candelis, & pro famulis suis percipiet tria paria cirocecarum Lib. S ^• Law­rentii praed..

Many benefactors I could reckon up unto you which this Hospitall hath had: but let these suffice. For, it being now dissolved, and in private hands, I suppose there is lit­tle of the Revenewes now remaining to it: although it seemes (because an Hospitall) the generall Dissolution tooke no hold of it. For in an ordinary visitation of the place in Cardinall Pooles time, Anno 1557. (long after the common Dissolution) this Accompt of the then state of it is given up to the Visitors, by the Sisters of the place Lib. in Regi­stro Domini Ar [...] chid. Cant..

M ^d. they being examined did say that M ^r Christopher Hales had a lease of their land, and since his death from one to another till it came to one Tipsall of London, who did make all the spoile of the House. And they say there should be seven Sisters, and a Prioresse, and a Priest found out of the profit of their Lands. The value of their Lands they e­steeme at xx ^l.

The cheife Governor of this (as generally of all Hospi­tals) was called Custos Hospitalis. And he was ever one of the Monkes of S ^t Augustines Abbey.

Leaving now this Martyr (or rather martyred) Hospi­tall; Dodindale. and coaftng still South-ward, we will next visite Du­dindale or Dodindale, (now called Morton) a Mannor lying within our Cities liberty, knowne anciently and a long time together by the former of these names, whether because a Valley seated betweene Hils bearing out in that forme, or (as Dudley-Castle in Stafford-shire Cambden ibidem.) from one Dudo or Dodo, an English-Saxon of that name, that might [Page 76] be Lord of it, or from what other radix or originall deri­ved, I know not: but a name (I am sure) by which the an­cient residentiaries of the place (as places were wont to give names to their Inhabitants) the family of Dudindale or Do­dindale were of long time knowne, untill that of latter times (as I am credibly informed) the place became the seate of the Mortons, and so lost it former name. The Tithes of this Mannor (of Dodingdale) Richard de Marci (as I told you before in S ^t Lawrence) betweene foure and five hundred yeares since, gave unto that Hospitall, by his deed or Charter of this Tenor Lib. S ^ti Law­rentii..

Richardus de Marci omnibus suis hominibus Francigenis & Anglicis tam presentibus quam futuris, Salutem. Sciatis me con­cessisse & dedisse decimas terrae meae de Dodingdale Hospitali S ^ti Lawrentii quod est juxta Cant. in perpetuam Elemosinam, pro salute animarum praedecessorum meorum, & mei, & uxoris meae, & meorum infantium: quare volo & praecipio quatenus praedi­ctum Hospitale decimas praed' habeat & possideat bene & in pace & liberè. Praecipioque ex parte Dei & ex parte mea ut fratres & sorores praedicti Hospitalis habeant decimas illas nominatim ad lineum pannum emendum in festo Sancti Iohannis Baptistae, quia credo quòd tunc mei & meorum memores eru [...].

The Church of Rochester hath, or at least sometime had, a portion of Tithes at or neare this place. For as M ^• Selden (from the Chartulary of that late Monastery) relates Hist. of Tithes. cap. 11. num 1. pag. 316.. Hai­mo silius Guidonis de Dudindale, confirmes, in puram & per­petuam elemosinam; the gift made by his Ancestors, Gerold his Grand-father and Guy his Father, of all the Tithes of his Land in Dudindale; which was afterward confirmed also by his sonne and heire Iohn. This Tithery at this day passeth by the name of Dodingdale Tithery. Of which all or some part (it seemes) lay within the limits of Saint Mary Castle Parish in Cant. as I collect hence, that (as I have it from Doctor Tillesley Animadver­sions. 2. Edit. pag. 123. & [...]24.) a cause was brought in the yeare 1231. by Richard Vicar sanctae Mariae de Castello, against the Prior of Rochester, for the Tith of an Acre of Land, which was gi­ven, by the predecessors of Iohn of Dudindale, to the Prio­ry: [Page 77] as by the sentence afterward appeared.

Neere unto this place lyes another Dale or Valley called Monkesdane. (because it was parcell of the Monks demeasnesse of Christ-Church) Monkesdane. It lyes by the place, from the darke vaults (dungeon-like) which the much digging of chalke there hath occasioned, called the divells Court-hall. At this place there once happened a very sad dysaster, which stands upon record. For (as I read in the Crowne-Rolles) Simon filius Adae de Colynham, & Hen. filius Hen. Thetchere de Cant. sedebant die sabbati in crastino Sancti Marci, Anno R. R. Ed. filii Regis Ed. 17. in quodam loco subterraneo apud Monekesdan' in Suburbio Cant. qui cedebant lapides, pro calce ibidem faciend': quos per infortunium terra supercecidit, ita quòd corpora eorum conquassabuntur, unde moriebantur inconti­nenti.

Having done with this place and Dodingdale; let us Saint Iacobs. wheele about and come to Saint Iames, or to Saint Iacobs, as we now call it. An Hospitall for Leprous Women, dedi­cate to the blessed Apostle Saint Iames. It lyes not (I must confesse) within the tether of our Cities perambulation: but yet borders upon it, the bounds of the City lying a­longst the Hospitall Wall; wherefore I knew not how to balke it. It was built by Queene Eelanor wife to King Hen. 3. saith Lambert Peramb. of Kent in Cant., followed by Wever Ancient fu­ner. Monum. pag. 238.. Upon what ground I know not. Surely erroneous. For of certaine it was an Hospitall before Hen. 3. reigne. In King Iohns time, and that toward the beginning of his reigne (for as it appeares by the Sigle, which is H: it was in Archbishop Huberts dayes, who dyed in the sixth or seventh of King Iohn) the Monkes, that is the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church, by their letters (as I may call them) of protection, tooke it into their custody, charge and patronage; and for the future ingage themselves to a perpetuall forme of reigle­ment thereof, as you may see by what here followes Liber Eccl [...]s. Christi Cant..

OMnibus Christi sidelibus ad quos praesens scriptū pervenerit G. Prior & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cant. in D ^o. salutem. [Page 78] Sciatis quod intuitu caritatis & pietatis, de consensu & volun­tate Domini nostri H. Archiepiscopi & ad petitionem magistri Firmini custodis domus sancti Iacobi extra Cant. recepimus in custodiam & protectionem nostram praedict. Domum S ^ti Iacobi extra Cant. sitam. Et tenebimus in eadem domo semper tres sa­cerdotes hic per nos instituend. Qui erint professi in eadem prae­dicta domo in forma & habitu religionis. Quorum unus cotidie celebrabit missam de beata virgine, alius cantabit requiem pro benefactoribus ejusdem domus, tertius dicet commune servitium, & isti tres sacerdotes habebunt unum clericum. Et erint in pre­dicta domo. semper xxv mulieres leprosae per nos instituendae. De ecclesia de Bradegate & aliis redditibus & terris & substan­tiis & elemosinis & obventionibus ejusdem domus providebimus tam sacerdotibus illis quam leprosis praedict' necessaria. Et ut haec supradicta firma & inconcussa permaneant imposterum pre­senti carta nostra & sigilli nostri appositione roboravimus: sal­va dignitate Domini Archiepiscopi. His testibus Gilberto Rof­fensi Episc' H. Cant. Archidiac' Rogero Abbate sancti August. Algaro Abbate de Faversham, &c.

Afterwards Hen. 3. towards the augmentation of the Hospitals indowment gives to it the personage of Brade­gate, in these words Ibidem..

It had much other revenewes, as appeares by the Inven­tory thereof taken and presented to the Commissioners authorised to examine such matters by the Stat. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4. Amongst the which, one, both of the principall and first, was the Ferme in the Parishes of Hakynton and Blean, for Firmin's Barton (as the fore-cited Inventory cals it) vulgarly miscalled Infirme-Barton, and of some, miscon­ceived to have appertained to Saint Augustine. Probably so named from that M ^r Firmin or Feramin, the quondam Master of that Hospitall, whereof mention is before made in each of the Precedent Charters, the Donor thereof (I take it) and (I beleeve) a chiefe agent in the Hospitals do­tation, if not first erection also. The rest of the revenew lay at Egerton, Charing, Mersham, Bleane, Hakynton, Natin­don, Thamington, Shadoxherst, Kingsnoth, Rokinge, and in and about the City; altogether in the Inventory summo­ned up, de claro, at 46 ^l. 6 ^s. 3 ^d. If any thinke it worth their labour to peruse the Survey of the State of this Hospitall in every particular as it was presented to those Commissi­oners, it is in my custody, at their service. It payeth now no Tith at all (nor by law ought to pay any de hortis et ani­malibus Cap. 2. de ec­cles. aedificand. Cui adjungas velim Statuta Huberti Ar­chiep. in Hove­den. pag. 809. edit. Francof.:) but by that Survey it evidently appeares a con­sideration in money in lieu of Tith of the site of the Hospi­tall, paid to the Parson of Thanington, viz. 18 ^d. per annum.

However the generall Dissolution spared this Hospitall, (as I thinke it did:) yet it seemes it did not long survive the same. For what saith the Record Liber Registri Domini Archid. Cant. taken of the State of it in Cardinall Pooles Visitation, holden Anno 1557? Me­morand' (saith the same) that Young the Fermor saith that Freeman, and one Dartnall caused the Sisters to surrender the house to the King, and from the King this same came to the said Dartnall, by the Kings Letters Patents, and saith that their Lands were worth a hundreth markes by the yeare, and saith that it is in divers mens hands, whereof [Page 80] S ^r Edward Walton hath bought a great part of the lands which lieth about him, and he himself hath the Mansion house and a part of the land, and saith that the sisters have xlvj ^s. viij ^d. by the yeare pension, and there is but one alive that he knoweth.

I will now crosse the meadows and river and make up to Herbaldowne Hospitall. Herbaldown, to take a survey of the Hospitall there. It lies also (I confesse) out of the liberty of the City. Yet, for neighbourhood sake, and in regard it was built for the be­nefit of leprous people of the City (as I conceive:) and continues a harbour to the aged poore (chiefly) of the same, I have thought it worthy our survey.

Before I enter upon which (because this was also a Lazar Leprosie. house) let me take a little notice of the wondrous com­monnesse of that loathsome disease, the Elephantiasy, or Leprosie in this kingdome of old time: which M ^r Cambden Britan. in Leicestershire. thinks entered this Iland with the Normans. A rare dis­ease amongst us (thanked be God) in these dayes, and from what cause so much abounding as in our forefathers, is not now of us easily discovered. It seems to have been a nationall malady, and accordingly in all parts provision made for receit and relief of such persons as that (as I may call it) comitiall disease had marked out for sequestration from publick commerce. Whereof there were no lesse then three about this City, this of Herbald one, S. Iacobs another, and S. Lawrence a third. The chief for wealth in the whole kingdome, and head to all the rest, was that called Burton­lazars in Leicestershire Idem, Ibidem.. The priviledges communicable to the benefactors (and those of the fraternitie) of which Spittle (the baits they laid to take devout people withall) the following instrument will shew, if you peruse it.

Thus endorsed.

But enough of this. Come we now to the Hospitall it self. Whereof let me first give you the foundation, as Ed­merus hath it Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag.. Remotiùs verò (saith he, having immediate­ly before mentioned the foundation of S. Iohns Hospitall without Northgate) quam à Boreali ab Occidentali porta Ci­vitatis ligneas domos in devexo montis latere fabricans, (mean­ing Lanfranc) eas ad opus leprosorum delegavit, viris, quem­admodum in aliis, à foeminarum societate sejunctis. His nihilo­minus pro qualitate sui morbi omnia quibus egerent de suis mini­strari constituit, institutis ad hoc peragendum talibus viris de quorum solertia, benignitate ac patientia, ut sibi quidem videba­tur, nemini foret ambigendum. Thus he. By which it ap­peares who was the founder, the time also, and end or intent of the foundation of Herbald. Hosp. My Author you see specifies not the indowment setled upon it by the founder. With your leave I will supply that omission and shew you both what the originall indowment was, and how afterwards improved.

Archbishop Richard, Beckets immediate Successor in a charter Iuter chartas Hosp. S. Iohan­nis extra North­gate. (which I have seen) of his to this, and S. Iohns Hosp. relating first their erection by his predecessor Lan­franc, shews that he indowed them with sevenscore pound per annum, to issue and arise out of his Mannors of Reculver and Bocton, that is, to either Hospitall after an equall divi­sion, 70 lib. per annum. This now was the originall indow­ment of both these Hospitalls. With which the same Ri­chard, finding them scarce well able to subsist, in augmen­tation, added 20 lib. per annum more to their former means, [Page 83] payable out of Reculver Parsonage. Which 160 lib. conti­nued afterwards constantly paid unto them, and un-altered, untill Archbishop Kilwardby's dayes. For so it appeares by an exemplification made of certain Charters of those Ho­spitalls, under the seal of Thomas Chicheley, D ^• of the De­crees, Archdeacon of Canterbury, and Prothonotary to the Pope, and signed by his Registrorum Custos and Actorum S [...]ri­ba: namely, that from Beckets time downward untill Kil­wardbyes, these 2 Hospitalls had and received by equall di­vision yearely 240 marks or 160 lib. of the Archbishops Chamber, saving that 20 lib. of it was paid them of the Parson of Reculver. This, Kilwardby misliking, withdraws their stipend, and in lieu assignes and appropriat [...] over to them his Parsonage of Reculver, with the Chapels annexed. But for some inconveniences (that of the leprous conditi­on of the people of this Hospitall, the main, rendring them both unable and unfit to attend and intermeddle in a tithe­ry, especially so remote:) his next Successor Iohn Peckham alters and revokes what he (Kilwardby) had done, and red­integrates the Hospitalls into their former estate. Archbi­shop Stratford afterwards gets the King (Ed. 3.) of whom this Parsonage held in capite, by his Charter, to appropri­ate it mensae Archiepiscopali, to the Archbishops table, yet charged with that old payment or stipend, which Simon I slip afterwards, with consent of the Chapter, the Prior and Co­vent, confirms unto them, and that (for the better strength­ning of their title, maintainable as yet onely by customa­ry right, having no sufficient jus scritpum to show) by his charter in writing, whereby to recover it, if at any time de­nied or detained. Ever since which time they have peace­ably enjoyed the same. These things I thought good the rather to deduce, that I might vindicate that false aspersion wherewith some of the old people of these Hospitalls, ig­norant altogether of the premised passages, are wont to de­prave some of the Archbishops of former times, for depri­ving them of this and that Mannor, and I know not what other means, revenues and indowment, wherewith they [Page 84] say and will tell you their houses were at first so richly in­dowed, as they cannot think their Prior of old time, any lesse man forsooth then a Lord Prior, I wot. But thus o­thers have told them, and they think they may take it up upon trust, and say as much after them.

I shall not insist on the specification of the other reve­nues of this Hospitall, whereof, by the charity of former times, it hath a pretty competency: Eilgar at Bourne and Iohn of Tonford neighbours to the place in their time being the prime (I take it) of the secular benefactors, as King Hen. 3. was of the Royall, who gave to the poore here 20 marks a yeare, out of of the City Fee-ferme, payable by the Chamber.

This Hospitalls ancient governour, now called a Master, was a Deane. For to a very ancient deed of the Hospitall (amongst other witnesses) one Benedict in the first place subscribes, with this addition of tunc temporis Decani de san­cto Nicolao. Pope Iohn 23. Inter Chartas Hospitalis. by his bull, discharged this Ho­spitall of payment of tithes de hertis, virgultis & animalium nutrimentis.

Hitherto and enough of the care taken for their bodies, and the furnishing of them with the necessaries of this life. Next, of the provision made for their souls, and their Chri­stian instruction that might prepare them for that better one to come.

Adjoyning to this Hospitall is an indifferent fair Church, lately (as the Hospitall) by the cost of the reverend Ma­ster, S. Nicholas Church. D ^r Iackson, much beautified, which sometimes was a Parish Church, and hath in it a Font (an ancient one) and to it a Church-yard (the badges and characters of a Paro­chiall Church:) and in the account of the state and con­dition of the Hospitall given to the Commissioners upon the Stat. 37. H. 8. c. 4. it is avouched to be a Parish Church, and to have parochiall rights; and Archbishop Stratfords ap­propriation of it to Eastbridge (whereof anon) calls it eccle­siam parochialem (the Parish Church.) It was indeed the Church of the Parish of S. Nicholas at Herbaldowne: the [Page 85] bounds, extent and continent whereof I have not hitherto met with: onely once I saw a deed registred in the Lieger of Eastb. Hosp. 400 yeares old and upwards, mentioning a piece of land, abutting Eastward to the high-way leading to the Barton of Westgate (.i. Westgate-Court) from Ton­ford, therein said to lie in the Parish of S. Nicholas of Her­bald. A Parsonage it once was; payeth Procurations to this day, as a Parsonage, and by the same name was in the yeare 1292. at the generall valuation made of all ecclesiasticall livings in this Diocesse Lib. Eccles. Christi Cant., valued at 9 marks per annum, (more then most of the Parsonages in and neare about the City were rated at:) and accordingly the tenths set at xij ^s. And the ancient Incumbent thereof (as a Parson and Parsonage are relatives) was a Rector, or in the phrase of our Municipalls) a Parson Anno 37. Hen. 3. one Thomas Wal­sham, by his charter granted Prout in Char­ta quad. hujus Hosp. to William the brother of Gilbert, of S. Nicholas of Herbald. a certain croft, unto which deed one Luke the then Parson of S ^t Michael of Herbald. (amongst others) was a witnesse. To this Church, and the then Presbyter thereof (the Parsonage and Parson, (as we since phrase it, of S ^t Nicholas) Theobald the Archbi­shop, by his Charter attested by Walter the then Prior of Christ-Church (amongst others) granted the tithes of his and his Sees Mannor of Westgate Lib. de East­bridge.. The Parsonage thus improved, a Successor of Theobald, Iohn Stratford, in the yeare 1342. 15. Ed. 3. upon his novell ordination of the Ho­spitall of Eastbridge in Canterbury, and in and by the same Charter, annexed and appropriated to that Hospitall (the Deed or Charter whereof I purpose shall follow in my Sur­vey of Eastbridge:) But because it should seem that Church had been the Hospitall Church of S ^t Nicholas, wherein the poore there had the Sacraments and Sacramentals mini­stred unto them, by the Incumbent for the time be­ing, (it was built for them, as Archbishop Parker sayes, by Lanfranc their founder) the appropriator, Stratford, to prevent and provide against all damage and detriment which that appropriation might occasion to S ^t Nicholas [Page 86] Hospitall, obligeth Estbridge Hospitall to the finding (not of a Vicar, the living was too slender to maintaine one, but) of a Chaplaine who should officiate and minister to them in divinis (as the foresaid Instrument will show:) In this, Archbishop Wittlesey afterwards finding some incon­venience, Harbal downe Chantery. Anno 1371. erects a perpetuall Chantery, the Chantery-Priest whereof (because of the danger of con­versing with the Hospitallers, being leprous people many of them) seated and housed a part, viz. over against the Hospitall gate, and endowed with a competency of reve­new, partly from the one, partly from the other Hospitall; was charged with cure of soules, and to that end tyed to perpetuall residence upon it, as the instrument of that Chanteries erection and dotation (to be sought in my Ap­pendix Vide pag. 241.) more at large will show. In this wise things stood with the Church of Saint Nicholas afterward untill the lat­ter end of Hen. 8. or beginning of Ed. 6. reigne. About which time the Chantery and Chantery-Priest vanished. Since when, the Church continuing to the Hospitall, the poore are served there in divinis, by one in orders, a mem­ber of the house.

I was willing to enlarge my selfe in this matter the ra­ther, because the state of this Church inquired into by some, but unknowne of most, I would make as evident as my reading and observation had enabled me. And so I have onely a tale to tell you from Erasmus touching an old cere­mony used heretofore in this Hospitall (as Wever hath a­bridged it:) and I shall take leave of it. In this house (saith Wever Ancient su­ner. Monum. pag. 259.) was reserved the upper leather of an old shooe, which had beene worne (as they gave it out) by Saint Tho­mas Becket: this shooe, as a sacred relique, was offered to all passengers to kisse; faire set in Copper, and Chrystall.

What he there addes of a Priory of black Canons, which (as he saith) was originally annexed to this Hospitall by Lanfranc the founder, is but a tale. The man was mistaken in this, as he is much out in many other things about this City. The Priory, I wot, by him intended is that of Saint [Page 87] Gregory without Northgate, over against Saint Iohns Ho­spitall there of Lanfranc's foundation, to which it was not annexed neither, much lesse to Herbald. but an injunction onely laid upon the Canons of the place to minister unto the poore of Saint Iohns in things appertaining to their soules health, and in rites of buriall, as in proper place I shall further show.

My progresse being circular I am bound next for Saint Stephens or Hakynton. Whither my next way lyes (by Beau­sherne, Hakynton. Bea [...]sherne. anciently as still a parcell of the Demeasnesse of Poore Priests-Hospitall in Cant.) over Saint Thomas-hill. S ^t Thomas. hill. Where I will stay you no longer then whilest I may give you the derivation of the Hils name. The Inventory of Rents and Revenewes of Esbridge Hospitall presented to the Commissioners upon the Stat. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4. cals it Thomas Becket's Hill. And that (I suppose) either because the greatest part of the demeanes or endowment of that Hospitall, built by Archbishop Becket, and to this day cal­led Hospitale sancti Thomae martyris de Eastbridge, lay, as it doth still, about that Hill; or else from a Chapell sometime standing thereaway, called Saint Thomas Chapell, where­of in a deed of Eastbridge-Lieger of divers quit-rents extra Westgate, I read as followeth: Iuxta campum in quo nova ca­pella beati Thomae Martyris fuerat. So much of that. Now for Hakynton.

I might here enter into a large discourse of the fierce quarell that happened betweene Baldwin the Archbishop, and his Monkes, the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church about a colledge by him intended to have beene erected at this place, which (the cause of their opposition) would mainely have damnified the Monkes, had the project suc­ceeded. But the story is delivered by so many hands alrea­dy, and that so fully and at large, that (not desirous to make my booke swell with other mens labours) I purposely spare the recitall of it, and referre the Reader, for satis­faction, to the Antiquitates Britannicae, the Catalogue of Bishops, to the Acts and Monuments, and Lamberts per­ambulation. [Page 88] I my selfe also shall have occasion to give a touch upon it hereafter, in the life both of the same Bald­win, and of Alanus the Prior.

I passe from Hakynton, and crossing the Meadowes and Barton. River at Barton (sometime a Mannor of Christ-Church, and that which Doomesday Booke calls Northwood, from it may seeme the sometime wooddy condition of some part of the soile; in speaking whereof Lambert Perambulati­on of Kent in Norwood. commits some errors, especially in saying the Mannor was long time in the possession of certaine Gentlemen of the same name, &c.) I come next to the Suburbs without Northgate. Where, after we are past Iesus Hospitall, a Spittle for the Iesus-Hospital. poore served there with good annuall allowance by the Founder, Saint Iohn Boys Knight deceased, (whose Monu­ment placed by his Tombe against the North-wall of the Body of Christ-Church, further sets forth what he was:) the Priory of Saint Gregories, and the opposite Hospitall of Saint Iohns minister unto me much matter of Survey. I shall first, from Edmerus Hist. Novor. lib. 1. pag., give you their foundation joyntly, and then treate of them in severall.

The Priory (to begin with that) was you see a house of [Page 89] regular Canons, otherwise called (from their habite, Saint Grego­ries. which was a white coate, and a linen rochet, under a blacke cope, with a scapular to cover their head and shoul­ders Tolyd. Virg. de Invent. Rer. lib. 7. cap. 3.) blacke Canons: of the order of Saint Augustine, as appeares by the Catalogue of the Monasteries of that order (among which it is reckoned for one:) which coming in and compounding with the King (Ed. 1.) about a subsidy (for deniall whereof by the whole cleargy, regulating themselves by the Popes constitution, and their Archbi­shops example, they were by Parliament excluded from the Kings protection, and their goods pronounced confiscate to the King) obtained letters of protection Reyner Apo­stolat. Benedict. in Appendice. pag 66..

It was (I take it) the first house of Regular Canons in the whole Kingdome. Sure I am it was erected long before the Priory (of the same order) at Nosthill in Yorkeshire, which Reynor Apostolat. Be­ned. pag. 158. saith was the first the Kingdome had, being built (as he delivers) by Adelwold or Ethelwolph, Hen. 1. his confessor, that first (if we may beleeve him) brought the order into this Land.

What number of Canons here were required by the foundation, I know not, but in a visitation Lib. Registri Consistor. Cant. of the Priory by Cardinall Bourchier, onely five give up their names with the Prior, who indeed then complained of the pauci­ty of his Canons, which (as he layes the fault) was occasi­oned by the diminution of their revenewes, or (in his owne words) their Lands, Tents and Rents. Which their reve­new what it was, or where it lay, I can say but little; because I could never as yet get a sight of the Leiger.

Concerning this Priory, in the Booke of Doomsday, in the Archbishops Mannor of Stove-saete or Westgate (as we now call it) thus I read. Et inibi sunt iterum xxx. & ij. mansurae & unum molendinum, quae tenent clerici sancti Gre­gorii ad eorum ecclesiam. Ibique manent xij. Burgenses qui reddunt eis xxxv ^s. & molendinum reddit v ^s. The same Dooms­day in another place, under the Title of the City mentions the same thing, but with some little variation, thus. Ar­chiepiscopus habet infra Civitatem Cant. xij. Burgenses, & xxx. [Page 90] mansuras quas tenent clerici de villa ingildam suam, & red­dunt xxxv ^s. & unum molendinum reddit v ^s. This Priory had other indowment, consisting (as Edmerus showes) as well in Tithes as Temporalties. As for their Titheries, in the yeare 1292. (at what time their Temporalties in Canterbury, Natyndon, Hugevelde, Chertham, Tanintone, and Herbal­downe, were together valued at xxx ^l. xv ^s.) they were these, the Parsonages of Taninton, Westgate, Northgate, S ^t Dunstan, Natindon, Livingsborn, Waltham, Elmested, Be­trichedenne, Stallesfield. Together with certaine Titheries in Goldstaneston, Berham, Plukele, and Risseburne Lib. eccles. Christi. Cant.. The whole revenew every way M ^r Lambert reckons up to but 30 ^l. fal­ling much short of Speeds estimate, which is 166 ^l. 4 ^s. 5 ^d. Whether of them is mistaken, I leave it to them to inquire that please to search the Record.

As for any remarkeable matter or occurrence concer­cerning this Priory untill the suppression, I read of none Lambert Per­amb. of Kent in Canterbury. beside the firing of it in King Stephens dayes.

As appertaining, so also adjoyning to this Priory, before and untill the Dissolution (yea and after too) was a Coemi­tery or Church-yard, not proper onely to the Priory, for the buriall of the Domesticks, but which was (whether of right, or by curtesie onely, I know not) common to others also with them, and those not the Hospitallars onely (the reason why they were till very lately destitute of any Church-yard within themselves) but also the Parishioners of Northgate, their neighbours, of which Church this Pri­ory had the Patronage, who did constantly, by their Wils, appoint their Burials in that Church-yard, and never men­tion other of their owne: it faring with them as with those other Parish Churches of the City, which belonging some to Christ-Church, some to Saint Augustines, had their want of Church-yards supplyed by those Monasteries. This at Saint Gregories continued to the Parish of Northgate after the dissolution, untill (as the tradition goes) Sir Iohn Boys the late Tenent to the Priory obtained to appropriate and inclose it upon exchange of the moderne Church-yard [Page 91] ground for it with the Churchwardens of Northgate for the time being. It continued (I say) till then to the Pa­rish, for a buriall place; de facto, but was not acknowledged theirs of right. For at a visitation Lib. Consistorii Cant. holden in the yeare 1560. it is from Northgate, by the sworn men (inter alia) thus presented viz. That M ^r May doth withhold part of the Church-yard &c. This M ^r May (it seems) was then tenent to the Priory. Who in defence of himself being convented upon this presentment, exhibuit literas Regias patentes (as the act of court runs:) per quas patet cimiterium esse jus heredi­tarium Reverendissimi, &c. Afterwards, viz. anno 1573. at another visitation Lib. ejusdem Consistorii., it was from the same place thus present­ed, to wit, That their Church-yard is not decently kept, neither can they bury in it unlesse they pay 2 ^d. for an old bo­dy, and a penny for a childe.

It hath been a thing much controverted between the Controversie between the City and S. Gregories. City and this Priory, whether it be of the Cities liberty or not. Now not out of any desire I have to stickle in the mat­ter, but for manifestation and maintenance of a truth here­in thē best I am able, unto which by occasion of the places survey, I am in a manner engaged, I shall without partiali­tie deliver what, in matter of fact, I know may conduce to the clearing of this doubt and quieting the debate. In the yeare 1269. anno 53. Hen. 3. I finde Vide postea pag. 187. the Prior of S ^t Grego­ries, by the same writ with the Prior of Christ-Church, the Abbat of S. Augustines and others, after a legall discussion of the case by enquiry and verdict of select men of the City, and voicinage, acquited by the Kings writ of tallage, .i. of being within compasse of tallage with the City. Besides in the Argument drawn up by the Abbat of S ^t Aug. in de­fence of himself and his Abbey against the City, challen­ging the Abbey and some of her neighbouring demaines to be of and within the liberty of the City in Hen. 6. time, amongst other heads thereof (that it might not seeme strange, that the Abbey being in the Suburbs, and so neare the City wall, should neverthelesse be exempt from the Franchise of the same, by shewing how the matter stood [Page 92] in same state with other like places about the City: this Priory is pleaded to be as without the walls, so without the liberty also of the same City in these words, viz. Ac etiam quòd sunt aliqua loca adeo prope muros Civitatis praedictae sicut sunt loci in praedictis articulis ballivorum praedict &c. contenti quae semper fuerunt extra praedictam Civitatem, praecinctum, libertatem aut suburbia ejusdem, viz. vicus de Westgate, vicus Sancti Martini, Prioratus Sancti Gregorii, Hospitale Sancti Io­annis de Northgate &c. In H. 8. time certain articles were concluded between the Prior of this house and the Covent of the same on the one party, and the Major and Common­alty of the City of the other party, for the composing of this difference about the temporall Jurisdiction of the place. Which composition, from the records of the cham­ber, I shall in my Appendix present the Reader with. Vide. pag. 246.

But leaving these things, and the house, I come next to S ^t Thomas Chapell. the ground lying behinde it, sometime the Canons orchard or garden: where are yet standing or rather falling (and yeelding to time) the ruines of an old chapell, a barn I wot of late, dedicate to that once reputed holy Martyr S ^t Thomas of Cant. and called (as I finde by the will Penes registrum Consistor. Cant. of one William Harry of S ^t Martin, anno 1461. who gave a legacy unto it) Capella fraternitatis sancti Thomae Martyris existen' in orto sancti Gregorii. I will close this discourse of S ^t Gre­gories with the following memorandum, touching the water­course of Christ-Church running through this part of it. Christ-Church Watercourse. Memorandum (saith a book of Christ-Church) de carta Prioris & Conventus sancti Gregorii Cant. specialem mentionem faci­end. & expressum quòd aquaeductum Prioris & Conventus eccle­siae Christi Cant. per pomarium suum transeuntem salvum & il­laesum quantum in eis est conservabunt, & permittent operarios dictae ecclesiae Christi Cant. quotiens necesse fuerit ad eundem aquaeductum emendandum per Curiam & portam suam liberum habere ingressum & egressum, &c. Dated anno 1227.

I return now to the Hospitall, whose foundation being S ^t Iohns Ho­spitall. premised, her dotation should follow: but what I might [Page 93] here say of it, is already said and may be seen in that of Her­baldowne, the other twin as I may call it, for their parity as well in time as manner, both of their erection and originall endowment. This of S. Iohns time was fired in Ed. 3. time, as I finde by certain letters of the Hospitall under their seal, framed after the manner of a brief, & directed to all prelates in generall, wherein they in pitifull manner deplore their miserable estate occasioned (as they say) by a late lament­able fire happening in their house, which had wasted their Hospitall and adjacent edifices, in the which were more then an 100 poore people sustained, with desire of their cha­ritable relief, letting them know (as the most perswasive Rhetorick of that age) what indulgences had been grant­ed to their benefactors by severall Archbishops and Bishops of former times.

This Hospitall hath a faire Chapel to it decently kept, Chapell. wherein divine service is said, the Sacraments administred, and Gods word preached to them of the house. Their pre­sent Chaplains stipend is the same with his predecessors of old, 8 lib. per annum. The Chapell hath had some dome­stick benefactors. Amongst others, one William Garnar, who in the yeare by his will Penes Regist. Consist. praedict. gave xl ^s to the mending of the steeple, and 4 lib. for a new bell. Iohn Roper another, who in the yeare 1526. by his will Ibidem. took order with his Exe­cutour for the new building of the side Chancells Eastern window (being the window, as he calls it, of our Ladies al­tar) proportionable and correspondent to that of the quire. The Chapell affoords these Monuments of some note.

Orate proanima Aliciae Ashburneham filiae & heredis Williel­mi Tooke armigeri & Aliciae Woodland uxoris ejus & antea fuit uxor Thomae Roper Gent. quae obiit xvij die April. Anno R. R. Hen. 8. xv. & Anno Domini 1524. Cujus animae &c.

She lieth in the same side Chancell: in the said Eastwin­dow whereof these words are yet legible.

Orate pro—Rooper & probono—Thomasinae uxoris ejus —Domini 1529.

THe Wards of our City at this day are, as (I take it) Number and names of the Wards. they ever were, nor more nor lesse then sixe in number. In name distinguished and differenced from each other, by the names of the sixe principall Gates, that is. 1. West­gate-ward. 2. Newingate-ward. 3. Northgate-ward. 4. Worthgate-ward. 5. Burgate-ward, and 6. Ridingate-ward. Of that number at first, haply in imitation of the Shires division into 6. Lathes, whereof it did of old consist.

Of the first division made of the City into Wards, nei­ther written Record, nor unwritten Tradition makes any Their origi­nall. mention. But I conceive it very ancient. The whole Ci­ty (it seemes) in the Conquerors time, was but one intire hundred. For Doomsday Booke speaking of the Churches Mannor of Barton, which it calleth North-wood, saith it was de hundredo de Cantuarberia, as the very words are. If so, it was not long ere a sub-division made of it, haply for more easie and good Government, into divers severall hundreds, namely into the sixe Wards or hundreds now under our Survey. For the more ancient appellation and terme given to those our Cities moderne sub-divisions of Wards, was Hundred, as almost all our eldest deeds and other like evidences doe witnesse, which generally, close with a memorandum, that they were first made and recorded in the hundred of that Division (as in the hundred of West­gate, Burgate, and so alike for the rest) and afterwards in the Burgmote of the City. Another terme they had some­what varying from the other in sound, but of synonymall sense and signification with it, which was Bertha, a frequent phrase in our ancient evidences.

These Divisions, Fitz-Stephens, in his description of London, endeavouring to paralell it, all he could, with old Rome, calls Regions. Every of these Divisions, Hundreds, Wards, Regions, was committed and intrusted, for reigle­ment, to an Alderman, one in office and authority, the [Page 97] same (I take it) with Praepositus Hundredi, or the Hundreds Ealdor, as our Ancestors would phrase it.

I will spare all discourse touching (what many mens inter­pretation hath made of vulgar knowledge) the word, Alder­man, both name, and office, in generall, derived, traduced and descended unto us from great antiquity, and confine my selfe to speake of those onely set over our City Wards. Whose antiquity I conceive to be from about Rich. 1. time; the generality of these Aldermen being said to bee of that ages production Vide Dn. Hen. Spelmanni Glossar. in hac voce. (foure hundred yeares old and up­wards.)

These Aldermen, every of them, had and kept within their Ward, and haply (as the Jewes held theirs Deuter. cap. 21 ver. 19. & cap. 16.) at their severall Gates, a Court holden every three weekes, which was called of our ancestors sometime the Hundred-Court, sometime the Wardmote, that is, the meeting or assembly Wardmote. of the Hundred or Ward, or the Portmote, as the Juris­diction was called Port-soka.

Their office, from their name, was called an Alderman­rie; Aldermanrie. which it seemes was not (as now) elective, but as free­hold either demiseable or deviseable, ad libitum of him or her that held the same: or if neither demised, nor devised of him nor her in life time, but indisposed of at death, then as inheritance and fee, descended to the next heire at law; and thence it was that (as I finde) most of the same Aldermanries continued in a name and family, through many descents and successions, as that of Burgate to the Chiches, of Northgate to the Polres or Pollers, as we now write it, of Newingate to the Digges, of Worthgate to the Cokyns, afterward to the Tiernes, of Westgate to the Brownes, and so of the rest.

This last of Westgate, was in 10. Rich. 2. given by the Will Lib. Camerae Civitatis. of Henry Garnate to Sara his wife. It sometimes was in the Abbat of Saint Augustines possession, who (as Thorne tels me) Anno 1278. gave it to M ^r Nicholas Doge, tenend'. & habend' eandem cum omnibus appendiciis tam in civitate Cant. quam extra in suburbio ejusdem vel alibi, de praefato Abbate & [Page 98] Conventu in perpetuum, reddendo inde annuatim in thesaurario nostro. x ^l. sterlingorum pro omnibus servitiis, salva secta Burg­moti Cant. quam ob eandem causam facere tenet. As Thornes words are. Before this. i. in the beginning of Hen. 3. time, I finde Lib. eccles. Christi Cant. it enjoyed by one William (as he writes himselfe) Cissor Domini Regis, the Kings Taylor, I take it. But of late dayes it was the Brownes. Whose then seate and inheri­tance (before the Septvans) was the Mannor of Milton, or Middleton by Canterbury (from whence so called is of vulgar conjecture:) and continued to the name of the Brownes, untill of late the inheritrix married to Robert Honywood Esquire, sonne of that famous Mary Honywood (of whom I leave you to take further information, if her fame save you not the labour, from her Monuments Inscription or Epi­taph in D ^r Hakewill Apology. lib. 3. cap. 5. Sect. 7. pag. 224.) and father of S ^r Robert Honywood of Charing, and S ^r Thomas Honywood of Marks-Hall in Essex, whose it now is, the ancestor of whom S ^r George Browne, in Rich. 3. dayes, taking part with Lancastrian Hen. 7. was, by Parliament, deprived for it of this Aldermanry, but his heires soone after. i. in the 1. Hen. 7. repossessed of it.

I insist the more upon this Aldermanry, because I conceive it to have beene, if not absolutely the chiefe, yet one of more respect and consequence then the rest; which were all bought or otherwise gotten into the City, and made eli­gible by the Maior and Commonalty early to that this was, which (it seemes) came not in untill about the time of the New ordination made by Hen. 7. which appoints two Alder­men to every Ward. In some respects also it differed from the rest, which (I take it) were held onely by Freemen and inhabitants of the Franchise, whereas this was holden nei­ther by one nor tother, a great inconvenience to the City, as in the fore-cited act of Parliment (1 Rich. 1.) in the pre­face of it, is suggested. So much of the Wards in generall. Which, it seemes by an ancient Record Record. de An. [...]9. Rich. 2. You shall finde a copy of it in my Appendix. pag. 298., were annexed and appertaining to the Fee-Ferme paid by the City to the King, of whom they held in capite.

Now of each of them in severall; beginning, because I [Page 99] staid you (as you may remember) at Westgate, with West­gate-Ward; and observing and surveying such things (as I shall doe likewise afterwards in the rest) as occurre therein any thing worthy of note or memory: saving that I shall reserve the Churches to a future mention by themselves.

MArching on therefore from the Gate into the City, by the high Street (that, I meane, terminated by this Gate at the West, and by the opposite Newingate at the East-end) we have on this side Kingsbridge, on either hand of us a Gate that leads us to a severall ruined Monastery. That on the right hand late the bare-footed Franciscans, or the Minorite-Observant-mendicant-Gray-Fryers. The other on our left, late the Minors also, or the Praedicant-black-Fryers.

I will begin with the Gray-FF. or Franciscans. So called from Seraphicall S ^t Francis (Wevers Epithete) the in­stitutor Gray-Fryers. of their order. The legend of whose life and mira­cles, because too tedious for my intended short method, and too too fabulous most what, I doubt, for your beleefe, for mine I am sure; I have thought good rather to over­passe in silence, then to trouble either my selfe to write, or you to read the rabble of fopperies (if no worse) that are written of it and them, legible in Matt. Paris. Polyd. Virg. but more largely in Owens genealogy of Monks &c. the Chronicon Minorum, and elsewhere.

Leaving therefore (I say) their Founder and Patron, I come to the Fryers Qui dicant [...]r Monachi, & qui Praetres, item & quo dislent vide Pa [...]or. sup. cap. Causam quae. vt. De judic. l. 2 Decretal. & consil. 28. parte secunda. themselves. They were called Mi­nors or Minorites, from the humility and low liuesse of minde which by the prescript of their Founder they ought ever to have: Observant, to distinguish them from a looser sort of Franciscans, then whom these were more carefull and observant to keepe the strict rules and orders of S ^t Francis, and were therefore also called Regular Franci­scans: [Page 100] Mendicant, because pretending to Evangelicall perfection, and therefore professing wilfull povertie, they subsisted chiefly upon almes, which they used, with the Predicants, Augustines, and Carmelites, to ask and re­ceive ostiatim, from doore to doore; whereby chiefly Friers were differenced from Monks, who kept home, and lived upon their own in common: Gray, from their habit, which (in imitation of their Founder Polyd. Virg. de Invent. Rer. lib. 7. cap. 4.) was a long gray coat down to their heels, with a Cowl or Hood, and a cord or rope about their loynes in stead of a girdle. Their govern­ours proper name and stile was Guardianus. Monachi olim (saith one Barthol. Car­tagena. in expo. [...]. jur. Canon. lib. 3. [...]. 35.) non omnes simul commorabantur, sed domunculas sparsim per montes & saltus structas habebant: quo derelicto, in­ceperunt postea ad modum Reip. in communitate habitare, uno eo­rum electo velut principe & gubernatore, qui eos regeret & gu­bernaret, praeesset Monasterio, quem Graeci appellabant archi­mandrita & coenobiarcha, nos verò communiter vocamus abba­tem, licèt temporis lapsu factum sit, ut, multiplicatis monacho­rum ordinibus illorum nomina etiam multiplicata sint: unde apud Domnicanos vocatur Prior, apud Franciscanos Guardi­anus, apud Trinitarios minister.

These Franciscans came first into England about the yeer 1224. in Hen. 3. reigne, as did the Dominicans. How or Harpsfield. [...] Hist. Eccl. Angl. sa [...]ul. 13. cap. 11. where they were afterwards entertained with provision, and accommodation of housing, I finde not untill the yeare 1270. By which time, it seems (whether by their piety, or policy, I know not) they had so insinuated themselves in­to the favour of a devout and worthy Citizen, and of a flou­rishing family then in the City (as still in the County) one Iohn Digg, or Diggs, then an Alderman, and 12 yeares be­fore (1258.) and also 3 yeares after (1273.) one of the Bai­liffs of the City, whom Wever miscalls S ^• Iohn Diggs, that he purchased for them the Iland in Canterbury, then called Bynnewith, and shortly after translated them thither. Emit Insulam vocatam Bynnewight in Cantuar. & locum Portae super Stour-street ad opus Fratrum Minorum, & tempore opportuno transtulit Fratres ad illam, as Wever Ancient fu­nerall Mo­num. pag. 134. from Leland. Whence [Page 101] the place, this Iland, might derive the name of Bynnewith, Binnewith. if I may conjecture, I shall tell you, either from a composi­tion of two Saxon words, Binnan which signifies within, and With, an Iland, as it were the Iland within, in distinction of it from an Iland sometime lying without the City, by West­gate, Northward, called simply With, whereofin the elder rentalls of Christ-Church mention is made thus. Parva In­sula extra Westgate, versus Aquilonem, vocata With. Or else Binnewith quasi Bine-with, the double Iland; indeed it is no other, and an ancient rentall of Christ-Church (which once had ground, houses, and fee here) speaks of rent in S ^t Peters Parish payable de duabus parvis Insulis ubi fuit Crine­milne. For thereabout sometime stood a milne of Christ-Church, so called, unto which the lane in S ^t Peters called Mead-lane, and of Speed in his Map of the City miscalled Maiden-lane, did leade, and from thence was called Crine­melne-lane. For in an exchange anno 1294. made between Christ-Church and S. Austins, three tenements in S ^t Peters Parish in Canterbury being granted to the Abbey, and of them is thus described and bounded, viz. quoddam tenemen­tum jacens in magno gardino dicti Abbatis, juxta terram fra­trum Minorum Cant. ex parte Australi, in venella quae dicitur Medlane, & quae olim (saith the deed In Lib. eccles. Cant.) vocabatur Crinemelle-lane. But may it not more probably be called Binnewith (that is Binney-Iland) from the same radix with the mead, or meadow-ground by it, called to this day Binney-meads; as the bridge thereaway, which we call Bingley-bridge, is rightly called Binney-bridge, from the Saxon, binnan ea sig­nifying (as I said) within or between the water, because ly­ing and inclosed within or between our Stour or rivers double channell, bounding it on either side: whence the Codicill or Landboc of Cenulph the Mercian that gave that ground to the Church copied in my Appendix pag. 301. thus describes it to lie. Inter duos gremiales rivos fluminis quod dicitur Stour. Which M ^r Lambert reades thus. Inter duos genitales rivos &c. and accordingly would send us further up the stream, to finde out this ground about our [Page 102] rivers spring-heads; whereas the very name yet remaining shows it to lie here.

I may not so leave the places name. For though ancient A Family of Binnewiths. and even obsolete with us, yet of so much note with our Ancestors, as it served to give name to a family of Citizens, sometime the residentiaries of the place, and from thence called the Withs, or (as more frequently) the Binne­withs, whereof one Iohn Binnewith about the beginning of H. 3. reigne was a benefactor to Herbaldowne Hosp. where I have seen his charter with the seal appendant, in the cir­cumference of it thus circum-inscribed SIGILL. IOHAN­NIS DE WITH. And one Arnold Binnewith was, anno 1221. and also again about the yeare 1227. one of the Bailiffs of the City Lib. Hosp. de Eastbridge.. The Friers having gotten possession of the place, both the Iland and her former Incolae or inhabitants, soon after lost their names. But leaving that, I proceed.

The Friers being here seated, and many houses and much ground of the fee of Christ-Church Monks lying within the Ambitus or precinct of their Monastery, they (it seems) made bold to usurp them as their own, because within the confines of their seat, and so de facto, made themselves absolute Lords and possessors of the Iland. The Monks seeing the common people much inclined to favour them, and not willing to incurre theirs, lest it might bring with it the peoples displeasure also, make a vertue of as it were a necessity; and to shew themselves as forward in charitie to­ward them, as the common people, after the Friers (by their connivence 'tis like) had been a pretty while in pos­session without paying or yeelding to the Monks their ac­customed rents and services, which their quondam tenents were bound to pay, viz. anno 1294. by composition, remit unto them all arrerages and duties past gratis, or intuitu cha­ritatis, as they phrase it, and for the future make them an a­batement of almost the moiety of the rent: as the Compo­sition will show, which (because it sets forth in some sort the state of the Iland, and how it was peopled before the FF. time) I here propose, transcribed from the Records of the Cathedrall. [Page 103] NOtum sit omnibus praesentibus & futuris quòd in festo Nata­lis Composition between Christ-Church and the Friers. beati Ioannis Baptistae Anno Dom. Mccxciiij ^o. Regni ve­rò Regis Edwardi xxij ^o. Ita convenit inter Priorem & Conven­tum ecclesiae Christi Cant. ex parte una, & Gardianum & Con­ventum fratrum minorum Cant. ex altera, viz. quod cum di­versa tenementa continerentur infra ambitum ipsorum fratrum de feodo praedict' Prioris & Conventus, viz. tenementum quod quondam fuit Samuelis Tinctoris pro quo debebatur eis annuatim vij ^d. quad. Item pro tenemento quondam Beringeri in With pr­quo xij ^d. Item pro tenemento ejusdem in Ottemed. pro quo v ^d Item pro tenemento quondrm Seronae de Boctone pro quo vj ^d. Item pro redditu Wiberti quondam Prioris ecclesiae Christi praed. juxta Ottewell, pro quo xij ^d. Item pro tenemento Stephani filii Lewini Samuel pro quo xviij ^d. Praefati Prior & Conventus remiserunt & quietum clamaverunt in perpetuum praedictis fratribus & eo­rum Successoribus omnia arreragia sibi debit' de tenementis praed. intuitu caritatis. Ita viz. qd' iidem fratres & eorum Successo­res de cetero per suos procuratores fideliter solvi facient annuatim praedict. Priori & Con. in Thesauraria sua iij ^s. anuui redditus pro omnibus tenementis praedict. viz. medium ad Pascha & ali­ud medium ad festum Sancti Michaelis pro omnibus servitiis & secularibus demandis ad ipsos Prior. & Con. de eisdem tene­mentis spectand. & si contingat praefat. procuratores post viginti dies postquam super hoc praemuniti fuerint in solutione praedicti annui redditus deficere, bene licebit praed. Prior. & Conventui & eorum ministris distringere omnia tenementa praed. pro arrer­agiis quae à retrò fuerint de annuo redditu supradict. In cujus Rei testimonium Sigillum ecclesiae Christi praed. & sigillum commune fratrum praedict. huic scripto chirographato alternatim sunt ap­pensa. Acta sunt haec apud Cantuar. die & anno supradictis.

How this might stand with their Founders rule and their own vow, I see not. For consult their rule delivered arti­culately in Matt. Paris, and you shall finde them clearely debarred and disabled, both by their vow of povertie, and by expresse prescript beside from all peculium and propriety. Fratres (saith the rule) nihil sibi approprient, nec domum, [Page 104] nec locum, nec aliquam rem. Et tanquam peregrini & advenae in hoc saeculo, in paupertate & humilitate Domino famulantes, vadunt pro elemosyna confidenter &c. Whence that of Du­rand Specul. jur. de monach stat. Lib. 4. Part. 3. n. 7. Gray-Friers priviledges., and others. Mendicantes sunt possessionum incapaces.

These Franciscans or Minorite Friers being a great prop to the Papacy were prosecuted by severall Popes with many priviledges, immunities, indulgences and what not graces, that might assure them the Popes fast friends, and faithfull sonnes and servants. Beside their exemption and immunitie from Episcopall and all other ordinary Juris­diction; in matter of tithes, they were priviledged from payment of any, either of their house, their orchard (or garden) and the nutriment. i. the herbage or agistment of their Cattell, as in the Decretalls Nimis prava. 12. de excessib. praelat.. They had withall in matter of buriall liberam sepulturam (paying the fourth part of the obventions to the Parish Church:) whosoever would, might elect and have their Church or Coemitery, for his place of buriall Cap. Dudum. de sepult. in Clementin.. And that was a thing whereof multi­tudes were ambitious, and the rather because they were made beleeve, that who so was buried amongst them, espe­cially ifin the holy and vertuous habit of a Frier, should not onely be secured from evill spirits that would else haply disturb the quiet of his grave, but also be as sure to go to heaven. There is authentick record of many worthy per­sonages, and of worshipfull families that have been here in­terred: the Catalogue of whom Wever Of ancient funerall Mo­numents. pag. 238. hath collected and delivers, but under a wrong title, saying they were bu­ried in the White, whereas he should have said the Gray-Friers: as I can make good to the satisfaction of any that makes a doubt hereof.

As for benefactors to this Monastery, I finde these. One William Woodland of Holy crosse parish anno 1450. by his will In Regist. Cons. Cant. gave 5 lib. toward the reparation of their Church, and 5 marks beside to the repairing of their Dortor. Hamon Beale, a Citizen, and in his time twice Maior of Canterb. choosing their Church for the place of his buriall, as Isabell his wife had formerly done, gave 40 ^s. in money to the Co­vent. 1492. [Page 105] Indeed (to be short) almost every testate dying man of the City and neighbouring parts of any worth, remem­bred these FF. The Dominicans also and the Augustines of this City, in their wills with some legacy more or lesse. One domestick benefactor I meet with, one Richard Mar­tin, the Guardian (I take it) of the house, who in the yeare 1498. by his will In Registro memorato. gave liberally both to the Church and Co­vent. He was (as it seems by his will) Parson also of Ickham, and Vicar of Lyd in Kent. But what may he mean by writing himself (as he doth) Bishop of the universall Church? a title so cried down and condemned as Anti-christian by Pope Gregory the Great; I conceive he was a titular Bi­shop, a Bishop in name and title onely, endued with the Or­der, but not with the Jurisdiction Episcopall, having no particular charge to intend, but generally officiating as Bishop in any part of the Christian Church. These titular Bishops were frequent with us in those dayes. About the same time one Thomas Wells, the Prior of S. Gregories by Canterbury, in his will In eod. Regist. Titular Bi­shops. writes himself Bishop of Sidon. He was a titular Bishop likwise: an order as excepted against by some, so defended by other of the Trent Councell; where­of I leave you to informe your self further (if you please) from Tholosanus Syntag. in universi Lib. 15. cap. 12. n. 44. and others. The use made of them (I take it) was to supply the Diocesan-Bishops absence in such affairs Episcopall as these, to wit, Consecration of Chur­ches, and Church-yards, and their Reconciliation, confer­ring of orders, Confirmation of children, and the like.

But to our Friers again. Hugh Rich, the Guardian, or (which is all one) the Wardein (as the Statute Anno 25. H. 8. cap. 12. calls him) of this Covent, was one that conspired and suffered with Elisabeth Barton, the holy maid of Kent, whereof before in my survey of the Nonnery.

This Monastery had, as the place still hath, a double gate and way to it, the one called Porta Orientalis, the other Porta Borealis; that in Stourstreet, in All-Saints Parish, this in High-street, in S. Peters Parish.

Let me but acquaint you, that John Peckham Archbishop [Page 106] of Canterbury in Ed. 1. time, was first a Fryer, and the Pro­vinciall of this order, and I have done with the Franciscans, or Gray-Fryers.

Leaving these then, I come next to the other sort of Mi­nors, Black-Fryers. the Dominican, Blacke, Preaching FF. Preaching, because they were the onely Preachers of all the Fryers: Blacke, because of their habit Polyd Virg. de Invent Rer. lib. 7. cap 4., which was a blacke cope and cowle over a white cote: Dominican, because S ^t Domi­nicke was their founder, a holy man (they say) contempora­ry with Saint Francis, and whose disciples (the first Fryers of this Covent) were even coaetaneous with the Franci­scans of this City, coming both hither much about the same time. It is said of them, that King Hen. 3. at their co­ming received them kindly (so did Stephen Langton also the then Archbishop Harpsfield. Hi. Eccles. Anglic. Saec. 13 cap. 11.:) and placed them at Canterbury, where (it seemes) he built them this late Monastery, which was the first that the Kingdome had of that kinde. Hence and from this ground I suppose Wever takes his warrant for at­tributing the erection of this house to Hen. 3. The title proper to the governour of the Dominicans, was Prior. Like the Franciscans, they and the Monkes of Christ-Church, in the same yeare with the other (1294) came to composi­tion about divers houses and lands lying within their pre­cinct.

The Churchyard of this Monastery was the place of Ren­devous designed by the Citizens of Canterbury conspiring a revenge to be taken of the Monks of Christ-Church, for refusing them their ayde, and to joyne with them in the finding and furnishing of twelve horsemen imposed on the City by the King (Ed. 1.) for his expedition against the Re­bellious Lewslyn Fitz-Griffin Prince of Wales, which Stow Annals in Ed. 3. Vide [...]ti quit. Brit. in vita Rob. Kil­wardby Ar­chiep. (much mistaken in the time, and some other circumstances) thus relates. ‘About this time (saith he, speaking of the 1. of Ed. 3.) the like stirre was made against the Monkes of Canterbury: whereof I finde recorded as followeth. King Edward preparing an Army into Scotland, comman­ded the Bailiffes and Citizens of Canterbury to furnish him [Page 107] twelve horsemen, and send them to New-Castle, toward which charge, the Citizens required ayde of the Monks: who answered them that without the assent of the King and their Archbishop they would not agree thereunto, for so much as the Kings of England had founded their Church in free and perpetuall almes. Whereupon Willi­am Chilham Bailiffe, and many Commons of the City assembling themselves in the Preaching Fryers Church-yard, conspired and sware against the Monkes as fol­loweth.’

• 1. That they would overthrow the pentises, windowes and milne, belonging to the Monks.
• 2. That no Citizen should dwell in any house belonging to the Monks.
• 3. That all rents belonging to the Monkes of Canterbury should be gathered to use of the Commons.
• 4. That no man should send or sell to the Monks any victu­alls.
• 5. That they should seize all the horses, and beasts that came into the City with carriage to the Monks.
• 6. That all such Monks as came forth of their house should be spoiled of their Garments.
• 7. That a trench should be cast, to stop all men from go­ing in or coming out.
• 8. That every Pilgrim should at his entring sweare that he should make no offering.
• 9. Also that every of those Commons aforesaid should weare on their finger a ring of gold that belonged to Thomas Becket: Thus he.
• This Churchyard is in part now become the Campus Mar­tius for our young Artillery of the City.
• Wevers collection of ancient funerall monuments will ac­quaint you of divers personages of note and quality bu­ried here.

At this place the Parish Clarks of the City once had and Fraternities of Parish Clarks. [Page 108] held a gild or fraternity, commonly called the Fraternity of S ^t Nicholas. I have my direction for this, from the fol­lowing legacy of one Richard Cram sometime of this City, who by his will In Registro Consist. Cant., dated 1490. gave to the Fraternity of S ^t Nicholas kept by the Parish Clarkes of Canterbury, in the house of the Fryers Preachers of Cant. vj ^s. viij ^d. as his very words are. Of these Fraternities, our City hath had divers; amongst which that of the Smiths newly revived, is the most ancient. The elder rentalls of Christ-Church bounding out some Land of theirs lying without Newin­gate, make mention both of it and of certaine ground be­longing to it, in these words. Terra quae pertinet ad gildam fabrorum. This and all other like Fraternities (if the Disso­lution of the Monasteries spared them, yet) the Stat. of 1 ^o. Ed. 6. cap. 14. tooke hold of, and dissipating the socie­ties, seized on all their goods and endowment. If any de­sire further information touching them and their antiquity, I referre them to S ^t Henry Spelmans Glossary, in Verb. Gilda.

This Monastery had a treble passage to it, namely by three Gates, one, and that the most private, that opening before the Street by Saint Alphege Church, a second by the Waterlocke, the third in Saint Peters street (as we call it) built (it seemes) not long before the 30. of Ed. 3. for then these Fryers, by their Charter or deed passe over to the Hospitall of Estbridge a place, shops and garden lying to­wards the West and North, (inter novam portam nostram, say they, & introitum ad ecclesiam nostram in parochia sancti Pe­tri, &c.) as in Estbridge Booke; in another part of the Booke thus described and bounded. In parochia sancti Petri Civitatis Cant. inter gardinum & mansionem fratrum praedi­catorum Cant. versus North & West, & quandam venellam vocat' Brekyepottislane versus East.

Approaching to an end of my discourse touching these Fryers, I cannot (me thinkes) close better then with Mat­thew Paris his relation of the controversie, in or about the yeare 1243. happening betweene them and the Franci­scans, which together with his glosse (which he addes) up­on it, and them, verbatim followes,

I have but onely to tell you that Robert Kilwardy, after­wards, first Archbishop of Canterbury, and then advanced to a Cardinall-ship, was first a Fryer of this Sect of the Do­minicans, and I leave them.

My progresse in this Ward, brings me next to Estbridge or Estbridge Ho­spitall. Kingsbridge Hospitall. An ancient Spittle, and as now knowne (Christened, as it were) by the name, so first ere­cted and endowed by the Charity and Piety of S ^t Thomas Becket in Hen. 2. time; and thence to this day called the Hospitall of S ^t Thomas the Martyr of Estbridge. For this we have the testimony of Archbishop Stratford, a successor of his: who upon his novell ordination of the Hospitali, and in the Charter thereof, (as shall be seene anone) ac­knowledgeth him the first founder and indower of it. For other Record either of the foundation of the Hospitall it selfe; or of the intent wherefore it was erected, besides that Charter of Stratford, is not, nay in his time (as it seemes by him) was not extant, or to be found. The rea­son probably why the Record of the state of it taken by the Commissioners upon the stat. of 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4. ascribes the foundation unto Stratford; whereas he (as his Charter will declare) did but restore the foundation, and give lawes [Page 111] and a forme of government to it, to supply the former which were lost, and so the Hospitall in hazzard of confu­sion for want of them: as you shall easily perceive by this transcript or copy of it, if you peruse it.

By this time you see who was both the first and second founder of Eastbridge Hospitall. The ancient rules and or­dinances prescribed to it, the union and annexation made of S ^t Nicholas of Herbaldowne Church to it, into which the Leiger showes the Masters induction and investiture by the Commissary of Cant. by mandat from (the appropriator) Archbishop Stratford.

I must now looke backe to the times intervening these two founders. In which I finde In lib. private hujus Hospita­lis. Hubert the Archbi­shop [Page 116] in King Iohns time, an especiall benefactor to this Spittle: giving to it the tithes of Westgate-Mill, of a Mill and two Salt-pitsat Herewic (in or neare Whitstable, I take it) of a Wind-mill in Raculfre, and of another Wind-mill in Westhalimot in Thanet. This, with the confirmation of the then Prior and Charter of Christ-Church.

In this Archbishops time, there was another Hospitall neighbouring unto this of Estbridge called Cokyns Hospi­tall, Cokyns Haspi­tall. built and founded by one William Cokyn a Citizen of Canterb. and of a worthy family, whose name in his poste­rity [...] Ibidem. did long survive him in this City: some of whom were Bailiffes of the City in their time. The Hospitall was de­dicate to Saint Nicholas, and (the Virgin and Martyr) Saint Catherine, and stood sometime in the Parish of Saint Peter in Cant. almost directly opposite to the now Blacke-Fryers Gate: having had a Lane by it aforetime called Cokyns-Lane, now shut up and built upon, often mentioned in Cokyns Lane. Eastbridge Booke, and not forgotten of some yet living. I collect by Charters which I have seene, that the Founder lived by that Lane. And finde that for 18. markes de gersu­mâ, or for the consideration of 18. markes, purchased of Stephen the Priest, and Godesman, the sonnes of Richard Mercer of Canterb. with the consent of their Widow-mo­ther Cicely, a messuage next adjacent to his owne, thus in the deed or charter described. Totum illud messuagium cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, quod habet in latitudine versus chemi­nium in Domini Regis 42. pedes, & in longitudine quantum ex­tendit à cheminio Domini Regis, usque ad aquam quae dicitur Sture. Quod vero messuagium adjacet proximo messuagio lapideo praedicti Willielmi, & messuag. Walteri mercatoris in parochia sancti Petri. Having purchased this messuage hee either builds there a new Hospitall or else converts his purchase into one. Afterwards, by his Charter (wherein he saith the Hospitals of Saint Nicholas, Saint Katherine, and Saint Tho­mas of Eastbridge in Cant. were united, haply and probably by Archbishop Hubert, and that union by Pope Innocent con­firmed) intitles these Hospitals to all his Lands, possessi­ons [Page 117] and Chattels, and makes them his heires. This done, and one Godelman sonne of Richard the Merchant, challen­ging an interest in the soile where the Hospitall stood; for 7 ^s. consideration he is bought out, and makes a Charter to Archbishop Hubert, acknowledged in a full Burgmote of the City, of release of all his right thereunto. i. De terra (as his words are) in qua Hospitale fundatum est quod Willielmus Cokyn fecit, quae jacet inter terram quae fuit W. Cokyn, & ter­ram Thomae mercatoris, scil. à magna via regali usque ad Sturam. The Priory of Saint Gregory (it seemes) had some interest here also. For Robert the Prior and his Covent of the place, did by their Charter made to the Hospitall confirme, Do­nationem quam Willielmus Cokyn fecit fratribus Hosp. Sancti Nicholai, & Sancti Catherinae, & Sancti Thomae martyris de Eastbridge, de illo messuagio quod est in parochia Sancti Petri proximo adjacen' Hosp. Sancti Nicholai et Sanctae Katherinae versus West, quod est in tenura nostra, as the Charter runnes. Eastbridge Hospitall being thus (i. by union or consolidati­on) possessed, and become owners of Cokyns Hospitall: it ceased soone after (I take it) to be used as an Hospitall, or in the way of an Hospitall, and was hired and rented out. In the yeare 1238. Peter the then Rector or Keeper of Est­bridge Hosp. and the brothers of the same, grant and de­mise to one William Samuel a parcell thereof, to wit, Totum tenementum cum aedificiis supra positis tam ligneis quam lapideis et omnibus pertinentiis suis quod jacet in parochia Sancti Petri Cant. inter domum Osmundi Polre quae est ex parte orientali, et venellam quae appellatur Cokyneslane, quae est ex prrte occidenta­li, et Regiam stratam quae est ex parte Aquilonari, et Sturam quae est ex parte Australi. The lane there (by the way) was asyet open, as you may see; and that it might continue so, hear­ken to what followes in the Deed. Preterea ita convenit inter partes praedict' quòd nec praedict' Petrus, nec fratres nec succes­sores corum, nec praedict' Willielmus, nec heredes sui nec sui assi­gnati poterint praed [...]ct' venellam obstruere, quin utraque pars possit uti commodè via praedictae venellae eundo & redeundo. So much for Cokyns Hospitall: and now I returne to Estbridge.

[Page 118] Stephen Langton the next Archbishop after Hubert, by his and his Covents Charter Liber. memorat., confirmes unto this Hospitall, the gift of Blean Church or parsonage, made unto it by the Patron, Hamon Crevequer, after the resignation of it by the Blean parso­nage. till then incumbent Parson, William Crevequer. Whereupon the Master or Keeper of the Hosp. became afterwards Par­son there, to whom and to the Brothers of the Hosp. the And parsonage house. same Hamon, by another Charter, grants totum messuagium cum pertinentiis quod fuit Lefwini sacerdotis personae ejusd' ec­clesiae, & quod postea fuit Archidiaconi de Petters personae ejusd ^o ecclesiae, & quod postea fuit Willielmi de Crevequer personae ejus­dem ecclesiae: that is, the Parsonage house. The Parsonage thus to the Hosp. assigned and confirmed in proprios usus, Archbishop Islep afterwards, induced by many reasons, founds a perpetuall Vicarage there, indowing it in such wise Blean Vicarage as the Charter or Instrument thereof in my Appendix, will demonstrate, pag. 247.

At this place (the Bleane) lay the most of this Hospitals demeanes and revenewes. Amongst which the principall (I take it) is the Mannor of Bleane given Liber memo­ratus. to the Hosp. by Thomas de Roos de Hamlak, Anno 33. Ed. 3. the same man (I take it) whose death Walsingham thus mentions in the yeare 1399. Eodem Anno (saith he) Dominus Thomas de Roos dum reverteretur à terra sancta in Insula de Cypro civitate Papho, tactus aeris regionis incommodo, diem clausit extremum. By Cambden in Kent. English Edition. pag. 334. probable conjecture, he dwelt at Chilham Castle, from whence the yeare before, his mother Margery Lady Roos daughter of Bartholomew Lord Badlesmere, and Widow of William de Roos de Hamlak, who as a benefactor to the worke, hath his name and effigies set up and pourtrayed in a Window of the Chapter-house at Christ-Church, dates a Charter of hers to the Master of this Hosp. and at her pre­sentation, as patronesse in the yeare 1349. the See of Can­terbury being then voyde, one Osbertus is admitted by the Prior and Chap. ad liberam capellam beatae Mariae in Castro de Chilham, there personally to serve and officiate as a perpe­tuall Chaplaine Liber Eccles. Cant.. This by the by.

[Page 119] The very next yeare after this gift of the Mannor of Bleane, by Thomas de Roos, viz. anno 34. Ed. 3. one S ^r Iohn Lee Knight by his deed or charter (as I finde by a copy of it in the Lieger of the house) gave to this Hospitall one mes­suage 180 acres of land, 27 ^s rent of assise, 9 cocks and 21 hens in villa de Blean. in augmentum operum pietatis in eodem Hospitali &c.

With leave and liking of Archbishop Langham a certain chantery in the Church of Livingsborne, that is Beaksborne founded in the yeare 1314. by one Iames of Bourne, with the revenues of the same was translated to this Hospitall by one Bartholomew of Bourne Vide copiam fundationis Can­tariae de East­bridge in Ap­pendict, pag..

There was sometime a windmill standing neare the Nonnery without Ridingate, which this Hospitall held by the grant of the Nonnes there Lib. bujus Hospitalis.. The very place of situa­tion whereof was in quarta parte unius acrae in parva Foxmold versus Occidentem, in hundredo de Ridingate. So go the words of the deed. The conditions mutually agreed upon at the time of the grant were, that the Nonnes bearing the fourth part of the charge of the mill, should reap the fourth part of the profit of it, and have their own corn ground there for them when they would gratis, or of free cost. And the Ho­spitall to finde a way to it à Cheminio magno Regali. .i. from the rode or high-way by it. And this about King Iohn's time.

By the Bull of Pope Honorius (I take it) the third, this Hospitall was priviledged of and from paying tithe, de hor­tis, .i. of their gardens Ibid..

The City Chamber hath a record dated the 7. Rich. 2. anno Domini 1391. whereby it appeares that the Master of this Hospitall ought to repair, erect and sustain the neigh­bour-bridge, .i. Kingsbridge. The account of the Hospi­talls estate given up to the Commissioners upon the stat. 37. H. 8. c. 4. chargeth the Master with the paving also of the street there.

The Hospitall hath a neat handsome Chapel, to which have belonged two bells to ring to service. So it is reported Chapell at Eastbridge. [Page 120] to those Commissioners, by the Parson and Churchwar­dens of All Saints: who say withall, that the said Hospitall (as their own words are) is a Parish Church, wherein there is continually ministred all Sacraments and Sacramentalls to the poore people thither resorting, and to the keeper of the said Hospitall and his houshold, and all other remain­ing within the precinct of the same by the Chantere Priest &c. Truth is, this Chapell was served heretofore by a Chantery Priest which had x. lib. vjs viij ^d. yearely wages, Chantery there. besides his Mansion or dwelling, which was that at the West end of the Hospitall, whereof the Stat. 1. Ed. 6. cap. 14. for the superstitious quality of it, hath long since deprived it. However, to satisfie the inquisitive, I have given the foundation a place in my Appendix. I have nothing fur­ther Vide pro S [...]i­ptura sexta in Appendice. to say of the Chapell, but that one Cressy a Jew building against the head of it, that house which yet stands there, and now belongs to Christ-Church (to which upon the ex­pulsion of the Jewes it was, with other, given by the King:) he was faine afterwards to agree with the Hospitall, that he might have their sufferance for the standing of it, and had it in writing, the Charter whereof dated 1236. I have seen in a Lieger of Christ-Church intitled Carta Remissionis, made by Peter the then Rector, and the brethren of the Hospitall of S ^t Thomas of Eastbridge Cant. to Cressie the Jew, de omni­bus querelis occasione domus vel fundamenti vel muri quam in parte orientali in capite capellae nostrae aedifieavit, ut nunquam questio movebitur in Curia Christianitatis vel seculari &c. as the deed runs.

For brevity and dispatch sake, I balk and spare the men­tion of much of this Hospitalls indowment. But there is yet a parcell more, which I may not so passe over; and that is of certain tenements in All-Saints Parish, situate between the signe of the George West, and the Queens head East, in the high-street. Thither then I will make next: But first, for some satisfaction to them that cannot understand the foundation of the house formerly laid down in Latine, I desire first to set down the state of it in which it stood at [Page 121] Cardinall Pooles visitation of the place, anno 1557. taken in English. viz.

Memorandum they are bound to receive wayfaring and hurt men, and to have 8 beds for men, and 4 for women, to remain for a night and more if they be not able to depart, and the Master of the Hospitall is charged with the buriall, and they have 20 loads of wood yearely allowed, and 26 ^s. a yeare for drink.

Now to the tenements which haply seem to be so mean as scarce worthy of any notice. True. But for what hath sometime stood here, and into the place whereof they have succeeded, I think scarce a place in the City more remark­able, if at all so memorable: which was an Exchange, a roy­all Exchange. Cambium Regis: mention whereof often Exchange. occurres in the old rentals and other records of Christ-Church, whose tenement (now the George) is anciently bounded Eastward to this Exchange. It was standing it seems untill Ed. 3. dayes, and in likelihood received its fa­tall period from him. For he in augmentation of the Ho­spitalls indowment gave it Lib. de East­bridge. to the then Master of East­bridge, by name, Thomas New of Wolton, for life, and after­wards to his Successors for ever. Which Thomas shortly af­ter, dividing it (it seems) into tenements, hires them out in fee-ferme to severall Tenents, viz. one part thereof to the then Commissary of Cant. Thomas Mason by name, viz. quandam placeam terrae cum domibus superedificatis muris & aliis pertinentiis suis quae pars fuit tenementi vocat' la Chaunge jacen' in Civitate Cant. in parochia omnium Sanctorum, simul cum quodam introitu ducente ab alto vico ex parte South per ma­gnum hostium dictae placeae usque ad eandem placeam, inter te­nementum heredum Willielmi Child versus East, & tenem' Pri­oris & Conventus ecclesiae Christi Cant. versus West, & tenem' Edmundi Horne versus North, & tenementum praedicti Thomae de Wolton quod pars est tenementi vocat' la Chaunge versus South. This anno 43. Ed. 3.

The other part or residue thereof, unto one William Sil­kenden and Ioane his wife, in these words, ‘ viz. quandam pla­ceam [Page 122] quae pars est tenementi quod la Chaunge vocabatur, & quod Dominus noster Rex qui nunc est mihi dedit ad terminum vitae meae & meis successoribus in perpetuum ad augmentum dotis Ho­spitalis memorati, in qua quidem placeae unum cellarium, duo so­laria & una domus intermedia ad instar aulae cum quadam pecia gardini jacen' ad finem dicti cellarii, quae omnia conjunctim ja­cent & situantur in dicta Civitate in parochia omnium Sancto­rum inter unam partem dicti tenementi vocat' la Chaunge quam modo tenet Magister Thomas Mason ex dimissione mea versus North, & aliam partem ejusdem teneme [...]ti de la Chaunge quam etiam idem M ^r Thomas tenet ex traditione mea, & quasdam choppas dicti Hospitalis versus West, & tenementum heredum Willielmi Child versus East, & Regiam stratam versus South. Tres etiam choppas praefati Hosp. cum una parva placea jucen' per longum inter ipsas choppas, & ten' dicti Magistri Thomae quod etiam habet ex dimissione mea ex parte North, & introitum quendam antiquum in ipsum tenementū de la Chaunge ex parte East, & Regiam stratam versus South, cum uno muro lapideo qui est ad finem ipsarum placeae & schopparum, à tene­mento dicti Magistri Thomae linealiter extenso usque ad hostium dicti introitus ex parte sinistra ingredientium per illud.’ This anno 47. Ed. 3. Both which demises I was desirous to ex­presse at large, because I have not seen any other record that sets forth at all what kinde of building this Exchange was.

For the antiquity of its continuance here before the sup­pression; Antiquity of [...]ts standing here. I cannot say much. In the sixt yeare of H. 3. anno Domini 1222. I meet with the Kings Exchange at Canterb. For Henry the third (Stow ⁿ is my author) in the sixt yeare of his reigne, wrote to the Scabines and men of Ipre, that he Survey. pag. [...]51. ult. edit. and his counsell had given prohibition, that none English­men, or other, should make change of plate, or other masse of silver, but onely at his Exchange at London, or at Canter­bury.

Shortly, there was sometime a family in our City, which from their neighbourhood or other relation to this place, took name from it, and were sirnamed De Cambio.

[Page 123] An exchange relates to a Mint, or place of mintage and Mint. coynage of money; but of old, as will appeare by the Stat. anno primo H. 6. cap. 4. they might not be together, but were kept apart, and a place there was sometime neighbouring to the Exchange, on the other side of the same street, even there where now the Inne called the Crown or some part of it stands where our Mint was kept. In angulo monetariae versus East, is part of the boundary to that which is now the dwelling house of Isaac Clerk. The Officers and Ministers retaining to this Mint had their housing hard by it in some tenements of Christ-Church. Whence in their old rentalls is frequent mention De monetariis in parochia Sanctae Mariae Bredman. This Mint (I take it) was silenced about the same time with the Exchange, for of latter yeers I finde no men­tion of it.

From what antiquity it had stood and been kept at this Antiquity of it place I know not. But amongst the places where King Iohn in his letters makes mention of Mints kept in England, this City is one Stow. Survey. pag. 46., and had been so (I suppose) for many ages. King Aethelstane appointing out the places for Mints, and the number of minters throughout the Kingdome Limbert. Ar­choeonom., begins with Canterbury, to which he allowed seven minters: a greater number then to any other place in the Kingdome, except London, which was allowed to have eight. Of these 7, foure were for the King, two for the Archbishop, and the seventh for the Abbat of S. Augustines. The Archbishops mint (it seems) is yet elder. For M ^r Selden in his notes up­on Edmerus, and Speed in his History make mention of two severall coynes, one of Archbishop Plegmund under Alfred, the other of Celnoth under Ethelwolf extant, and presented in figure, by Speed the latter, by Selden the former. When or how the Arohbishop lost or left off his mintage here, I do no where finde. Of the time when the Abbats ceased I have showed before out of Thorne, in my Survey of S. Aug.

Amongst other pieces of antique (Romane, Britain, Saxon, Danish and Norman) coyne which I have met with and reserve, some were stamped in this Mint, I take it; in [Page 124] this City, of certain, the reverse of the coyne saith so; I have withall a piece or two of H. 8. coyned at Canterbury, not here, but as I conceive at the place now called the Mint by the Court-gate of Christ-Church; where after the dis­solution he coyned money for the service (they say) of his French warres. Ever since which time, the place therefore retains the name of the Mint, and the court or yard which it incloseth is called the Mint-yard. So much for the Mint.

Retreating a little from this place, on the same side of the street there is a place where sometime the Jews, that, of old, Jewes in Cant. for a long time together, were suffered to dwell amongst us in most of our chief Cities, kept their residence; being housed in this street and in the lane by it, from thence to this day called Jury-lane, the same. (I take it) which of old I finde called Little-pet-lane Rental, vel. eccles. Cant.. There was of their houses hereaway to the number of almost 20. All which, toge­ther with their Synagogue, or (as more frequently called) Schola Iudaeorum, their School, upon their generall banish­ment out of this and all other parts of the kingdome in Ed. 2. daies (at what time their number amounted unto 16511 Matt. weslm. de anno 1290..) as confiscate, escheated to the King: and by him were eft­soones, some of gift, some otherwise alienated, some to one, some to another, but the most (to the number viz. of at least 12. and a void piece of ground which was Commu­nitatis Iudaeorum Civitatis, .i. the Jewes in common) to the Monks of Christ-Church Lib. eccles. Christi Can [...].. Their Synagogue or School stood about where now some part of the Saracens head Ta­verne doth, as appeares by the Records of Christ-Church. Which have this bound to certain fee of the late Monks hard by it, viz. Terrae in parochia omnium Sanctorum inter ma­gnum vicum qui est versus Aquilonem, & Scholam Iudaeorum quae est versus Austrum, juxta venellam qua itur à praedicto ma­gno vico versus sanctam Mildritham: being that ground (I take it) whereon the forepart (to the street-ward) of that which is now the Saracens head Taverne, being in show newer then the back-part, was afterward built. To which ground the very next house above (the Mitre) is bounded [Page 125] Westward, and called domus juxt a scolam Iudeorum, thus ex­plained in the Rentall, viz. Domus lapidea quae est contra terram ubi scola Iudaeorum sita est versus Occidentem. By all which I collect and verily conceive, that the now Stone-Parlour of the Saracens head, mounted upon a Vault and ascended by many Stone-steps (as the Iewish Synagogues and Schooles were alwayes built aloft Moses and Aaron. lib. 2. cap. 2. pag. 80.) is the Remaines of a good part of that which was our Canterbury Iewes Schoole or Synagogue.

I could here very much enlarge my selfe in giving you the Story of the Iewes first advent or entrance into this Land, their time of continuance here, with their behavi­our and dealings during that time, and the causes, reasons and motives for their expulsion at last: which were chiefely two; their immoderate usury; and their barbarous practice of crucifying, at places where they abode, any Christians child they could get about Easter time. But I am preven­ted here in by many others that have severally divulged these things already to the full; as Harpsfield, and Stow, but more exactly and most elaborately and like himselfe, our learned Selden, Purcases guide and Author for a purposed discourse of this kinde; wherefore I forbeare, ne actum agerem: onely adding what I have seene noted, (but how truely I know not) that the Iewes, when living here, were such notorious Vsurers, that Usury, among the Christians, Vsury called Iudeisme. became called Iudaisme. Pro praemiss is Abbas donatorem ac­quietavit de 28 [...]. in Iudeismo, loco gersumiae: as it is in an old deed. And they still continue this trade wheresoever they become, whereby they grow rich even to envy every where, yet (as one saith Sandys Relati­on of Religi­on, &c.) many of the Christians doe use them under hand in improving their unlawfull rents to their utmost proportion.

Now a word or two of the Gild-hall (or Court-hall, as Gildhall. we call it) and my survey of this Ward is at an end. Here then, as in the fittest, and most convenient place, being the principall street of the City, is the Court, Tribunall, or place of Judicature of the City seated and kept: where di­stributive [Page 126] Justice in both, civill and criminall causes, of se­cular nature, sorting to the cognizance of that Court, is administred. Vulgarly we call the place the Gildhall. The etymology and derivation whereof is from the Saxon (or old English) word, Gild, signifying a society or corporati­on. Here is a Court kept every Munday throughout the yeare, for Law-matters, and for the deciding of differen­ces and righting of grievances betweene party and party; and on every other Twesday a Court of Burgmote holden beside, for meeting and treaty about the affaires and good government of the City. It had not the name of the Gild­hall untill (as it were) of late yeares. That name of it oc­curres not in any record that I could yet meet with, untill the 26. of Hen. 6. who then in his Charter of the change of the Bailiffes into a Maior, makes mention of this Tribunall by that name, granting (inter alia) that the Maior shall hold pleas in le Guildhall Civitatis praedict. as his words are. A­foretime Spech-house. it was commonly called and knowne by the name of the Spech-house; and the common goale or prison of the City, since removed to Westgate, being then kept by it, that is in that part of it which is to the street-ward, was from it adjacency to it, so called also. For proofe both of one and tother read the following notes extracted from certaine witnesses examinations, Anno 1414. taken in a cause of defamation, betweene a couple of the City (for calling one the other Thiefe, a crime and calumny where­in the defamed of those dayes did usually after purgation, right himselfe in Court Christian) and recorded in a Booke of Depositions remaining in the Office Regist. Consist. Cant.. Whereof one is this: Dicit (saith the witnesse) quod Iohannem Copherst semel vidit in quadam domo vocat' Spech-house scituat' juxta Hospiti­um Leonis in alto vico Cant. in parochia sanctae Mariae Bredman. Another this. Occasione hujusmodi verborum dictus Thomas fuer at arrestatus ad prisonam vocat' Spech-house in alto vico Cant. scituat' & ibidem dictus T. B. movebat querelam contra eum ad summam decem marcarum, coram Ballivo & juratis dictae villae. A third, and the last, this. Interrogatus penes [Page 127] quos opinio dicti Tho. sit denigrat' dicit apud Ballivos Cant. Io. Browne & Will. Bennet, & apud omnes Burgenses pro tunc existentes in domo vocat' Spech-house Cant.

The Towne-Court hath not alwayes beene kept at this place: but, as now it is and of long time hath beene here, so both it and the prison were formerly kept together else­where, and that (I take it) at the place of the now Corne-Market, and were then also called the Spech-house (of which before at large:) Very properly did they stand con­tiguously together, if Tholosanus De Republica. lib. 2. cap. 7. judgement in this point be to be followed who saith. Iuxta tribunalia & continentes sint carceres qui ad custodiam judicandorum aedificari debent, tuti & contra vim omnem muniti ut inde facilius & cum minori periculo ad judicium duci & reduci possint. Thus he. But why the place of Judicature called the Spech-house? Proper­ly, Whence called the Spech-house. some thinke, from the arguing and debating of matters there, not without much vociferation. And not unlikely. With as much congruity (I dare say) as For us is of Isodore derived a fando, from speaking. But I leave it, and this Ward, and proceed (up the street) to Newingate-Ward.

IN which what is most remarkeable of us, are the Re­maines of the Augustines Fryers, whereunto a reasonable Augustine Fry­ers. faire Stone-Gate in Saint Georges street leadeth; the now Mansion or habitation of Captaine Berries Heires, after many other mesne owners, since the suppression: before which time it was the seate of the Augustine (as I said) Ere­mite, mendicant Fryers. Mendicant because it was one and the first of the foure orders of begging Fryers: Eremite and Augustine, because Saint Augustine, that famous Afri­can Father (they say) was their founder, who being and li­ving in Eremo or in the Wildernesse, erected and institu­ted their order, and prescribed them a rule of living; A­bout which they and the Regular Canons are at contestati­on [Page 128] as you may read elsewhere. They were otherwhile and of some called also the White FF. (though properly and strictly the Carmelites are understood by that Epithete) because that they doe weare Owen Gene­alogy of Monkes, &c. a long white wate of cloth downe to their heeles all loose, with a cowle or hood of the same, when they are in their Cloisters; however when they goe abroad, they weare a black coate over the other, with another cowle, having both their coates then bound close to their bodies, with a-broad leather girdle or belt, saith Ōwen.

The generality of these FF. came first into England, from Italy, about the yeare 1252. saith Bale. These in par­ticular came hither, and setled themselves here, about the yeare 1325. For that very yeare the then Archbishop of Canterbury sends and directs these his mandatory letters Liber Eccles. Cant. concerning them to his then Commissary, viz.

For the Fryers Lib. eccles. Christs Cant. having purchased and gotten possession of a house or tenement and appertenances, in the Parish of Saint George in Canterbury of one Thomas of Bonynton, bounded out as followeth, viz. by a certaine lane, some­time called Lambertslane, afterwards Brewerslane, that is, betweene the same lane, and another tenement of the said Thomas toward the North, and a certaine place called Eald-gaole and the tenement of Cicely at Gayole toward the West, and the tenement of. Thomas Chich toward the East, and the tenement of Thomas Clement, and of the Hospitall of Priests toward the South: the Fryers (I say) having pur­chased and gotten possession of this tenement; forthwith build them a Church, and therein erect Altars, and all of their owne authority: So busily bestirring themselves, that both the Monkes and the Parson of Saint George were in danger to be prejudiced in their severall interests, the one (the Monkes) to an annuity of 20 ^d. per annum, payable to them (that is the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church;) the other (the Parson) to the tithes and other rights ecclesia­sticall payable to him, out of the said Tenement. At length within a yeare after or such a matter, the Monkes and they came to composition for their annuity, of whom they obtained a remission and release of all arrerages there­of past, so as the Fryers see to the due payment of it for time to come. The Parson also, Iohn of Natyndon by name, after he had (for the timely prevention of his owne and his Churches prejudice, by the Fryers alteration of the state [Page 130] and property of that late house, which beside primitias de­cimas & oblationes, yielded him and it other commodities before the Fryers time) brought his action against them before Iohn Badesley the Chancellor, and Robert de Weston, Auditors of causes under the then Archbishop (Walter Rei­nolds) to the end to compell them by course of law (as but right and reason required) to secure him and his Church against detriment and deterioration in this behalfe; came also to composition with them: in and by the which the house is quietly yielded and confirmed to the FF. with liberty to make their abode therein, and to get their Cha­pell, oratory or Church and Altars already erected upon the place, and also a certaine plot of ground laid out for a Churchyard, to be dedicated: and IX ^s to be yearely paid by them, for and in lieu of all dues, to the Parson of Saint George for the time being for ever; whereof the one moie­ty at Midsummer, and the other at Michaelmas; subject­ing themselves to the Archbishop, or any other Judge or­dinary, or delegate, for compulsion, in default of pay­ment. The Parson being tyed to obey sub poena excommuni­cationis, and the Fryers, sub poena interdicti.

The Fryers afterward Lib. Eccles. memora [...]ae. enlarging their seate by purcha­sing of Iohn Cherh of Canterbury, quandam placeam seu are­am in fra prochiam sancti Georgii Cant. existen' super stra­tam Regiam apud Clothmarket, upon part of which they built their outward Gate: in the yeare 1356. they enter into ob­gation, and doe binde themselves and their house to the Prior and Covent of Christ-Church (of whose Fee it seems it was a part) to pay them 2 ^s 4 ^d. per annum for it. And thus have I shewed you when and in what manner these Fry­ers came to house first, and afterward compleately seate themselves here.

A great ornament afterward to this place, and to the Iohn Capgrave. whole order was Iohn Capgrave, in his time, that is, Anno 1484. or thereabouts, a famous Fryer of this house, and a great Writer, the Catalogue of whose workes may be seene in Pitseus, who is very large, if not lavish in his com­mendation [Page 131] for a man of most excellent parts.

For benefactors to this Monastery of note, I read of but two: the one a Widow woman, one Amabilia Gobyon; who made choise of these Austin-Fryers-Church for her place of Sepulture, and gave by her will Penes registrum Consist. Cant. ten markes to the re­paire thereof. This in the yeare 1405. The other one Sir Iohn Fineur Knight, who in Hen. 7. time became a most li­berall benefactor to the place, as, if you peruse the follow­ing Instrument Ms. penes meipsum., will appeare unto you.

Hitherto and enough of the Aug. Friers. Having for­merly discoursed at large of the old Gaol or Prison some­time standing about this place; for avoiding of repetitions, I forbear all further discourse ofit here. And so finish with this Ward: finding nothing more observable in it, except the goodly conduit there, which, because of a future occa­sion which I shall have to make mention of it, I shall deferre to speak of here.

THis Ward offers and affords three remarkable places, to our Survey, and they are, 1. The place called Stable­gate. [Page 133] 2. the quondam house of the Templars. 3. The late house of the black Princes chantery Priests.

I will begin with Stablegate. A borough or hamlet by the Stablegate. Charter of Hen. 6. made to the City excepted from the Franchise of the same, as being a parcell of the vill of West­gate, and of the see and liberty of the Archbishop, to whom of old it hath belonged: it being taken for the very place where Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury, and his company were entertained and seated by King Ethelbert, before he resigned to him his royall Palace. Concessit cis (Thornes words) locum habitationis in civitate Doroberniae sci­tuatum, viz. infra parochiam Sancti Aclphegi, ex opposito regiae stratae versus Aquilonem; per murum Palatii Archiepiscopalis in longitudine se extendit, in quo Augustinus cum suis domesticis usque ad conversionem Regis hospitatus est. Fuerat tunc temporis quasi oratorium pro familia Regis ut ibi [...]dorarent & Diis suis li­beros immolarent. Sanctus verò ille hospes tanta hospitium suum voluit libertate promovere, & ab exactionibus quorumcunque per­petualiter acquietare, quòd neque Civibus in tallagiis & assessi­onibus quoquo modo debeant respondere, vel eis subsidium aliquod praestare: sed Archiepiscopo in omnibus subjacere, & ut suum Palatium firma libertate gaudere. Ita ut si fures vel homicidae vel alii quan [...]is indictati situm de Stablegate valeant introire; ut in ecclesia, libertate gaudebunt. Thus he.

Whence it took the name of Stablegate, I am as yet igno­rant. Some surmise from the staple of wool which ancient­ly was kept in the City. Canterbury being one of the places where by the stat. 27. Ed. 3. it was ordained to be kept, and the onely place that two yeares before (25. Ed. 3.) the same King appointed for the keeping of it at, for the ho­nour of S ^t Thomas Stow. Survey. pag 496. ult. [...]ditionis.. If so, then is there a mistake in the wri­ting of it Stablegate, for Staplegate.

There was sometime a family in our City, who from their habitation either at or neare this place, were sirnamed De Stablegate, and of Stab. whereof one Edmund Stablegate Edmund Stable­gate. (the same man I take it that Lambert speaks of. Peramb. of Kent, in Bilsington) in the 42. Ed. 3. was a Bailiff of the City. [Page 134] For to a deed or Charter of Nicholas at Crouch, made to the Hospitall of Eastbridge (de quieta clamatione juris sui in quodam tenemento cum gardino & pertinen' scituat' in parochia sancti Petri Cant. inter curtilagium de Estbridge versus East, & murum lapideum fratrum minorum Cant. versus West, conti­nen' in longitudine a regia strata versus North usque ad aquam del Stour vers. South 136 pedes, & in latitud. 46 pedes) this Edmund, by the title of one of the Bailiffs of the City is, with others, a witnesse. He had also a seat or habitation in the Suburbs by Natindon, limitaneous to the Cities Fran­chise thereaway, as the perambulation thereof will show.

I leave Stablegate, and passe to the house of the Tem­plars. House of Templars. An order of Knights that began in the yeare 1118. These Knights Templars (saith Stow Survey pag. 438. & 439., speaking out of Mat­thew Paris, of the Temple in London) took their beginning about the yeare 1118. in manner following. Certain noble Knights bound themselves by vow in the hands of the Pa­triarch of Ierusalem, to serve Christ after the manner of Re­gular Canons, in chastity and obedience, and to renounce their own proper wills for ever: the first of which order were Hugh Pagan and Geffrey of S. Audomar.

And whereas at the first they had no certain habitation, Baldwin, King of Ierusalem, granted unto them a dwelling place in his Palace by the Temple, and the Canons of the same Temple gave them the street, thereby to build there­in their houses of Office; and the Patriarch, the King, the Nobles, and the Prelates, gave unto them certain revenues out of their Lordships.

Their first profession was for safegard of the Pilgrims, co­ming to visit the Sepulchre, and to keep the high-wayes a­gainst the lying in wait of theeves &c. About ten yeares af­ter, they had a rule appointed unto them, and a white habit by Honorius the second; then Pope; and whereas they had but nine in number, they began to increase greatly. After­ward in Pope Eugenius time, they bare crosses of red cloth, on their uppermost garments, to be known from others, and in short time because they had their first Mansion hard [Page 135] by the temple of our Lord in Ierusalem, they were called Knights of the Temple.

Many Noblemen in all parts of Christendome, became brethren of this order, and builded for themselves Temples in every City or great Town in England, but this (saith my Author) at London was their chief house, which they build­ed after the form of the Temple neare to the Sepulchre of our Lord at Ierusalem. They had also (saith he) other Temples in Cambridge, Bristow, Canterbury, Dover, War­wick &c.

That in Canterbury Stow speaks of, was situate in North­gate Parish, in or neare Waterlock-lane (the lane, I con­ceive, under the Town-wall, and leading by Northgate Church within, down to the river running from Abbots­mill.) For I reade Thorne in vi­tis Abbat. Sancti Augustini. of a messuage, which in the yeare 1271 was given to S ^t Austines Abbey by one Edmunde de Cambio scituat' in venella de Weterloke in parochia de Northgate, prope domos Templariorum &c. When this sect of the Templars was abolished, and why, as also what became of their posses­sions, you may finde elsewhere.

Leaving them then, I shall show you next where the black Princes Priests. Princes Chantery Priests were once housed, and so I shall have done with this Ward. Their house stood, I may say it yet stands (for so I take it, in part it doth) very neare, if not in the place where some part of the Templars habitati­on was situate. But let me first show you that such a house there once was, and that I shall do from the charter or deed of this Princes Chanteries foundation, in which are these words. Promora siquidem dictorum sacerdotum assignavimus quendam habitationis locum juxta elemosinariam dicti monaste­rii (meaning Christ-Church) in quo construetur &c. where­with concurreth the relation of the Priests themselves (one of them at least) to Hen. 8. Commissioners, which hath these words ofit. Also the said Prince Edward gave to the s [...]id. Chaplains and to their Successours for ever a house in S. Alphies Parish, the yearely value of it is XX ^s. &c.

Next let me observe unto you that over an ancient [Page 136] stone-porch opening to the lane leading you from Stable­gate, Westward, towards the lane turning to Abbats-mill, there are yet undefaced the Black-Princes armes obvious to the eye of any observing passenger. And so by this time (I hope) the place is sufficiently discovered, and my task for this Ward absolved.

COming now to Worthgate ward. The first thing I shall survey there is the quondam Hospitall of poore Priests. Hospitall of Poore Priests. A Spittle first built and founded by Simon Langton Arch­deacon (and brother of Stephen Langton Archbishop) of Canterbury about the yeare 1240. Not (it seems) altoge­ther of his own purse, but chiefly by and with the alms and charitie of pious and devout benefactors. Quod Hospitale idem Archidiaconus diversorum elemosinis dicitur fundasse, saith Thorne relating the foundation of this Spittle. It was (I conceive) intended for a place of succour and relief to poore Priests. i. Chaplaines, Curates, and other like unbe­neficed Clerks, chiefly those (I suppose) that either by age or other infirmity, were disabled for the performance any longer of their holy function abroad in the world, and there­fore were here accommodated with a Chapell (wherein to pray, sing and celebrate for their benefactors, and to per­forme Chapell. other divine duties) contiguous to this their habita­tion, dedicate, as their Hospitall, to the blessed Virgin; whose first fabrick was not, as now, of stone. One Thomas Wyke (Master, I take it of the Hospitall) anno 1373. new built it of stone, but it is now made and parcelled out into dwellings and work-houses.

Shortly after the Hospitalls foundation perfected, at Langton the founder his instance, the then Abbat and Co­vent of S. Augustines granted to it the Parsonage of Stod­mersh, of their Patronage. Of which grant my Author (Thorne) gives this Copy.

To this Parsonage, not long after, to wit anno 1271. ano­ther was added, that I mean of S. Margaret in Cant. given to this Hospitall by the same donors that the former, or if you will (as the private Lieger of the house hath it) by Hugh Mortimer then Archdeacon, authoritate ordinaria, the See being void, with consent of the Patrons, the Abbat and Co­vent aforesaid. Anno Domini Millesimo Cclxxj ^o (saith Thorne Grant of S. Margarets Church. of it) data fuit ecclesia Sanctae Margaretae Cant. Hospitali pau­perum Sacerdotum ibidem in liberam & perpetuam elem' ab ab­bate R. quae fuit ante nostri patronatus. Et non licebit Syndico vel Sacerdoti Hosp. praed' aliquas terras redditus vel tenementa in dicta parochia sanctae Margaretae de tenentibus nostris emere, vel aliquo titulo sibi appropriare sine licentia Abb. & Con. speciali. [Page 138] Syndicus autem praed' Hosp. qui pro tempore fuerit in recogni­tionem Iuris nostri praed' sacramentum nobis praestabit fidelitatis in Capitulo eum ad hoc fuerit requisitus. Pulsatio vero in eadem ecclesia siet contra Dominum Abbatem quotiens eum per illam ec­clesiam transire contigerit.

I shall not further insist on the particulars of this Hospi­tals demaines and revenewes, saving the Iland behinde it, and a forgotten milne sometime both neighbouring and belonging to it, called Medmilne, either I take it, because Medmilne. situate by the Meadowes, quasi Meadmilne, or else because standing about mid-way betweene Saint Mildreds Mill on the one, and Eastbridge on the other side, quasi Middle­milne. Before the Hospitals erection it was the proper Mill of one Lambinus or Lambin, from either his birth-place or parentage, sirnamed Flandrensis or Fleming, who dwelt where since and now the Hospitall is seated; and living there, gave to Eastbridge Hospitall, beside 14. perches of his land lying in With, an annuity of one quarter of wheate out of the said Mill, of which gift I once tooke this note from Eastbridge Booke. Carta Lambini Flandrensis filii Adae de Berghes, Hospitali de una summa frumenti de molendino meo quod vocatur Medmilne, & 14. perticatis terrae meae quae jacet Binnewytt inter ter. [ten.] Samuelis tinctoris versus North, & terram Godardi molendinarii vers. South, super Sturam Cant.

The Poore Priests afterwards succeeding Lambine in his seate, succeeded him (it seemes) in this Mill also. For in the yeare 1325. a controversie arising betweene the two Hospitals about this Mill Liber sancti Lawrentii., and that brought before Robert de Malling then Commissary of Canterbury, He, causâ prius cognitâ, adjudged the Mill to the Hospitall, of Poore Priests. It stood charged neverthelesse with a Resolute of certaine bushels of wheat to Eastbridge Hospitall which it seemes by my Inventory of the present Hospitall taken in Hen. 8. time was foure bushels. For in the recitall there of the rents Resolute yearely going out of the same Hospitall, this is one. Item, to the Hospitall of Eastbridge in Canter­bury in wheate foure bushels.

[Page 139] Now as for the Iland behind this Hospitall, and lying Iland. betweene it and the Fryers, called by a Saxon word With, it was sometime belonging to this Hospitall serving the poore Priests for a garden, but aforetime appertained partly to Christ-Church, and partly to severall private men: whereof one family long agoe, tooke their sirname, and from this their habitation were called the Withs or Binne­withs, as some of those were (as you have seene before) which inhabited the neighbour With or Iland, the late Gray Fryers seate. Part if not all the Iland anciently lay in the Parish of Saint Margaret. For the elder Rentals of Christ-Church who had rents here, make mention of seve­rall tenents and parcels of ground here, as of and within that Parish. And the private Leiger of this Hospitall so menti­ons the house of one Solomon of Binnewith, Anno 1239. At Way to the Iland. or about which time the common and ordinary way or pas­sage to this Iland was by the now little and streightned lane leading from the street before the Hospitall (called Stour-street) to the common washing place on the North-side of the Hospitall, and from thence over the Stour by a Bridge crossing the streame. For the situation of that which is now the dwelling house of Peter Noble (then one Robert de Hotwells) on the North-side of the Chapell is in an ancient rentall of Christ-Church described thus. Inter domum quae fuit Lambini Flandrensis & vicum sicut itur ad With. i. be­tween the house sometime of L. F. (which I told you is now the Hospitall) on the one side, and the lane as you goe to With or at the Iland on the other. In another Rentall thus described. Tenementum quod est inter capellam Hospitalis sa­cerdotum versus South, & quandam venellam quae ducit ad In­sulam praed' Hosp vers. North, & regiam stratam vers. East. And that on the lanes other side thus. In parochia sanctae Mariae de Bredman inter domum lapideam Samuelis tinctoris vers. Aquil. & domum Roberti de Hotwell vers. Austrum, in­terjacente quadam venella qua itur versus Stur, & regiam stratam vers. Orien. & Stur versus occiden. Which first described house was sometime belonging to Christ-Church: [Page 140] of all right and title to which house (or challenge thereof) the poore Priests Anno 1242. coming to be neigh­bours to it (and their neighbour-hood, it seemes, of the jealous Monkes suspected) make a Charter Liber eccles. Cant. of release to them, namely (as the words of it are) de Iure suo in quadam terra & domo apud Hottewell (for so it seemes, the place was Hottewell. called) quae est juxta pontem ex parte aquilonari; to which they put Simon Langton the Archdeacons Seale, because they had then (as they say in their Charter, by reason, I take it, their Hospitall was but newly founded) no seale as yet of their owne.

The late owners of the Gray-Fryers have exchanged this house (which was theirs) with the City, for that Iland, which now goes with the Fryers, and is parcell of the same.

But now to our Hospitall againe, which I finde clearely to The Hospitall spared by the Dissolution. have stood out and escaped the generall dissolution, un­suppressed. In Queene Maries dayes, Anno 1554. the Ma­stership thereof with the Rectory of Saint Margaret, which went still with it, was conferred upon one Hugh Barret, pre­sented thereto by the Patron Nicholas Harpesfield the Arch­deacon, to the Deane and Chapter of Christ-Church, Or­dinaries, or Keepers of the spiritualties in the Sees then vacancy, who gave the presented Institution with letters mandatory to the Archdeacon or his Officiall for his Indu­ction: whereof a Booke of that Church keepes this Re­cord.

VIcesimo septimo Iulii 1554. D'nus admisit Hugonem Bar­ret presbiterum ad Hospitale pauperum sacerdotum Civita­tis Cant. necnon & Rectoriam sive ecclesiam parochialem divae Margaretae ejusdem Civitatis dicto Hospitali appropriat. per mortem naturalem Nicolai Langdon ultimi Incumbentis ejusdem vacan'. Ad quam sive quod per venerabilem virum magi­strum Nicolaum Harpesfield legum dectorem Archidiaconum Cant. dict. hospit. & ecclesiae verum & indubitatum ut dicitur patronum D'no praesentatus extitit. Ipsumque Praepositum Magistrum sive Rectorem instituit & investivit canonicè in & [Page 141] de eisdem eum suis juribus & pertinentiis universis, Curamque & regimen animarum &c. sibi in Domino commisit, Iuribus capitularibus, &c. & ecclesiae Metropol' Christi Cantuar. di­gnitate et honore in omnibus semper salvis, ac praestito Iuramento per Iacobum Canceler procuratorem supradicti Hugonis Barret in hac parte legitimè constitutum, de observand' statutis et ordina­tionibus dicti Hospitalis juxta fundationem ejusdem, ac etiam de canonica obedientia, &c. Scriptum fuit Archidiacono Cant. sen ejus Officiali pro ipsius inductione, &c.

But afterward, to wit Anno 17. Eliz. (and not before) When surren­dred. this Hospitall was dissolved, being then surrendred to her Majesty, by Blase Winter the Master, Edmund Freake the Patron, and Matthew Parker the Ordinary, and eftsoones granted by the Queene to the City, whereunto ever since it hath belonged, and is called Bridewell Hospitall: Bride-well, Bride-well. because of the house of correction there kept; and Hospitall, both for the old names sake, and because of a certaine number of Boyes (poore Townesmens Children) kept there in an Hospitall way. Of the foresaid Royall grant my Appendix shall give you a Copy, if you desire Vide pro Scrip­tura 7 ^ma in [...]p­pendice. the sight of it: So much of this Hospitall. Of the state whereof in 37. Hen. 8. whilest it yet was in Esse, if any desire satisfaction, I shall be willing to give them a more exact ac­compt, from good record thereof, which I can produce.

One thing being very pertinent to our discourse of this Spittle, since I wrote the premisses come to my knowledge, and therefore hitherto omitted; I desire leave to mention here, though the place in some respect be indeed impro­per; and that is, that in the interim of this Hospitals foun­dation, and the appropriation of S ^t Margarets Church un­to it, the Parson and the Hospitall with consent and confir­mation of the Abbat and Archdeacon, did come to com­position about the tithes and other ecclesiasticall rights and duties of this Hospitall: a Copy whereof taken from a Lieger Booke of Saint Austins, you shall finde in my Ap­pendix, Scriptura ix ^a.

[Page 142] I come next to Maynards, or more rightly Mayners Spit­tle, Mayners Spit­tle. so called from the founder, one Mayner, sometime a Citizen of Canterbury dwelling in S ^t Mildreds Parish Rentale vetus eccl [...]siae Christi Cant.: and that (as I have good inducement to avouch) in H. 2. dayes. A man in his time (it seemes) of noted wealth, and (I sup­pose) therefore, and to distinguish him and his family from another family of Mayners which were Dyers about the same time, sirnamed Dives, and so styled and called in ancient writings that make mention of him, viz. Maynerus Dives, or Mayner le Rich, an addition whereby his succession or posterity were knowne and called after him, by name Ethel­stane and Wiulphus, Wilulphus or Winulphus (for so variously is he written) his sonnes, and afterward, Maynerus, his Grand-child (I take it.) Of which the two former lived in Rich. 1. and King Iohns dayes (and in the first of King Iohn, Winulphus, who lived where Alderman Sabin now dwells R [...]ale eccles. prad., was one of the Praepositi of the City) and the latter in Henry the thirds; in the thirteenth yeare of whose reigne he was a like Governor of the City.

I finde ⁿ the Hospitall called both Hospitale Mayneri and Hosp. Winulphi [Wiulphi]. For this cause (I conceive) that Sic in Archi­vis ecclesie prad. the Patronage of the Hospitall though the first founder were dead, yet continued to the sonne. And so Maynerus the father dying, the Hospitall tooke name afterward from W. the sonne, the succeeding Patron, whilest as yet the City had not the patronage, power or government of it. Or else thus. The foundation was imperfect in the Fathers dayes, and became afterwards either perfected or bettered by the sonne, and so it gained the name of Winulphs or Wiulphs Hospitall, which latter name it hath now clean lost, and is knowne onely by the former.

The Hospitall hath a neate little Chapell to it (of late incumbred and indangered too, by part of a house and a chimney put up against it) which together with the Hospi­tall was dedicate to the blessed Virgin ^o. Ex Archivis the moral.

As for the endowment, possessions and goods of this Hospitall and Chapell, what they are now, or at first were, [Page 143] I know not; but what they were in Hen. 8. dayes, you may learne from this following Inventory taken of them and delivered up to the Commissioners upon the Stat. 37. Hen. 8. cap. 4.

VVHerein the Dungeon, a Mannor lying in this Ward, The Dungeon. so called, challengeth the next place in our Survey: whose name time (I perceive) hath sported with, calling it sometime Danzon and Dangon (totam terram nostram quam habuimus ad Dangonem [Danzonem] as in an old deed of S ^t Lawrence:) as also Dangun (in campio qui vocatur Dangun, as in a deed of 47. Hen. 3. And, particula terrae meae cum per­tinen' jacent' apud Dangun, as in a deed of 14. Ed. 1.) Like­wise Daungeon (juxta le Daungeon, as in old Rentals of Christ-Church:) and Dungeon so Roger Brent of Canterbury in his Will In Registro Co [...] Can­tuarien. dated Anno 2486. mentioning his Mannor there, calleth it, and so doe we at this day, and the Hill hard by Dungeon-Hill:) Names much alike all. And as the Man­nor (I take it) derived it name from that of the neighbour­ing Hill; so the radix and originall of that, I conceive to signifie the Danes worke: and therefore corruptly called Dungeon-Hill for Danian Hill, or Danes-Hill: and that be­cause it was either theirs against the City, or contrariwise the Cities against them. For my part, I conceive first that it was the proper worke of the Danes, (the great and fre­quent molesters, invaders and wasters of our City:) and [Page 145] that probably at such time as they beleaguered the City in King Etheldreds dayes, which stood out against them and their siege twenty dayes, and then was not mastered aperto Marte, by open force, but by base treachery surprised: if we may follow Henry of Huntington; Osborne Vide pro Scrip­ [...]ra xxxj. in Appendice. that was (and writ the story) many yeares before him, making no mention of any treason that the other saith was plotted or practiced in the winning of the City.

Next I am perswaded (and so may easily, I thinke, any one be that well observes the place) that the workes both within and without the present Wall of the City, were not counter-workes one against the other, as the vulgar opini­on goes; but were sometimes all one entire plot containing about three Acres of ground; of a triangular forme (the out-worke) with a mount or hill intrenched round within it. And that, when first made and cast up, it lay wholly without the City-wall: and hath been (the hill or mount, and most part also of the out-worke) for the Cities more security, taken and walled in since: that side of the trench encompassing the mount now lying without, and under the wall, fitly meeting with the rest of the City-ditch, after either side of the out-worke was cut thorough to make way for it, at the time of the Cities inditching, as I suppose it cannot seeme unlikely to have beene, to any that shall con­siderately marke and examine the place.

But leaving that, a word or two more of the Mannor of Dungeon, which was sometime the Chiches, a family of Chiches a fami­ly. Gentlemen, for many generations knowne in our City, though now extinct to one poore Sparke, to whom the Al­dermanry of Burgate apperteined. Of which Thomas Chich (whose name in an old Character, together with his effigies are set up in the West Window, as his coate is in the Chan­cell, in stone-worke, of S ^t Mary Bredins Church) was Anno 1259 Recorda [...] ­cles. Cant., and againe Anno 1271 Recorda [...] ­cles. Cant., one of the Bailiffes of the City, as was also Iohn Chich Recorda [...] ­cles. Cant. in the 23 ^th, and againe in the 26 ^th yeare of Ed. 3. After the Chiches, it was the Brents, then the Butlers, and shortly after (as now) the Hales.

[Page 146] This Ward affoords me nothing else observable, where­fore I leave it, and betake me to the next.

VVHerein I shall observe first the Market-crosse at the Bull-stake: and thereof let me give you the Bull-stake: true antiquity from a rythmicall brazen memoriall fastened to one of the columnes, which is this.

This Crosse (it seemes) was built to supply the decay of a former standing here. For in the story of Archbishop Stra [...] ­fords troubles recorded in the Antiquit. Brit. my Author maks mention of a writ of summons against the Archbishop set up at noone day, ad crucem excelsam extra portam Priora­tus Cantuariensis Antiq. Brit. in [...]la Stratford. pag. 2 [...]4..

Now for the name of the place, the Bull-stake: which it tooke from the baiting and chasing of Buls there, by an an­cient order and custome of the City, used by the City But­chers, before their killing, not so much (if at all) for plea­sure, as to make them mans meate, and fit to be eaten; which Buls flesh, without such baiting and chasing, is not held to be.

At this place (the Bullstake) is a mercate holden twice a weeke, viz. every Wednesday and Saturday throughout the yeare, plentifully serving the City and neighbouring parts with houshold provision of victuall of divers kinds, especially of poultry, and that ab antiquo: whence in a composition Lib. eccles. Cant. betweene Christ-Church and Saint Augustines Monkes, made Anno 41. Ed. 3. that part of the street by it, i. betweene it and the now Lane called Angell-lane, is termed le Po [...]lettria, the Poultry (in quodam Messuagio cum [Page 147] cellar' & shop, ad idem pertinen. dictorum Prioris & Conventus The Poultry. in parochia sancti Andreae Cant. in le Polettria scituat' inter Regalem stratam vers. North & alia tenementa ipsorum P. & C. vers. South, & quandam venellam vocat' Clementeslane vers. East, & quandam placeam communem vocat' le Bolstake versus West, as it is in the Composition).

Offa King of Mercia in the yeare 785. gave unto Eald­berht his Minister, & his Sister Seledrith the Abbesse, vicum qui dicitur Curringtun in urbe quae dicitur Dorovernensi, in aqui­lonali parte venalis loci. Where to finde this Market place I Mereats in the City and Sub­ [...]bs. know not. But here (as in a place which I have purposely reserved, as most proper for it) let me show unto you what severall Markets and Market-places our City had of old. For, as we now see they are, and like as the Philosopher in his Politicks Aristot. 7. Po­liticor. cap. 12. in like case requires (where he saith, Fora haec separanda sunt pro faciliori commercio, ut alibi oves, alibi alia animalia, alibi carnes, alibi pa [...]is veneant, si modo civitas aut oppidum locorum commoditatem admit [...]at; aliter una & ea­dem platea forum admittere poterit, &c.) So have our mer­cates beene of old, kept apart, each commodity almost Wheat market. having a distinct place to be vented in. As (for example) first Poultry and other like privision here at the Bull-stake. Upwards, i. without Burgate in Saint Pauls Parish, was of ancient time a Wheat-market (De quodam tenemento apud Wheat-market, and De novis shoppis quae sunt apud Wheat-mar­ket in parochia sancti Pauli, as in old Rentals of Christ-Church, mentioning their now houses, at and about the corner on your left-hand without Burgate. A deed or Charter of Lands given to Saint Au­stins, by one Dum [...]voldus, in the yeare 760. makes menti­on of a Mar­ket-place by Quenegate, in these words. Villam [...] quae jam ad quenega [...] [...] ­bis Dorov [...] in so [...]o pos [...]. Rush-market. Cloth-market.) Come we backe againe, and at the Red-well, by the Palace backe­gate, there was another market, commonly called and to this day remembred by the name of the Rush-market. In Saint Georges street, about the Augustine Fryers Gate, there was a Cloth-market kept (a touch where of I have given before in speaking of those Fryers) whence the Lane now called Iron-barre lane, was then called and described, venella quae ducit à Cloth-markes versus Burgate R [...]le v [...]s eccles Christi Cant. Thorough­hall lane.. The same Lane (by the way) was sometime called Thorough-hall lane, whe­ther [Page 148] or no from a house in or by it of Christ-Church, called in their old Rentals, Aula Sancti Dunstani; I leave to con­jecture. Below this Cloth-market, was, as it is still, the Flesh-market, or Flesh-shambles for Butchery ware. To the repaire whereof, and for paving the street thereaway, Al­derman Bennet by his Will In Registro Domins Archid. Cant. Anno 1462. gave x ^l. Thus occa­sionally induced, let me observe that the City in those dayes lay generally unpaved, and so continued a good space of time afterwards. But in the 17. yeare of Ed. 4. by a particular act of Parliament made for that purpose, order Act of Parlia­ment for pa­ving the streets. was taken for the paving of the principall streets, as by a copy of the same act, which you may finde in my Appen­dix Striptura 8 ^v• will more fully appeare.

Yet lower downe (to returne to our mercate-places) to wit in the High-street, besides S ^t Mary Bredmans. Church, was wont in time past to be kept a Fish-market. In medio Fish-market. mercati ubi venduntur pisces Cant. juxta ecclesiam beatae Mariae Bredman, as I finde in the examination of a witnesse men­tioning where certaine words of defamation were uttered by one that was sued for them, in Anno 1414 ^z. This Fish-market (it seemes) was of long continuance kept here. [...] Ex R [...]gistro Consistor. Cant. For in a deed of Christ-Church dated 1187. mention is made of a house, scituat' in parochia sanctae Mariae, quae voca­tur ecclesia Piscariorum in Cant. passed over to the Church (in exchange for another) by the Nonnes of Saint Sexburgh in the Ile of Shepey. And before that, Odo the Prior of Christ-Church leased out Managium Lamberti Gargate juxta Fismannecherich, ubi ipse Lambertus manere solebat, scilicet partem illam quae est proxima ecclesiae, &c. as the demise runs. Now I conceive this to be the Church intended by those deeds. And so, as it is now, from the Bred-market by it, called Saint Mary Bredmans Church, it was more anciently called Saint Mary Fishmans Church. I proceed.

Upwards, a little without Newingate, at Oaten-hill, Oaten-hill. now the Cities place of execution, was that commodity of oats, sometime vented; as at the same place before, salt Rentale vet. [...]cles. Christi [...] was sold; whence it was called Salt-hill. It had a market-crosse [Page 149] to it: for I reade of Crucem de Oat-hill. The place hath a crosse still, but it is ill marketting at it.

Not farre hence, to wit, by the Nunnery, at the meet­ing of the foure weuts or wayes there, another market was kept, or the former continued thither, whence the field over against the Nunnery, Southward, now almost all over digged for chalk, is anciently called Market-field Lib. S. Law­rentii. & Ren­tale Eccles. Ca [...].. Here were, as not farre hence yet are, cattell bought and sold, especially (at this day) bullocks, oxen, and the like: whence (as I conceive) the market took it name at first of Rether­cheape, Rethercheape. which being a compound of two Saxon words Hry­thera and Ceape, may be rendred in Latine, Forum armen­torum, and in English, the Drove-market, [...] in the Saxon signifying a drove of oxen, or such like big cattell. Whence in a Latine Charter of Cuthred King of Kent, made to Archbishop Wlfred, which I have seen in Christ-Church, Campus armentorum, is englished, [...]. For the anti­quitie sake of this market, I cannot but take notice of the mention made of it in the second of King Ethelberts char­ters to S. Augustines Abbey.

There was yet another market, and that of old was kept Wincheape. in Wincheape. A mercate haply for wines. For so the name imports. Cheap signifying a mercat: whence the name of Cheapside in London, Chepstow in Monmouthshire, and other like Market places: as Chapman, for a trader there. Our words also of Cheapening, Chopping (as chopping and changing) and of Shop, anciently written usually (in Law­yers Latine) Choppa, as also of Lieu-cope (signifying a sale or bargain made upon the place) have thence all their deri­vation: springing from the Saxon Radix, which is Ceap, signifying wares, or merchandise, and Cyppan, to buy. Cambden. Spelman. This market had it crosse too, and that standing within mans memory, upon the Green before the street built of stone, with a crosse-house about it, and was called Barnacle-Crosse. Barnacle-Crosse. But there is neither market, nor market-crosse there now. 'Tis true there is hard by, a crosse; but (as that other at Oaten-hill) it spoils their marketting ever after [Page 150] that once market thereat. And therefore let us hasten from it.

HAving briefly surveyed our Cities Wards, the order of my proposed method requires, in the next place, my survey of the Cathedrall, and Parish Churches of and about the City. First then of the Mother Church (the Ca­thedrall) and then of the Daughters. The former indeed the thing which I account the chiefest glory both of the City, and my present survey thereof. Which Malmesbury In prolog. lib. 1. de gestis Pontif. haply not knowing how to commend enough; amongst the many commendations which he gives our City (as, for the situation and exceeding fertility of the soile adjoyning, for the soundnesse of the inclosing walls, for the rivers water­ing Malmesb. com­mendation of Canterbury. it, for the commodiousnes of the neighbouring woods, for the vicinitie also of the sea yeelding store of fish to serve it, for the noble and generous disposition of the people, as well of it as of the countrey, prone and propense to of­fer courtesie to others, and impatient of any injury offered to themselves, and the like) sayes no more of the Church, but this. After the conversion of the English to Christiani­tie, the prime Episcopall See was fixed at Canterbury, and there continues: Saving that anon after he addes. There is the Archbishops chief Seat, who is the Primate and Patri­arch of all England. But I canot so contain my self; yet for my more methodicall proceeding, much being to be said of this Metropolitane Church, my whole discourse thereof shall be referred to these heads.

• 1. The antiquity of the foundation, and the nature thereof.
• 2. The historie of the Churches Fabrick.
• 3. A survey of the present Church, with the monuments there­in, as also of the more ancient buildings throughout the Praecinct both of it and the Palace, with the Ambitus, or Praecinct it self.
• [Page 151] 4. A Catalogue of the principall Benefactors to the Church.

• 5 A Catalogue of the	1. Archbishps.	of the Church.
  	2. Priors.
  	3. Archdeacons.