VVhat a Combat is, and the originall thereof. CAP. 1.

A COMBAT, is a single fight of one man against another, for trial of truth, either els of diuers men, as two, foure, sixe, tenne, or more, equallie and indifferentlie agreed vppon, to fight on horsbacke or foot without aduantage, in num­ber of persons, or disequalitie of weapons.

These kind of fights seeme to be first vsed of great Princes, who desiring to end publique Contention and warre, did mutuallie consent to determine the same by their owne priuate vertue and aduenture of life, as did Golias and Dauid, the Horatij and Curiatij, with diuers other, who fighting onlie in person, for the publique cause, therby saued the effusion of much bloud, and the liues of many most worthie Captaines and valiant Soldiers. And albeit the cause and occa­sion of these Combats, was publique respect, yet each particular Gentleman or other person professing Ho­nor [Page 2] and Armes, ought sufficientlie bee moued there­vnto for defence of his owne particular reputation; which respect, and haplie also some publique occa­sion, mooued the Combat of Aeneas with Turnus, of Menelaus with Alexander, of Pulfius with Varenus, of Robert Mountfort, with Henrie Earle of Essex in Eng­land: yea, Kings and Princes haue of late time done the like, as Charles the third, King of France, with the King of Hungarie, Alfonso King of Spaine, with Rich­ard Earle of of Cornwall, and King Alfonso with King Ranier.

These particular fights were first vsed among the people called Lombardes, as appeareth by the lawes written by Aliprandus one of the Kings that gouer­ned that Nation: yet true it is, that the Combats of those People, and in that Age, were tried with no o­ther weapons but onelie certeine shields and staues of wood, vnlesse it were for cause of infidelitie. Nei­ther seemeth it that the chiefe occasion of their fight was respect of Honor, nor that the vanquished should become dishonored, or Prisoner vnto the vanquisher, as since hath been vsed.

Of the order of challenging and de­fending. CAP. 2.

FIrst is to bee considered, that all Iniuries are ei­ther by words or by deeds, and that in euerie In­iurie by words, the Iniurer ought bee the Chal­lenger: but in an Iniurie by deedes, the Iniured ought to challenge, as for example, Simon saith to Austen, [Page 3] thou art a Traitor. Austen answereth, Thou liest: then doth it behooue Simon to mainteine his words, and consequentlie to challenge Austen to the Combat.

An Iniurie by deedes is thus. Simon giueth a hurt, a cut, or other violence vnto Austen; whereat offended, he saith, Thou hast done me offence, violence, iniurie, or such like speach. Simon answereth, Thou liest. Then behoueth it that Austen do challenge Simon, and force him by fight to mainteine the hurt he offred. Wher­fore as a rule or maxime in matter of Honor, it is spe­ciallie to be noted, that whosoeuer is truelie and law­fullie belied, must of force become Challenger to mainteine that he spake or did, and wherevppon the Lie is giuen him.

And although some men, rather to shewe the dex­teritie of their wits, than the valour of their mindes, will at such occasion vse many superfluous words, whereby further speach of offence doth followe, and so take opportunitie to giue the Lie vnto whom the hurt by hand was giuen; yet the true and precise rea­son of Honor is, that he who gaue the blowe & hurt, should without further dispute be challenged, vnlesse he denie the doing thereof with offer of satisfaction. Thus appeareth brieflie, that whosoeuer is lawfullie belied, ought by Armes to challenge, mainteine, and proue that which he affirmed or did, in preiudice of the honor or person of the Iniured.

For what cause the partie belied ought to chal­lenge, and of the nature of the Lie. CAP. 3.

FOr so much as in ordinarie triall by lawe, and ci­uill Iudgements, whosoeuer standeth accused; by deniall of such accusation, is free from condem­ning vntill further proofe be made: euen so in euerie imposition by speach, contrarie to good reputation; honor or honestie, ought either by ciuill or martiall meanes be mainteined and auowed. Therefore, who soeuer being offered iniurious speach, shall say to the offerer thereof Thou liest, or thou saiest not truelie, doth therby repulse the iniurie, and force the Iniurer to challenge. And euerie deniall be it neuer so simple, importeth a Lie, & is of like effect, although the ma­ner in pronouncing deniall onlie, is an answere more friendlie and courteous, than the qualitie of an iniu­rious imposition requireth.

And although the manner of denials are diuers, as Thou liest, Thou saiest vntruelie, &c. yet euerie deniall is a repulse of iniurie, being spoken to that which was iniurie: But if the same be vttered in answere of any words, wherin was no offence, the same becom­meth iniurious: as thus. If I tell or say any thing without euill imposition to any person, and one stan­ding by, shall say I speake vntruelie, or vse other de­niall of that my speach affirmed; by that manner of speach he giueth me an imputation of a Lier, & con­sequentlie offereth me iniurie. Moreouer, for that e­uerie iniurie by words may for once be wrested, it is [Page 5] lawfull for me, with euerie my deniall to repulse that iniurie, and my second deniall conteineth the effect of a Lie, and his first, the force of iniurie; by which meane, the burthen shall rest vpon him. But if so it be, that he answereth or saith, The truth is otherwise, or a­nie other such speach, that cannot bee iniurious, nor shall any waies burthen me, vnlesse I shall in some in­iurious sort replie, and then he denying, may lay the burthen vpon me: for the difference that maketh one word sometimes iniurious, and sometimes not, is, that the same is sometimes spoken iniuriouslie, and sometimes not, as thus. If I say vnto another man, Thou saiest not true, thereby I reproue him, and conse­quentlie offer iniurie: but if I say, That which thou saiest is not true, that speach is not iniurious, and may be without burthen of him vnto whom it is spoken.

Yet in one case, that rule faileth: for if I say, such a thing I haue done, another answereth, That is not true: by so saying, he doth burthen me. To conclude I say, that whosoeuer refraineth with his words and speach to offend others, he can by no meanes receiue the Lie.

Of the nature and diuersitie of Lies. CAP. 4.

BVt for the more plaine conceiuing of the nature and diuersitie of Lies, wee will particularlie dis­course thereof, and shewe how many sorts of them be, how they are to bee giuen, and in what sort they are to be answered. It is therefore to be knowne that of Lies, some be Conditionall, and some be Cer­teine: [Page 6] and of both them, some be Generall and some Speciall. To these may bee also added one third kind, which we will call Vaine Lies.

Of Lies certeine. CAP. 5.

WE call those Lies certeine, which are giuen vpon words spoken and affirmed; as if I should say or write vnto another man, Thou hast spoken in preiudice of mine honor, honestie and credite, and therefore doest lie. This may be called a Lie certeine, because I stand certeinlie assured that such a man hath spoken euill of me: yet true it is, that be­cause I doo not in these words particularlie expresse the matter or speach whervpon I giue the Lie, there­fore it shall be reputed a Lie generall, and consequently of no force: For indeed no Lie is lawfull, vnlesse the matter and words wherevpon it is giuen bee plainlie and expreslie repeated. Therefore the Lies which are giuen vppon certeine and apparant words, are they which in truth do bind the partie belied vnto proofe, vnlesse he can denie to haue spoken that wherevpon the Lie is giuen him, and the fourme thereof is thus. Harman, thou hast said that at the Battaile of Montcon­tour I abandoned mine Ensigne, and cowardly ranne away: wherevnto I answere, Thou hast lied. By this appa­rant and particular expression of that was said, the Lie giuen is made Speciall, and consequentlie law­full.

Of Lies Conditionall. CAP. 6.

CONDITIONALL lies, wee call those which are vttered vpon condition, as if a man should say thus: If thou hast called me a theefe, thou doest lie: or if thou shalt hereafter so say, thou liest: And how often thou hast or shalt so say, so oft I say thou hast and shalt lie. These Conditionall lies in this sort giuen, are the occasion oftentimes of much disputa­tion, because they are not in force vntill such time as the Condition is verified, I meane, vntil it be auowed that such words haue indeede been spoken. For he vnto whom such a Lie is giuen either by words or writing, as he findeth himselfe guiltie or not, so may hee make answere; and hauing haplie spoken such words, he may in vsing generall words find an eua­sion: yea the debating of such a Conditional quarrell may be so handled, as he who gaue the Lie conditio­nall, shall vtter some speach whereon to receiue a Lie certeine. If therefore he who is charged with a Lie conditional, haue not indeed said that wherewith he is charged, then ought he say, I neuer spake any such thing, & thereunto adde another Lie, either Generally or Conditionallie vttered thus. Whosoeuer saith that I haue spoken such words, he lieth: or thus. If thou or any man els will affirme I haue so said, thou liest.

Albeit this maner of proceeding from one Lie to another, and from one Condition to another, doth seldome occasion other effect than the multiplying of words: yet doo we often see that questions are so [Page 8] handled, and consequentlie no good or honorable re­solution dooth followe. Wherefore to auoide all doubts, it behoueth Gentlemen and other persons of honor or credite, to shunne all Conditionall lies, and before he doth offer the Lie, either by confession of the partie or witnesse worthie credite, bee assured he hath cause to giue the Lie. So shal the Lie be certeine, and the belied forced, either to denie that he said, or stand to the iustification thereof.

Of Lies generall. CAP. 7.

A Lie generall may bee in two sorts, in respect of the person, and in respect of the iniurie. The Lie is generall in respect of the Person, when no man to whom it is giuen is named, as thus. Who e­uer hath said that I haue been a Rebell to my Prince, doth lie. To this manner of Lie no man is bound to make answere, because many may haplie haue so said, and that so being, he that giueth the Lie should be forced to fight with them all, which were inconuenient. For it is vnlawfull vpon one quarrell to fight oftner than once, and vnfit that one man should hazard his reputation vpon the sword of another man. Wher­fore to remooue such disorders, it hath been thought good that this kind of Lie should bee vnlawfull, of none effect, and disallowed.

Touching the other Lie which we call general in respect of the iniurie, is thus. Simon, thou hast said euill of me, and spoken words in preiudice of mine honestie, and therefore I say thou liest. This manner of Lie, not being [Page 9] giuen vpon any matter certeine, or words speciallie repeated, is to none effect: and therefore if hee who giueth such a Lie, intendeth to make a iust quarrell, it behoueth him to set downe in writing, the verie words whervpon he giueth the Lie. For besides that, such lies doo not bind the aduerse partie, they are al­so perilous, and apt to be returned. I say therfore that forsomuch as a Lie generall is of small effect, & ther­with fit to bee wrested against the giuer thereof, it ought of all Gentlemen to be vtterlie refrained.

Of Lies speciall. CAP. 8.

LIes speciall are those which are giuen vnto spe­ciall persons, and vpon expresse and particular matter: as for example, Gregorie, thou hast said that vpon the day of Battaile at Grauling, I abandoned mine Ensigne and charge; for which saying thou hast lied. This is that Lie which (as is before said) I call a Lie certein & lawful; yet is it to be intended that he who giueth this Lie either by word or writing, ought first to be enformed fullie, and haue sufficient proofe and witnesse of that he saith, so as the same cannot be de­nied. For wanting due proues, he to whom the Lie was giuen, may answere, that I lie in charging him with such words as he neuer vttered, and in that case it shall behoue me to proue the reproach wherewith I haue charged him: but if hee cannot denie that wherewith he is charged, then must he either main­teine his speach, or confesse the fault.

Here is to be noted, that in such quarells wherein [Page 10] manifest falshood and vntruth appeareth, no Prince ought to permit any Combat: neither ought Gentle­men be ashamed in such cases to refuse the fight; be­cause it is a thing more honorable for respect of rea­son to refuse Combat, than performe the same with­out cause or obligation. Seeing then that this sort of Lie, whereof we presentlie entreate, is onlie true and lawfull; therefore it behoueth Gentlemen, and all o­thers professing Honor and Armes, therewith to giue repulse vnto such iniuries as are offered: and de­siring to shewe the cause of their offence either by word or writing, they must so plainlie and sincerelie set downe the intent thereof, as no part of the affirma­tion can bee either denied or wrested to other sense than it was vttered or written, whereby afterwards no doubt shall arise, who ought to challenge, and who to defend.

Of Vaine Lies. CAP. 9.

THe simple & ignorant sort of men perswading themselues, that he vnto whom the Lie is gi­uen, doth thereby lose the election of the wea­pon; therefore ignorantlie and foolishlie they giue the Lie, before they either knowe or aske the que­stion wherefore they so doo: as thus. If thou wilt not say I am an honest man, thou liest in thy throate: the follie of which speach doth plainlie appeare. For seeing the Lie is nothing els but an answere, in this the order of nature is changed, & the answere vttered before the question asked. Another sort of ignorant quarrellers [Page 11] are, that will say thus. If any man hath said euill of me, hee hath lied: and if hee will denie to haue so said, hee also lieth. This sillie sort of quarrelling, may likewise be called a Lie foolish and vaine: for hee who shall vse such words, doth thereby take vppon him both to propound and to answere, and consequentlie per­forme the office aswell of Defender as Challenger.

Another sort of these Vaine lies are thus offered: Simon meeting with Lewes saith, Draw thy weapon, and I will presentlie prooue thee a Liar and a Varlet: Or if thou wilt not drawe, then art thou a Varlet also. This ma­ner of Lie is without foundation, cause or reason, & therefore meete to be laughed at. Others there are, who being charged to commit dishonest actions, do for the present time depart without making either deniall or answere; but after hauing assembled a number of friends weaponed with aduantage, saith to him that charged him, Thou liest: which manner of doing is also cowardlie and foolish. For as euerie accusation or imputation ought be done without ad­uantage, euen so euerie answere without aduantage, ought be vttered. Also euerie Iniurie offered in pre­sence, should likewise in presence be answered: and if in absence any such wrong bee done, in absence an answere may be made. Finallie, vnto matter of iniu­rie in writing, the answere ought bee framed in wri­ting: yet is it reason, that if a man armed or accompa­nied doo offer euill speach or violence to him that is vnarmed and alone; in that case it shall be lawfull to make answere at time more conuenient. But if so be that any man finding and knowing me better armed, accompanied, or prepared than himselfe, will neuer­theles [Page 12] offer me iniurie; in that case it is lawfull for me by words or deedes to repulse the iniurie, and bee re­uenged notwithstanding mine aduantage, because it was his follie to offer offence, seeing my strength. But Gentlemen should euer so doo, as the Lie may be no lesse or more honorablie giuen, than the iniu­rie was offered.

One other aduantage in offering iniurie may be in this sort. If any man shall offer the same in place of priuiledge, or in presence of the Prince; in that case it hath been thought fit that no Lie or other repulse should be. Neuerthelesse, it seemeth reasonable, that if it pleaseth the Prince to know that I am in his pre­sence or Court iniuried, that it may also please him that I may desend my selfe. Yet true it is, that in such places it becommeth the Iniured to temper his an­swere, and vse words of reuerence, and the rather if he who offereth the iniurie bee a person of more re­spect and fauour with the Prince before whom the iniurie was offered, Howsoeuer it be, I take not vpon me to informe what ought in such case to bee done, but tell mine opinion as that which I thinke to bee honorable: whereunto I adde, that wise Princes wil more patientlie indure the repulse, than the offer of Iniurie in their presence.

VVhether to a man Iniured in presence of a Prince, it sufficeth to answere in presence of priuate Gentlemen. CAP. 10.

HAuing in the former Chapter spoken of Iniu­rie offered in the Princes presence, it seemeth not vnnecessarie to knowe how such offence is to be repulsed or reuenged. For as it is not easie to haue opportunitie to make repulse before the Prince; so were it also fit to vse respect before persons of so high estate & calling, as heretofore hath been allead­ged. But for the more btiefe deciding of this que­stion, I will onelie produce the censure of Don Fran­cisco Maria Duke of Vrbin, which was to this effect. That Princes either through their attention to other weightie affaires, or their seldome experience in trial of Armes, were no lesse, or more ignorant, than other Gentlemen of meane reputation. And therefore con­cluded, that to an Iniurie offered in the presence of a Prince, it sufficed to make answere before priuate Gentlemen, as persons vnto whom the knowledge and experience of Armes and Honor apperteined: Such was the opinion of that Duke, a Prince in his life and place reputed no lesse skilfull in poynts of Honor, than all other waies vertuous. Whereunto may be added, that in matter of Armes, al Emperours, King and Princes, haue euer vouchsafed to be called by the name of Gentlemen and Soldiers. And there­fore it standeth with good reason, that an answere [Page 14] made in the presence of Gentlemen and Soldiers, should be of vertue sufficient to repulse an Iniurie of­fered before a Prince of what title so euer.

Of the Returne of Lies. CAP. 11.

HEretofore wee haue said, that hee vnto whom the Lie is giuen for a repulse of iniurie, ought be the Challenger: yet for more certeintie of that saying, wee are diligentlie to examine what sort of Lies are lawfull. It is therefore to be vnderstood, that the true and proper nature of the Lie, is to repulse Iniurie, and whensoeuer it worketh not that effect, it becommeth Iniurie, and by another Lie may bee re­turned. Also it is to bee noted, that in one selfesame quarrell aswell vnto a Deniall as an Affirmation, the Lie may bee giuen. The Lie lawfullie giuen vnto an affirmation is that, whereof we haue before spoken, as thus. One man saith vnto another, He is a Rebell to his Prince: He answereth, Thou liest: and this kind of Lie cannot bee auoyded, because it is giuen for re­pulse vnto an infamie directly offered. But if I, spea­king of other do say, He is an honest man, and one stan­ding by, doth giue mee the Lie: in that case the Lie shall not be reputed a repulse, but an Iniurie; and it is lawfull for me to say, that gainsaying the commenda­tion I gaue, he lieth; because he encountereth my af­firmation, and seemeth to denie that all men are hol­den honest, til profe be made of the contrarie. Wher­fore it behoueth him that denied the man to bee ho­nest, to prooue such deniall: in the meane time he is [Page 15] burthened and bound to challenge me.

But let vs now speake of Lies giuen vpon the ne­gatiue which are either lawfull, or may lawfullie bee returned: as if any man doth say of me, That in such a seruice of Armes I had not done my duetie, and I should answere with the Lie, that shall be a lawfull answere. Yet if a man shall say, That he hath not failed of fidelitie vnto his Prince, and I say he lieth; then is it lawful for him to answere, Thou liest in saying I lie, and conse­quentlie force me to challenge; because in affirming his owne fidelitie he doth not iniurie to any man: but I denying thereof, doo greatlie wrong him, and therfore reasonablie the Lie to be returned vpon me. Now it resteth to produce some example, how in one selfesame quarrell, both vpon the affirmatiue and ne­gatiue the Lie may be giuen, so as neither the one nor the other partie hath apparant place of repulse, as in this case.

Two Gentlemen being in the field prepared to fight, do there fall into disputation, whether the wea­pons be lawfull or not: by meane whereof, the day is spent in speach, and nothing done. Herevpon a que­stion grewe whether the weapons were reasonablie refused or not, the one by affirming them to be law­full, doth burthen the other, and he by denying them to be lawful, doth burthen him; so as it resteth doubt­full who ought to challenge.

Thus much touching the nature of Lies, how they are to be offered, repulsed, or returned. A matter of some difficultie to be vnderstood, yet necessarie to be knowne of all Gentlemen.

How vpon euerie Lie, the triall of Armes is not necessarie. CAP. 12.

ALbeit heretofore hath been said, that he who receiueth the Lie ought to bee Challenger, yet is not our meaning that vpon euery Lie giuen, the triall of the sword should forthwith followe. For seeing the triall by Armes is incerteine, and the ciuill trial assured, therefore it behoueth euerie Gentleman to be iustified rather by this, than the other triall. And indeed it is no lesse expedient for Gentlemen and all others professing Armes, to knowe when to put vp, than when to drawe their weapons. Who so there­fore vpon any affirmation shall bee lawfullie and or­derlie offered the Lie (hauing meanes to make such proofe) ought by ciuill and reasonable triall make iu­stification, and not take sword in hand, till necessitie so enforceth, and he who findeth himselfe offered a­nie vniust or vnlawfull Lie, may either trauerse it, or vtterlie disdaine it.

Of the forme of a Cartell or Letter of De­fiance. CAP. 13.

IN such places as publique Combats were permit­ted by Princes, the custome was that the parties a­greed to fight, should challenge one the other, by some instrument in writing, which they commonlie called a Cartel: but that custome being now discon­tinued, [Page 17] he who challengeth doth send some Letter to that effect, which ought bee framed in briefe termes, and thereby to expresse in short and proper words the effect of the quarrell and iniurie, bee it in words or deeeds. Also to set downe expreslie the particularities of the matter, the persons, the times, & places, which for the true expressing of the cause are required, to the end the aduerse partie may the better determine of his answere. And for that Combat is a kinde of Iudgement, it behoueth no lesse therein, than in ciuill triall that particular prooues & circumstances should be expressed, & that he who challengeth should sum­mon his aduersarie, and he that is Defender produce the Lie.

In this writing it also behooueth to vse al plainnes of words & phrases, leauing aside eloquence and am­biguitie of speach; for it sufficeth a man being offred any iniurious speach, doo say, Thou liest, without ad­ding any word thereunto. It is also to bee knowne, that the Defender ought haue the electiō of the place and weapon. For no reason were it that I should both challenge another man, and also appoynt him to fight with what weapon pleaseth me. One thing I thinke good more to aduertise, that it seemeth vnto mee a thing verie honest, and worthie a Gentleman, that all speaches and writings of or to an Enemie, should bee in good and honorable termes; for thereby the spea­ker or writer shal honor himselfe, and declare he hath to doo with a person of reputation; for otherwise he shall disgrace his owne iudgement, in medling with men vnworthie, and such as are vnfit to be regarded.

Of Iniurie and Burthen. CAP. 1.

WE haue alreadie discoursed what Iniurie is, and how the same ought be repulsed: now is to be informed in what cases Princes and supreme Gouernours may graunt or denie the triall of Combat. I say there­fore, that the office of euerie Prince moued to graunt Combat, is first to consider the nature and qualitie of the quarrell, to the end he may assuredlie know whe­ther it be of such importance as requireth the triall of the sword, and cannot otherwise be determined. For it is a rule certeine, that euerie question or quarrell that may be decided by ciuil authoritie and prooues, ought not in any wise bee tried in Combat. But for more particular knowledge of this matter, you shall vnderstand, that we call an act done contrarie to rea­son, Iniurie, or (as some do terme it) Offence or Wrong: and the Burthen, is a certeine naturall obligation, whereby a man standeth bound to repulse or main­teine the matter in question. Wherefore, whenso­euer [Page 19] we see a man burthened or charged, it is present­lie and consequentlie looked for, that he ought to be a Challenger. It is also to bee knowne, that other­whiles one man may doo vnto another such an act as may be both an Iniurie, and a Burthen: so may al­so an Iniurie bee done without Burthen, and a Bur­then without Iniurie.

An Iniurie ioyned with Burthen is thus. If a man shall charge me with an euill fact neuer by me com­mitted, whereby (contrarie to all reason) he seeketh my slaunder, hereby he offereth me Iniurie, and the Burthen he laieth vpon me, is, for that I stand bound to repulse and make answere vnto such outragious words, and consequentlie am forced to answere, He lieth, whereby I am disburthened, & lay the burthen on him, by which meane I become discharged of mine obligation, and binde him vnto the proofe and mainteining of his words, which is to mainteine and be a Challenger. And in handling the matter, this is to bee noted, that I onlie doo burthen him without offer of Iniurie, because I make this answere vpon a iust and reasonable cause, onlie with intent to lay the Burthen on him.

An Iniurie without Burthen is in two sorts, viz. in word or in deed, as thus. If one man shall charge another in word, with that which is manifestlie false; in that case it is not necessarie to make any answere at all, because he who speaketh such words, proueth himselfe an apparant Liar, and therefore not worthie of so much respect as to bee answered; so are those words Iniurie, but no Burthen. An Iniurie in deedes without Burthen, is, when one man offereth vnto an [Page 20] other violence with aduantage, or in such euill sort, as the fact appeareth to bee done contrarie to honor and reason; in that case, to what purpose should the Iniured challenge the Iniurer? seeing the matter to be plaine and apparant. But haplie it may bee said by him that is iniured, Shall I rest without reuenge? There­vnto may bee answered by Princes, or others hauing authoritie to graunt Combat, that to admit triall by Armes is onlie lawfull for the finding out and iustifi­cation of truth; but the punishment of wilfull acts contrarie to peace, is by ciuill authoritie to be perfor­med. And in mine opinion, whosoeuer receiueth an Iniurie in deedes dishonorablie offered, is thereby neither dishonored nor burthened: and for reuenge of such cowardlie and beastiall offences, it is allow­able to vse any aduātage or subtiltie, according to the Italian prouerbe, Ad vna sopercheria, si conuiene vn' al­tra sopercheria, & ad vn tradimento vn altro tradimen­to, which is, that one aduantage requireth another, and one treason may be with another acquited.

How shamefull and dishonorable it is to offer iniurie with aduantage, and cowardly. CAP. 2.

IT may seeme straunge that heretofore wee haue said, that a traiterous Iniurie might be in like sort reuenged; yet is it verie reasonable that so it should be: and though it were not, yet doth he that offereth such an Iniurie incurre apparant Infamie, without burthening him vnto whom it is offered. For what reason can mainteine that any man should bee wor­thie [Page 21] of Infamie, that was by another cowardlie and sodeinlie hurt or striken? Nay, who is he that will not blame him that offereth such an Iniurie, and ac­quite him vnto whom it was done? To conclude therfore, I say, the Infamie is due vnto him that wil­fullie doth a dishonorable wrong, not to him that re­ceiueth it: for no man wanteth power to refraine a wicked action, no man wanteth power to performe his promise, no man is forced to be a traitor: & there­fore, whosoeuer falleth into any such fault, becom­meth odious and infamous: besides that, in offending cowardlie, he seemeth to want vertue and courage required in a Gentleman. By ancient custome it hath therefore been determined, that if any man hauing committed such cowardlie and foule facts, shal after­wards challenge another Gentleman, he may in re­spect of the Infamie due for his former doings, bee lawfullie refused.

I will also aduise all Gentlemen to eschue one o­ther vile and euill abuse, which is thus. A man ha­uing offered iniurious words, and is lawfully belied, he may not with a cowardlie stroake or touch of a cudgill, or any such like meanes, thinke to bee acqui­ted of the burthen, as some men haue supposed; yet the vulgar sort do thinke that to giue a blowe, or spit in the face of a man, and runne away, dischargeth a lawfull Lie, which is farre otherwise. Mine opinion therefore is, that a man directlie is not discharged by any such act, but standeth still burthened to prooue that affirmation, whereupon the Lie was giuen him, and consequentlie must challenge.

That euerie Lie giuen, ought not to occasion Combat. CAP. 3.

FOrsomuch as the Lie is not indeede the cause of fight, but the occasion; it is not necessarie that vppon euerie Lie giuen, Combat should foorth­with followe. For if the fault wherewith a man is accused, bee not such as requires triall in Armes, than doth not the Lie giuen thereupon bind him, because the qualitie of the Iniurie and not of the Lie is to bee respected. Therefore in euerie lawe whereby Com­bats are permitted, the causes are expreslie and parti­cularlie declared, as both by the lawe of Lombardie and the Emperial constitutions appeareth.

For what causes the Combat is to be graunted. CAP. 4.

A Thing most certeine it is, that to reduce the an­tient customes to the vse of present time, were not onelie hard and difficult, but also impossi­ble: wherefore omitting to tell of what hath been, we will onelie speake of that which ought be in this matter obserued: I say then that the causes of al quar­rell whervpon it behoueth to vse the triall of Armes, may be reduced into two: for it seemeth to me not reasonable, that any man should expose himselfe to the perill of death, saue onelie for such occasions as doo deserue death. Wherfore whensoeuer one man [Page 23] doth accuse another of such a crime as meriteth death, in that case the Combat ought bee graunted. The second cause of Combat is Honor, because a­mong persons of reputation, Honor is preferred be­fore life. Therefore whensoeuer any such crime is imputed, as by the ciuill lawe is iudged infamous, the Combat and triall of Armes ought be allowed, if by ciuill and ordinarie course of law it cannot.

How betweene Padrins, no fight or quarrell ought to be. CAP. 5.

AT such time as publique Combats were by Princes permitted, the custome was, that those vnto whom the field was graunted, did bring with them certeine friends to behold the fight, and see that nothing were done contrarie to the agree­ment and capitulation. For what cause these men were so called I knowe not; but some haue thought the name of Padrine commeth of the latin word Pa­ter, which signifieth father, or of Patrini, which signi­fieth a person, vnto whose charge or tuition another was commended. Howsoeuer it be, these Padrines in the time of Combat, performed the same office which Aduocates and Pleaders vse in disputation of ciuill causes. And as they doo not vse to pay any part of that, wherein the client is condemned, euen so no reason bindeth that the Padrine should fight, or bee called to performe more than the due of his office, sith the Iniuries, the Lies, the Cartels and Defi­ances are passed betweene the Principalls, and the [Page 24] Padrins ought doo none otherwise than as Aduo­cates. Thus much I thought fit to speake of the office of Padrins, because it is oft seene, both in publique Combats and priuate also, that some Gentlemen be­ing chosen to behold the fight, and see it bee equallie performed, haue not onelie been the cause to kindle newe quarrell, but also entred thereinto themselues contrarie to honor and reason.

Of Armes both offensiue and defensiue. CAP. 6.

IT hath been before said, that by the lawe of Lom­bardie, euerie Combat (vnlesse vpon quarrell of in­fidelitie) should bee tried with shields and staues, and with no other weapon. But the matter of their Combats was onlie for trial of truth, without respect of honor. Howsoeuer it were, besides that custome must bee receiued for lawe, it seemeth to me that ei­ther in publique or priuate fight, such weapons ought bee vsed as are commonlie worne of Gentlemen and others professing Armes. And touching Armes de­fensiue, it hath been also the vse, that as they are thought allowable in warre and all generall fights, so in particular triall of Armes, they ought not bee reiec­ted; because Fortitude accompanied with Prudence, is much the more commendable, seeing he that vn­wiselie or inconsideratlie aduentureth himselfe, is not to bee reputed valiant but furious: neither is he accompted valiant, that without councell or cause, delighteth in dangers, but he that neuer doth shunne any generous action, tending to publique benefite or [Page 25] his owne priuate reputation. And Aristotle saith, that a valiant man doth neither feare all things, nor dare doo all things. For these respects it hath euer been thought fit, that in particular Combats, the fighters should be allowed Armes defensiue, & not performe the same naked and vtterlie disarmed, with swords and daggers onlie, as is in this part of the world now vsed. And sith the perill of life is no lesse in particular than in publique fight, it seemeth verie reasonable that defensiue Armes should bee allowed; yet so as both the Challenger and Defender be equallie armed & weaponed, which in truth ought be at the election of the Defendant, as heretofore hath been discour­sed. But because the custome of the land is (and hap­pelie also lawe forbiddeth that any man should be ar­med saue onlie in the warre) I thinke no Gentleman ought refuse to fight disarmed. And here will I not omit to remember an abuse which hardlie is discon­tinued, I meane that some English Gentlemen are so obstinatlie addicted to custome, as notwithstanding they doo themselues enter quarrell and bee Challen­gers, yet will they vse that sort of weapon onelie which pleaseth themselues. An opinion contrary vn­to reason, and the vse of all other people, as though antient vse made that weapon only allowable, which reason will also prooue Vice as good as Vertue, be­cause it is no lesse antient.

Of the election of the weapons. CAP. 7.

FOr good and reasonable causes, many aduanta­ges are due vnto him that is challenged, because he being accused and constrained to fight, iust and true reason willeth that he should enioy al honest fauour. It hath been therefore well determined, that whosoeuer is Defender, dooth sufficientlie acquite himselfe, and ought bee reputed victorious, if he bee not victored. But on the other side, he that challen­geth, must not onlie escape to be vanquished, but also vanquish his enemie; for otherwise he shall bee repu­ted as victored, and lose the quarrell, which is verie reasonable, because his office is to prooue, but the Defender is not bound to more than to defend.

Another fauour also apperteineth to the Defen­der, which is, the election of the weapon, which is also reasonablie done, because if another man will voluntarilie call me to triall of the Sword, the choyce of the weapon ought of right to be mine. Yet true it is, that no Defender ought to make election of other Armes either defensiue or offensiue, than such as are lawfull, and worne ordinarilie by Gentlemen and Soldiers. Therewith also is to be obserued, that if the question whereupon the Combat or fight groweth, may bee decided by ciuill triall, that then no triall of Armes ought bee enterprised. Much more also may be added touching the equalitie or disequalitie of the persons that enter into fight, and likewise of the Armes aswell defensiue as offensiue: but because [Page 27] publique Combats are now almost generallie forbid­den, and in this land most rarelie vsed, I speake on­lie of those things which are to bee knowne for the performance of priuate Combat and fight betweene particular Gentlemen.

How manie waies victorie is gained. CAP. 8.

AT such time as publique Combats were vsed within a List, or place speciallie appoynted for that purpose, there was a Iudge indifferentlie chosen by the fighters, to see and determine which of them were victorious, and who was victored. But notwithstanding the discontinuance of those Ceremonies, and the performance of fight by war­rante of Princes Letters Pattents; yet doo I thinke it not amisse, brieflie to set downe in what cases men were reputed victorious.

1 It is therefore to be knowne, that if the Challen­ger dooth not vanquish the Defender in the day of fight before the Sunne setting, he is himselfe to bee iudged vanquished, and cannot afterwards challenge any other Gentleman to the Combat. This sort of victorie and this priuiledge is onlie due vnto the De­fender, all other trialls are common and indifferent to both the fighters.

2 The next kind of victorie is, when any of the fighters doth yeeld vnto his enemie, either by con­fessing himselfe not able to defend, to yeeld himselfe prisoner, or by vttering anie other speach tending to submission.

[Page 28]3 The third is, when any of them doth expreslie denie or vnsay that he affirmed, & the words where­on the quarrell groweth renouncing the quarrell.

4 Fourthly, hee who runneth away, and abando­neth the Lists or field where the fight is performed, ought to lose the victorie, and be adiudged as vanqui­shed, and this is the most base and dishonorable sort of vanquishment.

5 He is also to be without victorie and vanquished, that is slaine within the Listes or field: yet is this sort of vanquishing least dishonorable and infamous, al­though by auntient custome, to such men as were slaine in publique Combats, no buriall was graunted among Christian bodies.

VVhat was ancientlie due vnto such as were victorious in publique Combats. CAP. 9.

ALbeit I am not ignorant that this discourse is little or nothing pertinent to priuat Combat or quarrell: yet for that it concerneth a matter ve­rie pleasant to vs, & glorious for those that haue been victorious, I will brieflie set downe what was due by antient order of Armes, vnto such Gentlemen as in publique Combat were victorious.

1 Whosoeuer was vanquished within the Listes, was the prisoner of him that did vanquish. To him also was due all Armes both offensiue and defensiue, garments and horse, with all furniture brought the­ther either for ornament or vse.

2 The person of him that was vanquished, was by [Page 29] honorable custome giuen vnto the Prince of the place, or els vnto some other Prince whom he serued or loued; but this was done by vse, and not of duetie.

3 The vanquished also might be compelled to pay the charges of the vanquisher.

4 The vanquished might be forced to pay ransome no lesse, than if he had been a prisoner of the warre. But if the prisoner or vanquished did serue the van­quisher the space of fiue yeares in seruices meete for a Gentleman, than ought he bee set at libertie freelie without payment. And if in the meane time he were employed in any base act or seruice vnworthie his degree, than was it lawful for him to escape & breake prison. Or if it happened that during the imprison­ment, any land or other wealth came vnto the priso­ner, yet was it not lawfull for the victorious to en­crease the ransome.

5 If the victorious did die within the time that the victored was a prisoner, than should his heire haue the same title and interest.

6 If a prisoner were suffered to go at libertie vpon his faith giuen, he ought in any wise returne when­soeuer he was called, vnlesse the victorious did be­come a Traitor to their cōmon Prince, or were excō ­municate, or that betweene thē were some new en­mitie: for in those causes, it was lawful not to returne.

7 If being in this sort at libertie, he happened to be­come a Prince or Lord, then should he not be bound to returne, but pay ransome onlie.

8 If during the time of imprisonment he were not well vsed, he was not bound to returne, yet ought he pay a conuenient ransome.

[Page 30]9 If the prisoner did happen to saue his taker from any great perill during the imprisonment, he ought by the lawe to be forthwith set at libertie.

VVhat sorts of men ought not bee admitted to triall of Armes. CAP. 1.

FOrsomuch as the triall of Armes ap­perteineth onelie to Gentlemen, and that Gentilitie is a degree honorable, it were not fit that anie persons of meaner condition, should thereunto be admitted. Wherefore, as the Iudges of ciuill trials, doo ordinarilie reiect the testimonie of such as are accompted Infamous; euen so in Martial triall, a per­son honorable ought not by men of base qualitie be accused: for how can he charge another with anie crime, that hath himselfe committed an offence a­gainst his owne reputation.

1 It hath been therefore ordeined and determined, that no man hauing committed treason against his Prince or Countrie, shall be admitted.

2 He also may bee repulsed that hath had intelli­gence or conference with the enemie of his Prince or Countrie, or that being taken of them, doth there remaine, hauing meanes to returne vnto his Princes seruice.

[Page 31]3 He that becommeth a Spie or explorator for the Enemie, or that taketh an oth against his Prince, or that taketh a Princes Pay and departeth before he hath serued the full time.

4 He that abandoneth the Armie of his Prince, and fleeth vnto the Enemie, or being discharged doth go vnto the Enemie in the time of Skirmish or fight, shall be reputed as infamous, and also a Traitor.

5 He that abandoneth the Ensigne of his Prince or Capteine, or that either by day or night shall malici­ouslie depart from the place of his charge about his Princes person, or in the Campe.

6 Among these we will accompt all Theeues, Beg­gers, Bawdes, Victuallers, persons excommunicate, Vsurers, persons banished the Armie, and euerie o­ther man exercising an occupation or trade, vnfit and vnworthie a Gentleman or Soldier.

7 Finallie, whosoeuer is defamed of any notable crime, or is by the lawe of the land not admitted to beare witnesse, may bee numbered among them that lawfullie are repulsed; these men, I say, challenging any Gentleman or Soldier, ought not onelie bee refu­sed, but of euerie honest person to bee abhorred, be­cause in fighting with men of such condition, a man of good reputation dooth equall himselfe vnto per­sons vtterly vnworthie. Yet true it is, that whosoeuer repulseth a person for cause of Infamie, must assured­lie know, that he hath been for such crimes condem­ned, or at the least the same is a thing so notorious, as the partie repulsed cannot denie it. But if any such in­famous man bee challenged by a Gentleman or Sol­dier, he may not after bee refused, vnlesse that after [Page 32] challenge he committeth some infamous fact, which is to be obserued aswell in the Challenger as the De­fender.

VVhether a Bastard may challenge a Gentle­man to Combat. CAP. 2.

FOr that by lawe no Bastard can inherit the lands and honors of his supposed father, it may be rea­sonablie doubted, whether he be of such condi­tion as may challenge a Gentleman to trial of Armes. Notwithstanding, for that such impediment procee­deth not from the Bastard himselfe, and that no man ought iustlie be repulsed sauing such as are condem­ned, or infamed for their owne viletie, me thinks that Bastardie ought not to disable a man to bee admitted vnto Combat: and S. Hierome saith, that the fault in birth of such men, is not their owne fault, but theirs that did beget them. Also Chrisostome writeth thus, we ought not to bee ashamed of the vice of our Pa­rents, but endeuour our selues vnto vertue. Where­vpon wee conclude, that euerie Bastard hauing well and vertuouslie serued in the warre, or that for his good merite hath aspired to beare charge of reputa­tion in the Armie, ought be receiued to fight with a­nie priuate Gentleman or Soldier, because men so borne, haue not onelie been oftentimes aduanced to honor, but they and their posteritie also, haue attei­ned and continued in high dignitie and greatest esti­mation.

True it is, that men so borne, cannot mainteine [Page 33] themselues to bee Gentlemen by birth, and therefore directlie must not claime such title, or enter the triall of Armes, and therefore in that respect may be repul­sed, not as infamous, but as ignoble, which defect ei­ther by valorous indeuour in Armes, or vertuous stu­die in learning may be supplied.

Also all such Bastards as haue long serued loyallie in their Princes Court, & that by priuiledge of their Prince are made legitimate, or hath liued orderlie a­mong other Gentlemen, in place of reputation, may not be repulsed.

Of Restitution of Honor. CAP. 3.

ALbeit euerie Soueraigne Prince hath power to pardon disloyaltie, treason, and euerie other offence cōmitted against his person, Crowne or dignitie, & can also restore vnto the partie pardo­ned, his lands and his offices, with any other fauour: yet cā he not vndo that is done, nor bring to passe that to be well done, which is alreadie euill done, nor that a mind infected with Infamie, should bee cleane and voyd of dishonor, & consequently (notwithstanding restitution) the Prince hath still iust cause to bee sus­picious of such a mans fidelitie, as is apt to be drawne to dishonest actions, and euerie other Gentleman should hold him in euill conceipt.

Moreouer, touching the power and authoritie of Princes, in this case it seemeth that as they cannot be­reaue the good men of their goodnes, so can they not take from the euill their euill thoughts, seeing their [Page 34] iurisdiction extendeth vnto the wealth and persons of Subiects, but ouer the minds of men they haue no power. My Prince can make me at his pleasure rich or poore, but to make me good or bad is not in his power, for that apperteineth onlie to Gods grace and mine owne endeuour.

It may therefore be inferred, that if a man restored after the committing of any notorious euill fact, shall challenge another Gentleman to triall of Armes, he may bee reasonablie repulsed. Yet am I of opinion, that the restitution should be of force in the children and posteritie of the person infamed and condem­ned, as they that ought not suffer the punishment due to the offences of another, chieflie in respect of Baptisme, whereby all the sinne of forefathers is clensed.

Of the disequalitie of Gentlemen. CAP. 4.

BEfore wee enter into consideration of this mat­ter, I thinke good to aduertise, that as there be di­uers sorts of men that may not challenge others, so are there some that ought not be challenged of a­nie. The first of them is Clarkes, or Ecclesiastical per­sons, professing religion. The other sort is Doctors, with all Students, and such men as are onlie giuen to literature and knowledge. But to returne vnto dise­qualitie of noble persons, I say that the true nobilitie of men, is Vertue, and that he is truelie noble that is vertuous, bee he borne of high or of lowe Parents. And the more highlie he be borne, the worse reputa­tion [Page 35] he meriteth, if he cannot continue the honor left him by his Ancestors. Chrisostome saith, what honor is it to bee well borne, being defiled with vile condi­tions: or what hurteth base parentage to him, that is with gentle manners adorned? Who so vaunteth of his Ancestors, seemeth without any good thing of his own. Seneca saith, that who so will trulie iudge what worthines is in man, must consider of him na­ked, laying aside his liuings and titles of honor, with all other fauours of fortune. He must also imagine him without bodie, and then weigh of what value or excellencie he is in minde, because nobilitie is pla­ced in the minde, and in the minde it appeareth.

Now to speake of disequalitie, I say that albeit Emperours, Kings, Princes, great Lords, and meane also, are comprised within the name of Gentlemen and Soldiers, yet is there among them such inequali­tie, as no Gentleman of what title soeuer, may bee cōpared vnto a King, nor any Soldier vnto an Empe­rour, whereof we wil speake hereafter more at large.

Touching the disequalitie of priuate nobilitie, thus is it to bee discoursed. All Gentlemen are either without office, either els they haue office or dignitie, as the gouernment of Townes, Countries, Ambassa­ges, or commandements in warre. Who euer of them hath any office or employment, either it is gi­uen him for time or life. If he bee an officer for time, and is occasioned to answere in Armes, he may de­fer the Cōbat till the expiration of his time in office.

If the office be for life, & the qualitie thereof such as maketh him Superiour to the aduersarie, he may fight by Champion.

[Page 36]If such an officer be not Superiour to the enemie, he ought aske leaue of his Prince, and not obteining it, shall without license go vnto the place of Combat, and with Armes answere the Enemie; for the obli­gation of honor is to bee preferred before all other. Whosoeuer is borne noble (vnder which word is comprised all sorts of nobilitie and gentilitie) is equal to any other Gentleman of priuate condition. Note here, that in saying a Gentleman borne, we meane he must be descended from three degrees of gentry, both on the mothers and fathers side, such is the opinion of Paris.

A Gentleman descended of the most noble house, not hauing iurisdiction or commandement, may be challenged of any priuate or particular Gentleman. Also in respect that the profession of Armes is hono­rable, a Soldier that hath long serued without re­proach, ought be accompted a Gentleman.

Also a Scholler hauing continued the studie of good learning, & is aspired to the degrees of schooles, cannot be denied the title of gentrie.

A simple Soldier of honest fame, may fight with any other Soldier, Corporall, Sergeant, or other offi­cer, the Capteine excepted, and he also may bee chal­lenged to answere by Champion.

Euerie Capteine may challenge another Capteine, vnlesse their charges bee such as the one can com­mand the other, and this rule must serue through all degrees of Soldiers, both on horseback and foot: yet is it to bee vnderstood, that men at Armes being the most honorable sort of Soldiers and in continuall pay, (being for the most part Gentlemen) may not be [Page 37] refused to fight with any priuate Capteine of foot­men.

It may be also that a Capteine of footmen should fight with a Capteine of horsemen, were it not that those charges are giuen to Noble men, & the charge of men at Armes to the most Noble: yet is conside­ration to be had aswell of their birth as their charges. For the Capteine in meaner place, may bee so hono­rablie borne, as he ought not be repulsed: which re­spect is also to bee had among Capteines, both on horsebacke and foote, and likewise among all horse­men, and Soldiers on foote in particular.

Of Iniurie done with aduantage. CAP. 5.

HEretofore hath been said, that no Iniurie offe­red with aduantage, ought to burthen him in reputation vnto whom the same was offered, and that such Iniuries may in like sort bee reuenged, which being a thing verie naturall and reasonable, needeth no further proofe. Notwithstanding, to the intent each man may bee fullie enformed what Aduauntage is, wee thinke fit somewhat to say there­of.

Aduantage in general is, when one man doth iniu­rie vnto another, so, and in such time and place as the Iniured cannot be reuenged: but to speake thereof in particular, thus may it be said for example.

If one man being armed doth assault another dis­armed, [Page 38] or that he be better armed, that we call aduan­tage.

If a man in office or place of dignitie, hauing about him friends or seruants, doth offer iniurie to another of meaner estate, that is (likewise) Aduantage.

If two or more men, doo hurt or strike another, so as the man hurt is not able to make present re­uenge, that is also Iniurie with aduantage.

By these fewe examples, may all other aduanta­gious Iniuries be conceiued: but therewith is to bee remembred, that the dishonor and burthen of such acts doo apperteine vnto the Iniurer, and the iniurie onelie resteth vpon the Iniured without burthen, vn­lesse he shewe apparant signes of cowardise: where­vpon may bee inferred, that no Iniurie with aduan­tage dooth occasion any necessarie quarrell, sith no man is necessarilie bound to challenge; but onelie he that standeth charged and burthened. For if an Iniu­rie with aduantage did burthen the reputation of the Iniured, then were it easie for euerie coward to bur­then the most valiant man aliue, because such Iniu­ries are most safelie offered. It seemeth therefore good in this case to disstinguish the nature of aduan­tagious Iniuries, which may be in this manner.

Either the Iniurie with aduantage is offered in pre­sence of other men that can beare witnesse thereof, or els it is offered out of presence of others.

In the first case, the testimonie of witnesses will make the fact punishable by lawe and ciuill triall, which is the true reuenge, for (as hath been oft said) the triall of Armes is not allowed, but in such cases as the ciuill prooues cannot appeare.

[Page 39]If the Iniurie bee offered where no man can wit­nesse the manner thereof, then resteth it in the choyce of the Iniured, either to bee reuenged by challenge, which is the more honorable, or with the like ad­uantage. At such time as Princes were pleased to graunt license for the triall of reputation in publique Combat, whosoeuer was knowne to haue offered this sort of Iniurie (with all others his Aiders and A­bettors) were published and proclaimed as persons Infamous. What hath been said of these Iniuries in deedes, is likewise to bee vnderstood where they are offered in words. Note also that an Iniurie receiued without aduantage, either by word or deed, may not bee discharged with an Iniurie of words or deedes done with aduantage, as thus.

A blowe giuen by hand without aduantage, is not truelie discharged with tenne blowes of the hand or cudgell with aduantage. For it is not reasonable that a dishonest fact done with aduantage, should reuerse an honest fact done in good sort and manfullie. The cause why Iniurie with aduantage doth not burthen the Iniured, is, because no lawe in the world com­mandeth things impossible.

Of Iniuries euill offered. CAP. 6.

ONe other sort of Iniurie there is not farre vn­like vnto the former, yet somewhat diuers from it, which for the present wee will call In­iuries in euill sort offered, as thus.

If one man doth strike another sodeinlie behinde [Page 40] his back, that Iniurie is not done with any aduantage of companie or weapon, and therefore is not proper­lie said to bee an aduantagious Iniurie: yet is it not manfull or honest, but vile and cowardlie, and the more if the Iniurer hauing giuen the blowe, dooth runne away.

If a man doth cast a Dagger, Sword, or other thing of offence, and therewith hurt, that may be also repu­ted an Iniurie in euill sort.

If a man bearing displeasure towards another, will cause his friend or seruant to strike him; that may be also reputed an Iniurie euill offered.

Also, if I in wordes shall speake iniuriouslie or slaunderously of another man in his absence, or cause others so to do; that may be also accompted an Iniu­rie euill offered and out of time.

Of Satisfaction. CAP. 7.

MAny men do hold opinion, that Iniuries com­mitted by deedes, cannot by words bee satis­fied. But this matter is not to bee considered simplie, by comparing words vnto deedes, but by the weight and greatnes of the dishonor that is receiued by the fact and the words, & also of the shame which I offer vnto my selfe and is offered by others. For whether doo we thinke a Gentleman lesse commen­dable that traiterouslie hurteth another, or him that by such meanes receiueth the harme, which may bee also said of him that offendeth with aduantage, or that giueth a hurt in euill sort. In mine opinion there [Page 41] is no doubt to answere this question, because in ordi­narie reason the offender ought to be blamed, & not he that is offended, as hath been heretofore discour­sed. Notwithstanding, if I hauing done such an act, doo confesse the iniurious manner thereof, and say that without cause the same was by me committed, and consequentlie desire pardon, there is no reason but that he who receiued the iniurie should rest satis­fied. For I knowe no offence so great, as is vnpardo­nable vppon such submission, and the more for that the nature of all generous minds is enclined to com­passion and forgiuenes.

Yet contrarie to my conceipt, some others doo hold, that if I haue done any iniurious deede, no sa­tisfaction sufficeth, vnlesse I freelie yeeld my selfe in­to the hands of him who is iniured, and stand at his mercie; which seemeth vnto mee a course verie doubtfull and vnlike to receiue good. For if the In­iured with his owne hand shall doo any thing to his satisfaction, in so doing he sheweth no courtesie, and consequentlie doubleth the anger and quarrell. Or if without other demonstration, forgiuenes be taken as a satisfaction, then will the matter rest suspicious, as a thing agreed on before, and preiudiciall vnto the reputation of him that is iniured. But true it is, if a man should vnaduisedlie or rashlie offend me, & pre­sentlie knowing his error, fall downe at my feete, de­liuer me his weapon and pray pardon; in that case there is no doubt, but that I ought rest satisfied, and he freed frō suspition. But if the matter be not at the first thus handled, and the bloud cooled, then seemeth it hard how to cōpasse a peace by way of remission.

[Page 42]Now to confirme that was before said, that words are of effect sufficient to satisfie an Iniurie by deede, I say if a man greatlie harmed by another, doth write that he intendeth to prooue the hurt receiued of him to bee iniuriouslie and vngentlemanlie done, and the Iniurer will answere and confesse he hath indeede done euill, and an act not iustifiable; surely no reason would that afterwards any quarrell or obligation of honor should remaine. The like satisfaction ought be receiued from the mouth of the Iniurer, and ther­fore conclude, that Iniuries by deedes may with words be recompensed.

VVhat satisfaction is to be giuen for an Iniu­rie by Deedes. CAP. 8.

BEcause the ground & substāce of this matter cō ­sisteth in knowing the truth; he that hath done wrong, ought in reason to confesse it; and hee that hath right, should mainteine it: therefore when any man iustlie offended hath taken a reuenge con­uenient according to the qualitie of the offence, to make a peace betwixt these parties, the matter must be thus handled. He that hath made the reuenge shall say: Verie sorie I am to haue had occasion to vse any act of reuenge, and without that occasion, if I had done thus, I should not haue done wel, & as a Gentle­man ought to do, or other words to like effect. After which words pronounced, the other partie know­ing in conscience that he gaue the occasion (confes­sing his fault) ought to rest satisfied, & so will, vnlesse [Page 43] he bee a bodie voyde of reason. Likewise, if two Gentlemen vppon some vnkind words doo drawe, and the one hurt the other; to make them friends, the way is thus. He that gaue the hurt or wound shal say, that the Gentleman wounded, behaued himselfe as a valiant man ought, and although he receiued the hurt yet his vertue did sufficientlie appeare. Vpon these or like speaches, a peace may reasonablie ensue with reputation to both; for the one by giuing the hurt hath gained honor, and the other receiuing praise of his enemie is acquite of euill imputation; where­by all men shall knowe, that both the one and the o­ther hath tried himselfe a manlie and valiant Gentle­man.

If one man doth strike or offer violence vnto the o­ther, & presentlie runne away; or if the partie offen­ded by any other meane, cannot bee presentlie reuen­ged: yet in that case, if he lay hand on his weapon and endeuour to make reuēge, he shal be reputed valiant, and the other a coward. But to make peace betweene them, the onelie way is, that he who offered the vio­lence, shall in plaine termes confesse the manner how it was done, and pray pardon. And although it may seeme contrarie to the courage of man, not to main­teine that is begun; yet when he considereth in his owne conscience, that the act was iniurious and da­stardlie, it shall bee better christianlie to repent, than wilfullie to persist against all truth and reason.

If one man dooth chaunce to hurt another vn­wares, or vnknowing him, as sometimes it happe­neth in the night or darke places, the amends must be to say, I know you not, for knowing, I would not [Page 44] haue so done, nor might so doo without offering wrong and discourtesie, and therefore pray you hold me excused.

Sometimes it happeneth that one challengeth an other to haue striken him, and the other doth denie that so he did: in that case the satisfaction must bee thus. The partie charged to haue striken, shall say (if so the truth be) Indeed I did not strike you, & if I had (hauing no such cause) I might iustlie bee accused of Iniurie. After this sort, many other questions may be ordered, vsing such words and reasons, as to discreete Gentlemen shall be thought conuenient. And here I will remember all Gentlemen, making profession of Honor and Truth, that they should not in any wise mainteine any vniust words or wrongfull action. But being by choler or other occasion entred into In­iurie, they ought rather reforme their error, than ob­stinatlie continue to the offence of their owne con­science and knowledge. Neither can it be dishono­rable to confesse that which is true, nor bee sorie for misdooing.

Other meanes of Pacification and compo­sition. CAP. 9.

THe first of these is, that aswell the Iniurer as the Iniured should bee drawne into the presence of some honorable personage, and before any act of submission or repetition of words before passed, to agree and referre the order and ending of all que­stions, vnto one man indifferentlie chosen by consent [Page 45] of both parties. That being done, the man vnto whō this office is committed, shall particularlie and a part entreate with the Iniurer to affirme what he will say on his behalfe. Then calling the Iniured, shall say and assure him, that the Iniurer hath made a good & rea­sonable satisfaction, in euerie thing that may bee pre­iudiciall to the honor or reputation of the Iniured: And therefore require aswell the one as the other to stand satisfied, and repute themselues in such estate and condition, as they were before the quarrell was commenced. This order hath been oftentimes vsed, and satisfaction so made, thought effectual: for some­times it prooueth a thing verie difficult to bring the aduersaries together face to face, before a Iudge or o­ther person of authoritie: sometimes also being met, they fall into newe quarrell vpon newe occasion: ei­ther els before they come, a doubt will arise how they shall bee accompanied, and whether they shall come armed or without weapon. Another while there groweth difficultie vpon the words of satisfac­tion. It hath been also seene, that in such conference there hath passed some blowes of the hand, weapon, foote, or other violence, whereby the enmitie was ra­ther encreased, than appeased. In which respects, this order is many times vsed.

Another way is this, that some person of great au­thoritie should call the parties afore him, and take a truce vntill hee shall at more leisure consider of the quarrell, enioyning them in the meane time not to speake or doo any thing either against other: which order is couertlie a truce perpetual.

Another way is, that a Prince or personage of au­thoritie, [Page 46] should perswade with the parties to put the quarrell into his hand, and consent to rest satisfied with that he shall vpon his honor determine. Diuers other indirect meanes haue been deuised for the compounding and appeasing of Iniuries, which I leaue to the discretion of wise & valiant Gentlemen.

Of satisfaction to be giuen vpon words. CAP. 10.

IT hath been alreadie said, that the ground of all sa­tisfaction is truth, which cannot be denied: wher­fore whensoeuer one man hath vttered any vntrue imputation of another, hee may without discredite confesse the thing to be otherwise than he spake, say­ing in his owne excuse (vnlesse the truth bee contra­rie) that which I said I thought then to bee true. Or thus. That I said, was tolde mee of others. Or thus. What I said was in my choller. These speaches ten­ding to shew the truth to be otherwise than was said, the partie offended is disburthened.

If a man hath giuen the Lie to another, and after doth knowe the words wherevpon the Lie was gi­uen to be true: he may in that case without reproach reuoke the Lie, and thereby make satisfaction. And if happelie he make difficultie to vse such a reuoca­ [...]ion directlie, then may he say, I confesse the words to be true whereof our quarrell groweth, either els he may repeate the words, and therewithal allow them.

Another way to procure satisfaction is, That hee who gaue the Lie shall say or write vnto the partie belied to this effect: I pray you aduertise me by this [Page 47] bearer, with what intent you spake those words of iniurie, wherevpon I gaue you the Lie. The other will answere, I spake them in choller, or with no meaning to offend you. Thereunto may be answered by him that gaue the Lie, thus. If your words were said onelie in anger, and no intent to challenge me, then do I assure you that my Lie giuen shall not bur­then you, for I acknowledge you to be a true speaker, and a Gentleman of good reputation; wherefore my desire is, that the speach passed betweene vs may bee forgotten. This forme of pacification may serue in many cases, and at sundrie occasions.

Sometimes it happeneth, that a man repenting a speach euill spoken of another, will after denie that any such words were spoken; which seemeth no ful satisfaction, vnlesse hee adde these words: I spake it not, or if I had spoken it, I should haue said vntruelie. These or like speaches are in this case verie conue­nient: for if another man speaketh euill of me, by the deniall of his speach he shameth himselfe, but not sa­tisfieth me, vnlesse he also affirme mine innocencie. But a Gentleman hauing indeed said any thing, ought rather confesse, than denie what was said: which sa­tisfaction I thinke not dishonorable, but honest, as proceeding from a Christian conscience.

If a man hath said any thing that is true, yet vnfit to be spoken, he ought not denie that so he said: but for satisfactiō must say thus. I spake the words with­out intent to offend, and therefore pray pardon: for indeed to speake a truth with intent to offend, dooth giue iust cause of offence.

How the giuing of satisfaction is a thing not reproachfull. CAP. 11.

NOw for that satisfaction is commonlie made by meanes of Vnsaying, (for by that terme wee will call aswell euerie reuocation of words, as confession to haue done euil) it may be obiected that if vnsaying be so reproachfull, as for it a man may be discredited, and of other Gentlemen repulsed; then if I haue spoken vntruelie, or done euill by vnsaying or denying thereof, I am to incurre infamie. But for an­swere of that obiection, I say, that great difference there is betweene vnsaying in the Listes or fields by force of Armes, and that vnsaying which is vttered voluntarilie for the loue of truth; for the one is spo­ken for feare of death, and the other by perswasion of reason. For hee that persisteth to mainteine euill doth condemne himselfe, as a man that would fight contrarie to iustice: but the other sheweth he will not take Armes for any cause, but that which is iust. And as the one is the part of an euill and wicked per­son: so is the other a signe of sinceritie & loyall mea­ning. For sith there is no man liuing faultles, yet he that knoweth his error and repenteth, is most to bee excused, endeuouring to make satisfaction Therfore that Gentleman who knoweth his owne fault, and la­boureth to amend it, doth not onlie deserue to be ex­cused, but is also worthie much praise in offering such satisfaction as apperteineth to reason, and the office of a iust and true Christian. To conclude ther­fore, [Page 49] I say, albeit the vulgar sort doo thinke, that satis­faction is a signe of cowardise: yet who so choseth to fight against reason and truth, ought bee reputed rather a beast than a Christian, and a furious foole ra­ther than a reasonable creature.

Of Nobilitie, accompanied with great dignitie. CAP. 1.

THe Emperiall lawes haue determined that no man of base calling, ought be admitted to fight with any Gentlemā or other person professing Armes: yet for better conceiuing what No­bilie and Gentilitie is, it behoueth to know, that No­bilitie is (as some haue defined it) auncient riches ac­companied with vertuous conditions. Others not allowing that opinion affirme, that riches, being of their owne nature vile, doo nothing helpe towards Nobilitie; and therfore concludeth, that vertue alone sufficeth. Bartholus saith, that riches doo helpe to at­taine vnto Nobilitie; but to preserue it, Vertue onelie hath power. Others doo thinke, that Nobilitie pro­ceedeth from the auncient honor, fame, and title of Predecessors; because otherwise a bondman being vertuous, might challenge that honor. Some men al­so [Page 50] haue thought, that as before God he is most noble and and worthie, vnto whom is giuen most grace; euen so hee is most honorable among men, whom Princes or lawes haue enhabled vnto dignitie. How­soeuer it bee, most sure it is, that no man giueth vnto himselfe any title, but it behooueth him to receiue it from others. Therefore Bartholus concludeth, that to be made noble, it is requisite the Prince doo bestowe some sort of dignitie, or title vpon the person that is ennobled, to the end he may bee knowne from the Plebeiall people: but we say that men may bee repu­ted noble three waies. First, by nature or discent of Auncestors, which is the vulgar opinion. Secondlie, for vertue onelie, which the Philosophers affirme. Thirdlie, by mixture of auncient gentle race with Vertue, which is indeede the true and most commen­dable kind of Nobilitie: for seeing man is a creature reasonable, he ought bee called man, in respect of his owne vertue, and not the vertue of others; which moued Vlisses to say vnto Aiax, boasting of Aun­cesters.

But for better manifestation that naturall Nobili­tie mixed with Vertue is most true and perfect, thus may it be prooued. The almightie God hath created all things both in generalitie and specialitie, with a certeine excellencie and bountie, one more perfect than the other, one noble, another ignoble. For amōg stones some are precious, others of no vertue, and of [Page 51] the better sort of them, some more or lesse precious and orient: euen so among liuing creatures both in generalitie & specialitie, we finde some courteous & gentle, others rude & voyd of vertue. Much more is the differēce of nature in men, among whō the eter­nall God hath dispenced his grace to some more, & to some lesse, according to his diuine will and plea­sure. Wherefore they seeme to erre much, that think Gentilitie in nature hath not any force, when expe­rience proueth that of one rase and progenie are com­monlie wise, iust, valiant, and temperate men; of ano­ther, simple, vniust, cowardlie, and intemperate per­sons. Notwithstanding, for that we finde in ordinarie obseruation, that neither the horse of excellent cou­rage, doth alwaies beget another of like qualitie, nor that the vertuous man hath euer children resembling himselfe, wee doo not (hauing proofe of their dege­neration) esteeme either the one or the other: which moued Iuuenal to say,

Seeing then that either by naturall instinct, nur­ture or endeuour, some men are more vertuous than others, therefore ought they be reputed more gentle, noble, and worthie honor, than are those which are voyd of noble Auncesters, good education, and in­dustrie. For albeit no rule is so generall or certeine, but sometime receiueth exception; yet appeareth it that nature in her owne operation, doth seldome di­gresse [Page 52] from the order thereof. The Falcon neuer or verie rarelie bringeth forth other bird than a Falcon. The Greihound engendreth a whelpe like vnto him­selfe. Neuerthelesse, if either that bird in shape resem­bling her damme, hath not in her like vertue: or that whelpe doth prooue in delight diuers from his sire, they thereby become either contemned, or little e­steemed. Euen so is it among men descending from Auncesters of honor and vertue: for if neither by ce­lestiall grace, learning, nor endeuour they aspire vnto the habit of vertue, then become they thereby vnfit for all publique action, vnprofitable to themselues, and consequentlie disdained, or at the least lightlie re­garded, what pedigree, Armes, or badges soeuer are to warrant their antiquitie or nobilitie: wherefore eftsoones concluding I say with the Poet.

VVhether a quarrell betweene two Emperours may be decided by particular Combat. CAP. 2.

IT happened the Emperiall seate being voyd, the E­lectors named vnto that dignitie two Princes, not by general cōsent, but by deuisiō of voyces, the one partie chosing Alfonso king of Spaine, the other Rich­ard Duke of Cornwal brother to the King of England. These Princes claiming the Empire, the one challen­ged the other to trie the right by Combat: where­vpon grewe a question, whether persons of so high calling ought be admitted to fight in Combat. There­vnto is said, that forsomuch as the Empire in the be­ginning was gotten by Armes and vertue, and that the execution of all iustice resteth in Armes, it see­meth an Empire in that sort gained, to be more hono­rable, than if it were giuen by election. Besides that, in such triall, the victorious enioyeth it by diuine iudgement. And for example that Empires haue been so iudged, we reade that the Romanes being in warre with the Albanois, it was by consent of the one and the other people agreed, that three brethren of the one partie called Horatij, should fight with three of the enemies who were also brethren, called Curiatij. These men being brought together, after long and doubtfull fight, the victorie fell vnto the Romanes, and the Albanois (according vnto agreement) willinglie yeelded their Countrie vnto the Romanes gouern­ment. On the contrarie may be alleadged, that forso­much as the weldooing of the whole Empire, con­sisteth [Page 54] vpon the life of the Emperour, he ought not to fight in person. But this is to bee vnderstood of an Emperour alreadie possessed and inuested, for if the election be doubtfull, then to auoyd a publique warre and effusion of bloud, it seemeth verie reasonable, that two Princes making claime, ought be admitted to triall of Armes, so long as no other title or interest appeareth.

VVhether a King may challenge an Emperour to Combat. CAP. 3.

THe auncient Emperours of Roome were of so great puissance, and had vnder them so manie Monarchies and Kingdomes, as well neere the chiefest part of the world was vnto them subiect, and the Princes of those ages were reputed either Subiects, Vassals, or Tributaries vnto the Emperours. In which respect, it was thought vnfit that the Empe­rour should vouchsafe to fight with any King or Prince of what state or qualitie soeuer. It appeareth also, that the honor and respect borne towards them was excessiue, because the ciuill lawe doth call the Emperour Lord of the world, affirming he hath iu­risdiction ouer Kings and all Princes; yea there wan­teth not of those, that haue named him GOD vpon the earth, and consequently reasonable that he should refuse to fight in Combat with any King or other Potentate. On the contrarie side may be alleadged, that the dignitie and title of Kings is more auncient, than that of Emperours, and that they haue the like [Page 55] soueraigntie ouer men. For well we knowe that Ae­neas, Romulus, & Numa, gouerned in Roome many and many yeares, before that Iulius Caesar vsurped the title of Emperour, Neuertheles, Lancislao King of Hunga­rie challenging the Emperour, was repulsed as vn­worthie. It happened also, that another King conten­ding with the Emperour for the Kingdome of Polo­nia, the said King did challenge the Emperour to Combat, as before that time Carlo Martello the sonne of Carlo the second had done for triall of the title of Hungarie, which he claimed by discent from his mo­ther.

The said King of Hungarie (who was then posses­sed) being of person puissant, did condiscend to fight with Carlo Martello a young man of twentie yeares, and vnexpert in Armes, yet indeede rightfull heire. These Princes resolued to make triall by Armes vp­pon a day certeine, & appoynted the King of England to be their Iudge, and they to performe the fight in a certeine Iland of his, which was done, & Carlo Mar­tello became victorious, and tooke from the Hunga­rian King his helmet, which had a cheine hanging at the same, which helmet Carlo Martello and all his suc­cessors vsed as a badge. But for resolution of this matter thus wee conclude, that Princes or Kings ha­uing dependance of the Empire, may bee repulsed to fight with the Emperour: but a King soueraigne, ac­knowledging no Superiour, and holding his Domi­nion of GOD and his owne sword onelie, may chal­lenge and fight with any Emperour.

Of the Equalitie and disequalitie of great No­bilitie, and of the priuiledges due to all men professing Armes. CAP. 4.

A King vncrowned may lawfullie challenge a King crowned, vnlesse the King vncrowned be vnlawfullie aspired, or a Tyrant. The num­ber of Christian Kings are 14 of whom onelie foure were auncientlie crowned by the Pope, that is, the French King, the King of England, the King of Ierusa­lem, and the King of Sisil. All the other Kings were crowned by their owne Prelates Thus saith Paris.

An Earle being a Prince absolute, and not subiect vnto the Empire, or any other Potentate, may refuse to fight with any person being a subiect, notwith­standing hee hath the title of Prince, Duke, or Mar­quize. Here is to bee noted, that these titles of honor were at the first giuen in office, as the title of Duke was proper vnto him that was a Generall of the Ar­mie. A Marquize was he vnto whom the confine or Marches of a Countrie or Kingdome was commit­ted. An Earle or Count was a Iudge or Commander in Peace, and of them in the auncient Emperours ser­uice were diuers, as the Countes Palantine, were as stewards of the Emperours house, of his Court, or Stable, & euerie of them might challenge any Prince, Duke, or Marquize being a subiect; because they are in respect of subiection, reputed none other than Ba­rons.

[Page 57]A Gentleman well borne and descended from Pa­rentage of foure degrees, may fight with any Earle or Baron, in case of treason to his Prince or Countrie, and also murther and infidelitie, because they are (be­sides their dignitie) none other than Gentlemen, and Gentilitie or Nobilitie is hereditarie and cannot bee taken away, but Dignitie may. But in other quarrells of lesse importance, the Earle in respect of his digni­tie may fight by Champion; but in the cases afore­said he shall fight in person, vnlesse he bee aged, lame, or otherwise disabled.

A Capteine Generall of an Armie Emperiall or Royall, may not be challenged by any Gentleman or Lord; neither ought the Gouernour of any Citie, Towne, or Castle, because no publique commande­ment may be abandoned for priuate respect. The like is to be vnderstood of Ambassadors, who in regarde of the place they holde, may, during their Commis­sion, repulse the challenge of any Gentleman or other subiect whatsoeuer.

A Soldier baselie borne, hauing liued in continual exercise of Armes by the space of tenne yeares, with­out committing any disobedience, or other reproach­full act, ought be admitted to fight with any Gentle­man borne.

A Gentleman, who either by his owne fault or his Auncestor, hath committed any treason against his Prince, may bee repulsed to fight with any other Gentleman, vnlesse the said offender or his Auncestor were restored in bloud, or is in discent three degrees from the Auncestor that was attainted.

A Gentleman that is knowne a Spie for the Ene­mie, [Page 58] or bewraieth the secrets of his owne Princes Campe, abandoneth his Ensigne, or committeth any other Militarie offence, may be repulsed to fight with euerie other Gentlemen of good fame & reputation. And by the ancient custome, men blotted with such note, might not liue in any citie or towne where the Emperour or other Prince remained.

A Gentleman that hath made profession of Armes by the space of twentie yeares in the Court or Camp of his Prince, without infamie or reproach, may (notwithstanding he be dismissed, retired or cassed) fight with any other Gentleman that liueth in pre­sent Pay and exercise of Armes.

A Gentleman hauing aspired vnto any title or dig­nitie, and is either in respect of age or infirmitie reti­red to his owne house, ought neuerthelesse to enioy all his honors, and shall be euer (without committing dishonorable fact) reputed worthie the honor he re­ceiued in Court or Campe, and fight with any other Gentleman whatsoeuer.

An Artificer following the Campe, and exercising his Arte or Mysterie (notwithstanding he bee also in Pay) may bee repulsed to fight with any priuare Sol­dier that maketh particular profession and exercise of Armes.

No man vnder the degree of a Gentleman ought be receiued or allowed for a man at Armes on horse­backe: for by the Emperiall lawes the Regiment of Launces, was called Equestris ordo, and they whom we call Light horsemen, were named Celeri.

Certeine Questions, Opinions, and iudgements vpon accidents happening in trialls and ex­ercise of Armes. CAP. 5.

1 IF two men at Armes doo couenant to fight on horsebacke, and runne tenne courses with sharpe Launces, and that hee who worst performeth those courses should be iudged victored & prisoner to the other: It happeneth that at the second course the one of them falleth from his horse, and sodeinlie recouering to horsback offereth to performe the rest of the courses. The question is, whether it be lawfull for him so to doo, or by the fall be reputed a prisoner?

Whereunto is answered, that in a Challenge for life and death, no man ought bee accompted vanquished vnlesse he bee slaine, or forced with his owne mouth to yeeld or denie those words where­vpon the quarrell groweth: yet otherwise it is, when the Challenge or Combat is for Honor onlie, loue of Ladies, or exercise of Armes, because in that case (notwithstanding the Runners bee determined vpon a certeine number of courses) yet if at the first, or after (before those courses bee all performed) any of them doo fall, he that receiueth the fall shall lose the honor, and the other depart with victorie.

2 Two Gentlemen being come into the field to fight for life, the one in fighting happeneth to fall, the other presentlie sitteth vpon him and saith, yeeld thy selfe; he that lieth vnder, saith like words, and there­with [Page 60] woundeth his enemie lying vpon him, who feeling the griefe mortall, striketh the other in the throate; he that was first falne ariseth and walketh, shortlie after they both die; the question is, which of them ought to be iudged victorious?

Albeit no dead man can require iudgement of vi­ctorie; yet to the end the honor due vnto the victo­rious may be in signe of his valerous merit bestowed, and the spoyles of the vanquished laid vnder his En­signe, thus it is said. He who first had the bodie of the enemie in his power and vnder, ought be reputed vi­ctorious: yet may it be alleadged, that the other who gaue the first mortall wound, ought haue the victo­rie, because the time thereof & not the time of death is to bee considered. Others are of opinion, that the longer liuer ought to haue victorie: and some af­firme, that if the Challenger gaue the first wound whereof death ensued, although himselfe did first die: yet had he performed his part and deserued most praise. Some also doo thinke, there is no iudgement can bee giuen but that the matter should lie dead. Howsoeuer it bee, I leaue the same to more learned Doctors and better experienced Knights.

3 Two Gentlemen being on horsebacke, the one challengeth the other, the fight being begun, the Challenger alighteth & killeth his enemie; the Que­stion is, whether he may so lawfullie doo?

Thereunto is answered. That if the Challenge were for triall of Honor, Triumph, or sport on hors­back, then is no honor due to him that thus killed his enemie, for that neither of the fighters ought to bee on foote: but in a Combat for life it is otherwise. [Page 61] Sith then it is lawfull aswell for the one as the other to take and vse all meanes, aduantages and subtilties that can be inuented.

4 Two Gentlemen capitulate to fight on horse­backe, & that he who first falleth shall be vanquished. At the first encounter they fall both at one instant; question is, which of them ought be victorious.

To this case may bee answered, that forsomuch as the Challenger is not onelie to defend himselfe, but also offend & winne victorie, now falling euen with the Defender, he thereby ought be accompted victo­red; for in all doubtfull causes the Defender is most to be fauoured. Others are of minde, that seeing the fall of the Challenger might proceede of his owne force, & not the vertue of the enemie, the iudgement ought lie dead. But the true decision of this question is thus. If the Combat were for triall of Vertue, Loue, or Prize, then ought the Challenger to lose the honor; but if the same were for life, then ought the fight to be performed in one other day by consent of both parties; because in Combats of that kinde no victorie is gained vntill one of the fighters bee either slaine or yeelded, or hath with his owne mouth de­nied the words wherevpon the Combat was occa­sioned.

5 Two Gentlemen determined to fight on horse­backe for life, the one ouerthroweth the other: be­ing downe, the enemie commeth vpon him: he that is vnder saith, I yeeld, and at the same instant with his dagger striketh and killeth him that is aboue: the question is, which of them ought be pronounced vi­ctorious.

[Page 62]Thereunto is said, that forsomuch as the words and deedes of him that liueth, were said and done at one instant, being of contrarie effect, the iudgement ought haue relation vnto the deedes: for oft times words are vttered, diuers from the intent of that is done. But if so be a man doth say, I yeeld, and he vnto whom he yeeldeth doth stay to fight & accept there­of, then shall the sayer be reputed vanquished; and af­terwards offending him to whom he is yeelded, for so dooing, he ought bee dishonored and condemned as a Traitor.

6 Two Gentlemen being agreed to breake certeine Launces for Prize and Honor, the horse of the one happeneth to stumble vpon a broken Launce & fal­leth; whether shall he in respect of that fall be iudged to lose the honor?

To this question, the answere is apparant. For see­ing that the fall proceeded not from the vertue or force of the aduersary, but by misfortune, the Gentle­man falne ought to be excused. Notwithstanding, if the fight had been for life, the matter ought receiue other iudgement, seeing in those kind of Combats it is lawfull to take all oportunities and aduantages.

7 Two Gentlemen determined to fight for life vp­pon an accusation of treason, whether is it lawfull for the Iudge to depart them, before the Combat be per­formed & fullie ended? Whereunto may be answe­red, that forsomuch as the office of a Iudge, is to giue sentence according to allegations and prooues; it see­meth that the Iudge ought in no wise to stay the fight, but permit the Combat to proceede, till the one or the other of the fighters bee either yeelded or [Page 63] slaine, especiallie in quarrells of so heinous weight as is the cause of treason. For Frederick the Emperour, who cassed and disanulled all particular Battells and Combats vsed by the Lombards, did notwithstanding allow, that vpon quarrell for treason and secret mur­ther, the Combat should bee permitted and graunted by all Princes, because the one was offensiue to God, the other to Prince and Countrie.

8 Two Gentlemen being come to Combat did co­uenant, that which soeuer of them did giue vnto his enemie most wounds, should be victorious: the one hath his eye put out with a shiuer of a Launce, & the other hath his bodie and armour pearced through: the question is, who ought haue the victorie?

To that doubt we answere thus. Albeit the eye is a member of much delicacie, and also placed in the head: yet for that the Launce is passed through both breast and back, it must needes bee that he on whom those wounds are, should confesse to receiue most hurt, and consequentlie to lose the honor and victo­rie.

9 Two Gentlemen being in fight, the one putteth out the eye of his enemie, and he in requitall of that hurt, cutteth off his nose; the question is, who is by those hurts most dishonored?

It may seeme at the first sight, that losse of an eye is greatest, being a member placed aboue, & that with­out the sight a man prooueth vnfit for all worldlie actions: yet forsomuch as the want of a nose is com­monlie accompted the greatest deformitie, and a pu­nishment due for infamous offences, it may bee rea­sonablie inferred, that the losse of that feature should [Page 64] bring with it most dishonor. Besides that, seeing man is made according to the similitude of God, wee ac­compt that the face being made more deformed by losse of the nose, than of one eye: therefore the grea­test honor of this Combat is due vnto him who ta­keth the nose of the enemie.

10 Two Gentlemen in fighting on horsebacke with Launces, the one hath his hand maimed, the o­ther his knee and whole legge made lame; which of them ought receiue most honor?

Hereunto may be said, that the hand being a mem­ber most necessarie for fight, and placed much higher than the legge: therefore the losse thereof is of more importance, & consequētlie dishonorable. On the o­ther side is alleadged, that seeing the leg is of as great necessitie, so as without it he is dishabled to serue ei­ther on horse or foote: therfore he who becommeth hurt and lame in that part, receiueth most dishonor, and the more for that no Arte can supplie that want, as in the hand it may. But I referre the true deciding of this doubt vnto the wise and learned reader.

11 Two Gentlemen come to fight for life, the Challenger being left handed is maimed on that hād, the other being right handed loseth it; which of them ought receiue most dishonor?

It seemeth that in this case the losses and harmes are equall; for he who was left handed, being mai­med on that side, is depriued of that hand which he vsed chieflie, and was no lesse apt for him, than the right hand is vnto the enemie. And sith it is the office of the Challenger not onlie to mainteine but also of­fend and prooue, in not doing more to preiudice the [Page 65] Defender, than that harme himselfe receiueth: there­fore the Challenger (although hee loseth but a left hand) is in this case most dishonored. Yet because the exercise of these mens hands were of like necessitie, I thinke (vnder correction) the iudgement ought to rest as indifferent.

12 Two Gentlemen in performing a Combat on foote, are hurt in places equall; the question is, whe­ther of them is victorious?

We haue in the former question said, that where two fighters bee equallie hurt, the Challenger should depart with dishonor, because he hath not prooued that which he tooke in hand, which is to vanquish the Defender. Therefore, the drawing the enemies bloud, and the manner thereof is to bee considered. If then the one be hurt on the right arme, and the other on the left, it may seeme there is none aduantage: for as the right hand is apt to offend in fight, so the left hand is no lesse fit to defend. Notwithstanding, for that the vse of the right hand is both more necessarie and ordinarie, he who is hurt thereof, ought to be ad­iudged vnto most dishonor, chieflie in Combat for life. For in the exercise of Armes for honor onlie, the iudgement ought lie dead, or els he shall bee thought victorious that most manfullie performed his part, or that regardeth least the wound, or that most cunning­lie doth handle his weapon. The qualitie of the hurts is also to bee considered, which of them is more or lesse mortall, likewise which member is more or lesse to be regarded.

13 Foure Gentlemen determined to fight on hors­backe for triall of trueth and life, did enter into the [Page 66] Lists: the one partie doo both charge one of the ad­uersaries reputed a man of small force, yet valiantlie defending himselfe, did hurt one of the assailers. And his companion seeing the matter so handled, sodein­lie dismounteth, and with his Launce woundeth the other of his enemies in the backe, and forceth the one of them to denie his words: he that denied fleeth out of the Listes, perswading his fellowe being first hurt to abide there, saying it was more honorable to dye within, than without the Listes. He who forced the enemie to flie, pursued him; but not able to take him, a question was mooued which partie ought bee ac­compted victorious, because on either partie one was hurt, and the other two went out of the Listes with­out license of the Iudge. Whereto may be sayd.

That he who denied, ought with his companion to lose the Honor. For albeit one of the enemies did also leaue the Lists, yet his entent therein was to pur­sue his foe being fled thence: and forsomuch as the Combat was for matter of Treason, it sufficeth not onlie for the victorious to vanquish the enemie, but also to bring him into the power of the Iudge to bee punished. And it is plaine, that seeing of the one par­tie one was hurt, and the other fled, they ought to be iudged to lose all honor, and be condemned as guiltie of that wherevpon the quarrell was mooued.

14 Seauen Gentlemen doo compound with seauen other, to runne certeine courses at the Tilt for honor and loue of Ladies; in which match, it happened that fiue of the one partie did commendablie acquite themselues, but the other two of that side were ouer­throwne. On the other side, two onelie performed [Page 67] their courses well, and the rest of that companie ex­ceeding euill, losing many Launces, and running very foule: whereof a question grewe, whether vnto fiue well doers and two euill, or vnto two weldoers with fiue euill, the honor ought be allotted?

Albeit in this case much may bee spoken, yet for that the question is not of any particular mans merit, but which partie in generall performed best the en­terprize; it may be alleadged, that the partie wherein were most weldoers ought to haue the honor, not­withstanding the fall of two of their companions: yet forsomuch as to fall from horseback by the enemies force or vertue is most reproachfull, it seemeth that the misaduenture of two men onlie, may reasonablie be the losse of honor to all the rest. And therefore we leaue the iudgement of this doubt vnto wise men, better experienced in Armes.

15 Two Gentlemen being in Combat for life, the Challenger taketh the sword of the Defender from him, notwithstanding the Defender most valiantlie defendeth himselfe with his arme and hands all the whole day, during which time he could not be for­ced either to denie, yeeld or bee slaine. A question thereupon arose, whether of them was victorious?

Forsomuch as this Combat was for life, and that in euerie fight of such nature, no victorie is fullie gained vntill the Defender is slaine, or els forced to yeeld or denie; it seemeth that he is not to be iudged guiltie, nor hauing done any of these, although his sword were lost, which indeede in all Martiall exer­cises and feates of Armes is a thing much to bee dis­commended. But most certeine it is, that in all Com­bats [Page 68] and actions of Armes, for Honor, Loue, & Praise onelie, whosoeuer loseth his sword, must presentlie (also) lose the honor and victorie.

16 Two Gentlemen fighting for life within the Listes, the one yeeldeth himselfe a prisoner. Whe­ther may the Prince of the place (who in Combat is elected a Iudge) saue the life of him that is vanqui­shed? Hereunto may be answered.

That albeit euerie prisoner apperteineth vnto his taker, yet hath it commonly been vsed, that the victo­rious haue presented their prisoners vnto the Prince, to bee disposed at his good pleasure, who in recom­pence thereof, doo vse (according to the magnani­mous mindes of such persons) not onelie to pay the charges of the victorious, but also in signe of cle­mencie and mercie set the infortunate prisoner free­ly at libertie. As did the noble King Edward the third of England, vnto Iohn Visconti, who in his presence was vanquished by Thomas de la March base sonne vnto the French King. And Phillip Duke of Milan did the like vnto another infortunate Gentleman van­quished by a Neapolitane Knight.

Of the honor gained or lost by being disarmed in sundrie places, and of sundrie peeces. CAP. 6.

A Man that loseth his Sword in fight, is more re­proached than he that loseth his Shield. For he gaineth the greatest honor that winneth the chief weapon from the enemie, which is the Sword, seeing therewith the Emperour and Kings do create [Page 69] their Knights, and the Sword is borne before them in signe of authoritie and regall power.

He that loseth his Headpeece in fight, is more dis­honored, than he that loseth his Shield, because the Helmet defendeth the most principall part of man, but the Shield armeth a lower place.

He that loseth his Gauntlet in fight, is more to bee blamed, than he who is disarmed of his Poulderon. For the Gauntlet armeth the hand, without which member no fight can be performed, and therfore that part of Armour is commonlie sent in signe of de­fiance.

He that is cast out of the Saddle by violence of his aduersaries encounter, shall bee more reprooued, than he who falleth by the default of his horse, the brea­king of girths, or any such like accident.

Of the honor gained or lost by the hurts giuen or taken in Combat for life or in Triumph. CAP. 7.

HE that in fight loseth his Eye, shall thereby re­ceiue more dishonor, than hee that loseth his Teeth; because the Eye is a member seruing the most necessarie sence, but the Teeth are onelie in­struments of the mouth. He that loseth his right Eye, is more to bee reproached, than he that loseth the left Eye; because the right side is in better opinion of men. The like is to bee said of the hands, of the armes and legges. If a man hauing but one Eye doo fight with another man that hath two, in losing that one Eye, he shall be more blamed, than he who hath two [Page 70] Eyes, although hee loseth one. Hee that loseth his whole hand, shall bee more reproached, than he who loseth one Eye. And hee that loseth a foote, is more disgraced, than he that loseth one hand.

Of Iusts and Turniaments, and how the acci­dents in such exercises are to be iudged. CAP. 8.

IT is written, how at a Triumph in the noble Citie of Naples, a Gentleman called the L. Peter Counte of Derise, receiued so furious an encounter by the Launce of another that ranne against him, that there­with he became at one instāt disarmed of his Shield, his Curats & Headpeece, so as he being vtterly disar­med, was left on horsback in his doublet only, with­out other harme: In requitall whereof, the said Peter gaue vnto the other Gentleman so violent a blowe, as therewithall the girths of the horse were broken, and the man cast headlong on the ground. Thereupon a question was mooued, which of them had merited most honor, or rather which of them deserued least reproach? Whereunto was answered absolutelie, that he who fell fro the horse, was most dishonored; for (next vnto death) to fall from the horse is most re­proachfull.

Yet is it lesse disgrace to fall with the horse, than to fall alone: and therefore, albeit a man doth runne neuer so well, if in the end he doth fall frō the horse, he can by no meanes receiue honor for that day, but shall rather depart with disgrace.

Who so fighting on foote at Barrier, or in any o­ther [Page 71] exercise of Armes, is by the force of his aduersa­rie constrained with his hand to touch the ground, shall thereby lose all commendation.

He that on horsebacke directeth his Launce at the head, is more to bee praised, than he that toucheth lo­wer. For the higher the Launce hitteth, the greater is the Runners commendation.

Who so runneth lowe, is not onelie vnworthie praise, but also meriteth reproach. And he who so ca­rieth his Launce comelie and firme, is more to bee praised, although hee breake not, than hee who mis­gouerneth his horse, or vnskilfullie handleth his Launce, although he doth breake.

He that vseth to runne high, sitteth steadelie and moueth least in his course, accompanying his horse euenlie and iustlie, is in running worthie al commen­dation.

He that falleth with the encounter of the aduersa­rie (although as is before said, the same be a great dis­grace) yet is it more excuseable, than if he remaineth on horsebacke amazed, suffering his horse to wander he wotteth not whether.

He that with his Launce taketh away the Rest of the aduersaries Armour, meriteth more honor, than he that taketh away any other ornament.

He that breaketh his Launce on the Pomell or bolster of his aduersaries Saddle, deserueth worse, than he who beareth his Launce well without brea­king.

He that breaketh on the face or other part of the horse, meriteth worse, than he that breaketh not at all.

[Page 72]He that hurteth an horse, shall not receiue honor, although before he hath runne well: for he that hur­teth an horse is in like predicament with him that fal­leth, who cannot on that day receiue any honor.

He is worthie small estimation, that cannot go­uerne his owne horse, or that sitteth loose in his sad­dle: but much is he to bee praised that with his force disordereth his aduersarie in the saddle.

He that letteth his Launce fall, can claime no com­mendatiō. And lesse worthie praise is he that know­eth not how it should be charged.

He that breaketh the Launce furiouslie in manie peeces, is more reputed, than he that breaketh it faint­lie in one onlie place.

He that conueieth his Launce into the Rest in due time, is worthie commendation: but he that carieth it shaking in his hand or vnstaiedlie in the Rest, meri­teth blame.

He that dexterouslie carieth the Launce long on the arme, and skilfully conueith it into the Rest neere the time of encounter, is more allowed, than he that sodeinlie and at the first setting out doth charge it.

To conclude, hee is worthie all commendation, that beareth himselfe well on horsebacke, that sit­teth comelie, that fitteth his bodie well with Ar­mour, that hath his person so disposed as if it were without Armour, that can endure to weare it long, and that till the ende of the day disarmeth not his head.

He that performeth not all his determined cour­ses, ought not receiue any prize or honor.

Hee that hurteth or toucheth an horse with his [Page 73] Launce, shall neither haue prize nor praise, for he is in case as though he had falne.

He that doth fall, may not runne any more in that day, vnlesse he falleth on his feete standing right vp, and bee also a Challenger: for in that case he may re­turne to horse and answer all commers, because on that day he is so bound to doo.

Certeine Combats graunted by the Kings of England. CAP. 9.

EDmond, of the rase of West Saxons, fought in combat with Canutus King of Denmarke, for the possession of the Crowne of England. In which fight, both the Princes being wearie, by consent de­parted the land betwixt them. Anno. 1016.

[Page 87] RObert Mountfort accused Henrie of Essex of trea­son, affirming that he in a iorney towards Wales neere vnto Colshil, threwe away the Kings Standerd, saying the King was dead, and turned backe those that went to the Kings succour. Henrie denied the ac­cusation, so as the matter came to be tried by Com­bat. The place appoynted for fight, was a little Ile neere vnto Reading. In this Combat Henrie was van­quished and fell downe as dead, and at the suite of friends, licence was obteined that his bodie might be buried by the Monkes of Reading. But it happened that the bodie of Henrie recouered, and became a Monke in that Abey. Anno 1163. In the raigne of King Henrie the second.

HEnry Duke of Hereford accused Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norffolke of certeine words by him spo­ken, as they rode betweene London and Brainford, ten­ding vnto the Kings dishonor. Thomas Duke of Norf. denied to haue spoken any such word, but Henrie af­firming his accusation, the King graunted the Com­bat to beé performed at Couentrie the 7. of September 1398. Anno Rich. 2.

A Combat was fought at Westminster in the Kings presence, betweene Iohn Ansley Knight, and Tho­mas Catrington Esquire, whō the said Knight had ac­cused of treason, for selling the Castle of S. Sauiours, which the Lord Chandos had builded in the Ile of Constantine in France. In which Combat the Knight was victorious. Anno 1379. regni Rich. 2.

[Page 88]A Combat was graunted vnto an Esquire borne in Nauarra, to fight with an English Esquire called Iohn Welsh, whom the Nauarrois accused of treason. But the true cause of the Nauarrois his malice was, for that the said Welsh had forced his wife, as (being vanquished) he confessed. The King gaue sentence he should bee drawne and hanged. Anno. 1384. Regni Rich. 2.

A Combat was fought betweene Sir Richard Wood­uile and one other Knight borne in Spaine. After the third blowe giuen, the King staied the fight. An­no 1441. Regni Henr. 6.

A Combat was graunted vnto Iohn Viscount borne in Cipres, and Thomas de la Marshe bastard sonne vnto Philip King of France, in the raigne of King Ed­ward the 3. at Westminster.

Certaine Combats for Triumph, Honor, and Loue of Ladies, brought before the Kings of England. CAP. 11.

IN the former Chapter wee made mention of the Ceremonies appertaining to Combats for life, as they were ancientlie vsed. Nowe I thinke fit for [Page 90] the furniture of this worke, brieflie to remember some speciall exercises of Armes brought before the Princes of this realme for Honor, and loue of Ladies onlie: and among the rest (as actions most worthie memorie) wee will touch certeine particular Com­bats (or as they are commonlie called) Triumphs, Iusts and Turniaments performed before our present Soueraigne Queene Elizabeth, a Prince of so great magnanimitie and wisedome, as by imitation of her most noble and princelie vertues, the Court of Eng­land both for Armes and learning hath in her raigne excelled all others.

The Ceremonies apperteining to the deliuerie of Prizes at Iusts and Turniments. CAP. 12.

AT anie publique Triumph before the King, it seemeth the vse hath heretofore been, that the Prizes of best desert should bee giuen by the hand of the Queene, notwithstanding it were in the Kings presence: but first a solempne proclamation to be made by the Herehaults: to this effect;

[Page 103]This was the forme of deliuering the Prizes, at the most noble and triumphant Iusts performed by King Henrie the eight and Francis the French King, with their Nobilitie and Gentlemen of Armes, at their in­terviewe in Picardie: where the Proclamation in forme aforesaid was pronounced in English and French, which by fauour of Master Garter I haue seene recorded.

IT seemeth in elder times, the vse was that the Prince did giue a letter of attestation to such per­sons as wan anie Prize, either in Combat for life or Honor: for my selfe haue read such a one granted by a King of France vnto an Italian Gentl. in these words following: wherevnto (as it seemeth) was ad­ded a great and honorable Ceremonie.

What the vse at this time in like cases is, may ap­peare by the Prizes aforesaide bestowed by her Ma­iestie.

Of what qualitie a Gentleman professing Armes ought to be. CAP. 1.

BY consideration of things contei­ned in these bookes, a Gentleman may bee enformed what are the true causes of quarrell or offence vnto Honor; what repulses are due vnto Iniuries of all sorts; what iudgement is to be giuen vpon accidents in the exer­cises of Armes. Whereunto wee added some parti­cular examples of certeine Combats for life perfor­med by persons of honor within this land: and like­wise haue noted the actions most glorious in Tri­umphs brought before the Princes of this realme. And forsomuch as these actions of Armes (chieflie on horsebacke) are, and euer haue been vsed of noble personages and Gentlemen of the best sort, whom the Romanes in their florishing time by a generall terme called Equites, and are presentlie both of the I­talians and Spaniards named Cauallieri, without re­spect to priuate dignitie or other distinction: wee [Page 2] will therefore for this time (yet with respect to each mans title) aduenture to english the word Eques, a Gentleman that professeth Honor, Vertue & Armes, or any of them, particularly reciting with what con­dition and qualities he should bee endued: which in briefe are these.

• 1 First, he ought be of good constitution in bodie, and conuenient strength to suffer trauell, and per­forme the actions apperteining to a man of Armes.
• 2 Secondly, he should be well fauoured of face and comelie: for commonlie GOD and Nature giueth beautie to such persons as are destined to command, and from others borne to obay they haue withhol­den that fauour. Which mooued some writers to affirme, that the princelie presence of Priamus did shewe him to bee worthie of gouernment and com­mand other men.
• 3 Thirdly, he should be of bold aspect, rather incli­ned to seueritie than softnesse: which countenance the Swisses and Turkes doo much affect.
• 4 Fourthly, he must be sober and discreet; not in­clined to vaine delights or effeminate pleasures.
• 5 Fiftlie, that he be obedient. For of obedience pro­ceedeth that the meaner are content to bee comman­ded by the better, and the ignorant by those that know. This vertue was greatlie imbraced of the Ro­manes, and occasioned their often victories: and at this day is well obserued among the Turkes. And of the punishment for disobedience towards the mili­tarie Magistrates, the Romanes haue left two most no­table examples; the one of Manlius Torquatus, who caused his owne sonne for that fault to be slaine, not­withstanding [Page 3] he had vanquished the enemie. The o­ther of Papirius the Dictator, who for the like offence was punished by Fabius Rutilius Generall of the hors­men in the Romane Armie.
• 6 Sixtly, he ought bee vigilant and patient: for in the one consisteth the execution of warlike actions: by the other all trauailes, paines, and misfortunes are indured.
• 7 Seuenthly, he must be faithfull and loyall, which qualitie is required in all sorts of subiects, but chiefly in Soldiers, for thereupon dependeth his Princes se­curitie and state also: which mooued Vigetius to say that the safetie of a Prince consisted in well choosing his Soldiers. Which is the cause that men professing Armes, doo commonlie sweare by the faith of a Sol­dier: the French man, a foy de Soldat: the Italian, a fe di Soldato, &c. Yea the Kings of France do common­lie vse this phrase, a foy de gentil home: a foy du chiua­lier.
• 8 Eightly, he ought bee constant and resolute; be­cause resolution maketh al difficulties easie, and con­stancie or perseuerance bringeth perfection in that he professeth.
• 9 Ninthly, that hee should bee charitable, because warres are not taken in hand for the destruction of Countries and townes, but the defence of the lawes and people.
• Lastly, that he should be fortunate, sith Fortune is the Ladie of Armies, because she sheweth her vertue in nothing more, than in the aduentures of warre.

Of Knighthood. CAP. 2.

FOrsomuch as in these former bookes wee haue discoursed the poynts of Honor, and in what sort the exercises of Armes haue been vsed in England; it shall not be amisse but rather necessarie to speake of Knighthood; which dignitie was at the beginning giuen chieflie for seruice in Armes and valiant enterprises. Our meaning therefore is, to exa­mine the originall occasion of the name of Knight, and how many orders and degrees of Knighthood there are or haue been in Christendome. For perfor­mance whereof, it behoueth to knowe that the Ro­manes (among whom Martiall Discipline was first knowne, and names giuen to men for valerous me­rite) diuided their people into Patritij and Plebei. Af­ter that time, another diuisiō was made, as, Senatores, Equites and Plebs. As the French haue at this day Les nobles & la populaire, or gentils homes & villains. And wee in England diuide our men into foure sorts, Gen­tilmen, Citizens, Yeomen, Artificers and Labourers. Of Gentlemen, the first and principall is the King, the Prince, Dukes, Marquises, Earles, Viconts, and Ba­rons. These are the Nobilitie, and be called Lords or Noblemen. Next to these bee Knights, Esquires, and simple Gentlemen: which last number may be called Nobilitas minor: for they in Parliament haue no place among the Lords. Therefore the Barons or degree of Lords doo resemble the dignitie of Senators in Rome, and the title of our Nobilitie is like vnto the [Page 5] Patritij, when the Patritij did signifie Senatores aut Se­natorum filij. But that degree which we doo now call Knighthood, is most like vnto the title in Rome na­med Equestris ordo: yet other opinions there are both of the beginning and name of Knight, as wel among the Italians as the Spaniards. But howsoeuer it was, most certeine it seemeth, that vntil Equestris ordo was erected in Rome, there was no such degree of men as we call Knights, neither was that name giuen with such ceremonie and shewe of dignitie, as since hath been vsed. Yet some there are that faile not to affirme that Knighthood had the originall from Romulus, in this sort.

That King hauing setled his Gouernment in Rome, partlie for securitie, & partlie for magnificence erected three Bands of Horsemen, the first called Ro­mence after his owne name, the next Titience, after Ti­to Tatio, and the third Luceria, whereof only I thinke Liuie maketh mention. Hereupon they will inferre that Knighthood begun vnder Romulus.

The Spaniards doo hold opinion, that when faith and plaine dealing decaied, those men that made pro­fession of warre, euerie thousand did choose but one man whom they thought to bee of greatest wise­dome, courage and curtesie among the rest. That be­ing done, they made choise of such an horse as was reputed to excell the rest for beautie, force, and other perfections, and forthwith gaue that beast vnto that man whom they had chosen, as though their inten­tion were to conioyne that singular beast vnto that notable man, naming him Caualiero, which signifieth Horseman, though we improperly english it Knight.

[Page 6]Thus much is said in generall concerning Gentle­men that make profession of Armes, whom the Ro­manes (as it seemeth) sometimes called Milites, and some other times Equites. The Italians and Spaniards Caualieri: the French, Cheualiers. But in our language (as is now vsed) none are called Knights, but onelie they that haue that title giuen by the Prince, or his Lieutenant, with a ceremonie thereunto belonging. And of Knights made according to the vse of Eng­land, are diuers degrees: as shall hereafter be declared.

The originall of Knighthood giuen as dignitie, and what Princes haue authoritie to make Knights. CAP. 3.

IT is affirmed by some writers, that Alexander the great, with the aduise of his learned tutor Ari­stotle, resolued to bestowe vppon such persons as had done any notable seruice in the warre, some ho­nor and degree, in token of extraordinarie vertue and notable merite: and therefore gaue vnto some Bad­ges, to some Cheines, to some Priuileges, and other such like demonstrations of honor.

The Romane Emperours in like manner, some­times before the beginning of a seruice, and some­times after, bestowed not onlie commendation, but also dignities on those whose vertue they thought so worthie: as Crownets of Bayes, of Gold, of Myrtill, or some other thing, as was thought fit to the giuers. They gaue also Horses, Swords, Armours, arming [Page 7] Garments, & such like: and they that receiued them, in token of Honor kept them carefullie in perpetuall memorie of their owne valour, and the honor of that Prince who gaue them. By this meane also they be­came much admired and esteemed of all other Sol­diers.

Afterwards, for more incouragement of vertuous minds, other Princes thought meete that the memo­rable acts of Soldiers should be in perpetual memorie written, and such Priuileges as were giuen, to bee re­corded, calling them in those writings valiant men, companions in Armes, victorious Soldiers and Knights. Which manner of proceeding did animate the men of warr no lesse, than the great pourtraitures which the old Romanes were wont to make for those that had performed egregious acts.

Touching the making of Knights, we say, that e­uerie Prince soueraine hath power to giue that dig­nitie to what person it pleaseth him, as well in peace as warre. But here is to be noted, that the Knights made, are of more or lesse reputation, according to the qualitie of that Prince that maketh them: for he that is made Knight by a King, shall bee preferred be­fore a Knight made by a Prince of meaner title. Wherefore to conclude, wee say, that an Emperour, Kings, Dukes, and other Princes, acknowledging no superiour, may make Knights: and so may Com­mon weales, as the Venetian and Genoa States. The Popes also doo take vppon them to make Knights for monie, calling them commonlie after their owne names: Cauallieri di San Petro, San Paulo, Giuliani, Pij, &c.

The manner of making Knights, about the yere of our Lord. 1020. CAP. 4.

IN that age, a Prince determining to make a Knight, caused a high scaffold to bee built in some Cathedrall Church of his kingdome, or other spa­cious place neere vnto it. Thether the Gentleman was brought to receiue that honor. Being come, he was foorthwith set vpon a Chaire of siluer couered with greene silke. Then was demanded of him, if he were healthie in bodie, and able to endure the exercises re­quired in a Soldier. Also, whether he were a man of ho­nest conuersation, and what witnesses worthie credite he could produce to answere for him. This being done, the Bishop or chiefe officer of that Church tooke the Bible, and holding it open before the newe Knight, in the presence of the King and all others, spake these words, saying. Sir, you that desire to receiue the order of Knighthood, sweare before God and by this holie Bible, that ye shall neuer fight against this mightie and excellent Prince that bestoweth the order of Knighthood vpon you, vnlesse ye shall be occasioned so to doo in the seruice of your owne King and naturall Prince: for in that case (hauing first yeelded vp the Coller; deuise, and other Ensignes of Honor now receiued) it shall bee lawfull for you to serue a­gainst him, without reproach or offence to all other com­panions in Armes: but otherwise dooing you shall in­curre infamie, and being taken in warre, shall bee subiect to the paines of death. Ye shall also sweare, with all your force & power to mainteine and defend al Ladies, Gentle­women, [Page 9] Orfants, widowes, women distressed and aban­doned. The like ye must doo for wiues being desired, and shunne no aduenture of your person in euerie good warre wherein ye happen to be.

This oath taken, two of the chiefe Lords led him vnto the King, who presentlie drew forth his Sword and laied the same vpon his head, and said: God and S. George (or what other Saincts the King pleased to name) make thee a good Knight.

Then came vnto the Knight seuen noble maidens attired in white, and girt his Sword vnto his side.

That being done, foure Knights of the most ho­norable in that presence put on his Spurres.

These ceremonies past, the Queene tooke him by the right arme, and a Dutchesse by the left, and led him vnto a rich seate made on high, and thereupon set him: the King sitting downe on the one hand, and the Queene on the other.

After the King and Queene were thus set, and the newe Knight betweene them, al the rest of the Lords and Ladies set them downe also vppon other seates prepared for them, three dissents vnder the Kings seate.

Euerie Lord and Ladie being in this sort placed, thether was brought a solemne Collation or Ban­quet of delicate meates, whereof the Knight, the King, the Queene, and the whole companie did eate. And so the Ceremonie ended.

The order of disgrading of Knights in those daies. CAP. 5.

IF any Knight had in that time been corrupted with monie by his Princes enemie, or committed any other notable fault against loyaltie and honor, the other Knights forthwith made humble suite vn­to the King that he might bee punished. Which re­quest being granted, they apprehended the offender, and caused him to bee armed from head to foote, in such sort as if he should go to the field. Which done, they led him vp to an high stage made in a Church for that purpose, where were thirteene Priestes say­ing those praiers ordinarily vsed at Burials, as though that Knight had lien dead at their feete. At the end of euerie Psalme they tooke from him one peece of his Armour. First, they tooke off his Helmet as that which defended his traiterous eyes, then his Gauntlet on the right side as that which couered a corrupt hand: then the Gauntlet of the left hand, as from a member consen­ting. And so by peecemeale dispoyled him of all his Armes, as well offensiue as defensiue, which one af­ter another were throwne to the ground: and at the instant when euery part of Armour was cast downe, the King of Armes first, and after him all the other Herehaults cried aloud, saying: This is the Helmet of a disloyall and miscreant Knight. Then was brought thether a Bason of gold or siluer full of warme water: which being holden vp, the Herehaults with a loud voyce, sayd: What is this Knights name? The Purse­uants [Page 11] answered that which in trueth was his name. Then the King of Armes sayd. That is not true, for he is a miscreant and false traitor, and such a one as hath broken the ordinance of Knighthood. Thereunto answe­red the Chaplins. Let vs giue him his right name. Then spake the Trompets. What shall be done with him? To which words the King answered: Let him bee with dishonor and shame banished my kingdome, as a vile and in­famous man that hath done offence against the honor of Knighthood. When the King had so said, the King of Armes and other Herehaults cast the warme water on the disgraded Knights face (as though he were a new baptized) saying: Hencefoorth thou shalt be called by thy right name Traitor. Then the King together with twelue other Knights put vppon them mour­ning garments declaring sorowe: and comming vn­to the Knight disgraded put him downe the stage, not by the staiers he mounted vp, when he was made Knight, but threwe him downe tyed vnto a rope. Then with great ignomie he was brought vnto the Altar, and there laied groueling on the ground, and ouer him was read a Psalme full of curses.

These were the Ceremonies vsed at the degradatiō of Knights in the time of Sir Tristram, Sir Lancelot, and other famous Knights, who were (no doubt) men very valiant in Armes: but by meanes of writers that haue added vnto their acts many vntruths, their pro­wesse and enterprises are holden as fables.

How many orders and degrees of Knighthood haue been: and of them how many yet ex­tant. CAP. 6.

• 1 THe first and most noble order, both for antiqui­tie and honor, is that of the GARTER.
• 2 The next to it is that of the TOSON.
• 3 The third is that of S. MICHAEL.
• 4 The fourth is that of the NVNTIATA.
• 5 There is also one newe order of Knighthood in France, called the Order of S. ESPRIT: whereof I am not fullie enformed.

All these Knights be called Knights of the Coller, in signe they excell others in Honor and reputation: as those Orders whereinto Emperours, Kings and Princes doo enter.

Next to these in dignitie, are

• 1 The Knights of the BAND.
• 2 The Knights of S. IAGO.
• 3 The Knights of CALATRAVA.
• 4 The Knights of ALCANTARA.
• 5 The Knights of MONTESIO.
• 6 The Knights of REDEMPTION.
• 7 The Knights of MALTA.
• 8 The Knights TEVTONICI.

[Page 13]The third sort of Knights, are

• 1 The Knights of the SEPVLCHER.
• 2 The Knights of SANTA MARIA.
• 3 The Knights of S. LAZARO.
• 4 The Knights of S. STEFFANO.

These may bee called rather Knights of Supersti­tion, than persons of Honor.

Among these, wee make no mention of Knights of the Round Table: neither haue wee set downe the Knights of Amadis de Gaule, nor of Orlando Furioso: Yet doo I suppose some part of those stories to bee matters of trueth, although writers haue added vnto them things incredible. By which meane the histo­ries themselues are holden fabulous.

Wee haue not here spoken of the Knights of the Starre, nor of them which were called Knights of the Spurre: which orders are extinct or not regarded. The Knights Templers were also long since cleerelie suppressed.

Of the Order of the Garter. CAP. 7.

EDWARD the third King of England, after he had obteined many great victories, (King Iohn of France, King Iames of Scotland, being both prisoners in the Tower of London at one time, and King Henrie of Castile the bastard expulsed, and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales) did first erect this Order in his Kingdome Anno 1350. vppon no [Page 15] weightie occasion (as is reported). Notwithstāding, the same is, and long hath been in so great honor, as Emperours, Kings and Princes haue desired to bee of that companie, accompting it great Honor.

The number of this Colledge or fellowship is 26. Knights, and when any of them dye, another is cho­sen by consent of the companie.

The Soueraine of the Order is the King of Eng­land, his heires and successors.

THe habit of these Knights is a Kirtle, Gowne, Cloak, Chapperon, Coller, whereat hāgeth the image of S. George. Also a Garter richlie furnished with gold and precious stones, wherevpō these French words are written: Hony soyt qui mal y pence. Which may bee thus in English: Euill come to him, that euill thinketh.

This Order was dedicated to S. George, as the Ad­uocate of those Knights.

The custome was long, that these Knights yeerely held a feast at the Castle of Winsor, where is also the Church founded by the same King Edward, who likewise gaue great stipends to certeine Priestes to serue there.

It is not commonlie knowne what was the occa­sion that mooued the King to make this Order: but thus haue I heard it vulgarlie reported. That King [Page 16] Edward dauncing with the Queene and other Ladies of his Court, tooke vp a Garter that happened to fall from one of them: whereat some of the Lords smi­ling, the King said vnto them, that or it were long he would make that Garter to bee of high reputation. Vpon this ground (it is sayd) the Order tooke begin­ning.

Euerie yeare all the Knights on the feast day of S. George, are bound to resort vnto Windsor, or such o­ther place as by the Soueraine shall be appoynted.

The principall Officers apperteining to this most honorable Order, are these. The Prelate. The Chan­cellor. The Register. The King of Armes named Garter: and the Vsher called the Blacke Rod. Which places are presentlie furnished with these persons. viz.

• Doctor Cooper Bishop of Winchster, Prelate.
• Master Iohn Wolly Esquire, one of her Maiesties priuie Counsell, Chauncellor.
• Doctor Day Deane of Winsor, Register.
• Master W. Dethicke chiefe King of Armes, Garter.
• Master William Norris Esquire, Vsher.

The Statutes of this great Order are remaining with the sayd Master Garter, a Gentleman verie stu­dious in his facultie, and carefull to preserue the Re­cords belonging vnto the Nobilitie of England. From him I receiued the names of these Knights of the first institution of the GARTER, which I found in an auncient booke of his written in the French tongue.

• [Page 17]King Edward Soueraine.
• The Prince of Wales his sonne.
• The Duke of Lancaster.
• The Earle of Warwicke.
• The Capteine de Buch.
• The Earle of Stafford.
• The Earle of Salisburie.
• The Lord Mortimer.
• Sir Iohn Lisle.
• Sir Bartholmew de Bour­chesh.
• Sir Iohn Bewchamp.
• The Lord of Mahun.
• Sir Hugh Courtney.
• Sir Thomas de Holland.
• Sir Iohn de Grey.
• Sir Richard Fitzsimond.
• Sir Miles Stapleton.
• Sir Thomas Walle.
• Sir Hugh Wortesley.
• Sir Neel Loring.
• Sir Iohn Chandos.
• Sir Iames Dandely.
• Sir [...] de Holang.
• Sir Henrie Eme.
• Sir Fauchet de Prichcourt.
• Sir Walter Pauelly.

• [Page 18]The Queene of England Soueraine.
• The King of Spaine.
• The Duke Casemirus.
• The Vice Conte Montacute,
• The Earle of Shrewsburie, Earle Marshall of England.
• The Lord of Honsdon, Lord Chamberlein.
• The Earle of Warwicke.
• The Earle of Hontingdon.
• The Lord Bourleigh, Lord Threasurer of England.
• The Lord Grey.
• The Earle of Darbie.
• The Earle of Pembrooke.
• The L. Howard of Effingham, L. Admirall of England.
• The Lord Cobham.
• The Lord Scroope.
• The Earle of Essex.
• The Earle of Ormond.
• Sir Christopher Hatton, Lord Chauncelor of England.
• The Earle of Sussex.
• The Lord Buckhurst.

Other degrees of Knighthood in England. CAP. 8.

THree other sorts of Knights there are in Eng­land: but because they weare no garment, badge or signe to shewe the difference of their degree from other Gentlemen, they are not noted or known to strangers for Knights. Yet among our selues wee knowe them right well: for euerie man hauing that dignitie is called Sir. As Sir Thomas, Sir Iohn, Sir Wil­liam, &c.

But here is to be noted, that Knights are not borne, but made, either before a Battaile to encourage them to aduenture their liues, or after the fight, as an ad­uancement for their valour then shewed: or out of warre they are made for some notable seruice done, or some good hope of vertues that doo appeare in them.

These Knights are made either by the King him­selfe, or by his commission and royall authoritie gi­uen for that purpose, or by his Liutenant in the wars, who hath his royall & absolute power for that time. And this order may be resembled to that which the Romanes called Equites Romanos, differing in a sort, but in some other sort doth agree with it: for seldome in all poynts one Common wealth doth agree with an other, nor long any State accordeth with it selfe. Equi­tes Romani were chosen ex Censu, which is according to their substance and riches: Euen so be Knights in England for the most part, according to the yearely re­uenew [Page 20] of their lands, being able to mainteine that e­state: yet all they that had Equestrem Censum, were not in Rome Equites: no more are all Knights in England that may dispend a Knights land or fee, but they on­lie to whom it pleaseth the King to giue that honor. In Rome the number of Equites was vncerteine, and so is it of Knights in England at the pleasure of the Prince.

Equites Romani had Equum publicum, but the Knights of England find horses themselues both in peace and warre. Census Equester among the Romanes was at di­uers times of diuers valewe: but in England, who so euer may dispend of his free lands fortie pounds star­ling of yearely reuenew, by an old lawe, either at the Coronation of the King, or mariage of his daughter, or at the dubbing of the Prince, Knight, or some such great occasion, may bee by the King compelled to take that order and honor, or to pay a fine: which many rich men, not so desirous of honor as of riches, had rather disburse. Some also who for good respect are not thought worthie that title, and yet haue abili­tie, neither bee made Knights though they would, and yet pay the fine of fortie pounds starling, which (as siluer is now prised) is 120. pound currant monie. Wherof this word Knight is deriued: or whether it signifieth no more but that which Miles doth in La­tin, which is Soldier, I know not. Some hold opiniō that the word Soldier doth betoken a waged or hie­red man to fight. Caesar in his Commentaries called Soldiers, men deuoted and sworne by band or oath to serue the Capteine: which order if the Almaines did followe, it may bee that they who were not hiered, [Page 21] but being of the Nation vppon their owne charges and for their aduancement, and by such common oath and band that did followe the warre, were (per­haps) called Knights or Milites: and now among the Almaines some are called Lance-Knights, as Soldiers not hiered, although they bee well neere all hiered. Or it may bee that they which were next about the Prince, as his Gard and seruants, picked and choyse men out of the rest, being called in the Almaine tung Knighten, which is as much to say as Seruants: these men being found of good seruice, the word after­ward was taken for an Honor, & for a man that pro­fesseth Armes. Now our language is so altered, that hard it were to giue iudgement thereof. But sure it is, wee in our English doo call him Knight, whom the French doo call Cheualier, and the Latin Equitem, or Equestris ordinis.

Touching the making of these English Knights: the manner is this. Hee that is to be made Knight, is striken by the Prince with a Sword drawne, vpon his backe or shoulder: the Prince saying, Soys Cheualier, and in times past was added S. George. And when the Knight riseth, the Prince saith, Auancé. This is the manner of dubbing Knights at this present: and that terme dubbing was the old terme in this poynt, and not creating. These sorts of Knights, are by the Here­haults called Knights Batchelers.

The Order of the Toson, and the originall thereof. CAP. 9.

THe number of Knights that were at the first ad­mitted into this Order was 31. who ought bee of noble bloud, men of good merite, and with­out reproach.

The chiefe or head of this companie, is he vnto whom the succession of the Dukedome of Burgondy doth lawfullie discend.

[Page 24]Whosoeuer entereth into this Order, shall re­nounce all other Orders of Knighthood of euerie Prince, Companie or Religion. Yet out of that lawe are excepted all Emperours, Kings and Dukes, vnto whom is dispensed, that they may weare the Badge of this Order, if they bee chiefe and Soueraines of their owne Order. But to the end the truth may ap­peare, a generall Counsell of Knights shall bee called to consent vnto that dispensation.

The Soueraine of this Order, hath authoritie himselfe alone to giue and bestowe the Ensigne of the Order: which is a Coller of gold, wherein are the Armes of Burgondie, hauing the Toson of gold hanging thereat. This Coller, the Soueraine and e­uerie of the Knights is bound to weare daylie, and failing thereof shall incurre a penaltie. But in time of warre or great affaires, to weare the Toson onlie shall suffice. Or if by mishap the Cheine doo breake, it is lawfull for mending thereof it may be carried to the Goldsmith. Or if any Knight trauailing by the way shall doubt to be robbed, he may without offence lay by or hide his Cheine. Yet is it not lawfull to en­crease the quantitie of the said Cheine, nor adde thereunto any other stones or workmanship, and most of all it is vnlawfull to sell it, engage it, or ex­change it.

These and many other Statutes and ordinances the Knights of this noble Order are sworne to ob­serue and keepe. And many of them haue been sith the first institution enlarged, altered, or taken away by the Soueraines of the said Order.

The day of assemblie for these Knights, was at the [Page 25] first institution appoynted on the feast of S. Andrew, but sithence altered vnto the second of May, and that but once in three yeares, vnlesse it shall please the So­ueraine otherwise to command.

To this Order doo belong foure principall Offi­cers. That is, a Chauncelor, a Threasurer, a Register, a King of Armes named Toson d'oro.

The first inuenter of the Impresa belonging to the Order of the Toson, was Charles Duke of Burgondie, whose great valour brought the French King Lewis the xj. into much trouble and warre, as Monsier de Argenton writeth.

His Impresa or deuise was an Instrument made to strike fire, with these words: Ante ferit, quam flam­ma micet. Meaning, he had power to kindle great warre, as indeed he had. But his warres had vnhap­pie euent. For hauing in hand a warre against Lorayn and the Swisses, after the defeate of Morat and Grau­son, he was vtterlie ouerthrowne and slaine before Nansi, the euen of the Epiphany. Wherevpon Renato Duke of Lorayn being victorious, and seeing a Stan­derd of Duke Charles, with the Impresa of the Instru­ment of fire, said. That vnhappie Prince when hee had most neede to warme him, wanted leisure to strike fire. Which speach was verie pithie; and the more, for that the earth was then couered with Snowe, and by reason of the conflict full of bloud. At that time was the greatest frost and cold that any liuing man could remember.

The Toson which these Knights doo weare hang­ing at their collers of the Order, is the forme of a gol­den Fleece, expounded to bee like vnto the Fleece of [Page 26] gold which Iason wonne at Colchos. Others suppose it to bee the Fleece of Gedeon, whereof is made men­tion in holie Scripture: which signifieth, Fidelitie or Iustice vncorrupted.

The number of these Knights was much encrea­sed by the Emperour Charles the fift: who hauing in hand the Dukedome of Burgondie, elected into that Order persons of greater qualitie than were at the first, and would haue that the election should bee by consent. And after him King Phillip did the like.

Here is to bee noted, that albeit Duke Charles did inuent the Impresa: yet the Creation was begun af­ter by Duke Phillip, sirnamed Le bon: at such time as he called a generall assemblie of the States at the Hage in Holland. Anno. 1456.

Of the Order of S. Michael. CAP. 10.

IN the yeare 1469. Lewis the xj. then French King erected an Order of Knighthood, whereinto him­selfe, with others the most principall Peeres of France did enter.

It is said, the occasion which mooued the King to intitle this Order with the name of S. Michael, was the memorie of an apparition of that Sainct vpon the [Page 31] bridge of Orleance, when that Citie was assailed by the English: at which time liued a certeine Maiden called Ioane, a woman so rare of wit and valiant in Armes, as was reputed more than a mortall creature, or rather some Inchantresse of singuler knowledge. This I find written: but in that time of Superstition easie it was to induce the people to beleeue things in­credible.

This Order is also ornefied with a great Coller, whereat hangeth the Image of S. Michael.

The words apperteining thereunto are these: Im­mensi tremor Oceani.

The Soueraine of this Order is the French King and his successors.

The number of Knights that ought bee admitted into the said Order is 36. But of late yeares that ordi­nance hath been broken, and the number so much in­creased, as thereby the Order is become of small re­putation: yet is it thought that the Coller appertei­ning vnto the said Order is giuen onelie to the num­ber aforesaid: although the Michael is bestowed on many. But sure it is that the intent of that King was to make choyse onelie of the most noble personages of his owne bloud, and of others who for vertue and honor were holden worthie, as by the first election appeared: who were these.

Of the Order called the Nuntiata. CAP. 11.

THis Order was also about the same time be­gun by Amedeo Conte of Sauoy, sirnamed il Verde, in memorie of Amedeo the first Earle, who hauing valerouslie defended the Iland of Rho­dy against the Turkes, wanne those Armes, which de­seruinglie is now borne by the Dukes of Sauoya, which is a white Crosse in a red field. The Coller [Page 35] apperteining to this Order, is made of gold, and on it these foure letters ingraued, in this wise. F.E.R.T. which signifieth Fortitudo eius, Rhodum tenuit. At the said Coller hangeth a Brooch, wherein is the figure of our Ladie and the Angell sent vnto her.

The Church appoynted for Ceremonies apper­teining vnto this Order is called Pietra, a Castell within the Diocesse of Belleis, whereunto was giuen at the foundation of this Order, certeine lands for the sustentation of fifteene Chaplins.

For continuance of this Order, at the time of the constitution were made many honorable ordinances to be kept by the Knights presentlie elected, and after to be elected: which are to bee found written in the works of Francisco Sansouino.

These foure Orders aforesaid bee reputed most honorable, and are adorned with great Collers, in to­ken that for state and dignitie they excell the rest.

Knights of the Band. CAP. 12.

THis Order was first erected by Alfonso King of Spaine, sonne to Ferdinando and Queene Con­stanza in the yeare 1268. And to giue the sayd Knighthood reputation & honor, the King himselfe, with his sonnes and brethren vouchsafed to enter thereinto: with them were also admitted diuers o­ther Gentlemen of best qualitie and greatest estima­tion.

The cause that mooued the King to name them Knights of the Band, was, for that he commanded e­uerie man elected into the Order, should weare a cer­teine red scarffe or lace of silke the breadth of three inches, which hung on their left shoulder, and was tyed vnder the right arme.

No man might enter into this Knighthood, but such as the King did speciallie admit: neither was a­nie person capable of that dignitie, vnlesse he were the sonne of a Knight, or some Gentleman of great accompt, or at the least such a one as had serued the King by the space of tenne yeares in his Court, or in the warre against the Moores.

Into this Order no Gentleman could bee receiued being an elder brother, or an heire in possession or apparance, but onelie such as were yonger, without land and liueload; because the Kings intention was to aduance the Gentlemen of his Court that had not of their owne.

At such time as any Gentleman was admitted a [Page 37] Knight, he promised to obserue these Articles follo­wing, which I haue thought good particularlie to ex­presse, & the rather because they tend onlie to enter­teine the minds of men in the offices of Courage and Courtesie, without any mixture of superstition, whereof almost al other Orders in those daies tasted.

First, that he should speake vnto the King for the commoditie of the Common wealth & the defence thereof, so often as he were thereunto required. And refusing so to doo, shall forfeit all his patrimonie, and be banished his Countrie.

That he should aboue all things speake the truth vnto the King, and at euerie occasion bee faithfull to his Maiestie.

That he should not be silent when so euer any per­son should speake against the Kings honor: vppon paine of being banished the Court, and depriued of his Band for euer.

That he should bee no great speaker, and in spea­king to vtter the truth. But if he should affirme or say any vntruth, then for a punishment to walke in the streetes without his sword for one whole moneth.

That he should endeuour himselfe to keepe com­panie with wise men, and persons experienced in the warre. For being found to conuerse with Marchants, Artificers, or base people, he should bee therefore greatlie reprooued by the Great Master, and for one moneth be commanded to keepe his house.

That he should mainteine his owne word, and faithfullie keepe promise with his friends. And be­ing found to doo otherwise, to be enioyned to walke and goe alone vnaccompanied of any other of the [Page 38] Kings Court, and should not presume to speake or come neere vnto any other Knight.

That he should alwaies haue good Armour in his Chamber, good horses in his stable, good Launces in his Hall, and a good Sword by his side: or otherwise to be called Page and no Knight for one whole mo­neth.

That he should not bee seen mounted vppon any Mule, or other vnseemelie Hackney: neither walke abroad without his Band, nor enter into the Kings Pallace without his Sword, nor eate alone at home, vppon paine to forfeit for euerie such offence one marke towards the mainteining of the Tilt.

That he should bee no flatterer of the King or any other person, neither take delight in scoffing, vpon paine to walke on foote for one moneth, and be con­fined to his house another moneth.

That he should not complaine of any hurt, nor boast of his owne acts, nor in curing his wounds crie oh: for if in vaunting wise he vttered any ostenta­cious speach, he should bee reprooued by the great Master, and let alone vnuisited of all his companions.

That he should bee no common gamester, chieflie at the Dice, nor consent that others should play in his house, vpon paine to forfeit for euerie such offence one moneths pay, and for one moneth and halfe not to be seene in the Court.

That he should not in any sort lay to pawne his Armour or weapons, nor play away his garments: vppon paine to bee imprisoned in his owne house a whole moneth, and for two moneths following to go without the Band.

[Page 39]That he should be daylie apparelled in fine cloath, and on holie daies in silke: and on high Feasts weare gold in his garments if he pleased, without being compelled so to doo. But if he did weare Buskins vpon netherstocks of cloath, the great Master should take them from him, and giue them in almes to the poore.

That in walking either in the Court or Citie, his pace should not be swift or hastie, vpon paine to bee reproued of his fellowe Knights, and punished at the great Masters discretion.

That he should not speake any thing vnfit or of­fensiue to his fellowes in Armes, vpon paine to aske him forgiuenes, and to bee banished the Court for three moneths.

That he should not commence or enter suite of lawe against the daughter of any Knight, vpon paine neuer to haue Ladie or Gentlewoman of the Court to his mistris or wife.

That if he happened to meete with any Ladie or Gentlewoman of the Court, he should foorth with a­light from his horse and offer her his seruice, vpon paine to lose one moneths wages and the fauour of all Ladies.

That if any Ladie of Honor required seruice at his hand, he refusing to doo it (hauing power) should be called for euer the discourteous Knight.

That he should not eate alone, nor at any time feed vpon grosse meates.

That he should not enter quarrell with any of his fellowe Knights: or if any such disagreement did happen, that he nor any other Knight should make [Page 40] partie, but by all good meanes seeke to reconcile them, vpon paine to pay a marke towards the charge of the next Iusts.

That if any man not being of this Order should presume to weare the Band, that then he should bee forced to fight with two Knights: but vanquishing them, should be also a Knight himselfe: & being van­quished, should bee banished the Court, and neuer to weare the Band.

That if at any Iusts or Turnaments in the Court, a Gentleman being not of the Order, should winne the prize, then the King was bound forthwith to make him a Knight of the Band.

That if any Knight of the Band did offer to draw his sword against any of his fellowes: for so dooing should absent himselfe two moneths, and two other moneths weare but halfe his Band. And if a Knight did hurt his fellowe in Armes, he should be impriso­ned one halfe yeare, and the next halfe yeare be bani­shed the Court.

That no Knight for any offence should bee puni­shed or iudged, before he were brought to the King and his pleasure signified.

That he should bee euer furnished to attend on the King whensoeuer he went to the warre: and if any battell were striken, then ought these Knights ioynt­lie to giue the charge: and if in any such seruice a Knight performed not his part, he should lose one yeares pay, and one other yeare weare but halfe the Band.

That no Knight should be inforced to serue in any warre, saue onlie against the Infidels. Or attending [Page 41] on the King to any other warre to weare no Band: and if he serued any other Prince in his warre, he should lose the Band.

That all the Knights should assemble three times a yeare to consult vpon matters perteining to the Or­der. The assemblie was at such place as the King plea­sed to appoynt, and there they awaited with their Horse and Armour: the first meeting was in Aprill, the second in September, and the last in Christmas.

That all the Knights of this Order should fight at the Turney at the least twise euerie yeare, Iust foure times a yeare, play at the Canes sixe times a yeare, and manage horses euerie weeke. And who so failed to performe all or any of these Knightly exercises, should attend on the King one moneth without a Sword, and one other moneth without a Band.

That if the King did come to any citie or towne, that then the Knights within eight daies after, should prepare a place for the Iusts and Turniaments: they should also exercise all other warlike weapons: and if any Knight were negligent in these things, hee should bee confined to his lodging, and weare but halfe the Band.

That no Knight might remaine in Court with­out a Mistris, with intent to marrie her, and not dis­honor her: and whensoeuer she pleased to walke, he was to attend on her on foote or horsebacke, to doo her all honor and seruice.

That if any Iusts were holden within ten mile of the Court, euerie Knight to bee there, vnder paine to go without his Sword for one moneth, and with­out his Band another moneth.

[Page 42]That if any of these Knights were married with­in twentie miles of the Court, all the rest should ac­companie him to the King to receiue a gift, and from thence to the place of wedding to exercise feates of Armes there, and euerie Knight to present the Bride with some gift.

That the first Sonday of euerie moneth, all the Knights should shewe themselues armed before the King, readie to performe any action of Armes at the Kings pleasure: for the King would not haue them be onlie Knights in name, but in deed also.

That in no Turniament there should bee more Knights than thirtie on one partie, and so many on the other partie, & that no Sword should be brought into the place but such as were rabbated both of edge and poynt. And that vpon the sound of Trompet the fight should begin, and at the sound of the Clarions euerie man to cease from fight and retire, vpon paine that who so failed, should neuer more enter into that Combat, and be banished the Court for one moneth.

That at euerie day of Iusts each Knight should passe foure Carieraes, before foure Knights appoyn­ted for Iudges: & they who brake no staues in those courses, should pay the charge of the Iusts.

That if any Knight were sicke and in perrill of death, all other his fellowe Knights should visite him, and exhort him to godlines. And if indeed he did dye, to accompanie his corse to the graue. Also to mourne in blacke one whole moneth, and absent themselues from the exercise of Armes for the space of three moneths, except the King should otherwise command.

[Page 43]That within two daies after such funerall, all the Knights should assemble, and present the Band of the dead Knight vnto the King, making humble suite for some of his sonnes to succeed, if any of them were meete, praying it would please his Maiestie to be good to the mother, that she might liue according to her honorable calling.

Knights of San Iago. CAP. 13.

NExt vnto the Knights aforesaid, for honor and estimation are these Knights of S. Iames in Spaine, by the Spaniards called Caualieri di San Iago. The originall of which Order was this.

At such time as the Arabians had well neere con­quered that Countrie, the remainder of the Spanish [Page 44] people refusing to liue vnder the lawes of that bar­barous Nation, retired themselues vnto the moun­teines of Asturia, and there setled a gouernment.

After some yeares of their abode there, certeine Gentlemen consulting together, determined to make an assotiation and begin a warre vppon the Infidells. These Gentlemen to the number of thirteene, being all Barons and men of great qualitie, agreed also vpon certeine religious rules of Knighthood, yet reseruing vnto themselues libertie of marriage.

The Ensigne which they resolued to weare, was a red Crosse in the forme of a Sword.

This Order was erected at such time as the King Don Ramiro wanne the victorie against the Moores in the Prouince of Compostella, at which time great possessions and priuileges were giuen to S. Iames of Compostella. Anno. 1030.

This Order hath one chiefe Gouernour, who is called Great Master; he with thirteene other Knights haue authoritie to choose or remooue any Knight at their discretion.

Vpon the Feast day of All Saincts these Knights doo vse to meete, and consult vpon matters appertei­ning to their estate.

The reuenues belonging to these Knights is mer­ueilous, amounting to many hundred thousand Duc­kets.

Many Popes haue giuen their allowance to this Order, yet either they could not, or would not re­serue a greater tribute thereof, than ten Malachini yearely.

Knights of Calatraua. CAP. 14.

BY imitation of the Order aforesaid, was this Knighthood of Calatraua begun in the yeare 1130. The inuenter thereof was Don Santio King of Toledo.

They were called Knights of Calatraua, of the Pro­uince and place where they were made and setled, which was where ancientlie the chiefe Church of Templers had been, who not being of power suffi­cient to resist the Saracens, were forced to yeeld the place vnto these Knights.

The habit of these Knights is a blacke garment, and vpon it in the breast is set a red Crosse.

These Knights haue also exceeding great posses­sions, and many Commandries in diuers places of Spaine.

Knights of Alcantara. CAP. 15.

THese Knights liuing in effect vnder the ordinan­ces and rules of the former, doo weare a greene Crosse.

Neere vnto the Citie of Alcantara in Castiglia vp­on the riuer of Tago, they haue a Church of great beautie, indowed with rich possessions.

Knights of Montesio. CAP. 16.

IN Valentia are the Cauallieri di Montesio, a place also seated in that Prouince.

These Knights doo weare a red Crosse, and their Order begun about the same time that the Knighthood of Calatraua tooke beginning.

Knights of Redemption. CAP. 17.

THese Knights were erected in the Kingdome of Aragon by King Iames, who conquered the I­lands Maiorica and Minorica in the yeare 1212.

Their garments are white, and thereon a blacke Crosse.

The office of these Knights is to redeeme priso­ners, wherevpon they are called Caualieri della Re­dentione.

The chiefe Gouernour of them remaineth at Ber­cellona.

Knights of S. Iohn in Ierusalem: of some cal­led Knights of the Rhodes: and now, Knights of Malta. CAP. 18.

IT is written (with what warrant I know not) that at the Citie of Amiens in Picardie a Prouince of France, there was borne a certein Gentleman, who in his childhood had been brought vp in learning: and being growne to mans estate, disposed himselfe to the exercise of Armes, and therein long time con­tinued. Afterwards, hauing atteined riper yeares, he despised the world, and framed himselfe to a solita­rie life, as one fullie resolued to liue in contemplation vnseene of any but God alone. Hauing sometime re­mained in that solitarie sort, a sodeine desire he had to visite the Sepulcher where Christ was buried, [Page 50] which shortlie after he did. And to the end he might with securitie passe the barbarous Nations, he appa­relled himselfe like vnto a Phisition; by which meane without impediment he performed his ior­ney. Thus hauing passed the difficulties of trauell in diuers straunge Countries, he ariued at Ierusalem, and being there, fell into acquaintance with Simon, Patri­arke of that Citie, and in lamenting wise enformed him of the oppression and crueltie offered and daylie vsed by the Infidels towards the poore Christians. Whereunto Simon answered, that albeit the Chri­stians in those Countries indured great outrages, yet they of Ierusalem suffered much greater, and should be forced to more if God did not defend them.

By this conference, the Patriarke conceiued Pe­ter the Hermit (for so he was called) to bee a man of good vnderstanding, and apt to execute any action of importance that should bee committed vnto him. Whereupon the Patriarke determined to make him a messenger vnto the Pope, vnto whom by letters he imparted the great calamitie and afflicted estate of the poore Christians inhabiting the Holy land.

Peter hauing receiued his instructions and letter of credence, returned into the West, first vnto the Pope, and after solicited other Princes: in such sort, and with so good successe, as by his perswasions, ma­ny great Kings and Potentates consented to take in hand the recouerie of the Holy land from the oppres­sion of the Infidels, and some of them furnished that enterprise with men, some with monie, and some did goe in person. Among which number (as the chiefe) was Robert Duke of Normandie, sonne to King Wil­liam [Page 51] of England, Godfrey Duke of Lorayn, with two of his brethren called Eustace and Baldwin, Hugh sirna­med the Great brother to the French King: with di­uers other Princes, Dukes, Earles and Barons. Also thether went Beomondo Duke of Calabria, who for zeale to that seruice (or desire of honor) resigned his Dukedome vnto Ruggiero his brother, taking with him so many of his subiects as would voluntarilie followe him, of whom (with such other Capteines and Soldiers of Italie as came vnto him) he assembled more than twentie thousand, all choyce men & yong fit for the warre.

All things in this sort prepared for the iorney, Vr­ban the second (then Pope) sent vnto these Capteines a white Crosse, with commandement that al the Sol­diers should weare the like, calling that enterprise la Cruciata. It is said, that the Christians, at such time as this warre was proclaimed in Chiaramont (a Citie of Auernia) indeuoured themselues vniuersallie to ani­mate the Soldiers, and ioyned in generall praier for their good successe, giuing them meate, apparell and furniture, vnasked or required. Moreouer, those that were indebted, were forgiuen, and such as had been banished were pardoned. The women also (contrarie to their custome) willinglie and with much ioy con­sented their husbands and sonnes should passe in this enterprise, and for their furniture gaue them their Iewels, Cheines and monie. The French King like­wise sent them great treasure, and gaue priuileges to the Soldiers lands and wiues in their husbands ab­sence. And many great Princes and other Lords sold and impawned their patrimonies to further this ac­tion. [Page 52] So as the Armie assembled for this holie enter­prise, amounted vnto three hundred thousand foot­men, and one hundred thousand horse, who present­lie marched towards Constantinople, where they pas­sed the straight called Bosphoro Tracio, and landed at Calcedonia.

For the first enterprise they besieged Nicea in Bi­thinia, which within fiftie daies was yeelded: and the fourth of Iuly at the foote of certeine Mounteines neere vnto that Citie, the Christians fought a battell with a Turkish Armie, which in number exceeded ours, and thereat was present Soliman the Emperour of Turkie and Persia: but the Christians had victorie with the losse of two thousand men: but of the ene­mies were slaine fortie thousand.

This victorie gained, the Christians following their enterprise, within short time wonne an hun­dred Cities and Townes of accompt, & among them the great Antiochia, before which they begun the siege the 20. of October, and tooke it the last of May following, where they found Corbona King of Persia, and Cassiano Lord of Antiochia. Neere vnto that place in one other conflict were slaine more then an hun­dred thousand Turkes, with the losse of foure thou­sand of ours.

The cause of this victorie was (in that time of Su­perstition) imputed to the vertue of a bloudie Launce found in Antiochia, which they supposed to bee a Speare wherewith Christ was wounded on the Crosse. It was also said, that the Turks did see, or ima­gine to see (as they reported) another great Armie comming against them from the Mounteines, con­ducted [Page 53] by three Capteines mounted vppon three white horses, the beholding whereof occasioned their flight.

This victorie being had, a Nauie ariued frō Genoa and from Venice. Also with them came certeine ships conducted by one Vymer of Bullein in Picardie, a no­table Pirate, who repenting his former life, determi­ned to followe that honorable action.

The Christian forces thus increased, they mar­ched towards Ierusalem, and besieged it. And not­withstanding the Citie was of great force, yet by Gods helpe and the valorous aduenture of the Chri­stians, it was assaulted, and in the end yeelded. Anno 1099.

This Citie thus conquered, the said Peter (as the chiefe procurer of the enterprise) was highlie hono­red, and Godfrey Duke of Lorayn elected King of the Holy land.

But to returne vnto the originall of these Knights, I say, that somewhat before the Christians conque­red the Citie of Ierusalem, they had obteined of the Saracens leaue to dwell neere vnto the Sepulcher of Christ, and there builded an house, calling it the Hos­pitall of Christians, whether all other Christians dai­lie resorted. After that, the number of Christians in­creasing, they builded another house for women, calling it S. Mary Magdalens. And at length they made a third house, and called it S. Iohn Baptists, where for the keeping of good order they appoynted an Offi­cer, whom they called Rector.

Sometime after, was elected vnto that Rectorship a Gentleman called Gherardus, who commaunded [Page 54] that he, with all others of that house, should weare a white Crosse vpon a blacke garment, which was the originall of the Order, and euer since hath been v­sed.

Afterwards one other Rector or great Master was elected, whose name was Raimondus, to whom au­thoritie was giuen, that he should gouerne and com­maund all the Knights of this Order wheresoeuer they were dispersed.

Many yeares after, these Knights conquered the Ile of Rhodi, holden by the Turkes Anno 1308. which was the cause they were called Knights of Rhodi. And diuers Princes seeing them Martiallie enclined, gaue vnto them great lands and possessions: & they became greatlie esteemed for their seruice, chieflie a­gainst the said Turkes, and the Soldan King of Egipt and Ierusalem. The said Ile of Rhodi (during those Knights inhabited there) was foure times assaulted, yet by Gods helpe, with the valiancie of the Knights, it was defended. Then Mahomet Ottoman Empe­rour of Turkie Anno 1480. with an excessiue force of men and an hundred sailes of Gallies (conducted by a Bassa borne in Greece, discended of the rase of Paleo­loghi sometime Emperours of Constantinople) did be­siege it: but after 89. daies of continuall batterie, they were forced to abandon the enterprise, and for their farewell in the last assault, the Knights slewe more then fortie thousand Turkes.

But in the yeare 1523. in the moneth of Ianuarie, the Turkes againe inuaded that Iland, and after three moneths siege preuailed: for the rest of Christendom neuer vouchsafed them either aide or reliefe.

[Page 55]Since the losse of Rhodi, these Knights haue remai­ned in the Iland of Malta, and often defended it a­gainst the enemies of Christendome, but chieflie in the yeare 1565.

The first erector of Statutes and rules for the go­uernment of these Knights, was the said Raimondus, calling himselfe Raimondo di Poggio, seruo di poueri di Christo, è custode dello spidale de San Giouanni Battista di Hierusalemme.

No man might be receiued into this Knighthood, vntill he had prooued his gentilitie in presence of the great Master and other Knights.

Nor no man discended of a Moore, a Iew, or Maho­metan, might bee admitted, although he were the sonne of a Prince.

And euerie Knight of this Order was sworne to fight for the Christian faith, doo iustice, defend the oppressed, relieue the poore, persecute the Mahome­tans, vse vertue, and protect widdowes and orphants.

Diuers other Articles there bee, but for that they are full of Superstition, I omit them.

The originall of the Knights Teutonici. CAP. 19.

THese Knights do not much varie from the for­mer, for their custome is to intertein Pilgrimes, and at occasions to serue in warre.

The beginning of this Knighthood was a certeine Almaine, who after the taking of Ierusalem by the Christians (together with diuers others of that Na­tion) remained there. This Almaine being exceeding rich and married, kept a franke and liberall house, re­lieuing all passengers and Pilgrimes that trauailed to Ierusalem: in so much as his house became as an Hos­pitall or place of ordinarie accesse. At length he buil­ded neere vnto it a faire Church, which (according to the vse of that time) he did dedicate to our Ladie.

[Page 57]Not long after, many Christians resorting thether, as well for loue of the Christian religion, as to visite the sicke, they resolued to erect a fraternitie, and ha­uing chosen a great Master to bee Gouernour, ordei­ned that euerie man of that assotiation, should bee ap­parelled in white, and vpon their vppermost garment weare a blacke Crosse.

It was also agreed, that no man should bee admit­ted into that Order, saue onelie Gentlemen of the Dutch Nation: and they to protest at all occasions to aduenture their liues in defence of Christes Go­spell.

About 88. yeares after Ierusalem had remained in the Christians hands, it was taken againe from them by the Saracens in the yeare 1184. since which time it neuer was recouered. For which cause these Knights retired to Tolemaida, where they remai­ned.

At length Tolemaida being also taken by the Sara­cens, they returned into Germanie their naturall coun­trie. Where after some short abode (as loathing rest and idlenes) they went vnto Frederigo the second then Emperour in the yeare 1220. to let his Maiestie vnderstand that the people of Prussia vsed incursions vpon the confines of Saxonie, adding that those people were barbarous, Idolaters without the knowledge of God, and therefore besought his Maiestie to grant them leaue to make warre vpon them at their owne charges, yet with condition that whatsoeuer they gained, his Maiestie would giue the same to the maintenance of that Order, and they the Knights to be the Lords thereof for euer.

[Page 58]The Emperour allowing of that suite, presentlie granted them the Countrie, and vnder his seale con­firmed the gift.

These Knights by this donation much incoura­ged, forthwith tooke Armes, and within short space subdued al that Prouince, and then passed the riuer of Vistola, and conquered other people, who became their subiects, and were made Christians.

Within short space after, these Knights builded diuers Churches, and among them some Cathedrall Temples, making them places of residence for Bi­shops, who were also inioyned to weare the habit of the Order.

Neere vnto the riuer Vistola was a great Oake, where these Knights builded the first Castle and Towne, which with time was encreased and called Borgo di Santa Maria, where is now the chiefe Church apperteining to this Order: thereunto be­longeth so great riches and reuenues, as these Knights may both for men and monie compare with diuers Princes.

This Countrie of Prussia is great, and much there­of bounded by the riuer Vistola: and is also confined by Sarmatia, the Massageti, and Polonia.

These Knights are also Lords of Liuonia, which was likewise by them brought to the faith of Chri­stianitie, and is with Christians now inhabited.

Knights of the Sepulcher. CAP. 20.

THis Knighthood is now extinct, or rather con­ioyned vnto the Order of Malta.

The Ensigne belonging to these Knights was two red Crosses.

Knights of S. Mary. CAP. 21.

IN the life of Pope Vrban the fourth (at which time was great warre among the Princes of Italie) cer­teine rich Gentlemen of Bolognia and Modona desi­ring to eschue the present troubles, and bee exempt from publique charges, desired of that Pope to per­mit them to liue in contemplation, and erect a newe Order of religious Knighthood, which for money they obteined, calling themselues Knights of Sainct Mary.

The habit of this Order was verie pompous, and thereupon a red Crosse wrought with gold round a­bout.

They were speciallie inhibited to weare gold in their spurres and horse harnesse.

[Page 61]They made profession to fight against the Infidels, and all others that offended Iustice: Notwithstan­ding, they liued euer at home in rest with their wiues and children.

They were commonlie called Caualieri di Madon­na: but because they liued continuallie in ease and pleasure, men termed them Frati gaudenti: as much in our language, as Goodfellowe brethren. It may bee some of them are yet extant.

Knights of S. Lazaro. CAP. 22.

THese Knights of this Order doo pleade great an­tiquitie, saying they were in the time of S. Basil, and their profession hath been confirmed by sondrie Popes. They also affirme, that Fredericke the Empe­rour sirnamed Barbarossa, gaue them great possessiōs [Page 62] in Sicilia, Calabria, Puglia, and Terra di Lauoro: And to those lands diuers Popes did adde much. Notwith­standing, time that weareth all things away, did also consume these riches, and the Order well neere ex­tinct, till of late yeares Pius quartus the Pope did re­uiue it: who made Gianotto Castiglione a noble Gen­telman of Milan great Master.

These Knights doo professe to bee obedient vnto their great Master, and other Officers of the Order. They promise also to liue chast, or at the least conti­nent and content with one wife. Also to bee chari­table, and liberall, chieflie to poore people infected with leprosie.

Moreouer, euerie Knight promiseth to weare a greene Crosse, & before they enter into this Knight­hood must prooue himselfe to bee borne in lawfull wedlocke, and a Gentleman both by father and mo­ther, and to beare Armes. Also that he is discended of ancient Christians, and no Morrano or Turke. That he hath of rent at the least 200. Crownes therewith to mainteine his dignitie. That he and his auncestors haue euer liued as Gentlemen, without vse of any base or mecanical occupation. That he hath not been suspected of any notable euill fact, or is defamed for any vice. That he be not indebted, nor is wedded to any widdowe, or hath had more than one wife. But besides these passable protestations, he must vnder­take to say fiue and twentie Pater nosters, and so ma­nie Aue marias, with other Superstitious things not worthie the writing.

This Order haue of late time been much fauoured by the Dukes of Sauoy.

Knights of S. Steffano. CAP. 23.

IN the yeare 1561. Cossimo Duke of Florence and Siena, hauing setled his gouernment, and liuing in peaceable estate, erected this religious Order of Knighthood, calling those that entered thereunto Ca­ualieri di San Steffano. To these Knights he gaue a red Crosse bordered about with gold.

The Statutes annexed vnto this Order, are not vn­like to those apperteining to the Order of Malta: sa­uing that these haue libertie to marrie.

The chiefe place of their resiance is the Citie of Pisa, where the Duke prepared them a Church, and builded for them a Pallace wherein to lodge. And because neere to that Citie is a Hauen fit to receiue [Page 64] the Gallies wherein these Knights should serue, it seemed good to that Prince to settle them there.

The Duke himselfe and his successors is great Master of this Order: and vnder him are diuers o­ther Officers of reputation.

This is the last Order or degree of Knights that I haue seene or read of, saue onelie the great Knight­hood of S. Esprit, whereof (as is before said) I am not enformed.

The Ceremonies in the degradation of Knights. CAP. 24.

IT seemeth that the degradation of Knights hath been vsed onelie for offences of greatest reproach and dishonour: which I conceiue partlie by the rarenes of such actions, and partlie for that the men bereft of that dignitie, were not onelie degraded, but also by lawe executed. As in the raigne of King Ed­ward the 4. it appeared a Knight was degraded in this sort.

First, after the publication of his offence, his gilt spurres were beaten from his heeles, then his sword taken from him, and broken. That being done, eue­rie peece of his Armour was brused, beaten, and cast aside. After all which disgraces, he was be­headded.

In like manner, Andrew of Hekela Knight and Earle of Cardoyl, was in this sort disgraded. He being apprehended, was by the Kings commandement brought before Sir Anthony Lucy, Anno. 1322. appa­relled in all the robes of his estate as an Earle and a Knight, and so led vnto the place of Iudgement. Be­ing thether come, Sir Anthony Lucy said vnto him these words. First thou shall lose the Order of Knight­hood by which thou hadst all thine honour: and further, all worship vppon thy bodie bee brought to nought. Those wordes pronounced, Sir Anthony Lucy commanded a knaue to hewe the Knights spurres from his heeles, [Page 66] and after caused his sword to bee broken ouer his head. That done, hee was dispoyled of his furred Tabord, of his Hood, of his furred Cotts, and of his Girdle. Then Sir Anthony saide vnto him these wordes: Andrew, now art thou no Knight, but a knaue, and for thy treason the King doth will thou shalt bee han­ged.

This manner of proceeding in the degradation of these two Knights, I found recorded in an auncient booke of Master Garters, written in the selfe same words that are here expressed.

The Authors Intention. CAP. 25.

ALbeit the whole scope and intent of this booke is to discourse the poynts of Honor and dignities apperteining vnto Armes; yet for not being mistaken in my meaning, I haue thought good to say, that the commendation due vnto learning is of no lesse desart, thā that which belongeth to Martiall merit. And indeed very rarelie doth any man excell in Armes, that is vtterlie igno­rant in letters: for by how much one Capteine is more learned than another, by so much is he more ca­pable of gouernment in Armes, and ought bee the better reputed. For who without learning can con­ceiue the ordering & disposing of men, in marching, incamping, or fighting, without Arithmetique? Or who can comprehend the ingenious fortifications or instruments apt for offence or defence of Townes, or passing of waters, vnlesse he hath knowledge of Geo­metrie? [Page 67] Or how may Sea seruice be performed with­out skill of the Latitude of the place, by the Pole, and the Longitude by other Starres: which must be lear­ned of the Astronomers. Yea learning is (no doubt) of such excellencie and necessitie, that no Common weale without it, is well gouerned. What State can bee well ordered, vnlesse the Gouernours or Magi­strates haue studied Philosophie, chieflie that part which entreateth of manners, sith it onlie enformeth, first how euerie man should gouerne himselfe. Se­condlie, how he should guide his owne familie. And thirdlie, teacheth how a Citie or Common weale may bee ordered and gouerned, as well in times of warre as peace: which moued Plato to say: That hap­pie is the Common weale where either the Prince is a Phi­losopher, or where a Philosopher is the Prince. And al­though it cannot be denied that Empires and King­domes are both wonne and kept as well by force and manhood, as by wisedome and policie; yet is the chiefe of that policie atteined vnto by learning. For in all sorts of gouernments the wiser haue authoritie ouer the rude and vnlearned. And as in euerie priuate house or towne the most discreet and best experien­ced are preferred, so in all Nations they that bee most ciuill, learned and politicke, doo find meanes to com­maund the rest, notwithstanding in force they bee in­feriour. The experience hereof was apparantlie seene in the Grecians and Romanes, among whom, like as wisedome and learning was most esteemed, so their Empires were spred furthest and continued longest. And to prooue that excellencie of learning in those Nations preuailed against others equall with them [Page 68] in manhood and courage, wee will vse this onlie ex­ample. That albeit this realme before any conquest thereof, was (no doubt) inhabited with people of great courage; yet for that they were vnciuill, or at the least without policie and learning, they were brought vnder the subiection of other Nations: as the Saxons were last by the Normanes, & the Romanes by the Saxons before that, and the Brittaines by the Ro­manes first of all. And albeit diuers men haue been and yet are, both wise and politick without learning, and some also that be learned (in respect of worldlie policie) be verie simple: yet I say, that such wise men should haue been more excellent, if they had been learned; and the other more simple and foolish, if they had been vtterlie without learning.

Exercise in warre maketh not euerie man fit to be a Capteine, though he followeth Armes neuer so long; and yet is there none so vnapt for the warre, but with vse is more perfect, and the rather if he bee learned. For if experience doth helpe, then I am sure that learning helpeth much more to the encrease of wisedome. We wil then determine, that experience, because it doth further wisedome, may be called the father thereof, and memorie the mother; because she doth nourish and preserue it: for in vaine should ex­perience bee sought for, if the same were not held in remembrance. Then if both experience and memo­rie be holpen & increased by learning, it must needes bee confessed, that experience helpeth wit. Euerie man seeth that the experience of an old man maketh him wiser than the yong, because he hath seen more; yet an old man seeth onlie things in his owne time: [Page 69] but the learned man seeth not onlie his owne age and experience, but whatsoeuer hath been in long time past, yea since the first writer tooke pen in hand, and therefore must needes knowe more than the vnlear­ned man, bee he neuer so olde; for no memorie can compare with writing. Besides that, if the vnlearned doo forget any thing seene, hardlie shall he reduce it to memorie againe: whereas the learned man by tur­ning his booke, hath meane to call to remembrance what he happeneth to forget. Therefore, as he that liueth foure score yeares must needes haue more ex­perience than he that liueth fortie: so he that seeth in bookes the accidents of a thousand yeares, know­eth more than he that by liuing one hundred yeares could atteine vnto. In like manner, if he that trauai­leth many Nations, is of more experience than others of like age that neuer went from his natiue countrie: so he that is learned, by Cosmographie, histories, and o­ther learning, seeth the manner and vsage of euerie Countrie in the world, yea of many moe than is pos­sible for one man in all his life to trauell through: and of these he trauaileth, much better doth he learne, by small abode there, than another by longer experience that is altogether vnlearned. By this learning we may also conceiue the scituation, temperature, and quali­tie of euerie Countrie throughout the world. Also through the science of Astronomie, wee knowe the course of the Planets aboue, and their Aspects and Coniunctions; which the learned men in times past atteined vnto by long conference and obseruation; but we by perusing their bookes onlie may learne it: yet without that helpe we could neuer. To conclude, [Page 70] there is nothing either of profite or necessitie for mans life, but by learning is taught more perfectlie, than it can bee compassed by experience, or other meane whatsoeuer.

But leauing the commodities of learning to be dis­coursed by those that are learned indeed, this onlie I say, that the endeuour of Gentlemen ought be either in Armes or learning, or in them both. And in my poore conceit, hardlie deserueth he any title of honor or gentilitie, that doth not take pleasure in the one or the other. For as no liuing creature is borne to idle­nes, so is there no doubt but God and nature hath de­stined each one for some commendable businesse. And like as base occupations are fit for folke of base fortune, so valiant and vertuous minds, in actions of honor and vertue should be employed. And if in this earthlie life any thing there bee that meriteth fame or fauour, surely the same is a vertuous life and valerous endeuour: whereof Iuuenall saith:

The Authors Conclusion. CAP. 26.

WE haue said in our former discourse, that no man of any qualitie or fortune, is borne or destined to ease, idlenes, or vnprofitable occupation: we haue likewise touched the commo­dities of such learnings, as are required in actions both ciuill and Martiall, whereby may appeare, how necessarie it is for all Gentlemen to endeuour them­selues in the one and the other, as those knowledges whereby men are made worthie of honorable title. Notwithstanding, through corrupt custome or bad education, the greater part of our English Gentilitie is not onelie ignorant what honor and vertue mea­neth, but consequentlie disdaineth (or at the least wise lightly regardeth) those labours whereby they might and ought become comfortable to friends, and ser­uiceable to their Prince and Countrie: which haplie moued the Poet to forewarne fathers to haue care of childrens education, saying:

And in continuing the consideration of this mat­ter, I am occasioned to be right sorie, that our English youth doo not onlie earnestlie affect vaine pleasures and improfitable pastimes as recreation; but also vse them with daylie labour as their chiefe businesse and [Page 72] speciall profession. And to speake plainlie, I am more then halfe perswaded, that a great sort of our Gentle­men (chieflie those that haue had their nurture at home with their owne ignorant parents) doo take more comfort to be called good Faulkners or expert Woodmen, than either skilfull Souldiers or learned Scollers. Yet who so obserueth, shall finde, that the same men by secret instinct of gentle nature, doo not a little glorie in the auncient badges, titles and ser­uices of their auncesters, supposing those passed me­rites (supported with riches) ought without further sufficiencie, make them more worthie than others, whose owne proper vertue and labour haue indeed deserued much honor. But as no fowle flieth with the wings of another, nor no horse doth runne on legges not his owne: so ought no man be praised or admired for the vertue or good merite of another. And albeit the fame of auncesters honor, may (for some short space) mainteine a certeine hope of vertue, (chieflie where no vice appeareth) yet time, which doth distinguish things indeed, from those that onlie appeare, will also (like vnto counterfeit mettall) be­wray the want or worth of euery man, and for such a one he shall be knowne & esteemed, of what name, house, parentage or predecessor so euer, he is discen­ded. It therefore behoueth euerie Gentleman well borne to imbrace the loue of vertue, and in the ac­tions thereof to employ the course of his whole life. For what can be more pleasing to a generous minde, than the studie of wisedome? whereby to knowe good from euill, and truth from falshood, the one to be followed, the other eschewed.

[Page 73]What may be more blessed than Iustice? where­by we refraine from all iniuries, and giue vnto euerie one that which vnto him apperteineth. What is more noble than Fortitude? which contemneth all worldlie accidents, and with inuincible courage fighteth for equitie and right. And what is more fit or better beseeming a noble personage, than Tempe­rance? which teacheth comelines and moderation, gouerning the passions and perturbations of minde, to the quietnes of mans life, and contentation of o­thers. These with other vertues on them depending, haue from base birth and poore parentage, brought many to great title and dignitie. And as those ver­tuous endeuours haue aduaunced them, so the dis­continuance of like delights, did vtterlie deface that honor in their posteritie. Vertue I say, is that which from meane estate hath euer led the louers thereof to great reputation and glorie. Among infinite exam­ples (omitting men of meaner fortune, yet worthie much honor) we haue Agathocles, Eumenes, Pertinax, Dioclesian, Valentinian, with other Emperours, Kings and Capteines. Of like fortune in birth was Marcus Tullius, Cato, Horace, with diuers most notable lear­ned men: yea Socrates himselfe (who by the Oracle of Apollo was iudged the wisest man aliue) had no great parentage. And Iulius Caesar, that both for Armes and learning excelled, and was the first Empe­rour, aspired from lowe degree to excessiue glorie. Notwithstanding, through protraction of time, and the degeneration of those mens posteritie, not onelie their owne houses and names are vanished, but also the honor and renowne of the Nations where they [Page 74] liued, is vtterlie decaied and extinguished. Which the Christian Poet Palingenius expressed well in these verses.

Thus haue we heard the meanes of aspiring vnto Honor, and by what occasion the same is lost or de­caied. But well I wot, that vnto these reasons and examples produced to incite our English youth, they answere, that were they sure to attaine vnto the least part of that fortune these great personages and many others their inferiours haue come vnto, then would they not feare to aduenture their labour and liues to the vttermost: but because the paines and perills are certeine, and the successe doubtfull, they thinke it more wisedome to Hunt and Hawke at home, than hazard their bodies abroad, or beate their braines a­bout that which haplie neuer shall turne them to pro­fite. This sillie allegation compounded of sloath and pusillanimitie, may easilie be refelled, but slowlie fol­lowed. Notwithstanding, (for that I am vsed to lose my labour) I will replie thereunto thus: That seeing no reward is due befor desart, and that Honor is the recompence of vertue, it may not be looked for vntill some vertuous testimonie bee first shewed. What Soldier is so simple, as entring into pay will at the first day looke to bee made a Capteine, or haue promise within fewe yeares to become a Generall? What [Page 75] Scoller will at his first comming to studie demaund the degrees due vnto Arte, or that shortlie after (with little learning) will challenge to bee a Doctor? Yet true it is, that sometimes the simplest Archer doth hit the marke, which many an excellent shooter misseth: notwithstanding, hardlie can any wise man bee brought to lay monie on his side, or hope of such suc­cesse. Euen so, in the atteining of Honor, although fauour and fortune ofttimes preferreth the vnwor­thie, yet the true way and most likelie meane there­unto, is true vertue and industrious life. Wherefore concluding I say, that euery noble and magnanimous mind, doth not so much couet the rewards of vertue, as it taketh delight in vertue it selfe. As the same Poet saith: