A CHRO­nicle of all the noble Em­perours of the Romaines, from Iulius Caesar, orderly to this moste victori­ous Emperour Maximilian, that now gouerneth, with the great warres of Iu­lius Caesar, & Pom­peius Magnus: Setting forth the great power, and deuine prouidence of almighty God, in preseruing the godly Princes and common wealthes.

Set forth by Richard Reynoldes, Doctor in Phisicke. Anno. 1571.

¶ Imprinted at London by Thomas Marshe.

HONORANDO DOMI­no, domino Gulihelmo Cicello, do­mino Baroni de Burgley, Senatori Regiae Maiestatis prudentissimo, do­mino suo colendo.

PErpetuam laudem prudentiae, ac gloriam summae nobilitatis florere in senatu pacis inclita studia ostē ­dunt. Nihil magis arduū in repu­blica optimè cōstituta existit, quā conciliorum optimorum cursum sic in republica tenere, vt respublica ipsa prae caeteris regum externorum imperijs, pacis ornamentis ex­cellere, & in summo ocio cum dignitate rerum agē ­darum florere possit. Qui reipublicae praeesse volūt, in medium maximarum rerum certamē, ac in diffi­cilimā orbis totius prouinciā deueniunt. Respublica sacra dei summi theatrum est, legibus quasi sacrato dei dono, disciplina prudentum fulta, principum, ac nobilissimorum consulum studiis, ac maiestate tanti numinis altius fundata est. Beatae igitur respublicae quae norint sapientes viros, ac probos esse sua mu­nimenta, non muros aut turres. Si in florentissimo Imperio vnquam pacis inclita studia viguere, aut fructus summorum ingeniorum ad egraegiā foelici­tatē in senatu regio vllo tēpore innotuere: quocun (que) te verteris animo ac cogitatione, haec nostra respu­blica beata est, tanta claritudine imperii, tàm rara literatae principis maiestate, prudētia, ac cōsiliorum [Page] magnitudine colēda. Quod in causis regni maximis celsa reginae maiestas, ad vniuersi status foelicitatē dominationem tuam, fama maximarū virtutum, cō ­ciliorum, ac literarum celebrem elegit: eos (que) rarè nobilitatis, prudentiae (que) fructus, tam egregiae Reipu­blicae fabrica in omnes reipublicae partes, et ad exte­ras nationes, & apud potentissimos reges diffudit▪ Haec splendida tantae reipublicae moles maximis de causis, te tanti honoris tantum senatorem, literarū decus eximium, academiarum patronum, tam for­tunata republica ac principe tàm potente dignum consulem admiretur: qnod intra domesticas regni istius parietes, literarū ac pacis diuina studia, pura sincera (que) religio, prae cūctis regum externorum im­perijs in omni foelicitate, claritudinis fructus in re­gnum Anglicanū, populum (que) sese dispergunt. Maxi­mis de causis dominationi tuae me deuinctissimū esse sateor, q [...]òd ab ineunte aetatè in optimis literarum studiis, maximis tuis sumptibus, ac regalibus colleg [...]i stipendiis promotus s [...]m. Tuo (que) singulari beneficio regiae munificētiae literatos fructus hausi, tū egre­gio opere Domini Iohannis Checi equitis torquati, qui aurea naturae fabrica extitit, Illustrissimo prin­cipi Eduardo Sexto dum vixerat ad omnem gloriā literarum, & virtutis summum decus, patriae splen­dor, Philonis ac Platonis nobilia studia literis aequa­bat, Princeps ingenii fuit ac doctrinae, Anglis vni­uersis rarus maximarum virtutum phoenix. Nulla [Page] gens prudentiores habet viros, ac magis literatos quā Anglia habet, quae pars orbis, bellorū in omni ge­nere clariores, aut Hectoreo Achilleo (que) animo prōp­tiores ad fortia pericula Anglis habet. Gentis ac re­gum Anglorum gloria prima est, exterorū princi­pum nobilitas hiis secunda. Haec splendidissima gē ­tis ac regum ornamenta▪ doctis literarum monumē ­tis posteritati, ad sempiternam & non flaccescentem vllo tempore famam reconduntur. Nihil intentatū Reipublicae ac patriae studiosis esse debet, quod ad Reipublicae dignitatem, regni (que) incliti gloriam, aut quod ad posteros iuuandos cum vtilitate ac singu­lari virtute profluere possit▪ Sunt plurimi singula­res doctrina viri, qui excellentia diuini ingenij bona ornamēta (que) abscondūt, & supprimūt, quibus cum ad maximā gloriā prae caeteris, Reipublicae ac posteris inseruire valeant. Quasi non prodesse tantis inge­nij ornamentis Reipublicae, in autoritatem scientiae sit, eruditis illis ac excellentibus doctrina viris. Là­bes maxima tantis ingenijs existit, cum in excogitā ­dis bonis, promouenda que vita per doctrinae stu­dia posteris tradenda torpedi, & omni quasi mas­cula virtute eneruati vitam transigunt, quasi hoc summi ingenij opus sit intra se tam egregia spiritus sancti, doctrinaeque dona, sine vlla re nobili gesta quasi in homūculo aliquo plebeio ac rudi morte peri­re. Si monumenta doctorum virorum ad illorū per­petuam gloriam nobis posteris redundarunt, pro­fluat [Page] à nobis si quae sit claritudinis sparta cōsequen­ti nepotum aetati profutura. In quanta nobilitate li­terarum, virtutis, ingenij, ac maximorum concilio­rum pondere, singularis ille vir Dominus Antonius Cookus, eques torquatus, socer tuus in Reipublicae o­culis viuit, rarum decus huius aetatis, qui tam prae­stanti liberorum suorum educatione tantos gloriae fructus hausit: vt reliquis Anglis ille solus docti patris viua effigies, amoris, virtutis, ac verae nobilita­tis exēplar vnicū suis domi quasi in celeberima aca­demia fulget. Vtinā in omnibus nobilibus familijs li­terarum splēdor tàm altas verae nobilitatis radices propagasset, qui valeat suorū familiā, genus, ac ma­iorum stirpem inclitā tanto literarum splendore, ge­neris fama, ac genuina claritudinis gloria suos orna­re. In hac maxima nobilitatis gloria, ac singulari laude, reponendus est dominus Gualterus Mildma­ius, eques torquatus, quatuor Anglorum principi­bus potentissimis cum summo splendore inseruiens qui licet adhuc longaeui Nestoris annos nō attigerit, ac tantis virtutibus & magnitudine conciliorum in principū negotijs, Methuselah aetate dignus est, vt Reipub. tam florenti viuat, valeat, floreat (que) tantus ac tātus senator. Magnitudine tantorum beneficio­ [...]um obrutus, ac excellentis dominationis tuae status splēdore adductus, has Moscouiticas meas lucubra­tiones in lucem edidi, quae de actis Caesarum omnium ab ipso Iulio Caesare ad hunc illustrissimū orbis Mo­narcham [Page] Maxim [...]lianum, longa orationis serie, per singulorum regum familias, ac regias stirpes per­tractat, eas (que) dominationi tuae offero animi mei gra­tissimi munusculum. Has lucubrationes meas Mos­couiticas appello, quia dū magno Moscouiae Duci, po­tentissimo Russiae, Casani, ac Astrachani Impera­tori in arte medica inseruiebā, eas ocio dato cōposui▪ Sed nō deero Dominationis tuae volūtati ac petitio­ni, de omni statu Reipub. Moscouiticae describendo, de (que) Imperio Casanico, & Astracanico mare Caspiū attingēte, magno Russiae Imperatori subiecto. Ni­hil homini prìuato conducibilius, nihil magistratui, nihil regi, aut Imperatori quicquam vtilius esse po­test, quàm antiquitatem Rerumpublicarum, & om­nium Imperiorum formas, exitū bellorum tam ex­ternorum quam ciuilium, in quiete & summo ocio cum sumina animi delectatiōe, ac voluptate, intueri ac reuoluere. Est enim historia speculum principis, imago virtutis, theatrum doctissimum vniuersi or­bis, veritatis certissimus index, tēporum testis, post mortem vita, memoriae sempiternum monumentum viua Respublica, lex viua, morum doctissima ma­gistra, ad optima, & prudentissima concilia firma pedissequa, prudētiae fons, regum ac potētissimorum monarcharum schola literata, omnium seculorum ac imperiorum sapientissimū studiū. Quod in Rerū pub. antiquitatibus, & in diuersis Imperiorum formis, longe caeteris Graecis praestitit Vlisses, rarum il­lud [Page] Graeciae propter prudētiam & sacrata concilia lumē habitus est. Quod Nestor orationis maiestate, eloquentia, ac in regio senatu maximorum concilio­rum pōdere, reliquos patricios viros, generis princi­patuque celsos anteibat, senatus graecorum pater, po­puli robur, Imperii vniuersi neruus graecis & omni­bus barbaris habitus est. Quod graecia ipsa sensit, hiis duobus luminibus extinctis Epaminunda Duce mortuo, dolendam Reipublicae iacturam senserunt Thebae, mortuo pericle Athenae, mortuo Archidamo Lacedemonia luctus dedere. Robur imperii Angli­cani firmissimum, ac neruus tutissimus principis no­strae rara maiestas est, omnium maiorum regum splendor, vnicum huius aetatis, ac consequentum ne­potum dulcissimum decus, cuius celsitudini praecae­teris orbis monarchis, cum summa tranquillitate in hiis turbulentissimis imperiorum tēpestatibus, sena­torum tanta prudentia, vultus nobilis, sacrato (que) nu­mine fulta cōcilia inseruiunt. Rarum patriae nostrae lumē in regio senatu existit dominatio tua, dum sum­mae eruditionis, verae nobilitatis, ac maximorum con­ciliorum Nestor, patriae florenti (que) Reipublicae ful­ges. Viuit ad perpetuam Reipublicae Anglicanae gloriam Dominus Thomas Smithus aeques torqua­tus, regiae maiestatis nobilis Secretarius, iuris ciui­lis, ac omnium prestantissimarum scientiarum. Do­ctor summus, abstrusae abditae (que), cognitionis vberimū penu, academiae Cantabrigiensis rarum decus, qui [Page] Demosthenem eloquētia, grauitate Platonem, con­cilio Periclem, ac Senatoria prudentia Epaminun­dam aequare possit. Non sine causa floret Respubli­ca nostra, reliquorum senatorum prudētia, ac sum­mis ingenijs fortunata, quorū si in Republica egre­giā conciliorum fabricam digne pertractarem, nul­lus externorum principum senatus cum regio sena­tu cōferendus, Deo enim Rempublicā edificante cō ­cilijs tāti numinis singula agunt. Habet regnū An­glicanū Reginā illustrissimā, dominam nostram E­lisabetham, principem rarae maiestatis, prudentia Nestorea imbutā, ac Nestoris annis dignissimam, regalibus virtutibus, literata (que) praestantissmarum artium cognitione illustrem, pacis ac concordiae nu­tricem, regni sui exoptatissimam spem foelicitatis, regni Anglicani vnicum solatium, imperij robur, po­puli sui vnicam cōsolationem, maiorum regum, aeui (que) huius vnicū Decus. Faxit deus, vt nos tata pietate tàm celso numini inseruiamꝰ, vt aureū tam illustris principis, imperii (que) seculum diu teneamus.

Dominationi tuae deuinctissi­mus Richardus Raignoldus.

AN EPISTLE TO THE Reader.

SCIPIO that noble capitaine, and valeante conquerour, continually delighting in seking wisedome, and assaying profitable enterpryses for the common wealth of the Romaines, and also for the glory and aduauncement of his countrey, in noble feates of armes, striuing to be aboue the reste singular, did continually oc­cupy him selfe in histories, & in monumentes of great antiquitie. Whose commendable studies, Marcus Tullius Ci­cero, in a certayne epistle to his brother Quintus, commendeth in these woordes, Cyrus ille à Zenophonte non ad historiae fidem scriptus, sed ad effigiem iusti imperij, cuius summa grauitas ab illo Philosopho cum sin­gulari comitate coniungitur, quos quidem libros non sine causa noster ille Africanus de manibus ponere non solebat; nullum est enim praeter­missum in hijs officium diligentis & moderati imperij. Cyrus that noble prince of Persia, who is set out in y e history of Zenophon, although y e hi­storie wrytten of him, be aboue that which Cyrus attayned to, yet the very liuely image of a prince, what he ought to be, and of his state is in those bookes declared, the grauitie and maiestie of. Cyrus, with a sin­gular courteous humanitie is ioyned together of that Philosopher, the whiche bookes of Zenophon, not without great cause or dope consi­deration, oure noble Africanus woulde neuer laye oute of his handes: For in those bookes is fully set out the state and royall office of a care­full prince and tēperate. The example of so worthy a prince of so great wysdome, of so victorious and valeante a conquerour, is of great force to shewe what great knowledge, wysedome, and profitable learning, what glory is conteined in histories to the studentes thereof. This no­ble Scipio, being a rare prince for all excellency. The staye of the Ro­mayne Empire, a light to all princes, dayly occupied him selfe in rea­ding of histories. Octauius Emperour of Rome, did greatly delight in histories, and in all antiquities of learning, who was in loue so muche rapted & inflamed with the Aeneados of the famous Poete Virgil, as that noble Scipio Africanus, was delighted with Zenophons workes. Alexander the great, whose commendation is aboue all princes, who as the booke of the Machabes sheeweth, hauing great warres in hande, he wan many strong cities, and slewe many kynges of the earth, goyng throughout the endes of the worlde, in so muche that the whole worlde stoode in awe of hym. This Alexander the great, being brought vp of that great and moste wyse Philosopher Aristotle, did chiefly place his delight in histories, who gaue great and princely giftes to all suche as [Page] by any meanes profited the cōmon wealth thereby. This mighty prince Alexander, did so muche delighte in histories and in the bookes of Ho­mere the Greeke Poete, that he would rest his study and minde therin. Whiche bookes of Homere he named his pillowe, because he woulde neuer sleape without them: saying alwayes giue me my pyllowe (mea­ning those bookes.) Out of those bookes he learned many notable ver­tues, mete for y e office of prīces, many rare vertues & great knowledge, for all such as shall be gouernours in the common wealthe, great wis­dome for captaynes with the felicitie of y e minde & rare magnaminitie, the noble vertue patiēce, is there fully set out, mete for al states, with al the calamities of warre. Lucius Lucullus, by his great knowledge in hi­stories, brought to the Romaines felicitie of estate, and perpetuall re­nowme in his warres fought against Mithidrates. Thus Marcus Tul­lius Cicero writeth of him. Lucius Lucullus, percontandis peritioribus, rebus gestis legendis, tātus in omni genere belli extitit vt omnibus quo­rūcun (que) seculorū principibus anteferretur. Lucius Lucullus, by diligent inquisition of the beste learned, and by reading of histories, was so fa­mous and noble in al pointes of chiualry, that he ought to be placed be­fore the princes of all ages. Alexander Seuerus, an Emperour of great glorie, and of moste noble fame, inferiour to no prince in wysedome and learning, by whome the Romaines enioyed a florishing state and moste peaceable gouernemente, the frutes of all good gouermente. This A­lexander Seuerus, wold neuer enterprice any thing of any great weight or importance, either in warre or peace, but he would sende for suche as were knowen to be excellēt in histories, to consulte and debate with thē of suche matters: wherein he founde a chiefe treasure of all depe & sage councell, a register of all famous actes. Alexander the great, at what time as he ouercame Darius king of Persia, in a place called Arbellis, he demaunded of his noble men the nerest and safyst waye out of Persia into Aegipte, but none could tell him. A certayne marchaunt man the historie sayth, Homo multarum rerum peritus, a man very cunning in many thinges, it semed by his answere he was a traueyler in those pla­ces & in many other countries. This marchaunt was by countrey a Si­donian, who being brought to him, the historie maketh no mention of his name, but Lucianus wryteth the story. O king (sayth the marchaūt) I am able to promyse thee that the waye from this parte of Persia into Aegipte, is but three dayes iourney through the mountaynes, and so it was proued. Alexander ignoraunt of the situation of the countrey, and fearing the marchaunt to haue dissembled with him, of long time bele­ued it not, but in the ende the marchauntes tale was founde true, it se­med the marchaunt knew more by his trauayle then those Persians did, of so great force is the worthy knowledge of histories. The knowledge [Page] of the situation of countreis, regiōs, and cities, Ptolomeus Euergetes [...] that worthy prince of Aegipte, of whome Galene that noble phisition wryteth of in the third booke De morbis popularibus. This Ptolomeus greatly deliting in histories, and in all kinde of learning, commaunded as many as arriued at his coastes or countreis, to bryng to hym al such bookes as were to be founde with them of any worthy memorie. Those bookes this king Ptolomeus caused truly to be writtē out, and the new copies to be deliuered to the firste possessours, all suche bookes in this sorte brought, the kyng commaunded them to be placed in goodly and sumptuous libraries, there perpetually to remayne as worthy monu­mentes to be reserued of the posteritie. And also this kyng Ptolomeus, commaunded that vpon all those bookes thus broughte to him from farre countries, to haue this title vpon them, Ex nauibus acceptorum, as who should saie, all suche bookes were brought by shippe from farre places to him. Howe great was the care of this Ptolomeus towardes learning, when he b [...]rgayned with the Athenians to paye to them. 15. talentes of siluer for the bookes of Sophocles, of Euripides, and of Es­culus the poete. He caused a copie to be writtē out of thē, the olde bookes he kepte, and restored to them the newe laste written copies. Thus wri­teth Galene, Orabat vt quindecim talenta tenerent acciperent (que) nouos pro veteribus quos ipsi dederant, sic Athenienses & argento potiti sunt, & libris. Ptolomeus prayed the Athenians that they would receiue of hym the. 15. talentes, & the newe wrytten copies for the olde copies whiche they gaue to him, so the Athenians receiued at y e kinges handes muche siluer and their bookes agayne. The rare loue of this Prince towarde learning, his greate care to obtayne workes, to reserue them to all po­sterities, and geeue so great rewardes for so small bookes, sheweth a rare and moste royall harte to learning. Those tragedies of Sophocles and Euripides, do conteine notable histories, wherin kyng Ptolomeus delighted, a continuall studie mete for all princes. Great be the commē ­dations of that noble Empresse Zenobia, the Empresse of the Easte, she was the wyfe of valeant Odoacer, for her great wysedome and excellēt learnyng, both in histories, and also in all matters of councell. This learned Empresse Zenobia, by her wysedome, and great knowledge in histories, excelled in those dayes and in manye ages before, y e mightye Monarches of the worlde. This Zenobia made a Chronicle of all y e warres fought in Alexandria. Also she gathered a collection of all the notable warres fought in the Easte partes. The reading of histories is a study right profitable for all men, for magistrates, for princes a moste pleasaunt and comfortable trauell. The knowledge of histories is a spurre to vertue, a brydle to represse vice in all that feare God. An historie is the glasse of Princes, the image moste liuely bothe of vertue [Page] and vice, the learned theatre or spectacle of all the worlde, the councell house of Princes, the trier of all truthes, a witnes of all tymes & ages. After death a perpetuall memorie of the noble actes of those that here deserued fame, a liuely register of y e common wealthes of al ages, the worthiest scholemaister of manners, the fountayne of all knowledge to knowe God thorowely and thy selfe, a bytte and snaffle to the proude & ambitious, the learned schole of princes, the booke of princes, & their quiet and softe pillowe to slepe on, the perfit description of the marue­lous workes of God, in the preseruing of princes & common welthes, a paterne of all common wealthes layde before our eyes. Kyng Asueue­uerus that mighty king, who reigned frō India vnto Ethiopia ouer 127. prouinces, so muche delighted in histories, that for a perpetuall memo­ry of thinges done. He commaunded to be put in a chronicle all thinges that happened to hym. And also that treason whiche Mardocheus the Iewe vttered of the kinges chāberlaynes wrought against this Asue­rus, of the whiche treason the king commaunded inquisitiō to be made, the king Asueuerus commaūded it to be written in y e Chronicles before his owne sighte and the name of him that vttered the treason. This worthy register of fame, being preserued and kepte. A certayne tyme this king Asueuerus, (not able to take sleape in y e night season, through his greate cares of mynde) commaunded the Chronicles and Histo­ries to be brought before hym, and the Chronicles were redde. In that place of the histories redde to y e king, Mardocheus the Iewe was foūde chronicled, who vttered the great treason wrought against the kyng, by Bigthana & Theres the kyngs chamberlaynes, who sought to haue layd handes on the kyng, but they were as all traytours deserued, in lyke sorte hanged vppe, but Mardocheus who vttered this treason, was ex­tolled to greate honour. It was a worthye acte of the kynge to ex­alte and rewarde the well doer, and to hange vp the traytours diso­beying so mischieuously God and their prince, seeking to establysh their deuelishe purpose by the subuersion of the prince. Proude Haman was broughte to confusion, that soughte the deathe of manye: who, beinge aboue all the subiectes of the kynge aduaunced, not knowing him selfe fell into the destruction that hee prepared for other. Malum consili­um consultori pessimum, The deuyce and counsell of a wicked man to hurt other, turneth to his owne destructiō. The story sayth kyng Asue­uerus not able to take reste, commaunded the Chronicle to be brought to him, and to be redde, it semeth that Chronicles be pleasaūt, they put awaye tediousnes, they bringe great wysdome to princes, they geue knowledge to forsee mischieues and treasons, & to subuerte the wilye pollicies of forayne nations. This noble kinge Asueuerus calleth hi­stories an euerlasting remembraunce. The actes of wise men are a rule [Page] and square for other to direct their councel and doings by. This noble Scipio Africanus, sheweth to all wyse men the depe knowledge in histo­ries, and the great profite of them. Octauius Augustus, Alexander the great, Lucius Lucullus, Alexander Seuerus, Ptolomeus Euergetes, who were the great princes of the worlde, by learned histories, in florishyng estate gouerned, and thereby attayned to great wysedome. The worthy Zenobia is to be folowed in the great knowledge of histories, and in her great wysedome obteined therin. That wyse Salomō Henry the seuēth was very studious of histories, and that victorious prince Henry the eight, who was a terror to all princes that had any quarel against him. The Emperour Charles the fifte sovght his amitie, and Fraunces the Frenche kyng afrayde to displease him, he was more valiant then Hector, of more noble courage then Achilles, an other Scipio Africanus, or rather if he had mynded to enlarge his dominion, an other Alexan­der, in wysedome and graue councell Salomon. These noble princes do shewe what it is for princes to be learned, and especiallye for graue councell and wysedome in histories. He knoweth nothing that knoweth not histories, and it is the lyfe of beastes to knowe nothing, the more a man knoweth, the more he excelleth from men & differeth from beastes. If the Empire of the Easte might in those dayes glorie and reioyce of their Empresse Zenobia. What may this our noble ilande of Britaine, and how much reioyce, that almighty God, for the glory and aduaūce­ment of his church, for the florishing state of this noble kingdome, hath raysed vp this our noble queene to sit in the throne & seate of her aun­cestours, kynges from long descent, of moste auncient tyme victorious princes, in the queenes maiesties vertuous gouernement, the frutes of godlye peace do shewe it selfe, whose maiestie of princly state, the great power of God vpholdeth, in all respectes the moste fortunates coun­trey, God graunte that all we Englishe men may acknowledge in what blessed state God hath sette vs, to be vnder the gouernement of so ver­tuous a princesse, and moste royall queene chosen by God, preserued with his mightie hande, & to his glory vpholded to aduaunce his holy name: God graunte that we Englyshe men maye beare in mynde in what blessed state God hath set vs, all suche as are vnmyndefull of this blessed gouernment, are vnmete burdenes to treade on earth, meete to drawe in yoke and myserable seruitude with the barbarous Scithians, or in slauerie with the bloudye Turkes. Marcus Tullius Cicero wry­teth a notable sentence, meete to be put in golden letters, to be redde of all good subiectes against rebelles, or mainteyners of rebellion.

Sic sentit senatus, sic populus Romanus nullos vnquā hostes digniores omni supplicio fuisse quam eos, qui hoc bello contra patriam arma ce­perūt, quos quidem ego omnibus sententijs vlciscor & persequor omni­bus [Page] bonis approbātibus. So the Senate of Rome iudgeth, & so also the people of Rome at any time y t no enemies haue ben more worthy al kind of punishement or tormentes, then those who in this warres taken in hande against their owne countrey are become rebellious, making war against the same, vpon whiche workers with the cōsent of all good mē, I do take reuengement of, and pursue to the vttermoste this talke he had with Brutus a man of great authoritye: Also the sayde Tullye made aunswere to a certayne epistle of this Brutus, which was writtē to Tullie. Vehementer à te dissentio Brute ne (que) clementiae tuae con­cedo, sed salubris seueritas vincit inanem speciem clementiae, quod si clementes esse voluerimus, nunquā deerunt bella ciuilia. O Brutus saith he, I do greatly disagree from thee, neyther do I alowe thy piti­full clemency, for wholsome seuerity doth passe and excelle this vayne kinde of clemencie: for if we will be pytifull in such cases, ciuil warre wyll neuer cease to the Romaynes. God alwayes ouerthroweth the wicked attemptes of such domestical vipars, to whome their owne de­uices are their owne snares and pitte of destruction to fall into.

As conserning the order of my Booke, I do beginne wyth the lyfe of Iulius Caesar, setting forth with it the greate warres betweene him and noble Pompeie, called Pompeius Magnus: from thence I procede tho­rowe the liues of all the Emperours, euen to Maximilian this noble Emperour which presentlye rayneth, makinge a full discourse of the great glorye, nobilitye and perpetuall fame of the godlye Princes, the myserable and doulefull fall of the wicked. In this historye I note perticulerly the actes of euery one, I doo set foorth the great prouidēce of God in preseruing common wealthes, in raysing and exalting to go­uernement godly princes, in thrawing downe tyrauntes, rebelles, and all mainteiners of rebellion, howe God by his mighty hande ouerthro­weth the persecutors of his churche, and all deuelishe practises, the de­uil hath his limites and bondes appointed which he shal not passe. In histories, it is set forth of the great alterations from tyme to tyme of kingdomes, the chaunges of Empires, the partition of the Romayne Empire for the East, the first being of the beggerly Scithians, y e beastly Gothes, of the runnagate Vandales, & to what power they grew in Eu­rope, and in the ende their ouerthrowe by the mighty power of God, the state of the Turkes and Saracenes, & of their beginning, of the oft taking of Rome, & sacking of it, of the great warres against Millaine by the Frenche kyng, of the great warres in Germany, of the taking of the Frenche kyng, of the great warres of the Emperour Charles and noble Ferdinando against the Turkes, and of the great ouerthrowe of the Turkes. I haue in the histories setforth the images of the Em­perours [Page] as they were in the coigne of them, with their tittles. I doubt not but the reader shall finde it profitable, with manye plentifull histo­ries for knowledge necessary, the noble man, the captaine, the gentle­man, shall finde knowledge therein very profitable. God graunte vs al to feare God, and to obeye our noble prince, whom God in most happy tyme hath to the aduauncement of his churche, and most happye king­dome, raysed to gouerne ouer this noble and beutifull Ilande and coū ­trey of Englande.

FINIS.

A Table contayninge the princi­pall matters in this Booke.

A.
  • AChillas seruinge Pto­lomeus the kinge, a murtherer of Pom­peie. Fo. 12.
  • Arthur kinge of Brytaine, & his noble actes againste y e Romaynes. Folio. 47.
  • Alexander Magnus deade. Folio. 14.
  • Antipater a frend to Caesar. Folio. 14.
  • Ambition Folio. 14.
  • Antonius killeth himselfe. Fol. 15.
  • Antonius a reuēger of Cae­sars death. 16.
  • Adrianus his lyfe. 55.
  • Alexander Magnus. 43.
  • Aurelia Caesars mother. 1.
  • Antonius a reuenger of Iu­lius Caesars death. Fo. 1.
  • Apollonius Molo. 2.
  • Ambition his force. 2.
  • Albinus his ende. 67.
  • A godly admonitiō to al En­glishemen, to auoyde dis­corde and treason. 4.
  • Aurelia dead. 5.
  • Ambition hath no regard of God and nature. 5.
  • Antistius Caesars Phisitiō. Fol. 6.
  • A fearefull admonition to learne men to beware of treasō. 9.
  • Alexander Magnus. 43.
  • Amazones and of their doin­ges. Folio. 43.
  • Artabanus his actes. 20.
  • Antoninꝰ Emperor, sought counsell at spirites for his estate. 72.
  • Augustinus de diuinatione demoniorum. 72.
  • Artabanus kinge of Persia ioyneth league with the Romaynes. 72.
  • Artabanus death. 83.
  • Artaxarxes his embassage. 83.
  • Altarcus king of Scots. 83.
  • The auctoritye of the bishop of Rome not Apostolicke. 94.
  • Athanasius bishoppe. 108.
  • Ambrose bishop of Millen. 16.
  • Attalas his doinges. 125.
  • Angli Saxoni. 130.
B.
  • BRitanie, and of y e actes of Caesar there. 3. 4.
  • Britayne called some­time Olbion, after Albi­on. Fol. 3.
  • Britayne broughte to subiec­tion by discord. Fol. 4.
  • [Page] Brutus made second heyre to Iulius Caesar, yet a traytor to Caesar. 8.
  • Brutus his conspiracie. 14.
  • Brutus commaundeth Stra­to his mā to murther Brutus himselfe. 15.
  • Blasinge starres what they signifye. 38.
  • Babilus an Astronomer pro­phesying vpon Nero. 38.
  • Belisar of his noble actes 142
C.
  • Caius Iulius Caesar. 1.
  • Caius Marius. 1.
  • Caesars education. 1.
  • Cossutia Caesars wyfe. 1.
  • Cornelia. ibidem.
  • Caesar for feare of Silla hy­deth himselfe. 2.
  • Caesar questor. 2.
  • Caesars dreame. 2.
  • Calphurnia Caesars wyfes dreame. 2
  • Caesars conquering of y e Ger­maynes and of the French men. 3.
  • Caesars consideration before he woulde enter on y e Bri­taynes. 3.
  • Caesars talke with marchan­tes. 3.
  • Caius yolusenus Embassa­dour to the Britaynes. 4.
  • Comas Atrabas second Em­bassadour to y e Britaynes and put in prison. 4.
  • Cassibelan king of London. 4.
  • Caesars entringe into Bri­taine by treason. 4.
  • Caesars conquering of y e Bri­taynes, commended at Rome aboue al his actes. Fol, 4.
  • Caesars meanes to honour. 5.
  • Caesars taunt to Spurina. 8.
  • Ciuil warre worst of al war­res. 8.
  • Cauetousnes the ouerthrow of common wealthes. 85.
  • Carolus Caluus & his life. 87.
  • Couragious warriours. 8.
  • Chiualrye the best precept of it. 90.
  • Cyprian his conuersion 94.
  • Charles the great 104.
  • Counsell of Nice. 105.
  • Coil Duke of Colchester fa­ther to Queene Helena. 100.
  • Constantine the greate his lyfe. 104.
  • Christiā doctrine with their foundation. 109.
  • Cosroe slaine of his owne sonne. 106.
  • Carolus Martellus his actes 175.
  • Commodus his lyfe. 62.
  • Caesar after his death honoured as a God. 8.
  • Cyrus charge of his funeral. 9
  • Caesars opinion what deathe [Page] was best 9.
  • Caesars proposition with Caesars conclusion to it. 9.
  • Caesars Image why it is pictured with a starre. 9.
  • Caesars answeare to the Se­nates decree. 10.
  • Cratippus answeare to Pō ­peius proposition. 12.
  • Cornelia Pompeius wyfe, & her calamitye. 13.
  • Cato his death. 14.
  • Cassus the first author of Cae­sars death. 14.
  • Cicero his death. 15.
  • Cleopatra her death. 19.
  • Common wealthes compa­red to a Garden. 47.
  • Coccius Narua his gouern­ment. 54.
  • The cause and firste originall of nobilitye. 24.
  • Couetous officers cōpared to fleshe flees. 28.
  • Caius Caligula his gouern­ment. 31.
  • Claudius Tiberius his beast­lye life. 33.
D.
  • Dwina a floud in Russia that is. 1 [...]000. myles longe. 83.
  • Desperate souldiours. 90.
  • The death of one wyse coun­sellour, is a plague to a whole realme 91.
  • Discorde of Christians is a strength to infidels. 108.
  • Death of many tyrantes. 117
  • Dolobella an ennemy to Cae­sar. 2.
  • Discord a plague to the strō ­gest fortes & kingdomes 4.
  • Douer builded of Caesar 6.
  • A decree of y e Senate against Caesar. 10.
  • Domitius Nero his life. 36.
  • Darius killed by Bessus 43.
  • Domitian his beastlye lyfe. 53.
  • Didius Iulianus his beastlye lyfe, and ende. 65.
  • Digest and Code volume broughte into a briefe by Iustinian. 155.
  • Dukes and their beginning 157.
  • Deuils, tyrants and wicked men, haue their limittes appointed. 163.
E.
  • Embassadours ought curte­ouslye to be vsed. 84.
  • Embassages why they were ordayned. 84.
  • Eloquēce of great force. 132.
  • Exāple moste rare of a sonne towardes his father. 138.
  • Elius Cinna murthered for Cornelius Cinna. 9.
  • Example of ingratitude. 12.
F.
  • Foelix a noble mā with Claudius Tiberius▪ 34.
  • [Page] Forgetfulnes of Tiberius after his murthers. 35.
G.
  • The gouernmente of Rome lefte to Lepidus, in Caesars absence. 10.
  • The great deliberatiō of coū ­cellers, and care, in prīces affayres. 19.
  • The godlye princes blessed of God. 39.
  • Galba the death of Nero by vsurpinge. 39.
  • Galba of a noble house.
  • Galba killed of Otho. 39.
  • Godly princes with theyr go­uernmente. 45.
  • Gods secrete counsel in kingdomes. 72.
  • Gawishe apparell. 76.
  • The gouernment of women maruelouslye vpholded of God. 80.
  • Galerius Armentarius. 103.
  • Gods wrathe against heriti­kes. 109.
  • Gothes frō whēce they came 116.
  • Gensericke his actes. 134
  • Gensericke his death. 137.
H.
  • Heliogabalus a king, a man, a priest and a God. 76.
  • Heliogabalus his beastly life 78.
  • Helena queene of Englande 100.
  • Heraclius his life, & of y e Turkes their originall. 167.
  • Honourable estate a moste happye state to godly ma­iestrates. 3.
  • Herodes dissimulation wyth Cleopatra. 17.
  • Henrye the v. of his nobility and royall state 42.
  • Henrye the vi. of his calami­tye.
  • Henrye the vii. viii. ibidem of their worthines and roy­all estate.
I.
  • Iulia Caesars aunte. Fol. 1.
  • Iulia Caesars daughter. 2.
  • Iulia dead. 5.
  • Iustinian of his worthines. 145.
  • Ignatius commendation of Caesar. 7.
  • Iames kinge of Scottes brought to Londō dead. 41
  • Iames king of Scottes, his posye and sentence written in gould and found about his necke he beinge deade. 41.
  • Iames kinge of Scottes his Prophesye of his returne home deceyued him. 41.
  • The Ile of Wyght subdued by Vespasian 51.
  • Ignorance the mother of su­perstitious deuotion. 111.
  • Iouian his life, 114.
  • [Page] Irene her beastly lyfe. 176.
K.
  • Kinges & wisemen why they be ordayned. 505.
  • A kingdome small well go­uerned. 6.
  • King Zerxes cowardly rety­reth. 80.
  • Kinges fostered vppe of God vpholded, defended, and created 5.
  • Kinges in the secrete counsel of God, geeuē to landes & kingdomes 53.
  • Kinges raised from poore co­tages to rule. 33.
L.
  • Lodouicus & his actes. 172.
  • Lotharius his life and actes. 176.
  • Lucius Caesar. 1.
  • Lucane y e Poete vpon y e warres of Pompeie. 5.
  • The long life of a stage to the which Caesar gaue a collor. 6.
  • A letter deliuered to Caesar of the conspiracye. 8.
  • Lucretia. 16.
  • Liuia Octanius wyfe 22.
  • Lactantius Firmianus sayth that an Epistle was wrote to S. Paule by Seneca. 56.
M.
  • Macrinus his beastly life 72.
  • Men of lowe degree promo­ted are cōtemned of y e base multitude, though they be neuer so godly & wyse. 72.
  • Macrinus death 76.
  • Mesa her commendatiō wor­thye perpetual memorye, for the gouernmente of a woman. 80.
  • Marriages allowed in Prie­stes 105.
  • Mauritius his ende 164.
  • Mahomet his Proclamatiō to his people, with y e doc­trine and originall of the Turkes. 168.
  • Moscouites their Sabboth daye & fonde ceremonyes. 177.
N.
  • Naera and Car mion, Cleo­patra her maydes 23.
  • Noble houses and their des­cente. 36.
  • Numa Pompilius his actes. Fol 1.
  • Nobilitye and warlicke sto­mackes of the Britaynes. 4.
O.
  • Octauia Caesars sisters daughter. 3.
  • Octauius Emperour at the byrth of Christ. 10.
  • Octauius maried. 16.
  • Octauius aunsweare to Pto­lomeus picture. 18.
  • Octauius sayinge of Rome 20.
  • [Page] Octauius wyues. 21.
  • Octauius mother deade. 21.
  • Otho killed himselfe 44
  • Offices bought wyth money do shewe an yll maiestrate to followe. 64.
  • Odenatus his noble actes. 96.
  • Orimasda his actes & lamen­table ende. 160.
  • The Oration of a Romaine full of perswatiōs to beate downe the pride of a tyrant or any proude person, that knowes not himselfe nor God. 161.
  • Oicomenicos in double sig­nification. 163.
P.
  • Pompeia Caesars wyfe. 2.
  • Plato his saying of traytors. 3.
  • Pompeius death, & Caesars. 10.
  • Pompeie in miserie flying to a false frende. 5.
  • Pompeie trayterously slaine. 5.
  • Plutarcke his commendatiō of Caesars & description. 7.
  • Prophesyes doubtfull, proue true manye tymes. 8.
  • Pompeie flyeth into Egipte, 12.
  • Ptolomie king of Egipt false to Pompeie 12.
  • Pothinus an Eunuke, a murtherer of Pompeie 40
  • Pōpeie toke Hierusalem 12.
  • Ptolomeus deade. 13.
  • Proclamation for the mur­therers of Caesar. 17.
  • Prophesye of Octauius byrth 21.
  • Pilate accused of the Iewes and sent to Rome. 28,
  • Phalaris with many other ti­rants, and their ende. 44.
  • Persecutions of the Christi­ans the third time in Trai­anus dayes. 55.
Q.
  • Quintilius Emperour slaine of his souldiours. 97.
  • Quintus Ligarius one of the murtherer of Caesar. 10.
R.
  • The race of kings frō meane cotages first73.
  • Riches not in admiration w t the wise. 73.
  • A remedy to auoyde plagues 91.
  • Rochester builded by Iulius Caesar, & other fortes as I haue declared: reade Lid­gate therof, in his booke of diuision. 6.
S.
  • Succession of kingdomes in the secrete counsel of God. 20.
  • Sinne the fal of kingdomes.
  • Silla why he resisted Caesar. 2
  • [Page] Silla dead. 2.
  • The staye of a whole realme vpholded sometime by one wyse man. 97.
  • The stronge fortes of a prīce is the loue of his subiectes 14.
  • Spurina his prophesy of Cae­sar with his taunt▪ 8.
  • Seneca put to death of Nero. 37.
T.
  • Titus Vespatianus his lyfe. Fol. 50.
  • Troynouantes traytours to Britaine to let in Caesar 4.
  • Thyes [...]es & Atreus w t many other cruell tyrantes 5.
  • The tower of London buil­ded of Caesar. 6.
  • Tiberius follye. 26.
  • Tyrants haue an ill ende, 32
VV.
  • Warres of Caesar & Pom­peie 10.
  • Warres of Charles the fifte with kinge Frauncis, a­gainst Millen & other Cit­tyes.
  • Warres of the Germaynes.
  • Warres of the Turkes, and their ouerthrow by Char­les and Ferdinand, and so thorowe the life of Char­les.
  • Warres most co [...]ragiouslye fought of the noblest Prī ­ces in the life of Charles.
  • Why warres are to be mo­ued, when, and vpon what occasion. 19.
  • Warre hath alwayes two companions, pestilence & hunger ioyned wyth him. 19.
V.
  • Vespasian his actes. 45.
  • Vitellus his lyfe and ende. 44.
X.
  • Xenophon his workes a cō ­tinuall studye to Scipio. Folio. 1. in Epist.

Immandrubalus, reade for it Theomantius. Folio. 4.

The ende of the Table.

Faultes escaped in the Printing.

  • In the latine Epistle Egergiam, reade Egregiam.
  • In the latine Epistle Aeques, reade eques.
  • In the Englishe Epistle quindecim. reade quindecem.
  • Asueuerus, reade Ahasuerus.
  • magnaminitye, reade magnanimitye.
  • Odoacer, reade Odenatus.
  • Cussulia, reade Cossutia. Folio. 1.
  • callinge, reade to that calling. Folio. 1.
  • Immandrubalus, reade Theomantius. Fol. 1.
  • Caesar non patitur, reade Caesar ve priorem non patitur. Folio. 5.
  • Tolomeus, reade Ptolomeus. Fol. 5.
  • Mecum, reade Moechum. Fol. 7.
  • sumpisti, reade sumsisti. Fol 7.
  • mutium, reade mutuum Fol. 7.
  • repentinun in opinatunque, reade repentinum in opi­natumque. Fol. 10,
  • Periodo, reade periodos. Fol. 12.
  • Plyas, reade Ptyas. 17.
  • Deatherica, reade de theriaca. Fol. 17.
  • Apolinis, reade apollinis. Fol. 20.
  • Cani, reade Caij, 20.
  • Potentia, reade potentiam. 29.
  • Chronicarum, reade Chronicorum. 183.
  • Caspar, reade Gaspar 183.
  • Henrye the seconde, reade Henrye the thirde. 192. wape, reade waye. 228.

CAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR.

[figure]

CAIVS IVLIVS CAESAR the sonne of Lucius Caesar, and Aurelia was borne at Rome, in the Consulshippe of Caius Marius, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus, in the Ides of the fifte moneth, the whiche moneth at those dayes was called Quintilis, Antonius. but after the death of Iulius Caesar, it was called Iuly, by the cōmaun­dement of Antonius, The educatiō of Iulius Cesar. who was a reuenger of y e death of Iulius Caesar. As concerning the educatiō of Caesar, he was brought vp vnder the gouernement of his mother Aurelia, she being y e daughter of Caius Cotta, he wanted not also to be well trai­ned vp according to the councell of Iulia his Aunte by the fa­ther side, his great vertues manifestly shewed, that his educa­tion was singuler, his giftes of nature rare, worthy to be compared with any other, his excellencie in all respectes was such that in Rome the like was neuer. Lucius. In the .xvi. yeare of his age, Lucius his father died, Flamen Dia­lis. the yeare followynge he was chosen Flamen Dialis, which is an office of priesthode, of it the Chro­nicles of auncient tymes do shewe, that Numa Pompilius, was the firste that ordained that office of Flamines, Numa Pom­pilius. the cause that moued Numa Pompilius thereunto was this, y t kinges not long before the dayes of Numa did take vppon them the office both of kynges and priestes, Priamus Agamemnon. as it is noted of Priamus kinge of Troie, of Agamemnon king of Micene, and of many Princes, as Homer, Euripides and Sophocles, do shew. The whiche two offices kingdome and priesthode, many princes [Page] after those dayes enioyed together. The Grekes, the Egip­tians, Numa. and the Persians, vsed that manner. Numa ordained foure chiefe Flamines, who continually addicted them selues callinge, and kynges vnburthened them selues of that su­perstitious priesthode. An auncient religion. All this was to wante nothinge that shoulde apperteine to the moste holee veneration of their fonde ceremonies, and glorious superstition of their Goddes. This was their religion, Flamines. as they had diuers Goddes, so euery God had a diuers Flamine. Iupiter their chiefe God, had but one Flamine to serue him. Romulus, after his death being the first king of the Romaines, had also but one. These Flamines differed much in vesture one frō an other: Cossulia. Thus much as con­cerning Caesar in that office of Flamines. At this time Iulius Caesar maried Cossulia, Cornelia. but Cossulia no long time remayned with him, Cinna. being deuorced from him, whether by deserte or o­therwyse, no Chronicle sheweth. After her deuorce, Caesar maried Cornelia the daughter of Cinna, Iulia. this Cinna had ben in Rome foure times Consull: of Cornelia he begat Iulia his daughter: Silla Dictator, resisted that mariage, yet the ennemitie of Silla could not withdrawe Caesars loue frō Cor­nelia: Caesar loued his Cornelia so well, that by marieng of her, Marius. he was depriued of his office of the Flamines. Also he loste her dowry and heritage, whiche of right by her fell to him. The ennemitie of Silla made Caesar to fauour Marius. Enuie of no­ble peres. This Marius was suche an ennemy to Silla, as Silla and Rome, in all calamities felt, suche is the enuie of noble Princes, that they ioyne them selues in amitie, kindred and alliaūce, rather where they may assure them selues of staye and strength then for anye good affectiō they beare one to an other. The trouble of Cesar. At this time Silla bore suche authoritie and swaye, that by the mariage of Cornelia, Caesar was compelled to flie from his sight, a quar­tain ague thē maistring him, oftē times for feare he was en­forced to chaūge his abiding places, & many tymes to brybe y e priuie serchers. The heauy displeasure of Silla was mitiga­ted by the humble intercession of the virgines of Vesta. Mar­cus Emilius, and Caius Aurelius Cotta his kinsfolke, did all so appease the wrath of Silla, long it was ere that cankered en­nemitie ceased. It should seme that Silla feared Caesar muche, [Page] as his talke to those that made sute for him sheweth, where he saith. The cause why Silla re­sisted Cesar. He whose sauegarde ye seke so entierly, intime to come wilbe an ouerthrowe and destructiō to the nobilitie of Rome, the whiche estate of nobilitie was by Silla supported againste Marius. At in Caesare vno, multos videbat inesse marios, Caesar. but in Caesar alone he sawe many, Mariās to be conteined. As yet fortune frowned vpon Caesar, The enuie of the mightie. great authoritie, & the loftie countenaunce of his better frendes kept his vertues couched, wisedome nothing preuayleth where the enemitie of mightie princes contrarily affecteth, and where will ruleth and fanta­sie onely leadeth. Authoritie kept vnder Caesar, who for sacke of liuing went into Asia, and there he serued Marcus Ther­mus Pretor, Cesar driuen to seke aduen­tures. with whome Caesar was of long time brought vp, this was the first time that Caesar inured him self to war­like enterprices. Marcus Thermus knowyng the wisdome of Caesar, and his subtile politique head, sent him into Bithinia, to prepare a nauie of shippes. After this he bare office vnder Seruilius Isauricus in Cicilia, but that continued a short sea­son, for immediatly after y e death of Silla was bruted through out all partes, and was certainly knowen vnto Caesar to bee true, The death of Silla. he returned spedely to Rome. This Silla whyle he liued, was a cruell enemie to Caesar. Nowe conceiued Caesar a cer­tayne assuraunce of aspiring vnto some greate preferremente through a newe deuision begonne at Rome by Marcus Lepi­dus, Caesar. whiche deuision pacified, Dolobella▪ Caesar and Dolabella fell at va­riaunce, but Caesar not able to matche with the partakers & confederates of Dolabella, departed to Rhodes, where he be­came a dilligent hearer of that great learned man Apolo­nius Molo▪ an Orator most famouse, Apolonius Molo. through whose instruc­tions Caesar became excellently learned, and during his lyfe, fauoured the learned. But Caesar not contented to lyue a stu­dious life, made warre against Mithridates, Mithridates. whose forces he vanquished, and setled the state of those countries in quiet, Af­ter this he was chosen at Rome a Tribune, in the whiche of­fice Caesar bore him selfe very wysely, thē he enioyed the Que­storship, Cornelia. in his Questorship Cornelia died, & his Aunte Iulia, who in a funerall oration were greatly commended, and their [Page] progenie highly extolled, not long after the death of Cornelia he married Pompeia, Pompeia. this Pompeia was the daughter of Quintus Pompeius, and nece to Lucius Silla,. In that Cae­sar was Questor, the one part of Spayne called Bethica, was vnder his iurisdictiō. Where Caesar making his abode came vpon a certaine tyme to Gades in the ende of this Prouince, called Bethica, where there was a temple of Hercules moste sumptuously buylded, in which tēple Caesar espied the image of Alexander the great, The ambiti­ous minde of Cesar. whiche he very welvewed, & mour­ned in harte, as though he had conceiued some inward griefe, for that his actes as yet were nothinge like to the doinges of Alexander, Alexander. or rather because no famous thinge had bene at­chieued of him at those dayes in the whiche Alexander had subdued a whole worlde. After this Caesar inflamed with am­bition purposed in his harte to attempte great thinges. In the same citie Caesar dreamed on a nighte as he slepte in his bedde, A straunge dreame of Cesar. that he enforced vnto incest lust his own mother, which dreame he opened to the interpretours, who interpreted, that Caesar by this dreame should be a conquerour ouer many coū ­tries, for by his mother (they sayde) was signified the earthe, whiche is the mother of all thinges. Artemidorus. Artemidorus writeth at large of the interpretation of dreames, both Galen & Hippo­crates in their bookes do declare their grounded argumentes vpon the same, Galen. saying, Hyppocrates. when the bodie doth reste, the mynde moueth, and purifying the partes of the body gouerneth the whole house, and the mynde maketh perfecte all the actions of the body. For the bodie sleping hath no vnderstanding, fea­leth not, careth not, perceiueth not: to be brief, al such things as the bodie sleping cannot do, the mynde waking executeth, and seeth visible thinges, or heareth thinges that are to bee hearde, she goeth, she toucheth, she is sad, she perceiueth, and vnderstandeth: finally, what thinge soeuer is lyke to happen vnto the body, that is vnderstode in sleape of the mynde, with many mo argumentes, shewing the secrete diuination of thē. But as cōcerning Iulius Caesar daily more and more he was incensed to clyme to dignitie, Ambition. he made verie great sute and la­bour to haue the gouernement of the prouinces of Egipt, but [Page 3] that sute preuayled not, then he sent vnto the highe prieste no small giftes for the obteinement of his sute, of suche force is monie, to leade affectiō, for that whiche honor oftētimes can­not get, mony & gifts procure, & that which vertue meriteth, is decided by frendship. Although Caesar stoode in choyse a­gainst two mightie persones for this gouernemēt, yet money and large giftes made hym superiour. Thus Caesar by pro­cesse of tyme, ascended from honor to honor, from dignitie to dignitie, and was chosen Pretor, Pretor. but from that office he was vpon certayne causes remoued, and at the last restored thereto againe, not long after this, Consul. he was made Consull with Bibu­lus, but Caesar ruled all thinges. At that tyme Caesar maried Calphurnia, the daughter of Lucius Piso. This Piso succe­ded Caesar in y e cōsulship. In this season Iulia, Caesars daugh­ter, whome he begat of Cornelia, did marie Gneius Pom­peius, for Seruilius Scipio her first husbande, was put from her, nowe Caesar made him selfe stronge by mariages, their frendship couered many frendes, their linked amitie caught at a becke great & mighty supporters, Strength in mariage. by vnited frēdship rose the magnificent estate of Caesar, honor nowe chaūged Caesar, many noble actes were done of him in his consulship, muche contention & great debate, arose on euerye syde, fortune fa­uouring Caesar, Frendship plē ­tifull in pro­speritie. he lightely purchased many frendes, but yet ther were no smal nōber of those outward frēdes, cloked ene­mies, as y e end shewed. Honorable estate is a most happy thing to those magistrates that feare God, & in that feare know thē selues, Honorable estate. for in that estate what noble vertues may thei exercise, what compassion, howe greate wisdome, what iustice, what clemencie may they minister? as they maye be the vpholders of vertue, so many they be the destroyers of vice, the swaye of a whole Realme dependeth sometime on y e head of one wise ma­gistrate. A good ma­gistrate. As Caesar grew in power & strength through frēds, so outwardly he assaied by martiall attēptes to possesse y e seig­norie ouer many regions, he subdued the Germaines that in­habited beyonde the Ryuer Rhene, and made a brydge ouer it, he conquered the Frenche mē, then he set on this our Ilāde of Brytaine, a people very warrelike and fearce, who through [Page] discorde and diuision among them selues, fell at lengthe into the handes of Caesar, Deuision in Britayne brought ser­uitude. and for a certaine tyme payde tribute vn­to the Empire of Rome, and gaue them hostages. The whole manner of Caesars entring was thus. Whē Iulius Caesar had ended his mightie and perillous battayles, The cōming of Cesar into this Ilande. about the floudde Rhene, he marched into the Realme of Fraunce: at the same time repairing with a Frenche multitude, his legiōs, but the chiefe cause of his warre in Fraunce was, The time. that of long tyme, he was moued in mynde, to see this noble Islande of Brytane, whose fame for nobilitie was knowen and bruted, The persone. not onely in Rome, but also in the vttermoste partes of the worlde. Iulius Caesar was wroth with them, The cause. because in his warre whiche he kepte in Fraunce, The fame and glorie of Brytaine. the fearce Britaines ayded the Frenchmen, and did mightely encounter battayle with the Romaines: whose prowes and valiaunt fight, slaked the proude and loftie stomakes of the Romaines, and droue thē to diuerse hasardes of battayle. But Caesar as a noble warrier, preferring nobi­litie and worthines of fame, The prowes of Iulius Cesar. before money or cowardly quiet­nes: ceased not to enter on the fearce Britaines, and thereto prepared his shippes, the wynter tyme followyng, that assone as oportunitie of y e yeare serued, he might passe with al power against thē. The maner howe. In the meane tyme, Caesar inquired of the mar­chauntes, who with marchaundise had accesse to the Islande: as concerning the quantitie and bignes of it, the fashion and manner of the people, Cesars com­munication with the mar­chauntes, as concerning y e land of Bri­taine. their lawes, their order, and kinde of gouernment. As these thinges were in all pointes vnknowen to Caesar, so also the marchauntes knewe no more then the places bordering on the sea side. For, the Brytaines fearinge the trayterous & dissembling hartes of aliauntes, politikely repelled them by this meanes: The warre & pollitike go­uernement of the Britayns Aliauntes in tyme trayte­rous. For no straunger was suffe­red to enter from his shippe on the lande, but their marchaū ­dise were solde at the seaside. All nations sought to this land, the felicitie of it was so greate, that the Grekes knowing and tasting the commoditie of this Islande, called it by a Greeke name Olbion. Britayn some tyme called of the Grekes Olbion. whiche signified a happie and fortunate coun­trie, though of some after it was called Albion, time so chaū ­ged the firste letter, as at this daye Ebrancke nowe called [Page 4] Yorke Londō is called for y e towne of king Lud. Caesar theru­pon before he would marche with his armie against the peo­ple of Brytaine, Caius Volu­senus, Embassadour to Britayne. sent Caius Volusenus a noble man of Rome, a valiaunt and hardie Captaine, as Embassadour to the Bri­taines, who as he thought by his Embassage, shoulde knowe the fashion of the Islande, the manner of the people, and their gouernement. But as it semeth, the Embassadour was not welcome: for, he durst not enter from his shippe to do his mai­sters Embassage, so that Caesar could know nothing by him. Yet Caesar not so contented, sent an other Embassadour, a man of more power, stomacke, & more hardie, Comas Atre­bas by name, Comas Atre­bas, seconde Embassadous from Cesar. who would enter as an Embassadour, to accom­plishe the will & expectation of Caesar, Comas Atrebas was so welcome, that the Britaines caste him in pryson: Embas­sages were not common among them, nor the curteous vsage of Embassadours knowen at those dayes. All these thinges, made Caesar more wroth, and desirous to assaie the vncourte­ous Britaines. Cassibelan king of Lon­don, at the ar­riue of Cesar Cassibelane a worthy prince In those dayes Cassibelan was king of Londō, this Cassibelon was a prince of high wisedome, of manly sto­macke, and valiaunt in fight: and for power and valiauntnes, was chosen of the Brytaines, chiefe gouernour and king. Dis­sention and cruell warre was among them, through the disa­greing of diuerse kinges in the lande. The Troynouauntes, enuied the state of Cassibelan. The sonne of Immādrubalus, hearing of the comming of Caesar, The Troino­uantes by trea­son let in Ce­sar. did flie traiterously to Cae­sar: The Troynouauntes fauoured Immandrubalus parte, & thereupon promised, as most vile traytours to their countrie, an entering to Caesar, & to do him seruice and homage, who through a selfe wil, & priuate fauour of one, sought the ruine of their countrie, Domesticall treason. and in the ende, their owne destruction. But Cassibelan gaue many ouerthrowes to Caesar, & mightely en­countred with hym, so inuincible was the part of Cassibelan: that by treason of the Troynouauntes, not by manhode of Cae­sars power, entring was geuen. What house can stand, wher­in discorde doth broyle? Treason a cō ­fusion to the mightiest do­minions. What small power is not able to en­ter the mightiest dominions or regions: yea, to ouercome the strongest fortresse, treason opening the grate, treason geuinge [Page] passage. Although Caesar by treason entered, (so Caesar wry­teth): Treason. Yet the fame of Caesar was more commended, for his enterprise into Brytaine, & victorie there gottē: then for al his cōqueste, either against Pompeie, or any other natiō. For in a piller at Rome, A sentēce grauen of Bri­tayne, in the commendatiō of Cesar. this sentence was engrauen: Of all the do­minions, citties, and regions, subdued by Caesar, his warre attempted against the fearce Brytaines, passeth all other. Af­ter this sorte as you haue hearde, Caesar entred our Island of Britayne by treason. But let all good English hartes beware of diuisiō and foresee the plague y t falles euen vpō the diuisers cōsider the nobility of this our goodly Ilande, y e noble princes in their gouernement, the great felicitie of this land and peo­ple aboue all other nations, and nowe presently the frutes of most godly gouernement which we reape of this present state of so noble a prince, of so great wysdome, of so singuler lear­ning, of so manifolde and rare vertues, by whose blessed go­uernement we haue liued in peace onely of all other nacions, from her maiesties first gouernement: if Marcia that noble queene sometime of this Islande gouerner, be cronacled for wysdome & noble actes. if queene Helena of this lande gouer­ner, sometime the mother of Constantine y e great Emperour of Rome, be cōmended in histories yet in no part for learninge and nobilitie she can be equal with this our noble gouerner, who with all lenitie proceadeth in lawe and with iustice hol­deth ouer her people the Scepture. Though of late certayne vipers, not contented with so blessed state, haue sediciously sought by marciall attempt in opē armour to subuert so wor­thy gouernement: But as all rebelles haue the frutes of their enterprise to be their owne shame, destruction, and perpetual ignomini, so God who createth princes, and kepeth them in gouernemēt, hath heaped due plagues vpon their treaterous attemptes, & subuerted their purposes of whome this saying of Plato in his bookes of gouernement may be verified, Quipatriè hostis est sibi pessimus as who should saye, who so se­keth a mischiefe to his owne countrey, on him selfe chiefly the ruine falleth, that state in no part declining, & therefore bothe Homere and Plato, considring the great maiestie of princes, [Page 5] intituleth them with these names Agos Andron Diotrephe­as Poimenas that is gouernours of men, fostered vp by the tuition of God the shepeheards of his people, and as the wyse Philosophers write, Reges & sapientes fiunt à potentibus causis ideo talium vt potentes sunt, necessario valide sunt cause: kynges and wyse men are placed in gouernement to doe some great enterpryse and maruelous factes, and there­fore the causes must be great & marueilous, why those should be mighty, as who should saye, God hath created princes and wyse men to some maruelous purpose, and the ende where­unto God hath appointed them shall neuer be frustrate: let traytours surmyse what they will, & geue what attempt they dare for the prince is Gods annointed. Immediatly after the same time y t he warred in Brytaine his mother Aurelia died, Auraelia. then Iulia his daughter died, & not long after, his nece begot­ten of his daughter Iulia and Pompeia, Iulia. As Caesar gat honor vpō honor, so he spared no princely liberalitie, for of him were commonly geuen great offices, large fees, by which meanes he purchased more to his aduauncemēt, thē by any other way. For his liberalitie and the continuall preferrement of those that deserued wel, wanne hym greatter nombers of moste va­liant souldiers, with inuincible courages, that remayned loy­all & faithfull vnto him, as long as they lyued, then did his le­gions. Cesars waye to honor. Caesar then by all meanes sought the fauour of all peo­ple, and moste of all his studie was to linke him selfe in migh­tie kindredes & honorable alliances, whose estates were most dreaded, and whose frendshippes harbored moste frendes, as with Marius & Pompeie. The strength of noble peres And therupon to kepe the kyndred whiche was betwene Pompeie and him, though his daugh­ter Iulia was dead, Iulia. whome Pompeie had maried, he procu­red Octauia his sisters daughter to be married to Pompeie, and that he on the other side condicionally shoold marrie Pō ­peies daughter, and so it came to passe, that where as Pom­peies daughter should haue married Faustus Silla, Condicionall mariages. now Cae­sar marieth her, so honor maketh mariages, & hope of strēgth and authoritie, by frendes lynketh in noble houses crosse mar­riages, and manye tymes that are vnlawefull, all this yet [Page] notwithstanding, warres fell at last betwene Pompeie and Caesar, marriage was made of frendship, nowe ambition of Pompeie and Caesar, regardeth neither frendship nor mar­riage. Ambition. Quia Pompeius parem, Caesar non patitur. For now Pompeie wyll haue no mate, Pompeie no mate. nor Caesar cannot suffer a supe­riour. Lucan the Poete writeth at large of the warres be­twene Pompeie and Caesar, Cesar no su­periour. whiche were to long to wryte of, but in the ende Pompeie had the ouerthrowe, and desire of glorie, or the possession of kyngdomes in ambitious persones, knoweth neither God, nor obeieth nature, it maketh enemies frendes, and frendes enemies, the father hūteth for the death of the sonne, the sonne likewyse for the fathers death, desier of kyngdome in ambitious persones, neither regardeth God, nor nature, y e moste cruell factes of Atreus and Thyestes, for kingdomes sake are not vnchronicled, y e cruell hatred of Eteo­cles and Polinises, & the slaughter committed by them, is wel knowē to those which reade Euripides, Honor dissol­ueth maria­ges. Seneca, & Sophocles, for in them they shall see the bloudy and mischieuous actes cō ­mitted by noble peares: so you se in Pompeie & Caesar throu­ghly on euery syde, that where as mariage was made to the great increase of honour and frendship betwene them, nowe they are become enemies and mortall foes, that hath honour caused. Where is the mariage become nowe that was be­twene Pompeie and Caesar, Iulia is dead whome Pompeie maried, yea, the frendship died also, Caesar had then Pom­peies daughter to wyfe, Honor kno­weth no kind­red in tyrants Pompeie dri­uen to flight. honour biddeth Caesar not care for that, nowe there is no kindred, for honor knoweth no kindred. Pōpeie being dreuē to flight, set vnto Tolomie king of Egipt, requesting hym of ayde & succour in this his extremitie & nede (in recompēce of the great frendship and courtesie which his father had receiued before tyme of hym) y e kyng sent him word that willingly he woulde do for hym, as muche as he desired, (but vnto the miserable that are fallen from highe dignities into aduersitie, rarely is faithe obserued, and littell helpeth olde frendship) for as Pompeie was passing in a small boate towarde the shoare to fynde the kynge Tolomey, he was by his commaundement slayne before he came to lande, of Septe­mius [Page 6] and Achilla, who hoping by killing of him to purchase the frēdship of Caesar. Who now being come vnto the shoare, and entring Alexandria, had sodainly presented vnto him the head of Pompeie the great, whiche he in no wyse woulde be­holde: but loking vpon the ryng of Pompeie, he wepte for cō ­passion of him, vnto whome the same once appertayned, consi­dering the ende of the felicitie and greatnes of Pompeie, who with honour and fame had thrice triumphed, and had bene as often Consull in Rome, and had so many yeares had the go­uernement of the common weale, and had bene the greatest cittezen that euer was, and had also obteyned so many victo­ries and dignities, Caesar thereuppon as Euripides saith, had this sayinge in his mouth, lawe and right is to be broken for dominions sake, for Caesar being accustomed to cōmaunde, could not sustaine to be without an hoste.

If lawe and right be made for naught,
Cesars say­inges mete for a tyraunt.
Let kingdome the inflame,
Els right and lawe be in their force,
And lust to dreade the same.

Large are the bondes of small kingdomes, A smal king­dome. which thorow­ly do maintaine iustice, with a true and godly religion, which breadeth obedience and loue in the hartes of subiectes, for nei­ther the strong walles, nor the infinite nomber of people, nor huge troupes of horses, neither the large and mightie domi­nions, do make the prince inuincible, Loue maketh a prince inuincible. but the loue of the sub­iectes indissolublie knitte and of a pure zeale vowed vnto the princes seruice, for what saufegarde was the infinite hoste of Xerzes whiche he brought into Grece? Xerxes. was he not fayne to flye awaye alone, he was neglected abroade, contemned at home, and died in the end sorowfully. Caesar made hym strōg not only by marriage, but by all other meanes, he made the moste parte of the Senate to be his frendes, other some by giftes he allured thereto, Cesars [...] ­nes to honor. some of their owne will & affection were drawen thereto, all manner of persoues of what estate & condition so euer they were, persones guiltie of great crimes, [Page] prodigall and youthfull persones were ayded and supported by hym, none he excluded, but suche as well he durst not or weare to beggerly, for those he would saye. Ciuell warre had neade of such as they warre, whom either spoyles might helpe from their miseries, or present death shorten their calami­mities. As at Rome Caesar sought frendshippe and amitie so with foraine Princes, on all sides he ceased not to procure fauour. Caesar was nowe growen to that dignitie, and so dreaded, that without the knowledge of the Senate, or con­sent of the multitude of the Romaines, he would ayde forrain Princes with men of warre, The subuer­sion of Cesar. at their calling and his appoint­ment a meruailoos matter to beholde the doinge of Cesar in all prouinces and countries, Many prin­cely monu­mentes erec­ted by Cesar. where he came, who euer erected some famouse monument, whiche remayneth at this daye not onely in Italie, Fraūce, Spayne, but also in y e mightie cities of Asia and Greece, and in this our Island of Britaine, diuers holdes and fortes were made by him, as Douer, Canterbury, Rochester, the Tower of London, Chichester, the castel of Excestor, and Salisburye. Ricius Patricius noteth in his booke, intituled de Regibus Galliae, of y e kings of Fraūce. That Caesar being about y e Forrest of Arden, Cesar gaue a coller to a Stagge. toke a Stagge, and caused a coller to be put about his necke, w t these wordes, Caesar hoc me donauit, Caesar gaue me this. That Stagge was not killed three hundreth yeare ago, it should seme that this was done of Caesar in no other respecte but that the long continuing age of that beaste might be knowen, which before that time none or very fewe hearing of it, Rodericius Patricius. would beleue to be true. All men nowe became astonished at Caesars actes, they were so princely, and all his doinges so famouse, and so pro­sperously successe fel to him, Curio. for in al forrein warres he felt no sinister fortune, Caius Anto­nius. but by his deputies of the whiche Caius Cu­rio, died in Africa, Caius Antonius in Illiria, fell into the handes of his enemies, and so Caesar triumphed with prayse among the Romaynes. Scipio. He had to do against Scipio, whome be ouer came with Pompeie, Pompeie. and his sonnes. Fraunce felt his victories, Alexandria, Pontus, Africa, Spaine, Sueuia, Ger­manie, Cesars vic­tories. Pannonia, Heluetia, Allobroges, with many mo, [Page] whiche were tedious and ouerlong to recite, so moche in all places and regions his fame rose. In matters appertaininge to the ciuile lawe, he was a man of profounde knowledge, in iudgement seuere, but in all thinges he proceaded according to truthe and equitie, the mightie volumes of the ciuile lawe were brought into a certaine order of breuitie by him, The ciuile law corrected by Cesar. who ex­plicated the moste necessary pointes and causes of the same, & as the manner is, euery Emperour by augmenting decrees and statutes haue much enlarged it againe. Iustinian longe after Caesars dayes broughte the Code, Iustinian. the Digest, and the Pandecte into a more breuitie by the helpe of Tribunianus, Doritheus and other, Caesar did so much fauour learninge, that he augmēted plētious store of many goodly antiquities both in Greeke and Latyne: for Marcus Varro had chardge of Caesar, Varro. to get in all places the most goodlye monumentes that were to be founde in the commendation of learninge. Ignatius that famous learned man wryteth in this maner of Iulius Caesar saying, Ignatius cō ­mended Cesar in him no excellent qualitie lacked that was meete and requisite for anye noble personage, in him there was counsell, eloquence, greate and profounde wyse­dome, valiant strength of bodye, a constant heade, experte in knowledge of Marshiall attemptes, and also in the most ex­cellent artes and sciences very noble, hee was endued with a most liberall hart, where with hee purchased to him the hartes of the people, Cesars com­mendations. by the which vertue hee stepped from a meane estate, to beare the chiefe stroake and regement in the worlde. Plutarche vppon Cesar. Plutarcus intreatynge of the life of famous Princes and gouernours, noteth this Iulius Caesar to be a man of a goodly parsonage, of stature taule, in coloure white, whose body no delicatenes of pryncelye fare coulde make groose or fatte, Cesars per­sonage. his eyes in coulour black, his head was so distempered that oft hee was payned with the heade ache, in his life time twise or thrise the falling sickenes tormēted him, Cesar taken with the fal­ling sicknes. his heares of his heade so thynne, that baldnes continuallye encreased more and more, althoughe by medicine hee spared no coste to remedy that imbecillitie of nature, Cesars cōcu­bines. diuersly hee was spotted wyth adultrie as with Posthuma the wife of Seruius Sulpi­tius, [Page] with Loliae the wyfe of Manlius Gabinius, with Tarta­lin the wyfe of Marcus Crassus, Lolia. wyth Musia the wyfe of Gneius Pompeius, aboue all withe Saruillia the mother of Marcus Brutus, in forreine Countries where hee came, the like cryme of adultrie followed him, for of his men of warre hee was openly taunted for those vyces, Tertalm. in these woordes. Vrbani seruate vxores, Musia. quia Mecum caluum adduximus auro in Gallia stuprum emisti, hic sumpisti mutium. Full happy had Caesar bene if y e Chroniclers of ages & time could not but speake wel of him in all pointes, Seruilia. the secret doinges of Caesar as they were not vnknowē to God, so thei passed not in obliuion to the world, that whiche for feare men than speake not in y e life of Caesar, The secrete doing of prin­ces vnknowē to the posteri­tye. fame afterward euerlastingly bloweth abroade, and he as he was remayneth chronicled. A marue­lous and hyd secrete prouidēce of God, that in no age it hath beene seene, but godly Princes haue alwayes beene cōmen­ded, The proui­dence of God in Princes. the wicked as they were Chronicled, therefore Princes haue neede to be very ware and circūspect in their gouerne­ment that the subiect may reioyce of the actes of the Prince, the ennemy not to laughe at it, nor the Chronicles of the po­sterities in wrytinge or monumentes of antiquityes to note their follies leste that maye be sayde whyche Homere no­teth of the Greekes. Why Princes ought to be ware in go­uernment.

The auncient time may well recorde,
most filthye to beholde,
Their workes which vgglye showd in shape,
whose state desert enrolde.

For all this Caesar was of diete temperate insomuch that his ennemies would report of him, and y e which also Marcus Cato would say, of all Princes Caesar alone came to destroy the common wealth sober. Hereuppon the Senate soughte Caesars deathe, The cause of Caesars death because hee soughte to aspier to a soole regi­mēt, their Counsels were taken now by two and thre, and so by many heades, throughe whiche meanes pryuilye they wrought their foule consultaciō, which ended a most detesta­ble [Page] conspiracie, their treason had the more speedy successe be­cause the commons for the moste parte grudged at the soole estate of tyrannye which Caesar sought for, Tyrannie. the comons open­lye spake ill of that estate, and desired instantly patrones and defendours of their aunciente libertyes, diuers billes were cast vp in the place of the Senate assembled, against y t estate, which Caesar hūted at, many meanes wer sought to declare the full minde and purpose of the Romaynes: Certaine mē vnder the Image of Brutus a famous Senator and Consull of Rome cast these woords: Brutus. Vtinam viueret Brutus quia re­ges eiecit, & Consul primus factus est, I woulde Bru­tus were a lyue because hee banished Tyrauntes who was made the firste Consul. Vnder the Image of Caesar thys verse was tituled, Hic quia Consules eiecit Rex Postremus factus est. Caesar. Caesar because hee putte downe the state of Con­suls was made the last kynge. The number of the conspira­tours that were againste him were 60. Tyrant. & more, the chiefe of the treason were Caius Cassius, The nomber of the conspi­ratours. Marcus Brutus, Quintus Li­garius, Decius, Marcus Spurius, Attilius Cimber: these chiefe conspyratours were long in cōsultacion in what place they might haue best oportunitye and sleight conueighances to murther him, some sought meanes that in Campo Martis a multitude beinge gathered hee myghte be caste downe the bridge sodaynly, other deuised other practises. When the Senate shoulde be gathered in the Ides of March in y e court of Pompeie, What marue­lous things happened be­fore the death of Cesar. a little before Caesars death many strange thin­ges apeared and wonderful. At Capua certaine monuments were cast downe throughe couetousnes whiche were erected vnto the honor of the dead wyth certaine pooses wrytten vp­pon them among which there was in one monument a table of brasse founde whereon were grauen these Letters.

VVhen the bones of Capis shoulde be cast vp and vnco­uered, A prophecie of Cesars death. it woulde followe that hee whiche shoulde be of the progenie and lyne of Iulius, shoulde be murthered by the handes of his nere kinsfolke, and forthwith Italye shoulde be plagued with many calamities This Capis was the fa­ther of Anchises, and graundfather to Eneas this was not [Page] vnknowen in Rome nor hid from Caesar, this was the first foreshowe of Caesars death. This one thinge is written for a trouth of Cornelius Balbus a very familiar frend of Caesar y t sone after the same time, Cornelius Balbus. a little before Caesars death, a good­ly race of horses which Caesar had consecrated holy to Mars, in passinge ouer the fludde Rubicon were sene to go wyth­out a keper, Another for­showe of his death. which horses hee did know certainly afterward neuer eate meate, but wepte muche. Spurina a southsayer warned Caesar by a strange sight which hee sawe in a sacri­fyce that Caesar should beware of one danger which woulde not be finished or the Ides of Marche were past. The war­ning of Spu­rina to Cesar The daye be­fore the same Ides, The Ides of Marche. a certaine birde named Regalis, a kynges byrde, hauing a baye bough in the mouth, flying into the court of Pompeie, was torne a sunder of many other fowles pur­sewyng the same fowle from the next woode. Regalis. The night be­fore Caesar was murthered: Cesars dreame. He dreamed that some tyme he was carried aboue the cloudes flying, and some time to be hād in hand with Iupiter, Calphurnia Caesars wyfe dreamed that she sawe in a vision the toppe of her house to fall downe, Cesars wi­ues dreame. & her husband to be woūded through his body being in her bosome, and sodainly the dores of the chambers opened of them selues. What with these thinges and his crased health, Caesar was long in doubte whether he might at home tarie and so put of and delaye all suche thynges as he was before determined to consult vpon with the Senate. Nowe marke howe his death was procured and furthered, Decius Brutus Decius Brutus the chiefe trai­tour and meanes of that conspiracie, exhorted Caesar that he would not breake of, or make frustrate so goodly and greate assemble now loking for him. Se what misfortune hong ouer Caesar, a certaine man of good wyll meating Caesar gaue into his handes a litle scrole whiche vttered the whole treason, but Caesar not perusing y e contētes thereof, helde it in his left hād mingling it with other wrytinges, Caesar at the same tyme entering the place where he was murthered, perceiued many sacrifices to be offered of Spurina, but Caesar setting lyght by that religion, Man purpo­seth and God disposeth. and accompting Spurina as false of his prophe­cies, because the Ides of Marche were come without harme [Page 9] (as he thought,) he sayd to Spurina: the Ides are come; but Spurina aunswered, Spurina. but they are not yet past, not doubtinge any mishappe placed himselfe in his seate, the conspiratours gathered aboute him by and by, And one whoe was of the conspiracy approched neare, as to demaunde some thinge at his handes, vnto which demaunde Caesar geuinge eare, all the conspiratours compassed him very straightlye on euerye syde. Cesars say­inge. Then Caesar forseeing what would happen to himselfe made an exclamation and sayd this is violence. Then Cassi­us woūded him beneath the necke, Appianus sayth that Cas­sius wounded Caesar on the face, other some in one place, and some in another, Caesar beinge so wounded and on euerye syde seing many more weapons drawen to wounde him with, toke part of his gowne in his righte hande, and couered his heade therewith, and with his left hande he drewe downe the skirt thereof, euen vnto his slippers, and so with all seemeli­nes fell downe dead, all partes of his body decently couered, and so hauinge receyued three and twenty wounds yelded vp his ghoste, Xxiii. Woūds none of his woundes was mortall as the Phisiti­on Antistius iudged, but a thrust which hee had in his breste. Antistius. At the first stroke he gaue a sighe without any word, but whē Brutus whom hee had substituted his seconde heyre began to set vppon him, Caesar then spake this laste worde, what thou my sonne? Beastly in­gratitude. As who should say if thou whom I loued, do seeke this villanie, If thou whom my desartes moued to beare in­tier affection towarde mee, hast so ill rewarded my benefites bestowed vppon the, what may I loke for at other mens han­des, whom neyther benefite hath moued, nor desert constray­ned? Ceasar dead. When Caesar was murthered euerye one that murthe­red him fledde away, theyr ill conscience wounded them, and theyr good desartes caused them to retyre into startinge ho­les, Now hee lyeth alone vndreaded, whom manye feared, & obeyed, hee lyeth without honour, that all people, Princes & Regions for vertue dreaded, and for worthines honoured.

Three of his seruauntes caryed him home beinge dead of all these woundes. The mynde of the conspiratours was to cast the body of Caesar dead into the fludde Tiber, and to do many

The warres of Pompeie and Caesar, both Romaynes.

THe thirtye yeare after the death of Silla, bloudy & cyuill warres was moued be­twene Pompeie, & Caius Iulius Caesar, the which rose vppon this occasion, Ca­ius Iulius Caesar sought to haue himself made Consull hee beinge absente from Rome before hee would departe oute of Fraunce, for Caesar ledde with this consideration, thoughte that if hee shoulde retourne to Rome a priuate man withoute the dignitye of the Consulshippe, that his ennemyes woulde accuse him, and also seeke to ouerthrowe him, so fearefull is the state of the mighty and ambitious persons, to feare their state and continuance, wherin Caesar should not onlye seeme to feare many, but also to offende many, and the commonalty of the Romaynes at the demaunde of y e Tribunus Pompeie beinge Consull agreinge to it, commaunded a consideration to be had of Caius Iulius Caesar in this peticion, after that the ennemyes of Iulius Caesar were exhortinge thereto, that in no case they should suffer any suche thinge, wherevppon Len­tulus, & Marcus Marcellus being Consulles, a decree of the Senate was made, The decree of the Senate. y t Caesar muste dismisse his whole power before a certaine day appointed of y t Senate, if Caesar would not, then should it be manifest to the Romaines, that he pre­tended mischeues against the common wealth, wherevppon the enemyes of Caesar lincked themselues to noble Pompeie, such as were the frendes of Caesar were against this decree of y t Senate, certaine Tribunes, Marcus Antonius, Quintus Cassius, Curio, they sought earnestly that the benefite before promised should not be taken from Caesar, forthwith the Se­nate made this decree, that the Consuls should foresee and o­ther Magistrates, that the common wealthe of the Romay­nes take no hurte, thereby, this forme of wordes the Senate vsed as oft as they gaue cōmaundement to the Consuls as a­gainste [Page 11] seditious personnes to moue warre, herevppon the Tribunes departed oute of the Cittie to Caesar, forthwithe Fraunce, theyr prouince is appointed to Lucius Domicius, & a generall muster is had throughoute all Italye by the Cou­suls and by Pompeie. Caesar sheeweth that hee is contented to referre the iudgemente of this his state to the people, and Marcus Tullius Cicero did propounde equall conditions of peace and quietnes for them both, that both Caesar and Pom­peie shoulde dismisse and laye downe theyr armye, Cicero, and that Pompeie shoulde for quietnes sake goe into Spayne his pro­uince, and Caesar on the other syde shoulde be made Consull at Rome. Caesar woulde receiue these conditions, but the frendes of Pompeie were against it. Caesar. When Caesar sawe the crueltye of the Senate against him on Pompeies syde, and also did certainlye knowe the generall takinge vppe and mu­stringe for men of warre against him, then he thought y t cause to be iust to defende himselfe from violence by force of armes, and wyth all hast hee brought his armye neare to the Cittye of Rome, the comminge of Caesar beinge knowne, the Con­sulles and Pompeie fledde out of Italye and passed into Epi­rus to the Cittye Dirrhachium, Consuls. wher they did gather out of Greece and Asia as great a power as they were able. Pompeie. This was the beginninge of that warre betweene Pompeie and Caesar, by these cyuill warres, the aunciente fourme of re­gimente amonge the Romaynes was chaunged, which slode by Consuls of longe time, after this amonge the Romaynes they had the gouernment of one, as in a sole kingdome. Cae­sar before he came to Rome made hast to take Pompeie. who at that time was at Brundusium, Caesar did besiege the same Cittye but Pompeie went awaye by night priuilye, the inha­bitantes of Bruudusium gaue vp themselues to Caesar, after this Caesar wēt to the Citie of Rome, & in the Senate decla­red that of necessitye he was compelled to make this defence. Hee promised the Romaynes that hee would not followe the cruelty of Sylla & Marius, The dissimu­lation of Ce­sar. he exhorted y t whole Senate, that they would gouerne the common wealth with him, and wil­led them to sende Embassadours to Pompeie. Caesar did in­nouate [Page] nothinge at Rome or made anye newe alteration, but hasted himselfe to y e armye of Pōpeie which was in Spaine, Hee commended the gouernmente of Rome to Lepidus in his absence, and Italye to Marcus Antonius. Caesar a fewe dayes after went into Spaine, and in Spayne hee forced the host of Pōpeie thorow lacke of victuels & for famine to yelde, and so he ioyned to him the Spaniardes, after this he tooke Massilia, Massalia. a most renowmed Citye and commendable by force of armes, an old auncient habitation of the Iewes: this Mas­silia was a friende to the Romaynes. In the meane tyme Lepidus had obtayned at Rome that Caesar might be made Dictator: Lepidus. After this Caesar returned to Rome and gathered together an assemblye of the Consuls and Senators, in the which assemble, hee did ordaine manye Lawes and decrees profitable for the common wealthe, and toke order for corne and grayne to be brought to the Cittye of Rome as the Dic­tator geeueth order, hee made himselfe Consull, and Saruil­lius Isauricus wyth him, and after the eleuenthe daye, he left his Dictatorshippe, beinge contente with the ordinary name of the Consull, and then he commaunded the Citty of Rome to be gouerned by Saruilius beinge Consull at that time. Saruilius.

Whereas many troubleous and seditious Cittizens thorow hope of new lawes to be made, had gotten great treasure of o­ther mens, & he ordayned lawes Do omytionibus & vsuris, hee made that the value of thinges should remaine all one as they were before the warres, and many other notable things hee deuised for the common wealthe, and Saruillius beinge Consull, defended those thinges of iudgemente. Afterwarde this Saruillius banished out of the Cittie Celius the Pretor, whiche Celius styrred vp the people wyth a certayne hope of newe lawes and chaunge of gouernmente against Caesar to rayse a seditious tumulte. Celius. Celius lincked himselfe with Mi­lo, Milo. Milo gathered a great company of ronagates to come to Rome, but both Celius and Milo were killed in their enter­price in the 700. yeare of the building of Rome, v. monethes Caesar beinge Consull, sayled into Epirus against Pompeie, and whē Pompeie was at Dirrhachiū, Caesar marched with [Page 12] his power to him, and there made diuers Castels and holdes to inclose Pompeie, althoughe in often skirmishes Caesars men of warre had the vpper hande, yet in one great battaile Caesar, Cesars soyle. was ouercome in the which Caesar loste 900. men of warre, from thence Caesar departed into Thesalia, by reason of famyne and scarsitye of vittuels, was compelled to seeke a more plentious countrye for his prouision. Pompeie. Pompeie pursued Caesar beinge puffed vp with hope of victorye for his successe at Dirrhachiū, Pompeie comming into Pharsalia, and being but a Germaine myle from Caesar, in that part of Thessalia ouercame Pompeie, and there were killed in that battaile 1500. men, and toke prisonners 2400. the cause that so many prisoners were taken, was Caesar himselfe, for Caesar (the ennemyes scattered and retyringe) cryed out miles parce ci­uibus, thou man of warre fauour Cytizens, by this meanes they yealded themselues voluntarilye: mercye is a singuler vertue in such extremitie of battayle to geeue life to manye, Mercy a sin­guler vertue. it winneth the ennemye, and honour perpetuall to the Cap­tayne. Pompeie flyinge came to Larissa, from thence he say­led to Mitelenie, where Cornelia his wyfe did make her abode, Pompeie turned to y e lodginge of Cratippus the Phi­losopher, not enteringe the Cittye, wyth whom when he had made his complaint of fortune & disputed with him to knowe whether the worlde were gouerned by counsayle and proui­dence, Caesar. which be doubted of, because he was ouercome of Cae­sar, Pompeie. his parte being the iuster. For Pompeie defended Rome and the libertyes of Rome, Caesar vsurped to a sole state to chaunge the state of Rome, Cratippus. Cratippus made aunswere: Fa­tales esse Imperiorum periodo & iam conuerti Romanā rempublicam in monarchiam. The course of kingdomes and continuance is fatall, and nowe the common wealthe of the Romaynes is to be tourned into a Monarchye. Pompeie thinckinge with himselfe that he might haue in Egipte faith­full harbour, Man purpo­seth and God disposeth. and that there he might gather a newe power, repayred thether. In Egipte because Ptholomeus the yonge kinge being vurype of yeres to gouerne himselfe, was stayed with the connsayle of others, neyther any thinge passed with­out [Page] the sufferaunce of his counsellers, herevppon Pothinus his eunuche, & Theodotus Chius the Scholemaister of the yonge kinge Ptolomeus, and Achillas who was liefetenaūt of his armye, did longe consulte whether Pompeie were to be receyued or no, and this question beinge thorowlye dispu­ted and debated on euery side, Theodotus wonne them to his perswasion, Theodotus, Achillas. that Pompeie shoulde be killed, vrginge them wyth this sayinge: a deade man cannot byte, then Pothinus vttered a sentence out of Lucan the Poete. Exeat aula qui vult esle pius, nulla fides vnquam miseros elegit amicos, and hee accused Pompeie, who when the Senate of Rome woulde haue Egipte to be quiet, Pompeie by his retyre the­ther doth bringe in fyre brandes of debate and warre. Vppon this they beinge parswaded vnto so euill a purpose: toke or­der that Achillas the liefetenaunte of the kinges armye, False frends. and Septimius a trybune of the people, were sente oute to mur­ther Pompeie, this Septimius was somtime a Centurion in the armye of Pompeie, Septimius saluted first Pompeie in y e lattaine tongue, and then Achillas greeted him in the Greke tongue, and willed him to come foorthe of his owne shippe where hee was, wyth his wyfe and his children, and to enter into the kinges shippe, Pompeie fearinge no euill towardes him, wente into the kinges shippe with one trustye manne: and goinge oute hee spake these Verses of Sophocles: Who so traueleth to any Prince, although he himselfe be a Prince of hye estate, yet is hee at the will and commaundement of y other Prince, thoughe he entered a free man of his owne wil and pleasure. Pompeie knew Septimius & spake vnto him, and readinge a great Oration in the which hee did welcome Ptolomeie, Septimius at vnwares thriste Pompeie thorow the body with his sworde, and then Achillas and other thrust theyr weapons in him falling, The death of Pompeie. noble Pompeie in this lamen­table ende sheewed no deformity of coūtenaunce, but geuinge a great sighe, wrapped his head in his garmēt which he wore on, immediatlye Pompeie beinge thruste thorowe and killed, Septimius cutte of his heade, these thinges were done wyth great speede betwixt Caesar and Pompeie, for Caesar beinge [Page 13] Consull came into Epirus in the monthe of Ianuary, the bat­taile fought in Pharsalia was ended the same yerre in Sep­tember or a little before. Pompeie was killed the first day of October, beinge of age nyne and fiftye yeares, hee was borne the last day of September, this was the ende of noble Pompeie who atchiued many goodly enterprises, profitable to his countreye before the cyuill warre beganne and vnto this lamentable end, fortunate for worldly glory, for his ver­tues a myrror to many Princes, beloued of all men, this was that noble Pompeie that toke Hierusalem that famous Cit­tye at the feast of Easter, 15. yeares before the cyuill warres began betwene him and Caesar, Pompeie. this was that Pompeie that restored the dignitye of the hieghe priestes to Hircanus, and brought Arestobulus with his ii. sonnes Antigonus and A­lexander, to Rome captiues: what beastly ingratitude was this, Pompeie to be murthered of the yonge kinge Ptolomy by a false trayne and gyle, whom hee had restored before into his kingdome. Beastlye in­gratitude. Of all examples this is most notable whiche placeth before all men, to flye beastlye ingratitude, it geueth admonition to all men, to noble men and Princes, to ponder the mutabilitye of fortune, and to beware, but also to knowe that the like calamityes falleth to wyse men and Princes, as to meaner personnes, as God disposeth so pollicye and coun­saile geeueth place in all estates, Man purpo­seth and God disposeth. as the secrete counsayle of God determineth, man only purposeth and God disposeth. No man is so wyse that hee can be able to forsee what wyll happen: neither doth it lye in mans power to preuent and put of anye calamitye or mishappe that maye fall, all that Caesar coulde obiect against Pompeie was this, that Pompeie was not of necessity moued to make that battaile, hee doth rather accuse other thē himself. Immediatly God shewed vēgeance vppon those murtherers of Pompeie, as sone as Caesar came into Egipte, Caesar. in the monthe of October hee commaunded all the murtherers of Pompeie to be killed, so God punished by his heauy wrath bloudshed. The ende of y e murtherers of Pompeie. Some Historyes do recorde, that the murtherers of Pompeie hopinge to receiue some greate rewarde at Caesars hande, brought the heade of Pompeie to [Page] Caesar, Caesar consideringe theyr false holde and wilye trayne in murtheringe of so noble a parsonage hanged them vppe. Other Historyes recorde that they wente aboute to murther Caesar as they did Pompeie, but howe soeuer theyr pretence and purpose was, death was theyr reward. The ende of king Ptolome who was priuye to the murther of Pompeie was lamentable, Ptolomeie. for hee was drowned in the Sea, at what time as Caesar draue the armye of the Egiptians to retyre to A­lexandria. Theodotus scholemaister to kinge Ptolome, esca­ped not the vengeance of murther, for a fewe yeres after, Bru­tus caused him to be hanged vppon a gibbet, Brutus. at what time as Brutus possessed Sardes. After the death of Caesar lamen­table was the state of Cornelia the wyfe of Pompeie, who wyth greate griefe of minde, Cornelia. sawe the murther of her hus­bande wyth her children beinge in the same shippe that Pom­peie was before, immediatlye shee was constrayned to flye with her children into Cyprus, from thence she sent her two sonnes to Scipio and Cato her frends, beinge constrayned by her great calamity to seeke frends. Her eldest sonne Cneius Pompeius in Spayne .iiii. yeare after the warres of Caesar & Pompeie, was ouercome in a greate mayne battayle, and retyringe was taken of Caesars souldiours and murthered, her other sonne Sextus Pōpeius liued after, who made great warres agaynst Augustus and Antonius, Sextus Pom­peius. after the deathe of Caesar hee helde Dominion in Sicilia, hee was Lorde of those seas, hee broughte his power into Bythenia, and helde Dominion in Nisia and Nicomedia, but afterward being de­ceyued of Ticius a chiefe Captaine of Antonius to whom he yelded himselfe, was killed of him traytrouslye agaynste the lawe of armes, thus was the ende of the noble sonnes of Pompeie, the father dyed in Egipte, the elder sonne in Spayne, and the yonger in Asia: These lamētable examples geeueth warninge to the ambitious to feare God, to beware and circumspecte in the loftye state and highe dignitye of for­tune, Ambition. for honour and glorye are not perpetuall, the wyseste Princes, the noblest and valiantes Conquerours, haue bene deceiued of theyr state at a sodaine, whose lamentable falles, [Page 14] no counsayle could put of, neyther strengthe of armes coulde defende, Alexander. or vpholde. Alexander the great fell hee knewe not howe, Cato. noble Scipio and wise Cato dyed a lamentable death, Scipio. Pompeie was deceiued of his hope, Pompeie. and Caesar thereof by ambitiō frustrate, Caesar. the best lesson for Princes is to feare God, for all kingdomes sayth Plato and most florishynge, are like vnto yonge age, which in time will growe feeble and weake, whiche no wysedome, Plato. no arte, no counsayle can put of from thē. Caesar after his warres fought in Pharsalia being Cōsull the same yere, in the monthe of October he came to Alexan­dria, where he beinge vacante from all marshall affayres, did heare the readinge of the learned Philosophers, at the same time, certaine that were the cause of Pompeies death, raysed a new power against Caesar, but Cesar put them al to flight, and vanquished them. In the same warre Cesar was much ayded by the counsayle and fayth of Antipater, Antipater. who was the father of Herode: Wherefore Cesar gaue vnto him all In­die to be in his Dominion and possession. In the meane time at Rome Calenus and Vatineus succeded Cesar in the Con­sulshippe, Calenus. in the yeare of the first buildinge of Rome 706. & that Cesar might haue the name and tytle of a lawfull maie­strate, Vatineus hee was made Dictator of Marcus Antonius beinge absente, Dictator. and returninge to Rome the same yeare hee remay­ned there a fyue monthes. The next yeare after whiche was in the 707. yeare of the buildinge of Rome, Cesar was made the thirde time Consull with Lepidus, Consull. 3. the same yeare in A­phrica he had great warres agaynst the frendes of Pompeie that remayned, but hee ouercame them at the lengthe, there Petreius killed kinge Iuba and himselfe, Petreius. Scipio and Cato killed themselues, Scipio. Aphranius as hee came into the power of Cesar was killed: Cato After this Cesar retourned to Rome, in the .708. yeare of the buildinge of Rome, and was created Dictator the thyrde time, for 10. yeare and made Consull y t fourth time without a companion, all lawes laye now in hys power to be gouerned, his worde was the voyce of the whole Senate, he appoynted all offices and their continuance. In y E 709. yeare of Rome in the monthe of Aprill, he foughte at [Page] Munda with the sonnes of Pompeie, with greate perill of his life, The perill of Cesar. when he did make the first assult vppon his enemies, 200. dartes were caste against him, and late in the eueninge he wonne the fielde, and murthered of his enemyes 30000. Spayne beinge in his possession, and all prouinces beynge quieted, hee retourned to Rome in the monthe of October, where new honours were geeuen to him, he was made Dic­tator and Emperour for euer, Dictator. Et sacro sanctus: and that all Maiestrates should sweare to his doinge what he did, so a sole Monarche was geeuen to him of vniuersall gouernmente, Cesars am­bition. at the same time he made lawes which he called Leges Iulias of his owne name: And hee did ordayne the yeare by arte of A­stronomye, sheewinge the course and motion of the Planetes which the posteritye obserueth: this rule did Cesar learne of that great learned man Sosigenes, whom Cesar broughte frō Alexandria to Rome, of whom he learned great knowledge in that arte, by this knowledge many notable thinges be ob­serued in the common wealthe, not onlye by the order of the yeare and course of Planettes times and seasons, but also for Iudiciall matters, The vse of a Astronomye. Histories, and contractes, for plantinge, plowinge, sowinge, saylinge, and for geeuinge of medicine, these notable frutes of Astronomye from auncient times, the Egiptianes, the Chaldeis and the Greekes, the Romayues haue from auncient times to the posteritie obserued the ende of Pompere, the Historye hath sette forthe, and now the like chaunge of fortune hath caughte Cesar, whose rewarde for ambition was death. Ambition. Ambition in the loftye mindes of those that neyther feare God, nor knowe themselues, creepeth as a cankar and filthye leprosye, destroyinge all partes, and cor­ruptinge the same: For Cesar seeked a sole regemente not contente with his lofty state, but such as liked him: Whereby Cassius seekinge to be Preator and not obtayninge the same, Cassius. was the first aucthor and cause of Cesars death. This Cassius toke counsayle wyth Brutus and with other to attempte this murther, Brutus and the aucthority and fauour of Brutus which was great in the common wealth of Rome, lincked to him manye other conspirators, the conspiracy was wrought in the Ides [Page 15] of March Iulius Cesar in the courte of Pompeie, was killed of Brutus and Cassius, Cesars death and manye other that were conspira­tors to that murther, beinge stickte in with xxiii. woundes: the ende of this great Prince and Emperour, is amonge all examples a rare glasse for all men to loke vppon, consider his dignitye of state, his greate wysedome, his pollicyes & groū ­ded knowledge in all pointes of chiualrye, forget not the mu­tabilitye and fall of him, the ingratefull hartes of them that murthered him, for y e most part of them that murthered him rose by Iulius Cesar vnto honour and power.

Cesar beinge deade, peace and quietnes coulde not be main­tayned, although Cicero and other Senators went about to make peace, for immediatly the next day after Cesars death, a decree was propoūded of the Senate, A decree. that all offences past should be remitted, and the death of Cesar to be forgotten vt­terlye, because otherwyse the state of the common wealthe woulde be altered and newe fyer brandes of warre kindled, but nothinge what they purposed came to passe, For imme­diatlye the Senate to ouer throwe Antonye, they ioyned to them Octauius Cesar who succeaded afterwarde. Octa­uius Cesar, Antonius, and Lepidus, were in leage together the same yeare, that Cesar was murthered in the monthe of Decēber, great was the wrath of God against all y e murthe­rers of Cesar. Mar. Tullius Cicero, who was an vmpere betweene Pompeie and Cesar was murthered in the monthe of Ianuary beinge 64. yeares of age, Cicero, his head beinge cut of, with his righte hande, and put vppon the place of pleadinge which was called Rostrum. Antonius and Octauius, pur­sued Brutus and Cassius, Cassius. Cassius killed himselfe, Brutus Brutus af­terward commaunded himselfe to be murthered of Straton, at the lengthe discention arose betweene these .iii. Octauius Cesar, Octauius. Antonius, and Lepidus, for Antonye hopinge to obtayne a sole Empyre, brought out of Egipte a great hoste to Rome, Antonius. Octauius met him with another power and chased him to Alexandria, and there beinge compassed in of Octaui­us, Lepidus. and hauinge many foyles in battayle, and hearinge a false rumor that Cleopatra had killed herselfe, he forth wyth mur­thered [Page] himselfe, this was done in the .56. yeare of his age, in the 2. yeare after the death of Iulius Cesar. Cleopatra. Howe Cleopatra killed herselfe who was queene of Egipte and concubyne of Antonius, shalbe declared in the life of Octauius.

It is worthye consideration to ponder these loftye and am­bitious Princes, how echone, hoped by the fall of the other to aspyre, to a sole Regiment, and proude loftye state, but ambi­tion in some one, alwayes broyleth, to aspyre the like, so the state of vsurpers is neuer quiet neyther stedfaste, wythoute cōtinuaunce many fayned frends, as it appeared in Pōpeie, and Cesar, Antonius, Silla, Marius, eche one trusted and they were deceiued, so ponder you y e state of these two migh­ty personnes Pompeie and Cesar: eche one feared the other, and eche one hoped to aspyre aboue y e other, Pompeie caught his ende vnloked for, and Cesar for all his wysedome and pol­licye, sodainlye fell he knew not howe.

Thus yee see the state and ende of these two loftye per­sonnes what they purposed, God otherwyse deter­mined, all power is of God, the state of mightye Princes, theyr continuaunce, theyr ende, re­steth, onlye in the secrete counsayle of GOO. (⸫)

OCTAVIVS.

[figure]

AFter Iulius Caesar was thus murthered, whose death the moste parte of the nobilitie re­ioyced at, The cause of Cesars death because such an one was taken away whome for his ambicious mynde to dominion they did cut of, for thei feared greatly his cruel and tyrannicall regiment, and many of them enuied his suc­cesse, & fortunate estate, other some his vertues, so that their diuerse affections in one were linked, to plucke Caesar from his throne. No trust in a kingdome for a tyrant. Nobilitie deceiued Caesar who by deathe soughte to extinguishe that hope whiche Caesar hunted at. All his ad­uersaries appeared as they were, open enemies, nobilitie be­guiled Caesar, Caesar. and all frendship lefte hym. Nowe Caesar is dead, and his enemies lyue, and whome they woulde not they after obeye, and of whome by Antonius procurement the vio­lent ende of Caesar was so reuenged, that none of them sawe any quiet tyme of reste, Murther not vnpunished. for God had raysed suche an one, as boulted out the murtherers, for as the facte was horrible to destroy so noble a gouernour, euen so their ende was moste la­mentable, Man maye purpose, but God dispo­seth. and whereas they thought to cut of all hope and practise of sole regiment: the Romaynes neuer after sawe but a sole regiment, certaine it is that before the tyme of Tarqui­nius Superbus, Tarquinius. kinges helde a sole regiment, which Tarqui­nius rauished the moste beautifull Lucretia Collatinus wife. Lucretia. After Tarquinius was banished and his stocke, the name of kinges was banished, and that forme of regiment chaunged, not that, that estate of gouernement was ill, but bycause [Page] theyr Princes placed in that sole and excellente estate, Princes ty­rauntes. after theyr will and luste rulinge, of reason and all moderation neglected, tyrannicall and outragious factes were commit­ted by them. This was the cause that, that estate of gouern­ment was dissolued, and chaunged through the euill maners of Princes, of suche force is sinne to throwe downe a Prince from his seate, Sin y e fall of kingdomes. to expell him from his kingdome, and therby to alter the quiet & fortunate estate wherin y t Romaines stode wholie, and because theyr Princes vngodly gouerned, & in al theyr enterprices tyrannically proceaded. After kinges, two Consuls succeaded, Consuls. which yearely were chosen, they were of Maiestye like vnto kinges, but of no continuance, because if theyr gouernment should not be with equitye, or at the leaste not tollerable, the office sone ceassed, which brideled many in theyr affections, and cut of from many theyr bloudy cogitaci­ous in diuerse purposes. Cesars am­bition. Cesar by ambition moued to esta­blishe in him a sole regimente, dyed in his ambitious enter­prise as it is before declared. After Iulius Cesars death, Octa­uius succeaded in a sole regimente, Octauius Emperour at the byrth of Christ. who raigned at the byrth of our Sauiour Christe. Then there was an vniuersall peace ouer all the worlde. Octauius caughte the imperiall seate in the 722. yeares after the buildinge of Rome, Rome. 722. yeares buil­ded before Octauius raigned. which was the yeare after the banishment of kings 480. this was a straūge maner of gouernmēt in the eyes of the Romaynes that wheras they detested the sole Regiment of a kinge now they haue a sole Regiment of an Emperour, Consuis con­tinued. 480. yeares. Octauius was the sonne of Octauius, this Octauius beinge a Senator, hys mothers progenye came by lyniall dissente from Eneas, by the noble house of Iulius, who by adoption of Caius Iulius Cesar hys greate vnckle succeaded. Octauius by his famous actes and large victoryes was tituled Augustus, some referre the originall beginning of Octauius to ryse at Velitre a famous towne in Italye, Emperours hath cōtinued a 571. which descended from Tarquinius priscus, a kinge of the Romaynes, whose progenye was alwayes in honourable estate. Octauius father from his yonge yeares was had in great estimation, a man of greate substaunce and wealthe, and enioyed an honourable estate, whose doinges [Page 17] were alwayes directed to iustyce and vpright dealing, name­ly to assaye that which he enterprised, Octauius his father. hee dyed sodeinly as he came from Macedonia, this his sonne Octauius beinge but foure yeares of age, Octauia ma­ior. he left behinde him two daughters Octauia maior and Octauia minor. As concerninge the time that Octauius was borne, Octauia mi­nor. it was in the Consulshippe of Marcus Tullius Cicero, and Antonius, in the ix. Kalendes of Octo­ber somewhat before the sonne rysinge. Foure tymes cyuill warres was foughte of him. The first was agaynst Marcus Antonius at Mutina, Brutus the seconde was againste Brutus and Cassius at Philippos a City in Macedonia, Cassius. the third against Lucius Antonius who was famished to deathe of Octauius, Lucius. so harde hee was besieged at Prusia: the fourthe warre was fought against Sextus Pompeius which Pompeius hee ouer­came about Cicile in warre by Seas, S. Pompeius. after that he ouercame the sonne of Gneius Pompeius. G. Pompeius As concerninge the multi­tude of those which conspired Cesars death, proclamatiō was made, that who so coulde bringe the heade of any one of them that conspired Cesars death, A Promacla­tion for the murtherers of Cesar. should receiue great summes of moneye, there was not one left almost but money brought his heade, so faythfull were all these Promoters and priuye sear­chers to plye theyr busines, for moneye made them true sear­chers some were hidde in filthye priues, some conueighed in feether beddes, The state of the conspira­tours. some killed themselues, manye faythfull ser­uanntes clothed in theyr maisters apparell were murthered for them, but all had one ende, and that in three yeares space: neyther theyr former dignitye saued theym, nor the power whereon they stayed themselues. Murther. Octauius neuer ceassed till he had rooted out the whole race of the conspiratours: Cicile. Cicile felt his warres, Alexandria. Alexandria was longe besieged, Antonye where vnto Antony and Cleopatra fledde for feare, Cleopatra. who was in the ende apprehended and there put to death. Antony sought to gette the conditions of peace at Octauius hands, but Octauius did not thence depart vntill hee sawe the deade bodye of Antony, Antonye. with whom Cleopatra was buryed, Cleopatra. Antonius harlotte in a sumptuous Tombe, which was begon longe before of Anto­ny to be his Sepulcher. But Cleopatra soughte meanes in [Page] her life time to aspyre to Herodes kingdome verye desyrous to haue some accusations against him, for she knewe Antony would be moued vppon a light occasion to beleeue her. Cleo­patra bare fayned frendshippe to Herode, Herode. and Herode recō ­pensed her with the same, for Herode soughte meanes to kill her because by subtill meanes, she sought to spoyle him of his kingdome, but by counsayle of his frendes he was prohibited they knowinge what horrible murthers she had done of ma­nye Princes and noble men of all coūtreyes where she came, but Herode was compelled with greate treasures to pacifye the bloudy purpose of Cleopatra and dissembled her mysche­ues. Herode. In the ende Antonius and Cleopatra came to a violent ende, as concerning the death of Cleopatra how she wrought her owne death, Gallen. Gallen sheeweth very excellētly in his booke Dea therica ad pisonem the eyght Chapter: when Octauius the Emperour ouercame Antony, hee was purposed to take Cleopatra aliue, and to bringe so royall a person to Rome in tryumphe, when Cleopatra vnderstode the minde of Octaui­us the Emperour, she thought it more honour and renowne to her to dye a queene thoughe she killed her selfe, then to goe to Rome in triumphe at the will of other, a captiue, a specta­cle, a laughinge stocke to all y t world, wherevpon she sought the way to murther herselfe, Cleopatra. she called to her the .ii. faythfull maydes she had, Naera and Carmion was theyr names, who alwayes serued to the adorninge and deckinge of her bodye, the one of them foulded her heares, the other to pare her nay­les: she commaunded that they should bringe vnto her a cer­taine Serpente called Plyas couered with figge leaues and vyne leaues whereby she thought to deceiue the keepers and watche men, and she made a proufe of poyson of her two gen­tle women Naera and Carmion they not knowing of the poi­son as sone as she sawe the poyson to take effecte sodenlye vp­pon them, she applyed y same vnto her selfe, some write that she applyed ii. Serpētes vnto her brestes and so dyed of them, some write that shee made a longe and deepe wounde vppon her arme first with her teeth, and then the poyson taken of y e Serpent, she put it in a cuppe, and so the poyson wyth his in­fected [Page 18] qualitye, destroyed her sodainly: Cleopatra was found with her righte hande to holde vppon her heade a princelye Crowne, Cleopatra, her death. that in her death shee mighte appeare a Queene to all that behelde her, her death beinge knowne to Octauius y e Emperour he wondred at the loue of the gentle women that dyed wyth her, and her stoute courage in preferringe deathe before a seruile life. The .ii. son­nes of Fuluia At the same season hee put to death the .ii. sonnes of Antony begotten of Fuluia, also Cesarion whō Cleopatra did vaunt to haue borne of Iulius Cesar, diuerse he spared. Octauius beinge in the countreye of Egipte and by good occasion offered, Alexanders picture reue­renced of Oc­tauius. sawe in a certayne place the picture of Alexander the great, as conninglye as arte coule deuise pic­tured, whose body seene with a Crowne on his heade, y e place decked with pleasaunt flowers, Octauius made obeysance to it, this beinge done: Octauius was demaunded if he woulde see the picture of Ptolome? Ptolomes picture neg­lected. Octauius made aunswere my minde was to see a kinge & not the dead, meaninge that Pto­lome in comparison of Alexander the greate for his mightye conquest was as the dead to the lyuinge. Octauius aunswere v­pon Ptolo­mes picture. Ptolome althoughe his picture was in comparison contemned to Alexander, yet hee is not swalowed vp in obliuion. Iosephus. Iosephus a famous Hi­storiographer and Eusebius also do Chronicle with muche commendatiō this Ptolome, Eusebius. Princes famous are not buried in obliuion, Godly Prin­ces. the wicked are with the godlye to all posterities Chronicled, the good Princes are neuer forgotten nor the wicked out of memorye, the one for fame y t other for ignomi­ni, Wicked Prin­ces. as Octauius grewe in magnificence in glorye, and more large Dominions, euen so the malice of many men puffed vp wyth enuy, wrought treasones against him, such is the estate of Princes thoughe they haue Dominion ouer manye, Princes liue to all posteri­tyes. they are enuyed of manye, which oftentimes seeketh the decaye to the estate of Princes, factious heades neuer contented wyth anye estate, Ambition of factious hea­des. cause innouations, ambitious heades ymagine new deuises to augment theyr proper estate, ambitious hea­des surmise treasonnes, ambitious heades alwayes beynge vayne glorious do apply and settle themselues to al vanities, with ambitious heades the care of priuate luker, honour and [Page] wealth is their only study, and theyr pretenced purpose, with ambitious heades, Lightnes. the common wealthe is least thoughte of, well willinge hartes neuer desyre innouacions, Constancye. constant hea­des, in minde and state quiet do alwayes continue, in a moste goodlye harmonye directing theyr deedes and actes to the ad­uauncement and honoure of the common wealthe: And ther­fore Alcibiades whom Thucidides setteth forth with greate commendations, noteth these two singuler pointes to be pla­ced in all men, who do embrace with earnest loue and sincere affection the prosperity of the common wealth: that he be of force and power to tame and subdue pleasure: ouer money to be Lorde and maister: to make moneye to serue him, and not that his treasures, secrete, and vnknowen mynes of flotinge wealthe, should make him captiue, and bondslaue to vnsatia­ble affection, Two proper­ties meete for magistrates. hee serueth, and obeyeth, who followeth affecti­on: He onlye ruleth whose actes in well doinge tempere and bridle affection. Many treasons by these meanes were conspi­red against Octauius, which were for the moste part detected and opened before they caught theyr purpose: Lepidus. as of Lepidus, of Varro, Varro. of Murena, of Scipio with manye other, yea and sometime of meane personnes, Murena. who thought to haue destroy­ed Octauius and the whole Senate. Scipio. As concerning his mar­tiall enterprises in forraine Regions, two fields were fought of him in his owne person, Dalmacia. as concerninge his warres in Dal­macia he was but of tender yeares at that instant, and in that same he was stricken with many woundes: he caughte a stroke vppon the knee: in another battaile hee was wounded vppon the thigh, & both his armes were hurt by the fall of a bridge, manye other warres hee toke in hand by his deputies or am­bassadors, also hee was not farre from the warres foughte in Pānonia, The victories of Octauius. Germany and Cantabria were brought vnder his subiection: Aquitania & Dalmacia with all Illiria, what Na­tion did hee not bringe vnder his subiection? to note orderlye by Historyes what Nationes he ouer came, and what mighty Kinges hee vanquished, to showe also howe farre the fame of his vertues reached whereby the stoute and proude harte of his enemyes the lofty and hautye stomackes of the mightye [Page 19] Monarches yelded themselues, being rauished with his ver­tuous successe which fell vnto him on euery syde, and how the Romaynes loued him, and forraine Regions dreaded him, & were in admiration of him, how hee remoued y e Germaynes that inhabited behinde the ryuer Albine of y e which nomber were the Sueuianes, and Sicambri whoe had yelded themsel­ues, and howe hee broughte them into Fraunce and caused them to inhabite neare the borders of Rhene, and howe many Nations besides beinge full of disturbance hee made at hys becke to obeye as my skill at full to describe them is not able, or a great volume is not sufficiente to containe them. Arare prince. Howe happye had the Romaine Empyre beene if so quiet a Prince, or if the rare vertues of so vertuous a gouernour had conti­nued amonge them, then so infinite hostes and multitudes of men had not bene deuoured of so manye ambitious heades in the cyuill warres, what Prince is there not? excepte hee be a rare Prince in disposition from other, Arare prince. but that a sleighte de­uice or toye maketh a iust quarrell to warre as the Prince af­fecteth or as counsaile perswadeth, all matters in the commō wealth take effecte, The fortunat kingdome. the quiet and fortunate kingdome enioy­eth the quiet and happye Prince, Rashe heads. for rashe heades to proue ad­uentures feeleth the smarte of their deuises, Manye cala­mities of warres. longe consulta­tion brought happy successe & stedfaste estate. Warres haue deuoured manye, whom if affection to liue at home had bride­led them, they mighte haue enioyed lyuinge, the fatherlesse, the fathers slaye, the widowe her comforte, many ryche hou­ses not spoyled, many a Cittye and towne in theyr former and auncient estate should haue continued, which thereby are de­cayed. As God permitted the earth whiche gaue from her so many shapes of bodyes of life and conditions so contrary, be­inge caryed into all wickednes, to be meete burthens to ren­der y t to earth which earth once gaue & yelded vp so warres bringe death, Warre, obliuion graue. and death in the graue obliuion, the people are gone, the graue vnknowen the warres Chronicled, and their calamities not out of memorye, great ought the deliberation to be of them which tendereth the affayres of the Prince for that which one deuiseth, manye feeleth and tasteth be it good [Page] or badde, Whye greate deliberation oughte to be had in the af­fayres of the Prince. els that commeth to passe whiche the Greeke svtte­red of theyr Princes.

Quicquid delinquunt Reges plectuntur achiui:
What Prince doth lust to frame at will by counsel, or decre:
the seely soule the subiecte meane shal feele like state to be.

But where warres are iustlye to be moued, Why warres are to be mo­ued. as to represse forrayne ennemyes or cyuill commotions, there the Prince iustlye resisteth warres, and the subiecte aydeth the Prince, for so Bellum suscipiendum est vt in pace viuatur, warres are therefore to be enterprised and taken in hande, to make peace, and quietnes, but who so without a consideration to re­pell great iniuries, not to defende theyr countrey, nor to saue the prosperous estate both of the Prince and the vniuersall multitude do moue warres, those seeke not peace but make as it were Seminarium multorum bellorum et calamitatū, a sowinge of seede of infinite warres, Warre. and no lacke of calami­ties: for warre is alwayes lincked with these two compani­ons Loimos kai Limos pestilence & hunger, y t whiche warre cannot do, famine and pestilence will do, so it may be sayd tru­ly, that which was spoken of the Greekes.

Not Mars alone in furye greate,
with bloudy handes doth spill:
But death and famine worke distresse,
that Mars might haue his fill.

Octauius therevppon consideringe the greate calamities that happened by warres, sheewed his minde to be so farre from that desier, that hee caused certaine Princes to take an othe in the Temple of Mars that none of them should breake the othe which they had made: that this was his accustomed sayinge, desyre of warres was a token of a boastinge and cra­kinge heade, and of a light brayne, by vnknowen aduentures, and hazarde of battell to throw headlonge downe the quiet estate of Cittye and countrye, for an ambitious glorye of a [Page 20] Laurell crowne, as a man would saye, for a few vnprofitable leaues who so without iust cause moueth battell, Warre wyth­out iust cause is like vnto one that fisheth with a greate golden houke, whiche beinge broken the praye gotten is nothinge. Some do thincke that this Emperour Octauius had so greate care to his common wealthe, The greate care of Octa­uius toward the common wealth. and that so great was his studye and trauaile in wel doinge, in plantinge iustice, in vpholding vertue, and repres­singe vyce, whereby his cares of minde grewe so greate, his daungers of life so manye, that he was diuers times minded to render vppe that dignitye of hye estate, but hee altered hys minde in consideringe more deepelye, that in leadinge a pri­uate estate, he should not be wyth oute daunger, and also hee sawe that at that present leauinge that state of gouernment, it would be ruled by many gouernours, Ambition. whereby Octauius a moste godlye Prince foresawe what factiones mighte aryse, what deuision by partes takinge, what tumultes mighte fol­lowe and vprores, no man bearinge with an others estate, but eche one clyminge, who maye be beste and of highest po­wer to commaunde, to rule, not to be ruled, to rule the wyll of other at commaundemente: wherein it seemeth that Octa­uius preferred for worthynes and happynes of continuinge estate, A Monarcke the best state. a Monarche accordinge to the sayinge of Vlisses the wyse Grecian.

Multorum principatus mala res est,
Homers Verse.
Rex vnicus esto.
Where many peares as right do hold▪
one lande to rule at will:
There feeble state doth smart their lore,
One gouer­nor beste in a kingdome.
and deadly Mars that kingdomes spill.

This Octauius desiered that it might be sayde of him, the common wealthe of the Romaynes to be preserued from all peryll of daungerous estate by him, and this to be the frutes of his trauaile, y t I maye (quoth he) be called the Aucthor of the best estate, The request of Octauius and of al good Princes. & at my death to carye wyth me y e hope, that y e common wealthe to manye ages maye remayne in that good estate wherein I left it, suche was the great care of the good [Page] Prince Octauius as it ought to be of all good Princes, for as husbandmen, they plant for theyr posteritye, and as the say­inge is of law makers: Lawes. Leges posteritatem spectant, lawes be made for the posteritye, thoughe they were decreed pre­sentlye: Gouernmēt. And accordinge to godlye lawes, Princes oughte to frame theyr gouernment, that the posterity may speake well thereof, Rome. & take aduauncement thereby. The Cittye of Rome before Octauius dayes, was but of meane and slender buil­dinge, without the beutye of goodly houses, sumptuous Pal­laces, and gorgious Temples, but hee with all ornature and beutye builded the same, and made it fenced from the ouer­flowinge of the fludde Tyber, and from all casualties of fier. Octauius vsed this sayinge of Rome, The sayinge of Octauius vpon Rome. that is: hee might wor­thely glory of Rome, since that he had left it builded of Mar­ble stone, whiche hee receiued but builded of tyle, and mudde walles, many famous monumentes he builded as Forum et Edem, Martis Vltoris, Templum Apolinis in Palatio e­dem tonantis in Capitolio, Sumpteons buildinges. he made also a greate and sump­tuous librarye plenteous with all maner of excellent bookes of Greeke and lattine & other languages, Monuments of Octauius. manye other wor­thye monumentes hee erected of fame, as Porticus Basilij, Lucij, & caui Porticus, Liuij & Octaui, Thaeatrum diui Marcelli, with many other goodly monumentes of fame. Octauius did not erecte these monumentes of fame onlye for his commendation, but also to moue manye other noble pea­res and Princes, that euerye one accordinge to his abillitye woulde endeuour himselfe to beutifye and adorne the Cittye of Rome eyther with newe monumentes, or to repayre mo­numentes which are in decay, or other famous workes which in time are weakened and made feebell from the foundation, The monu­mentes at Rome. for many goodly woorkes were then erected whereof Rome daily showeth some fallen, many broken downe, some from y e foundation lifted and caryed away: as the house of Homer, the house of Diana whiche Asinius Pollo builded, the house of Saturne, the notable monument of Agrippa: Many good­ly lawes Octauius did decree and make as the Digest and the Pandect: Lawes. and the Code doth showe, certaine lawes hee did [Page 21] amende and correcte. On all sides, both Rome and all pro­uinces, yea the whole Iurisdiction of the Romaine Empyre was so excellently gouerned, Pater patriè, y e title of ver­tuous Prin­ces. that they gaue vnto him this ti­tle and name Pater patriè, that is, the father of the coūtrye. Octauius beinge but a yonge man, had the daughter of Pub­lius Saruilius Isauricus to be espoused to him, but y t brake of, & then maryed Claudia y e daughter of Fuluia, begottē of Publiꝰ Claudius, Claudia. he was maryed but a while to her, such was y e disa­greemente betweene Fuluia his mother in lawe and him, hee left her daughter vndeflowered and vntouched, after that he maryed Scribonia who was maryed before to two Consuls, Scribonia. but Scribonia was deuorced from him, her maners were o­dious, and beinge wearyed with her conditions left her, and sone after gat to his loue Liuia Drusilla, her hee loued and y t continually the whole time of his gouernment Octauius had by Scribonia, Liuia. Iulia his daughter, but of Lyuia hee had neuer a childe, of whom earnestly hee wyshed to haue some fruite of her body, she was with child but vntimely it perished: Octa­uius caused Iulia his daughter to be maryed to Marcellus his sisters sonne beinge but passed a lytle the limmettes of child­hoode, Iulia. hee beinge but newly maryed dyed, Marcellus. after whose death hee maryed her vnto his friende Agrippa, Agrippa. who also dyed be­fore her, but lefte behinde him v. children .iii. sonnes, and .ii. daughters of the which sonnes the .ii. eldest dyed, then to esta­blishe a quietnes in the Empyre, hee adopted the third sonne, who was named Agrippa, but his manners and conditions were so wicked and odious vnto Augustus that hee reuoked the adoption, Tiberius and for his childe did adopt Tiberius his sonne in lawe, as concerninge his daughters they were so wicked, that he vttered of them the Verse of Homer: I woulde they had neuer bene got or y t they had dyed vnmaryed. As concer­ninge Octauius how hee gouerned and to show what worthy victoryes he had gotte, what mightye kinges became tribu­tory to him it were a worthy matter to speake of, but to make a full discourse how, when, where, how happely he gouerned the most eloquent shall want meanes to vtter, and set forth so worthy a Prince, Octauius. so fortunate a Captayne, so wyse a counsel­lor, [Page] and so victorious an Emperour, not for lacke of matter but his worthines shall subuert the order, argument and dis­position of the most eloquente, for euen before hee was borne many thinges were foreshewed of him to succeade, Suetonius. for Sueto­nius Tranquillus in his Historye sheeweth: Quod prodigi­um Rome factum est, Prodigium, Quo denuntiabatur naturam par­turire Regem Romanorum, a wonder happened at Rome, whereby was sheewed Octauius beinge borne, that nature did bring forth the kinge of the Romaynes, many other thin­ges happened which were to tedious, & to longe to resite, & as concerninge his mothers dreame before he was borne this it was, The dreame of Accia. she dreamed that her bowelles were caryed vp to the starres, & spread ouer all the earth, and vp to y e clymate of y e Heauen, The dreame of Octauius father. his father dreamed y t the beames of the sonne rose vppon the wombe of his wyfe. The same day that Octauius was borne, the Senators of Rome sate vppon the treason of Catelin whervppon Octauius mother at that time traue­linge, Cateline. his father did somewhat absent himselfe from the Se­nate house, Vigidius. the cause beinge knowen, Vigidius consideringe the instante of his natiuitye, hee beinge a famous man in the Mathematicall sciences said: Dominum terrarum orbina­tum, a gouernour of the earthe to be borne, manye probable coniectures, do aryse in calculatinge and domifyinge, but so many foolishe errors as that they which seeme to tell other, of theyr fortune and state to come, are most ignoraunt of theyr owne, and none more feele the vanitye thereof, then the vaine calculator. The death of Octauius. He dyed the fourtenthe daye of the Kalendes of September, the nynthe hower of the day, in the fourtye and sixe yeares of his age, The lamēta­tion for the deathe of Oc­tauius. Octauius beinge deade great lamenta­cion was made for hym of all the Romaine kingdomes and nations farre of, the mightye Princes mourned for his fune­rall, The deathe of noble Prin­ces. all that knewe him mourned, and those that neuer sawe him full bitterly lamented, such was the worthynes of his so noble gouernmente. Tyberius who succeded in the Empyre after him was aduaunced by this Emperoure, Tiberius. his gouerne­mēt was called Aureum seculum Augusti, Aureum se­culum. the goldē world of Augustus: Drusus the sonne of Tiberius commēded with [Page 22] eloquent Oration this Emperour: this done his corpes was carryed on the shoulders of the Senatours in an appointed place, Octauius. and there consumed to asshes, great was the pompe, & no small lamentaciō in the funerall of so victorious a Prince, who in time gouerned many Nations, now he geeueth place to duste. How many reioyced of him lyuinge so many lamen­ted his departinge, Fame after death preser­ueth Princes in memorye. his fame so remayned, as neyther deathe vglye, nor time auncient, or enuye malicious mighte euer let fame abolish, such is the fame of the worthy, & vertuous: & of the Godly Princes, The fruite of good life. this onlye is the fruite, els vaine is theyr glorye, Noble fame the fruite of kingdome. theyr actes base and meane, whom no worthines can saue from obliuion, neyther whom a perpetuitye of noble actes cannot blesse, hee dyed in the Consulshippe of Gneius Pompeius, and Sextus Apuleius: Hee lefte his Realme in greate quietnes, and also in great felicitye, great were his victories, and his large Dominions, his peo­people not to be nombred, What losse the Romaynes had by the death of Au­gustus. they lost fortunate Augustus when hee dyed, Rome lost her father, the golden worlde, and of Augustus a victorious Prince. ⸫

TIBERIVS.

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DYuers opinions were spred of Octauius death, Tiberius. some thoughte one waye, other some another, muche it was to be lamented, so good an Em­perour to fall into the handes of so vnnaturall a wyfe. After Octauius death Claudius Tibe­rius the sonne of Liuia succeded, Liuia. beinge the steppe sonne of Caesar Octauius: the meanes whereby hee succeded was sub­tillye compassed by many sleightes, and wilye pollicies of his mother Liuia, but the chiefe cause that he succeded was this his famous actes and nobillity in the late Emperours affay­res, caused both the Senate and the vniuersall multitude of the Romaynes, wyth earnest affection, & moste willinge har­tes to create him Emperoure: Tiberius maners chaun­ged. but as sone as Tiberius was in the dignitye placed, bothe the Senate and the vniuersall multitude of the Romaynes felt him a chaungelinge in al his doinges. Whereas before vertue and nobilitye in him sprede great glorye and renowne to the common wealthe of the Ro­maynes, now vglye vyces, his monsterous life in gouernmēt. ouer whelmeth that fortunate estate, The fortunat Region. hys vertues did not so muche good as his vyces hurt, most fortunate is that Region wherein by longe continuance, and by longe descente Godlye Princes remaine successors famouse. The godlye Prince. For, what the god­lye Prince procureth in his gouernmente, the wicked Prince dissolueth, marreth, and pulleth downe, so brittle is the estate of kingdomes, The wicked Prince. so vnsted faste the forme of common wealth, be­cause at the maners of the Prince, the kingdome eyther ry­seth [Page 23] or falleth, One Prince many Domi­nions. so muche the life of one, the maners and condi­tions of one, frameth manye mightye Dominions: As this Tiberius who if hee had continued in his former doinge, had beene nombred amonge the most excellent Princes, but now highe estate of dignity setteth out Tiberius in his proper con­ditions, Tiberius in his coullours in his naturall disposition, that which hee seemed, is now chaunged to another hewe with his estate, his maners, and conditions be also altered: now cruell and bloudy factes, most beastly lyfe, braste oute in him to vtter what hee was: for certaine it is the Romaynes neuer loked for these thinges at Tiberius hands, so difficult a matter it was to iudge throughly what hee wyl proue in gouernment, because that free state in him beinge commonly after will and luste, Why it is a hard thing to iudge of the Prince. did vtter in do­inge secrete and hid cogitations of his tyrānicall minde, with the perfecte dispositions & naturall inclynations of a tyrante: as it appeareth by many Princes, which in like sort gouerned as this Tiberius, Nero. Nero, Cōmodus, Bassianus, that this Em­perour Tiberius might thorowly be knowen: Domitianus. I will orderlye procede to showe what hee was, Commodus. his stocke had beginninge at a certaine towne of the Sabynes called Regilis, Bassianus. frō the which his auncestours fled to Rome: The begin­ninge of Ti­berius stocke. Rome then beinge but newe builded, so is referred the beginninge of his stocke to Appi­us Claudius, and that he was of that discent: which time was in the sixt yeare after the banishment of kinges they that dys­cended of this race or progenye were called Nerones. Appius Clau­dius. Quia lingua Sabinorum Nero strenuus appellatur: Nerones. Because in the Sabyne tongue Nero by the true Etimologie and inter­pretation is named stronge or stoute, there were two houses: vna plebeia, Plebeia. but yet very worthye: the other pulchrorum, which were of the order of the Senators, Pulcrorum▪ of those which dys­cended of the families called Claudij, many famous actes re­mayne, and contrarywyse actes not registred w t noble fame, sometime endueeth to noble houses & longe auncientrie, not like discente of worthines nor equall desarte, but for theyr e­uill gouernment, ignominye and reproche, thoughe the wic­ked, wante that true renowne of honour, True nobili­tye. whiche for vertues sake was attributed vnto theyr auncestours, yet they accompt [Page] them selues of the same with discente of equall worthynes of bloude, and tytle of longe auncientrye, but it is neyther the bloud, nor the bones of theyr auncestours, longe tytles from many discentes, Noble armes nor noble armes which from most aunciente time haue beene in price that can make any one, wanting the like renowne of his noble house, or the vertues of his prede­cessours to clayme lyke honour, True nobili­tye. or to enioye like title and ar­mes: For the vnworthye gentleman moste of all neglecteth that, which his noble progenitours attayned vnto, who were made worthye by vertue, Vertue firste createth nobi­litye. and fame: fame gaue it theym to clayme, where is then the tytle? what can be theyr clayme? when there is no sparke of desarte y t respecteth the renowmed merites of theyr auncientrye. Discent of noble houses. If descente of nobilitye shoulde fall out, as merite & singuler vertue did craue, then were rare all the true and perfecte nobilitye, onlye prudente nobi­litye, Learned no­bility. learned, full of counsayle, grauitye, modestye, tempe­raunce, aboundance in all knowledge, meete to administer and execute the lawes, yea for as fame firste taughte nobility by merite, Fame. so lacke of like worthynes, doth abase and make them vnworthye to enioye like clayme of nobilitye. True clayme of nobilitye.

Reade the Oration of Marius as concerninge nobilitye in Sa­lust, entreatinge vppon the warres of Iugurtha, and as con­cerninge Appius Cecus, Appius Ce­cus. Appius the blinde, whom Tulli maketh mention of, in his Booke de senectute: Appius Ce­cus made y e league which should be concluded wyth Pirrhus, Pirrhum most shamefull to y e Romaines to be finished. Claudius Cau­dex was the first amonge the Romaynes that passed the seas with a greate nauye, Ciaudius Caudex. and expelled the Carthagimanes from Cicile, Claudius Nero. Claudius Nero ouercame Hasdruball marchinge out of Spayne with a greate power, before hee ioyned his power with his brother Hanniball, with many other famous actes of that auncient house, Hanniball. which were to longe to entreate. Ti­berius came of this house and progenye by the mothers syde, for his mother came from Appius the fayre, Appius pul­cher. his fathers pro­geny came from Nero the father of Tiberius, who was some­time treasuror to Iulius Caesar in his warres fought in Alex­andria, he was besydes the chiefe of his Nauie, his excellen­cye [Page 23] in his Princes affayres was suche, y t the greate renowne of his victoryes was much furthered by him, his secrete pol­licyes in the Emperours affayres, his wysedome, his fayth­full seruice merited muche estimation with Iulius Caesar. Tiberius. Ti­berius being well lyked of Octauius the Emperour, was ge­uen vnto him of his father in adoption. Immediatlye after y t Tiberius father dyed, Drusus. leauinge behinde him two sonnes, this Tiberius and Drusus, this Tiberius was borne at Rome, at suche time as Marcus Emilius Lepidus, and Mucius Plauca were Consuls, hee had then to wyfe Agrippa, the daughter of Marcus Agrippa the nyce of Pomponius Atticus, some­time a kinge of the Romaynes. Agrippa. Agrippa did not longe tyme continue with her husbande Tiberius, for shee was at the length put away great with childe. Forced ma­riage. Tiberius at those dayes beinge enforced thereto to take Iulia the daughter of Augus­tus to wyfe. So matrimonye was made by pollicies, lincked and relincked, Mariages for honour. not as godly affection did leade, but as hope of honour moued, so maryages were made, often vnder pretēce of amitye, & adulation of poysoned hartes, deepe and cloked emnities lye lurkinge, which time vttereth afterward. This was the pollicye of Liuia that wicked Empresse, she hauinge further fetch to bringe thereby y e estate of the Empyre, to her sonnes handes. Iulia. Iulia was hated of Tiberius for her conditi­ons, she was proude, loftye, disdaynfull, wrathfull, geeuen to all voluptuousnes, light of countenaunce, light of chastity, & fruitlesse of good maners, aboūdant in bloudy imaginaciōs, cruell in her purposes, sone turned to folly, constant and sted­fast to wickednes. Agrippa. Agrippa pleased the eye of Tiberius, shee in maners contēted him, shee was beutifull, sober, discrete, of goodly personage, chastitye possessed her whole bodye and an humble loke, not proude, gentle, full of courtesye, pitifull, so adorned with vertue, The frutes of honest life in women. that her breste was a pure fountaine of vertues, of yeares tender, a matrone in manners, excellinge in all goodly qualities, Her vertues sheewed what she was, & time vttered her chastitye. Iulia leadinge a wanton life, in the ende vttered her follye, whiche beinge knowen a deuorce en­sued thereof. Tiberius as hee vnwillinglye caughte her, so [Page] willinglye he left her▪ The fruites of forced ma­riages. frends, aucthoritye, and moneye made the mariage, her vyces did vndo that which Tiberius in hart well wisshinge could not do, vntill such time as her naughtye life could merite no pardon, nor frendshippe make any excuse. Octauius was muche plagued with his daughters of whom he was so ashamed through theyr follye and wicked life, that hee would tytle them by many monstrous names, and would wishe that they had neuer beene gotten, or dyed vnmaryed. Now as concerninge Tiberius, diuers straunge things hap­pened which foresheewed y t the estate of the Empyre shoulde come to his handes, Scribonius. for Scribonius a famous man in the Ma­thematicall sciences, groundinge his knowledge vppon his calculation in the Iudgement of Astrologye, sayde: that Ti­berius shoulde succeade nexte in the Empyre, but withoute a Diademe: and so it came to passe an Astronomer, otherwise called Thrasibulus, Thrasibolus. excellente in the like facultie but euerye thinge not happeninge in all pointes to Tiberius as hee pro­phesyed. In a rage Tiberius was like to breake his necke so­dainly: whiche mishappe towardes him if Thrasibulus had foreseene by his owne calculation, hee woulde not haue beene present in that peril, The vncer­tentye of A­strologye. but they vncertaine of theyr owne estate do make a certaine calculation of other mens, and not able in deede to withstande perilles, do yet boast of theyr faculty and science as thoughe it preserued them, The estate of all those which cast natiuities. wherein euerye one of them is deceiued & do fall to manye vndoinges: & they which cā domify to all felicity for other a bare & nedye estate, theyr owne deuises haue wrapped them with many myseries, such is theyr vaine glorious calculation, so deceiptful is their arte, and so vaine is theyr knowledge, replenished wyth illusions, and suche is theyr vaine studye, The castinge of Natiuities. deceitfull inuentions, subtill illusions, coniecturall practises: which Theodoretus a most famous writer in his booke of questions vppon Genesis, con­demneth as vaine, Theodoretꝰ in questione 1 [...]. Genesis. most wicked & detestable in these wordes: As concerninge the vaine contention vpon a calculation, cast vppon the natiuity of any mā, Pithagoras. neyther Pithagoras nor Plato, Plato. nor the Stoikes haue receyued anye suche kinde of science: Stoikes. Who then hauinge theyr fayth in the holy Scriptures: will [Page 25] not receiue these things not onlye as wicked but as vaine and folishe. Thus much as concerninge that part of Astrologye, or the calculation vppon the natiuitye of any man, how wyc­ked, folishe, and impious it is. As concerninge the thinges whiche did foreshewe Tiberius successe in attayninge to the Empyre, this was one, A foreshew of Tiberius to succede in the Empyre. at his returne to Rome Tiberius be­inge at Roodes, an Egle neuer seene before in that coast, fate vppon the place where Tiberius lodged, with manye other tokens: wherevppon a coniecture was taken, the Empyre to fall to Tiberius handes. At that instant when Octauius the Emperour was at the point of death, A manner of foreshewe a­monge the Romaynes. but of perfecte remem­braunce: he caused Tiberius to be called for to common with him, manye do thincke that Octauius neuer minded to create Tiberius Emperour, but beinge ruled by Liuia the Em­presse: Liuia. For Octauius could better rule the large Dominion of the Romaine Empyre, yea the mightye Region of Greece was more in feare of him, then the frowarde and dissolute minde of Liuid, so harde and difficulte a matter it is to rule a creature with whom wyll, luste, and apetite was as a lawe, and especially where suche a one hath aucthoritye and stroke to affecte and dispose as nature and wyll lysteth to rule aboue the Prince. Othersome do say that the nobilitye of hart and courage of Tiberius, his noble actes in the affayres of y e Em­perour Octauius, moued him thereto, manye are the commē ­dations of Tiberius in certaine Epistles written by Octaui­us, in his affayres and busines, The commē ­dations of Tiberius. if other Chronicles be serched you shall finde the commēdations of Tiberius before he came to be Emperour to be very greate. This is one of many: Ni­hil interest valeam nec ne, si tu non valebis: if thou Tiberi­us do not well, I my selfe cannot do well: with many words of commendations. Dyuers suspitions were surmised of Tiberius in attayninge to the Empyre, for the death of Au­gustus was not knowen before Agrippa Agrippa. beinge adopted of Octauius was murthered, which thinge comprehended in it a full suspition, Deuises for kingdomes sake. that bothe Tiberius and Liuia had vsed theyr subtilities, such are the deuices manye times for kingdomes sake, for true it is, no cruell beaste seeketh so egerlye for hys [Page] preye, as bloudy hartes puffed vppe with ambition, do deuise purposes to establishe in some securitye theyr estate, there is no regarde of right, lawe, nor kindred, noble parentage, the foole and the wyse, the cowarde with the politicke person are a like, Ambition a bloudy beast. where ambition with stronge hands armed doth gette mastrie, nature, discent, righte and lawe is ouerwhelmed by ambition in tyrantes. The Chronicles are full of suche testi­monies of ambitious examples, Iugurtha. as of Iugurtha towardes y e children of Misipsa, Romulus. of Romulus and Remus, Polinices. brethren of Polinices, Eteocles. and Eteocles brethren, Clitemnestra of Clitemnestra and Egi­stus, Egistus. & those that succeaded Alexander the greate, of Bessus Bessus. towardes kinge Darius, Herode. of Herode against his owne sonne, Antonins. of Antonius Caracalla, Henrye the fourth. against his owne father Seuerus Em­perour of Rome: Our Chronicles want not the like deuises, call to minde the late dayes of Henrye the fourthe towarde Richarde the seconde, and of his nobilitye: Of Owen Glen­doure vsurpinge in Wales agaynst Henrye the fourthe, Owen Glē ­doure. Ri­charde the thirde against Edwarde the fourth children, Richarde the thirde. for both they were murthered by Richarde the thirde, Ambition. so stronge is ambition to inflame the hartes of the ambitious, to seeke innouation againste the state of the Princes, to rayse from meane to greater, and so with all excesse of vnsaciable desyre from better do minde as Iuste in them kindleth to enioye the highest throne alone to commaunde, Ambition. not of one Cittye or coū ­trye, but of large Dominions, and of infinite Regions.

At suche time as Tiberius should take vppon him the state of the Empyre by the consente of the Senate, The dissimu­lation of Ti­berius. hee seemed to re­fuse it for manye daungers hanginge ouer his heade, and also because be woulde be thoughte free from all suspition before time surmised: and that he might know his frendes from his foes. Diuers wrought conspiracies against him as Clemens the seruaunte of Agrippa in his maisters quarell had gathe­red no small strengthe and power to reuenge the murther of his maister. Scribonius. Also Scribonius a noble peere began a sedicious tumulte, besides that his men of warre which were in Illiria were at discorde, and those in Germanye were moued to se­dition in that their stipende of wages was not equall to the o­thers [Page 26] longe hee was in that feare, but by litle and litle hee crept out of all mistrust: At the first he detested flatterye and flatterers, insomuch that he would not suffer any to call him Lorde, thoughe was by estate an Emperoure, so greate was his dissimulation, The dissimu­lation of wic­ked men. for the wicked wil seeme that they least de­syre to be, the couetous manye times will shewe themselues liberall, yea more then liberall, princely in giftes, full of ma­ny deceites, Adulation. the voluptuous temperate, Couetousuespunc; y e prodigall sparinge, the irreligious full of holines, by processe of time his condi­tions sheewed fourth his hidde cogitacions, his dissimulation gaue an open truth to vtter what he was truly: where vppon the Romaynes seinge so greate alteration in the lyfe of the Prince, The estate of wicked Prin­ces. his manners so beastlye, and his purposes in all respectes so wicked, that manye spake freelye, more rashlye, then wiselye, more boldlye, then circumspectlye, againste the beastly life of theyr gouernoure, the most parte thoughte more then they spake, the godly and welwilling hartes helde theyr peace, because they feared the lawe and displeasure of the Prince, other some there were, whom neither lawe nor displeasure restrayned. Reade the whole Chronicles of eue­ry age, the good and godlye Princes were euer for fame and worthyues of Actes commended in theyr present age, aduaū ­ced throughe deserte of worthines reserued from obliuion to all ages, and to all posterityes: the wicked Princes as they liued so they remayne Chronicled to all ages. The like re­mayneth of Tiberius, for as he deserued by worthynes, so af­terwarde contrary desart purchased iust cōmendation. This thinge was muche to be commended of Tiberius before hee chaunged his maners in gouernmente, when as he was wil­led of diuerse who bare great aucthoritye in many of his pro­uinces, that he should laye on his people great & heauy tribu­tes, He wrote againe vnto them in these words: Boni Pasto­ris est tōd ere pecus, nō deglubere. A good sheepe heard ought to sheare his sheepe, The godly prince. but not to swallow them: Good Princes may do to theyr behoufe and commoditye take of the subiecte to the furtheraunce of his estate, The tyrante. with the common wealthe: for therein the good Prince and the tyraunt differre, the one [Page] regardeth the common wealthe, The good Prince. thother his priuate commo­ditye: for the tyraunte lyueth to himselfe, the good Prince to manye, & therefore hee is loued of many. As concerninge the externall ceremonyes of the Iewes hee prohibited the vse of them in all his prouinces and all suche as addicted themsel­ues to theyr Religion and ceremonyes, and who so therein o­beyed not his commaundement was in the perill of perpetu­all bondage. He banished out of the Cittye all such as by ga­singe of the Starres foreshewed thinges to come, after these thinges, Germanicus. his two sonnes Germanicus and Drusus dyed: Ger­manicꝰ dyed in Syria, Drusus. Drusus died at Rome for whose death he toke so greate pensiuenes and thoughte of minde, that hee left the Cittie of Rome with all his pleasures, for that all his ioye, his delight, and comfort was takē from him, not longe after that mishappe, an other great misfortune fell vnto him: Tiberius being at y e Cittye of Anxur otherwyse called Ter­rachina, beinge in the place of the Pretor not hauinge as yet supped, manye mightye great stones fell downe from the vp­per parte of that place, by whiche mishappe manye of those whiche were at that bancket and of theyr seruauntes were crushed to death, and hee alone beyonde all exspectation esca­ped. At the same time hee made a progresse throughe Cam­pania: Capua. he made at Capua a goodlye and sumptuous Temple or Capitoll, Nola. at Nola hee crected a Temple in a perpetuall memory, of the Emperour Augustus his predecessor: which was thoughte to be done for this cause that Octauius dyed there. After that he went to the Ilande Capreas a pleasaunt Islande: whiche was on the one syde closed with hys rockes, on the other syde, the sea closed it in. The absence of y e Prince was much desyered, by reason of a certaine greate calamitye and misfortune which fell at Fi [...]enas an olde auncient towne builded of the Albanes, for in that place aboue twentye thou­sande men perished by the fall of the Amphitheatrum, hee gaue ouer by reason of his foresayde pensiuenes for the death of his two sonnes, the care of his common wealthe, hee had no consideration of the estate of Spayne, and Syria, whiche was then in the iurisdiction of the Romayne Empyre, it was [Page 27] without Embassadors, Armenia was possessed of the Parthi­ans, which Armenia obeyed the Romaynes vntill such time as they carelesse neglected the same. Mesia was spoyled of the Dacians and Sarmatians, Fraunce was also ouer runne of y e Germaynes, with no smal infamy, not onlye to this care­lesse Emperour Tiberius but to the whole Empyre. The greate care of Prin­ces [...] Greate ought the cares of a Prince to be, who beareth Scepter ouer ma [...]y, for the great care and ware deliberation, preserueth in fortunate estate his Dominion: whereas the carelesse lyfe of a Prince, his wanton and dissolute maners pulleth downe & destroyeth. It was not without consideration that Homer y e famous Poet, settinge forthe the full and absolute maner of gouernment wrote these wordes.

Nequaquam oportet virum cōsularem, totas noctes som­no indulgere, cui populus curae est & tanta reipublicae ne­gotia: A good Prince most not lye all the whole night drow­sye who hath a charge ouer people and kingdomes.

Tiberius thus geeuinge ouer the care of the cōmon wealth appeared then as nature inclyned him to all beastlines, and follye, vndecente for that estate: First he gaue himselfe to ex­cessiue riote and quaffinge, wherevppon throughe follye a dronken name was geeuen vnto him, beinge called for Tybe­rius, Biberius, Biberius. as one delightinge in drincke, a banketinge Prince, Caldius. a quaffer, hee was called also for Claudius, Caldius, for Nero, Mero. Mero. He gaue himselfe to such companye as y t de­lighted in the like follye with whom day by daye he accompa­nyed himselfe in banketinge, suche were his frendes and hys delight, and for their great excellencye therein he woulde be­stowe vppon them greate offices of greate aucthoritie, for to Pomponus Flaccus he gaue the gouernment of Syria, Pomponius being one of them who procured these kinde of follies, he gaue also to Lucius Piso, Lucius Piso. the chiefe office ouer the Cittie of Rome, hee was also in loue with Sextus Claudius, who was banished from the Emperour Octauius for his beastly life, Sextus Clau­dius. such nowe are his frendes and hye counsaylours. The Prince cannot lacke his mates, for as he inureth himselfe, so many followe & fashion themselues to the doinge of the Prince. This Sex­tus [Page] Claudius was an old man, vnthriftye, geeuen to all beast­ly pleasures, with Tiberius on a time he made a couenaunte to geue him a sumptuous bancket, if hee woulde suppe with him: where many fayre maydens serued him at the borde na­ked, many other there were in whom he delighted, such espe­cially as could finde out newe and fonde pleasures, straunge deuises, The follye of Tiberius. beastly pastymes, and such were most esteemed with him as passed other in follye, hee made a newe office whiche was called a voluptatibus, rewardinge all suche as inuented delightes for the Princes tothe, A voluptati­bus. who furthered therein hys estate and heaped by inuention, store of such pleasures. The beastlynes of this Prince was in all respectes suche, as that nature abhorreth to vtter his condicions: besydes this as he suffered filthye life commonlye, so openly he both vsed and al­lowed it, It may be thought that no follye could be greater, but who so readeth the Chronicles, and wayeth thorowly his lyfe, shame fastnes will prohibite him to bestowe his time in readinge so filthye matter. After this hee behaued himselfe wyth all tyrannye, not onlye against Caius Lentulus Augur, but also against Lepida: Tyrannye. with all tyrannye he vsed the Prin­ces of Greece, Syria and Fraunce, he caused the kinge of the Parthians, who was expelled from his owne country, and fly­inge to the trustye handes of the Romaynes to be murthered and spoyled of all his ryches, Fayth to be obserued in Princes. hee was at defyance with Liuia his mother, by whom he purchased that aucthoritye, hee was muche greued with the Senate, in that in actes and decrees, he was called the sonne of Octauius and Liuia, yea such was his hatred towarde her, that she beinge dead, he cruelly han­dled all those to whom Liuia gaue charge ouer her funerall: Liuia. his wicked life was suche that manye wrote against him, and not vnworthely, his tyrannye passed all other, no daye passed withoute bloudsheddinge, A tyrante. manye women and children killed themselues, fearinge to fall into the handes of such a tyrante, his crueltye was suche that Artabanus the kinge of the Par­thians reuiled him in lettters, Artabanus. placing before his eyes, his fil­thye lyfe, his murthers, and liuinge not to be named, of whiche hee was ashamed. This is that Tiberius by whom [Page 28] Valerius Gractius was made gouerner ouer the Iewes, the successor of Annius Rufus. Pilate. Pilate was accused of the Iewes, and sente by Vitellius to Rome, but Tiberius was deade be­fore Pilate came to Rome. Isis. The famous Temple of Isis was destroyed at the commaundement of Tiberius, and the Ima­ges of Isis throne in the Tiber at Rome, because of the great mischieuous acte committed in the Temple of Isis, Munda. againste Paulina a chaste woman, by one Munda a yonge man, to the which facte, the priestes of the Temple were priuye baudes, the beastlye practise vnknowen to the good woman Paulina: Iosephus telleth the whole storye at large. Tiberius made Vitellius chiefe gouernour vnderneth him, as the vice Roye in Hierusalem: Vitellius. who wrote letters to Vitellius, to make a leage of amity with Artabanus the kinge of the Parthians, because he feared him, but vppon that condition a leage to be made, so that the sonnes of the Emperor of the Parthans be deliuered as pledges to Vitellius. Vitellius forthwith per­swadeth two Princes with great giftes without all delaye to enter battaile against Artabanus, king of the Parthians, but they woulde not moue battaile against him, but they suffered the Scithians to enter, geuinge them passage and entrye by straites of the Cuspians sea, to inuade the countrye, by whose inuasion the whole countrye of the Armenians was spoyled and wasted, and the lande filled with the slaugh­ter of the Parthians, his chiefe nobles being at that battaile fled, the Emperors sonne of the Parthians was slaine there. With this meane Vitellius by greate giftes, had wonne to him all the Princes borderinge vppon those partes, to be­traye Artabanus the Emperour, but as sone as Artabanus vnderstode his falsehode, bee fledde with a fewe faythfull people, to other Princes a farre of, who of themselues prepa­red a great power and defended his owne Dominion, as sone as Tiberiꝰ vnderstode that Artabanus▪ was of force to ioyne warres with the Romaynes, he willinglye made peace with him, the league was made at the floude Euphrates, betwene Artabanus and Vitellius, eche of them with a few meetinge, Herode made a sumptuous bancket to Vitellius, and Arta­banus [Page] kinge of the Parthians: & Artabanus to the full confir­mation of this league, gaue to the handes of Vitellius his .ii. sonnes, Darius and Artaxerxes, with whom he sente manye ritche giftes and princely, with whom he sent a man of highe stature, vii. cubites high, his name was Lazarus, who for his highe stature was called a Gyante, the league confirmed, Vitellius departed to Antioche, Artabanus to Babilon re­turned. Herode false in all his doinges to preuent Vitellius, Herode. by letters sent to Tiberius the Emperoure as concerninge y e league confirmed, for vnto Vitellius letters, Tiberius ma­keth aunsweare that hee knewe longe before of those newes, by the letters of Herode: where vppon great enuye & grudge rose betweene Herod and Vitellius, secrete pollicye of de­structin against one another, Vitellius. Vitellius neuer vttered his malicious intente, but keepinge close his malicious purpose and kindled Ire, vntill suche time as oportunitye serued to subuert Herode, and that was in the gouernment of the next Emperoure. Caius succedinge this Tiberius: this was hee that put to death that holyman Iohn Baptiste, and because Herode sawe the people to be parswaded by him (his beastly lyfe reproued of the Prophete) he thought it befte to put him to death, for no man durst rebuke Herode, great plagues fell vppon Herode & his power. Tiberius vsed to geue offices for terme of life not w tout great cause remouing any officers: Who being demaūded why he did so? he made this aunswere by a fable: There was a certaine man woūded, vnto whose woūde many hūgery fleshe flees in great nōber flew & sucked his wound, this being seene of another man y t passed by, who lamented the mischaunce of the wounded person, moued with pitty & compassion came vnto him, both w t helpinge hand and coūsaile to ease him, thincking y t through weakenes, hee was not able to driue them from him: but the woūded mā aunswe­red greater harme and payne will insue to mee if freshe and greedye flyes do come to my wounde, for these filled with my bloude are not so greuous, hauinge theyr fill of it, but if hun­grye flyes do gather to my wounde, Couetous officers. they will with such hun­grye desyre sucke my wounde, that they wyll increase a newe [Page 29] payne to me, so officers where they be oft remoued, hauinge no assurance of office nor perpetuitye fearinge of remouing, they do for theyr time more gredily hunte for gaine, & searche more narrowlye, the hidde and inwarde bowels of gain [...]. Tiberius returninge to Caprias, fell sicke of an ague where­of in the ende he dyed, who hauinge but two sonnes and those only by adoptiō, for Drusus his owne sonne was dead at that instante time, whose sonne Tiberius had made his adoptiue sonne, and he made Caius the sonne of his brother Cermani­cus his other adoptiue sonne: this Caius was broughte vp in all excellencye of learninge, interelye beloued of the people, both for his owne vertues, and for his fathers noble actes: these iii. excellent vertues promoted his father Germanicu [...], to high dignity: Morū mansuetudo Affabilitas, Humilitas, that is to say, of conditions gentle and meeke, easye to be tal­ked with, and humble or lowlye, by these vertues, hee was in greate estimation and honour, both with the Senate and the common multitude, greate lamentation was made for the death of Germanicus. Tiberius the Emperour commaun­ded Enodus to bringe earlye to him those two yonge children Caius and Tiberius, praying to God that he might see some manifeste signe, who shoulde succede him in the Empire, of these two desirous to leaue to his nephewe his Empire, but the purpose of man is nothinge, the prouidence of GOD to dispose all things at his will and counsaile, yea the migh­tiest state of Dominions, kinges and kingdomes are in his handes, to be created as hee seeth cause and time. This was shewed to him, the sway of the Romaine Empyre to fall to him who should come first to him, the next day followinge, Tiberius knowinge this, sent vnto the Scholemaister of his nephewe Tiberius, cōmaunding him very earnestly to bring Tiberius his yonge nephewe to him, Nephewe. thinking thereby to sa­tisfye the sentence of the oracle which he had vttered, but God contrarywyse disposed for the succession of the kinge. The next day following, Tiberius y e Emperor cōmaunded Enodꝰ to bringe to him which of these .ii. yonge children came first, Enodus departed from y t Emperour, Tiberius & found Ca­ius [Page] before his tente, Iosephus. for Tiberius was not as it presente be­inge more desirous of his breakefaste, Enodus not knowinge the secrete cogitation and hid purpose of the Emperoure Ti­berius, come hyther Caius sayth hee, the Emperoure thy fa­ther calleth thee, and forthwith Caius with Enodus entered in to the Emperor, assone as the Emperoure Tiberius saw Caius (sayth Iosephus:) Tunc primū intellixit maiestatis diuinae potentia, et quod non [...]it in hominū potestate de im­perij cōstitutione decernere: Then the Emperour Tiberius saw the power of almighty God, & that it is not in mans po­wer to dispose the seate of gouernmente, as we maye see in all Histories how contrarilye to all expectation, those that haue bene deade in all considerations and respectes of hope to the world of enioyinge kingdome, Succession of Princes in y e counsayle of God. haue obtayned kingdome and triumphed. Tiberius muche lamented himselfe because his counsayle, his will and determination was frustrate, whiche be longe purposed, and that in his life time, he was not of po­wer to establishe in trone whom hee wyshed, agayne bee sawe what perill woulde happen to Tiberius beinge put from the succession of the Empyre, and the enuye agaynst many noble peares against Tiberius the Emperour, Tiberius much bla­med himselfe in that he made such request and peticiō to God, Iosephus. for the succession at his owne will, for with greate griefe of minde he departed his life, yet Tiberius vsinge dissimulation to appease the wrath and enuye that might rise betweene Ca­ius and Tiberius, spake these words: O my sonne Caius, al­thoughe Tiberius my kinsman be nearer to mee then you be, yet the secrete counsaile of God, his ordinance and my decree doth resigne and geue ouer to the: this our Emperiall seate, I do request of the that thou beare in minde no euill against anye man, that hath beene seruisable to me or loued me, ney­ther hurt any man for my sake. I haue aduaunced the only to this state of royall trone, be not vnfrendly to Tiberius, some­what kinred moueth you to that loue, and I especially ought to perswade you therto, in that I haue beene y e chiefe patrone and aucthor of this Emperiall seate, and that for my sake you shewe loue to those whom I haue loued, and also to haue a [Page 30] [...]are of Tiberius in that he is your kinsmā, and in honouring Tiberius you shall make your selfe stronge. Nam solitarius quisque amplius periculis patet maxime, cum in tanta rerū celsitudine fuerit cōstitutus, ad haec quoque quia nec dij im­punitum quidquam relinquunt, quod contra faedus natu­rae fuerit perpetratum. For what Prince soeuer be wythout some one assured staye or stronge arme neare vnto him, Iosephus. hee is alway in perill beinge in such loftye estate, neyther doth God let go vnpunished anye thinge committed against the lawe of nature. Tiberius the Emperoure spake this to make a con­cord betweene Caius and Tiberius his kinsman, fearinge af­ter his death this subuertion of Tiberius, Caius for that time made aunswere to the Emperour Tiberius very curteously, and promised to do all thinges that the Emperour Tiberius exhorted him vnto, all the Emperoure Tiberius spake wyth dessimulation to Caius, so Caius with dissimulation requited the talke of the Emperoure Tiberius. For assone as Caius was created Emperoure, Murther. Caius killed Tiberius, and Caius not longe after was also murthered. Tiberius raigned 22. yeares. 6. monethes and thre dayes. The Romaynes hea­ringe of the death of Tiberius, they were very ioyfull, but o­penlye they durste not shewe theyr ioyfull hartes, till it was manifest to all men, for much would be geuen to heare of that tyrantes deathe, the cause why the Romaynes reioyce of Ti­berius death was greate, for he had murthered manye of the great Peares & nobles of Rome wythout cause. His euilles were so great, they were not to be borne, no counsayle could withdraw his wrath, neyther any meanes pacifye his Ire, as he listed so was he without discretion ledde to all euill, w tout reason inuenting the occasion of euill, Tiberius. beastly & barbarous in all his doinges, these were the causes that made Kenas glad of his death, Machias the free man of Agrippa, bringinge y e firste newes to Agrippa of Tiberius death, hee declared the deathe of the Emperour Tiberius, speakinge this in the He­brew tongue: Mortuus est inquit Leo, the Lion is dead. For Agrippa was put in prison of Tiberius, Caius enioyinge the kingdome extolled to greate honour Agrippa. Before his [Page] deathe diuerse thinges happened, as an earthquake whiche swallowed vp the Tower of Pharus, wyth manye other like thinges: As concerninge his deathe some thincke that Caius poysoned him, some saye one waye, some another, hee dyed in villa Luciana, in the seuenty & eight yeare of his age, y e whole time of his gouernmente was three and twentye yeares, hee dyed in the seuentene of the kalendes of Aprill: Caius Asero­nius proculus, and Caius portius niger beinge Consulles.

In the xvii. yere of his raigne Christ our Sauiour was cru­cifyed of y e Iewes. His death shewed what good hartes y e peo­ple bare to him, some cryed throw him into the floude Tiber, many thought the earth vnmete to receyue his bodye, in such sorte are wicked Princes loued, theyr life ceassinge, thē spake they freely which before his crueltye had couched in sylence, Euill life. his ende was as his life beastly in all infamye, the earth vnmeete to receiue a nature and bodye so monste­rous. Vnto Rome was hee broughte, and there ended the funerall Exequies with ioye, whose crueltye all men had felt, and whose beastly life al honest natures abhorred. This was the ende of Tiberius. (⸫)

Caius Caligula.

[figure]

CAius Caligula raigned foure yeres, this Ca­ligula was the sonne of noble Germanicus, Germanicus. the father was not so vertuouslye inclined as his sonne Caligula to al wicked rapted: great be the commendations of his father Germa­nicus, whose death was procured by the Em­perour, and by Cneius Piso, which Piso had the gouernmēt of Syria vnder Tiberius, Piso. this Germanicus was made by the wyll of Octauius, to succede in the Empyre as Tiberius did. In fortunate estate had Rome beene in, if Germanicus after the death of Octauius had preuented Tiberius, so it came to passe that Caligula succeaded Germanicus, his father beinge dead, this name Caligula was geuen him of the mē of warre, the mother of Caligula to allure the loue of the people would sometime shewe him to the armye, this Caligula followinge the like steppes of Tiberius was entirely beloued of all men before he was Emperour, but in the gouernment hee was so wicked, that not without desarte the fame of him wente, that in Rome there came neuer such a tyrant. A sodaine chaunge. Caligula was borne the daye before the kalendes of September, his father Ger­manicus, and Caius fonteius Capito beinge Consulles.

When he came to age he maryed Iunia Claudilla the daugh­ter of Marcus Sillanus a noble man, Iunia Clau­dilla. this Iunia Claudilla dy­inge in childbed, he did allure to vnlawfull lust Enia Neuia y e wyfe of Macron promisinge her mariage, if hee obtayned the Empyre which after he came to enioye, Pride. pride gate such mai­strye [Page] ouer him, that one title or name of dignitye contented him not, but he would be called Pius Caesar, Castrorum fili­us, pater excercituū & optimus maximus Caesar. Nowe he beganne to challenge honour, Lacke of knowledge. not as a man but as a God, for the which cause hee commaunded certaine of his Gods to be brought oute of Greece as Iupiter and Olimpicus, whose crowne beinge taken from the head, he put it on his, & would place himselfe betweene his Gods to be honoured as a God, he caused a Temple proper to his Godheade, Pride. to be erected & Priestes to honour him, & also meete sacrifices to be offered, the Image was apparelled in y e Temple as he went himselfe, he would seeme also to talke with Iupiter y e God, be defamed his mother, and cruelly vsed himselfe and beastlye, this Cali­gula deflowred three of his owne sisters, followinge therein the like fashions in apparell of Iupiter, Iupiter. whom he followed in apparell, Bacchus. and somtime he went like dronken Baccus, vsinge Baccus dronken and beastlye daunce. This Caligula was so wicked his beastlye life in all pointes considered, that the Hi­storiographers haue beene in doubte whether it were best to leaue anye memorye of him. But seinge it is profitable to the posterity of all ages followinge, Why wicked Prīces ought to be Chroni­cled. y t they by Chronicles might know the life, maners, and conditions of Princes and gouer­nours. For wicked Princes knowinge theyr wicked life to be in perpetuall memorye, after what sort soeuer it be, they will thereby be afrayde and leade their life more vprightlye and vertuously, least theyr filthy body dead in graue, should leaue like fame to brute theyr worthines. This Caligula was the first Emperour that put on his head a Crowne or Diademe, The Crowne first vsed. and cōmaūded himselfe to be called Lord, to entreate at large his beastly life, it were not onlye [...]ediouse to scyte, but a mat­ter to filthye for anye, to thincke that anye Prince had spente his dayes in such beastlynes, Beastlines. not vnlike to vnreasonable crea­tures, who as they be ledde by nature, so they obeye vnto na­ture, Murther. besydes this, horrible was his murthers as the Chro­nicles do shewe at large: As Suetonius Tranquillus recor­deth, suche was his crueltye that hee woulde compell the parentes to be presente at the tormentes of theyr children, [Page 32] hee burned the Poete Attalina, for a Verse which hee suppo­sed priuilye did not his follye. Attalina. A certaine knighte of Rome at his commaundemente being caste to cruell beastes to be deuoured, (who in his tormente cryinge oute to dye an inno­cente) hee caused him to be broughte to his presence, whose tongue beinge cutte oute commaunded hym agayne to be throwne to the beastes.

A certayne man beinge called home from banishmente was demaunded of Caligula howe he passed his time in exile? (hee aunsweared with flatterye,) my prayer was alwayes to the Gods, Adulatiō re­warded with death. (that as it happened in deede) Tiberius your pre­decessor mighte dye, and you to raigne after him, Caligula ponderinge that his banished menne mighte wishe in theyr prayers the like ende to him, sente therefore into all the I­lands where vnto they were banished, that euery one of them mighte be murthered, of infinite murthers, these are a fewe to shewe his cruelty, as he herefte them of theyr liues, so hee spoyled other of goodes and landes. This was one thinge that might shewe his crueltye, that to his mother or aunte he would commonly say: Tam bona cernix simul ac iussero de­metur. Crueltye. Your neckes are at my pleasure be they neuer so fayre. As he passed in beastly crueltye, so also he laboured and ende­uored to extinguishe learninge, for the woorkes of Homer were by him quighte abolished, defendinge himselfe by the Bookes of Plato intreatinge of a perfitte common wealthe, Tyrants hate learninge. who expelled Poetes, Virgill the famous Poet, and Titus Liuius a notable Historiographer, were throughe the con­tempte of the wicked Emperoure almost throwen oute of all Liberaries, Virgil. Virgill hee regarde not, sayinge that he was of no witte and lesse learninge, Liuie. & Liuie because he was tedious and not circumspecte in his Histories. This Caligula also vn­der an outward pretence of right sought to abolishe all lawes and monumentes thereof sayinge: Se effectū ne quid re­pondere possunt leges preter equum, that hee woulde re­dresse lawes and that they should pronounce nothinge but righte, yet hee soughte by all meanes to extinguishe lear­ninge, these thinges are but a parte to shewe oute of infinite, [Page] his abhomination, crueltye, dispisinge of God, and contempt of man, many wonderfull tokens wente before his deathe, to shewe his ende, a certaine experte man in the Mathematicall sciences did foreshewe vnto him his violente death to be pro­cured, hee was warned of one who would slea him: whom for feare he put to death, but by another Caligula his death was wrought, The dreame of Caligula. the daye before he dyed Caligula dreamed, that hee stode in Heauen before the throne of Iupiter, and with Iupi­ters right toe was throwen downe to the earth, Caligula was but xxiii. yeares of age when he dyed, Caligula. his gouer [...]emente con­tinued but three yeares and tenne mouethes, some write .iiii. yeares, hee was killed by one Kyria and Sabinus with other moe, who strake him with thirtye woundes, some thrust theyr weapons throughe his priuie members: In the house where hee dyed no night passed withoute terrible sighes, vntill suche time as fyer had consumed it. (⸫)

Claudius Tiberius the sonne of Drusus.

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CLaudius Tiberius the sonne of Drusus, was borne in the Kalendes of Auguste at Lugdu­num a Cittye in Fraunce, in the countrye of Aquitania, y e same day there was an Aulter (as theyr olde maner of superstition was) e­rected to Augustꝰ: at which time Iulius An­tonius, and Fabius Africanus were Consulles, hee was cal­led Tiberius Claudius Drusus, this Claudius was brother to Tiberius the Emperour before Caligula, this Claudius was also vncle to Caligula by the fathers syde, hee raigned foure­tene yeares, Claudius Ti­berius. by nature he was vexed with many infirmityes, alwayes disseased of bodye, and ill affected in minde, and as it should seeme, the disposition of his minde following y e frame of his diseased body, his wit was such that he was more meete in fielde to be a sheepehearde, then in place to gouerne: cer­taine it is as Histories do note, that when this Claudius Ti­berius was bruted to be placed in the seate of the Empyre, his sister sayde: Detestata sum tam iniquam populi Roma­ni sortem. I detest (sayth shee) such abhominable and wicked state to fall on Rome, Claudius Ti­berius. his mother was also wont to call him: Portentum hominis, nec absolutum, à natura tantū incho­atum: That is, a wonder and monsterous thinge in respecte of a man, whom nature had not finished perfectly, but left vn­perfecte: who if at any time shee had reproued any for follye, Claudius. she would saye he was as folishe as Claudius her sonne.

[Page] Octauius also wrytinge diuerse Epistles to Liuia his wife, noted much his follye, none there were that hoped any good­nes of him, and yet he was broughte vp in learninge, but ney­ther anye education, feare, nor the teacher, coulde enter into such a monsterous nature, and so vntoward a parson, to plant in him vertue, knowledge or excellencye, a maruaylous mat­ter that such a one in whom neither vertue nor any excellente quallitye, whom nature had framed with conditions monste­rous, whom his owne kinne (for vntowardnes and wicked disposition) dispysed and contempned to enioye such dignitye, Man purpo­seth, God on­ly disposeth. but such is oftentimes the estate of kingdomes and Empyres that they discende as other possessions and landes do to fortu­nate fooles. Rome. Rome hath smarted by folishe Princes, and by such also as after good education haue applyed themselues to practise mischeues, The estate of kingdomes. by such the frailty of kingdomes and mu­table estate is knowen, he raiseth the foole to beare Scepter, not alwayes the wise, he huffeth to the like estate. Ab armen­to, a gregario milite, a compedibus, ab horto, that is, from the droue, as Galerius Armentarius, from a base and meane souldiour, as Mauricius and Phocas, frō a Gardeners sonne, as Probus, so the estate of kingdomes in time to come is vn­knowen, The estate of kingdomes in succession. when personnes so vnlikely, so base for dignitye, are aduaunced to beare Scepter, and to haue Dominion, ouer kingdomes. The secrete prouidence of God reserueth ma­ny times vnknowen persons, and suche as in respect of other, the worlde contemneth to do mightye thinges, this mightye Empyre of Rome, The proui­dence of God in kingdomes caughte to rule them a Prince vnmanlye, withoute courage or wysedome, who was placed to gouerne in the Empyre beinge fiftye yeares of age, and for xiiii. yeares space bare Dominion: who for feare at the first hidinge him­selfe was brought forthe by certaine of the souldiours and sa­luted Emperour, for in those dayes the Senatours were by force compelled to stande to theyr election and choise, suche a broyle theyr warrelike stomackes raysed, and theyr stoute courages moued, Forced elec­tion. not by reason ledde, not by counsayle, not by good perswasions, but rashly placinge whom they wilful­lye allowed, as it doth appeare by manye Emperours, who [Page 34] were in the like sorte chosen, who manye times as they were by theyr wilfull heades created to such estate and dignitye, so likewise sodenly displaced, many treasons also were wrought against this Emperour Claudius. For Gallus, Asininꝰ, Sta­ti [...]ius, Coruinus with other moued seditiouslye against him. Rome also was infected with ciuill warre by Furius Camil­lus, and Scribonius an Embassadour of Dalmacia: but with­in the space of fiue dayes they were repressed, this Emperour beinge very yonge was espoused to Emilia Lepida: Emilia Lepi­da. Hee was also betrothed to Liuia Medullina, hee made a deuorce from Emilia Lepida, Liuia Me­dullina. Liuia Medullina dyed on the mariage daye: After this he maryed Plausia Herculanilla, and beinge wee­ry of her, Plausia Her­culanilla. he maryed Elia Petina, none of these two liked him, for both were deuorced from him, Elia petina. Petina vppon light occasi­on was deuorced, but Herculanilla for her spotted life towar­des him who was suspected to woorke the destruction of his life, was put from him, after all these hee maryed wyth like vnfortunate estate Valeria Messalina, Messalina. by her in myserable estate was the Romaine Empyre. In the dayes of this Mes­salina, although so folishe a Prince, suche a meacocke, suche a coward of stomake, for want of wit so folishe, for knowledge, so ignorantlye gouerned, yet wanted hee not crueltye, moued thereto by Messalina and other, Messalina. who ruled him: all abhomi­nation, whoredome, bloudsheding, iniuryes, toke place by his follye: The Courte of Tiberius. his wyfe Messalina made his courte and Pallace a place of baudrye, of all vncleanes, the wyfe and seruauntes, ruled to theyr pleasure, profite, and aduauncement: no time hath sheewed the like beastlye behauiour, as in the dayes of this Emperour: his euill officers were not withoute cause glad that theyr chiefe Prince, and gouernour wanted stoute courage to beare the stroke & swaye in gouernmente, he wan­ted wysedome, learninge and knowledge: for in a Prince, stoutnes▪ and valiant stomacke are necessarye to commaunde in, els the multitude lacketh obediēce, and the life, maners, & conditions are dissolute of them, a Prince muste be both fea­red and loued, Feare. workinge with equitye and iudgemente: It was right well to be thought, Loue. that this Emperour Tiberius [Page] folishe and hauinge no regarde of the common wealthe: that his officers whom he put in office vnder him woulde yll go­uerne the Romaine Empyre with vertue and godlynes, but rarely, or neuer it happeneth in a Region, Countrye, or com­mon wealthe to be sincerely gouerned where y e Prince is not worthely instructed of himselfe, nor inclined by nature or stu­dye, to wisedome, godly pollicies, & coūsayle. Theyr subiects wilbe as Princes to rayse vnto themselues peculiar profite, priuate aduauncement, segniorye, & encrease of reuenewes, they wyshe a continuance of such estate, wherein they with all securitye may enriche themselues, such were the officers vn­der Claudius Drusus: Felix. as Polibus, Felix, Possideus, and Pal­las, Felix who was made liefetenaunte and chiefe Captayne ouer his Legions. Possideus. Possideus his eunuche was in hye repu­tacion with him, as one that was chiefe partaker of his victo­ris: Polubus. Polubus was placed in the middest of his Consulles, but Narcissus passed them all, Narcissus. who was this Emperours Secre­torye, for he was maister ouer his Lord. Pallas. Pallas puffed with pride, by sumptuous apparell whiche hee woare by his office beinge Pretor, was made so riche that hee made his Lorde a pore Emperour, whervppon a rumor commonlye wente on him, and as it were a nippinge taunte that Claudius Tiberi­us coulde not want treasure, if he mighte be receiued into the societye of his officers.

And now as concerninge Messalina, Messalina. who was so beastlye that she vsed her adulterous lust openlye, for the which abho­minable facte many good men withdrewe themselues, from thence and therefore they were murthered. Messalina kin­deled with greater crueltye did allure by force noble women of Rome, that were maryed, and maydens who by her wyll and commaundement were apparelled and tyred as harlots, and were constrayned to do that which nature abhorreth, & shamefastnes closeth in sylence to vtter, if it so happen that a­ny good man or well affected matrone did abhorre and detest that villanye, The beastlye life of Messa­lina. a cryme was forged and crueltye was sheewed without mercye vppon theyr familye, wyfe and goodes.

Messalina rulinge Tiberius thought that she mighte so con­tinue [Page 35] rulinge him: but Tiberius knowinge her follye mur­thered her, hee made a promise, vppon protestation (because so greate was his misfortune by mariage) to remaine in sin­gle life, who if he should mary at anye time woulde not refuse to dye at theyr handes, but that continued not, for he was im­mediatlye allured with the loue of Petina. Petina. Lollia Paul­ina wonne also his loue, Lollia Pauli­na. but with these he maryed not. Agrippi­na wonne his fauoure to marrye with him, thoughe against the consent of the Senate, incest marryages were permitted by him, because he might the more quietlye enioye her whom manye denyed, these were his children whiche hee had by his thre wyues: Drusus. Of Herculanilla he begat Drusus and Claudia, Claudia. of Petina hee begat Anthonia, Anthonia. of Messalina hee begat Octa­uia, whiche Octauia was after marryed to Nero sonne to A­grippina his stepsonne. Octauia. In the ende of his life by reason of his vexatiō in sickenes he was minded many times to slea him selfe. The qualites of Tiberius. He was riotous and geuen to all excesse in banke [...]inge, litle sleape sufficed him, verye studious in dyceplayinge, and so excellinge in the same, that he made a Booke of that arte, which dyceplaye came first from the inuention of the idle Ly­dians. Dyce playe. This Tiberius was cruell by nature, bloudye in all his doinges, so fearefull that hee woulde assaye to goe to no place but he would sende forth spyes to searche and viewe the place, Mistrust in tyrantes. they also whiche wayted on him were as souldiours in the fielde armed, such was his feare, lighte of credite, where­by manye were murthered by him, full of forgetfulnes, euen towarde those that he murthered, forgettinge what hee had commaunded to be done of theym, as of Messalina beinge slayne through forgetfulnes after death hee asked for her, Forgetful­nes. as he did the like of manye other.

This Tiberius was well broughte vp in learning, who in no parte framed himselfe to do what good education did nurter him in, hee repented him at the last of the maryage of Agrip­pina hauinge no sonne by her, hee repented that hee made Nero his adopted sonne, longe after as it shoulde seeme ha­uinge a foreshewe of death, Repentance. hee made his Testamente: before hee finished other thinges which hee determined, for Agrip­pina [Page] his wyfe preuented him wyth poyson, but his death was not knowen vntill such time as Nero the sonne of Agrippina was knowen to succede, he dyed in the thirde Ides of Octo­ber, Afinius Marcellus, Aulius Auiola beinge Consulles, when hee was threescore and fower yeares of age, the fouretene yeare of his raigne. A blasinge starre ap­peared before his death, and diuers other thinges happened, and of all estates at that time ma­nye dyed aswell of noble peares, as of other. (⸫)

Domitius Nero.

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DOmitius Nero was the sonne of Domitius E­nobarbus, Agrippina was his mothers name, Agrippina. whiche Agrippina was the wyfe of Claudius Tiberius Drusus the Emperour before whom shee poysoned, and murthered his children, to make this Nero Emperour. This Nero was borne ix. mo­nethes before Tiberius dyed, in the xviii. of the kalendes of Ianuarye, euen at the sonne rysinge. As concerninge his byrth straunge it was, that whereas Nero beinge borne, ma­nye with frendly gretinges reioysed and saluted his father, but Enobarbus sayde: Neque quidquam ex se & Agrippi­na [Page 36] nasci potuisse nisi detestabile, & malo publico. Nothing surely cold be borne of him and of Agrippina, A prophesye▪ vppon Nero but that which is detestable, and a decaye of a publike wealth, an ill Prophe­sye of y e father vppon his owne sonne, but afterwardes Rome felt him, Detestabile, & malo publico, both detestable and a destroyer of the common wealth. Straunge thinges hap­pen of Princes both in theyr byrth and death, Why strange thinges hap­pen in the birth & deathe of Princes. and not without cause seinge that on them mightye Regions depende, and as they gouerne, so the frame sometime of a whole world is ru­led, God not without cause in them alone by straunge signes and by diuers wonders, foresheweth eyther maruailous suc­cesse or monsterous enterprises, and therefore by good reason the good Prince aboue all other, The good Prince. is behelde and loked at, as a perfecte myrrour and similitude of God, as by maners so by estate, on the earthe as a God rulinge. The wicked Prince thoughe in like estate gouerninge, The wicked prince. yet his maners the contra­ry do worke, and contrary successe pulleth downe his estate, ouerwhelmeth his kingdome, good thinges alwayes fore­shew of good Princes, of their race, of theyr gouernment and of an happye continuinge estate, monstrous are those whiche are foresheewed of monstrous Princes, A foreshew for Princes. as the Chronicles do shewe at large of many. This Claudius Nero the eleuenth yeare of his age, was made adoptiue sonne to Claudius, and at the same instante geeuen ouer to Annius Seneca, Annius Se­neca. whoe was a Senator both wyse and graue, singularlye learned, whose excellent Tragedies for worthye argumente, and sen­tence, do excell. It is sayde of Lactantius Firmianus, that Paule the holy Apostle wrote to learned Seneca as concer­ninge Nero, Paule. the first night that he was geeuen ouer to the tui­cion of Seneca. Seneca y e sa [...]e night by a vysion in a dreame sawe that Nero did seeme in wordes to cōmaunde the Empe­rour: Nero. wherein he noted his beastly behauior in time to come. Seneca bestowed much care and diligence to frame so monste­rous a nature into an excellent parsō worthy to rule, Seneca. but edu­catiō toke small effecte in him, whē opportunitye was geuen that his nature might shewe frelye what hee was, for a king­dome beinge a free estate, geueth many occasions vnto y e wan­ton [Page] & dissolute natures to followe theyr inclynation, though otherwise y e godly, by theyr tutors education do alter & turne theyr lewde affection. Certaine Chroniclers do write that as concerninge the gouermente of Nero for fiue yeares space, he excelled in all vertues. Traianus. Traianus a godlye Emperour after Nero, was wont to saye: that there was no Prince like in go­uernment to Nero for fiue yeares space, a lamentable case y t a Prince for gouernmente famous, Nero. for life vertuous, and well learned, that so sone in fiue yeres space, both vertue & godlye lyfe shoulde cease in him, and horrible vices to raigne in theyr places, and whereas before he was a light to all Princes for his gouernment, now a life most beastlye chaungeth him frō a worthye man, Why Princes ought to liue warelye. to a brutishe beaste, from a Prince and chiefe gouernour, to a bondslaue, daungerous is that estate and full of perill wherein dignitye shall so exalte that, excepte the go­uernor daily do liue warely and circumspectly, obliuion will sone cast him downe from knowledge of himselfe: Such is y e brittle estate of kingdomes. All kindes of villanye and cru­eltye hee exercised, Nero. Tauernes and quaffinge houses was hys delighte to haunte, and also to vse lighte companye, murthe­ringe as many as happened to meete him, beinge armed with his beastly follye, and beinge thereby in perill of his life day­lye, his follye so encreased, and his beastlye life, that he raui­shed Ruberia a certaine mayde professing chastitye to Vesta. Ruberia. He would haue maryed Acten who was made of a bonde wo­man a free, Acten. and also would haue forced certaine Senators by othe to foreswere them selues, and to say that she was discen­ded of a kings bloud, but that would not be. Against nature he would haue framed Sporus his eunuche out of kinde to be a woman, Sporus. and would haue maryed him, wherevppon this ru­mor went, It had bene better with the estate of Rome, if his father Domitius had had suche a wyfe, meaninge that then this wicked and beastly Noro had neuer bene borne, be deflied his owne mother hauinge no consideration of his owne kin­dred neither respecte of any other, Nero. in continuance hee grewe so full of follye, that he himselfe as Sardanapalus was wonte to do that voluptuous Prince of Thassirians, was tyred as [Page 37] Virgins are when they marrye, and for that cause he called the assemble of y e Senate, who as it seemed durst do no other, but geeue eare vnto his follye, and to seeme contente there­with, by holdinge theyr peace, for therein they thought more wisedome to kepe secrete & as to seeme not to know the great follye of so beastly a Prince with whom, godly counsayle and profitable perswasions could nothinge availe: Tyrantes. Besydes this he added more beastlines, he vsed to cladde himselfe with the skinne of a beast, and beastly did vse that, Nero. which nature remo­ueth from sighte, and as he defiled himselfe with his mother Agrippina, so he killed her immediatlye, & euen as Clytem­nestra murtheringe her husbande, was murthered by her sonne Orestes, euen so Agrippina murthering Claudius her husbande, Bloudy end. was at the lengthe at the handes of Nero in like sort murthered, The secrete counsaile of God. so by one meanes or other God permitteth a­waye and rayseth vppe those whiche are leaste thoughte of to scourge y e wicked, he rewarded very vertuously his Schole­master Seneca beinge a Senator not for any desarte in trans­gressinge the Lawes of the Romaine Empyre, but because wyth chastisemente and correction while age and tyme suffe­red he did force him to learninge and vertuous life, Nero. but now he sheeweth what a cruell hart, what beastlye conditions his childishe body harboured, that which the feare of the rodde, the awe of Scholemaster repressed, nowe the free state of life setteth out in him at large and pictureth him in his owne na­ture & proper conditions, Seneca. y e reward of Seneca must be death, because he taught him vertue, and hee loued vyce: wherevp­pon Seneca finding so cruel a iudge, desyered his owne death, who dyed in a bathe, his vaynes beinge cutte: his death was easye thoughe the iudgement cruell, no doubt but that Sene­ca made longe protestation, of his trauaile and diligence be­stowed in the education of him: for the whiche rather there was cause of aduauncement to honour in Seneca, Nero. then so cru­ell a sentence to procede from so bloudy a tyrante. No estate of life is so necessary, no state for worthynes so profitable, The state of the Schole­master. to all partes of the common wealth as the state of the Schole­master is, he beinge of good life and well learned, for euen as [Page] good education was the first cause that made brutishe people cyuill, the fierce, meeke, the foolishe wyse, the ignorante lear­ned. Education. Euen so continually the same education preserueth men in that good estate to knowe God, to learne wisedome, and to excell in all excellencye of arte, where otherwyse it could not but followe, that the posteritye woulde be as brutishe in time to come, as that these ornamentes and giftes of God had ne­uer bene: Learninge. For by learninge, the Prince himselfe, his nobles & pieres do knowe God, and in theyr estate are taught to rule y e populous, rashe, and heedelesse multitude to obeye, onlye by learninge pollitike lawes, Learninge. godlye gouernmente, wyse & sage counsaylours are made: and yet of all estates moste thancke­lesse is that office, least accepted and commonlye iniuriouslye rewarded. There was no vyce to be named that he wanted, as he was lasciuioūs so he was prodigall, hauinge no medio­critie in his expences, Caius. he praysed therefore his vncle Caius in that he had riotouslye spent the innumerable treasures of Ti­berius the Emperour in so short space. As hee was straunge and sumptuous in his apparel, for he neuer vsed to weare one garment twyse, Prodigalite. so manye other thinges also be receyued of his prodigalitye: More thinges of his murthers, and also of his beastlye pleasures, which to recite woulde be to tedious, some also of his maners, it is better to couer with sylence, thē to make manifest to all men by wrytinge. Nero. Domitius Nero maryed two wyues besides Octauia, one was called Poppea Sabina, and also Statilia Messalina who had murthered their husbandes, Murther. and them also at lengthe he murthered, and suche as were of his kinred he also slewe, his insolencye was suche, that no meane obserued, no estate spared, but whom beastlye Iust affected, Tyrannye. them he spoyled of life: He burned also (through follye with his owne handes) many houses and streates of the Cittie of Rome, sayinge the fashion of the houses and the by lanes lyked him not, many thinges were written in lattine & Greeke, and openlye set forth of him in these wordes:

Nero alter orestes, Nero. matricida, nouus sponsus. Nero propri­am matrem occidit. With many other thinges. At the same time a Comette or blasinge starre appeared, the which Nero [Page 38] beinge not ignorante of, what it commonly did foreshew, fea­red his owne estate mistrusted his owne life, A Comete. for as Pontanus wryteth. Ventorum quoque certa dabunt tibi signa, cometae, illae etiam belli motus fera (que) arma minantur, mag­norum & clades populorum, & funera regum, aquarū sig­nificāt penuriam. Comets (sayth he) do geue certaine sig­nes of stormye wyndes, cruell and bloudye warres, a slaugh­ter of people, death of kinges, and scarsitye of water.

Lucan writinge of the warres of Pompeie and Caesar, Comets. shee­weth in Verse that Comets, Sunt magnorum Regum fata­lia signa: Comets (sayth hee) be the deadlye signes of Kin­ges, for immediatlye after they were seene, Pompeie dyed, and Caesar dyed, and the most of the nobility of Rome, as the Historyes of those times do note. Of late dayes after y e death of Edward the sixte, in the first yeare of the raigne of Queene Marye, a blasinge starre appeared, but what terrible things hath followed, what chaunge of kingdomes, and what death of Princes? Comets. two Emperours haue dyed since, Fraunce loste two kinges, many other Regions had by death lacke of their Princes, what plagues besides hath happened in other Re­gions, what bloudshed by deadlye hatred of ambitious Prin­ces? As concerninge the blasinge starre, Nero seekinge to put the mischiefe from himselfe, as sone as he learned of one Babilus (beinge experte in Astrologye) that these Comets did signifye the lamentable estate of some Princes, Babilus. he there­vppon put to deathe the mightiest and the moste noblest in the Romaine Empyre, Man purpo­seth and God disposeth. but his pollicyes preuented not deathe, for immediatlye after, his lamentable life caught a lamenta­ble death. After that Nero had raigned xiiii. yeares through his ill gouernment he was neglected, the fauour of people de­clyned from him, Vertue. as vertue kindeleth l [...]ue, so vice moueth ha­tred, Vice. the prouince of Fraunce fell from him, and many other Regions: it was also foreshewed by the Astronomers, that Nero should cease shortly from his estate. Immediatlye vp­pon that Spayne shranke from him and theyr Captaine Gal­ba was vsurpinge: Galba. Which thinge as sone as Nero hearde of, as a mad man depriued of witte and sences, rentinge his clo­thes, [Page] beatinge himselfe sayd: that he was vndone, whose la­mentable estate manye did seeke to ease by comfortable per­swasions: sayinge, this was no newe and straunge thinge, for y e like happeneth dailye to all Princes: but Nero aunswe­red the like happened to no Prince, for he lyuinge should lease his kingdome. For all this his bloudye harte ceased not to worke his pretenced mischiefe, he went about to poyson all y e Senate in bankets, Nero. to destroy by fyer the Cittie, and by cru­ell beastes to deuoure them. Night by night, hee was trou­bled with terrible dreames, A dreame. in a vision it seemed to him that he gouerninge a shippe, the tacle of it was taken from him by violence, and himselfe drawen of Octauia his wyfe whom hee murthered before into a darcke dungion, another time hee dreamed that he was couered with an infinite nomber of an­tes: and many other thinges besydes happened vnto him ter­rible both in vision and dreames, his estate afterwarde decli­ned, his power decayed, there was no frende to defende him, his beastly life, The feare of tyrantes. his bloudye slaughters vexed his conscience, which put him from all hope, often times he had in minde to flea himselfe, Galb [...] and hyde him for feare of Galba, who sought to displace him, what with feare and myserye and hunger this newe vnaccustomed life pearsed him, Myserye. so that hee was compel­led for thyrst to drincke the filthye puddle water, and sayde with lamentable voyce: An haec Neronis decocta, what is Nero come to this to eate of such brothe, he wāted his Prince­lye bedde, his cloake was his pallet, and strawe his pillowe. The Senate of Rome did determine that Nero shoulde be whipped to deathe with roddes, accordinge to the olde vsage of theyr auncestours, his necke yoaked with a forke. Nero se­inge himselfe forsaken of all his frendes, at midnighte depar­ted out of the Cittie, Ephannius & Epaphroditus waytinge on him, with Neophitus and Sporus. This was the ende of Nero, tremblinge he thrust himselfe through with his owne sworde, his wicked man Sporus did thruste for warde his sha­kinge hande, and beinge not all deade a chiefe Captayne of Galba comminge to him fayninge by wordes to haue come to helpe him sayde: The sayinge of Nero. Sero, & haec est fides: to late (sayth Nero) [Page 39] who shoulde a man trust? meaninge by Galba who hauinge the chiefe gouernment vnder him did shrincke from him, and so he dyed hauinge his funerall without any pompe: when he was but a childe, hee was excellentlye trayned vp in all lear­ninge, a good Poete but euillye he vsed the same, being a wic­ked Prince was desirous of fame in tytlinge his name to ma­nye things. Neronius. He called the moneth of Aprill Neronius: Rome also hee woulde haue called Neropolis, that is, the Cittie of Nero, as at this daye Constantinople is called by the name of Constantine Emperoure, whiche is as muche to saye in Greeke as the cittye of Constantyne. Hee was withoute all Religion and feare of God, The first par­secution of y e Christians. tormentinge cruellye the Chris­tians, puttinge there to death Peter and Paule. He dyed the xxxii. yeare of his age the same daye that hee murthered sometime his wyfe Octauia, but Vologesus the kinge of the Parthians as it seemeth, Vologesus. loued him in his life, when as in death he had more care of him then the Romaines, with whō he gouerned: He sente Embassadours desyringe lysence to e­recte to him a monumente, but all countreyes and pro­uinces that were in the iurisdiction of the Romaine Empyre, did so much reioyse of this wicked Nero his deathe, that they all did put on theyr top­pinge tanke hattes, The death of Nero. (which bonde men do vse to weare when they be set at liberty) and so they triumphed of his death beinge deliuered from so wic­ked a tyraunte. (⸫)

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THis Sergius Galba descended from the noble house of the Sulpitians, who raig­ned but seuen monethes and seuē dayes, Ambition. beinge of no aliance or kindred vnto Ne­ro, but commonlye as couragious sto­mackes ambitiously minded, do alwayes by diuers perswasions moue, & procure to subuert the estate of the lawfull Prince: Euen so the wic­ked Galba not content with his estate, not by vertue, or good consideration, was moued to seeke innouation and change of this estate in Nero, but was wickedlye also in hart disposed, of life also beastly, and sought as wicked men do, to catche to himselfe an estate more mightye, to a name more glorious, & to haue a tytle of greater worthynes, but sone his estate and title fell who so vniustlye for ambition sake and degree of ho­nour displaced his maister and Emperour Nero: Ambition. Ambitious heades are beaten with stormye blastes, they liue and dye vngloriouslye that subuerte the estate of anye Prince, yea thoughe it be of the most wicked, neyther haue they securitye of estate, The ende of ambitious heades. or continuance that by false meanes and bloudy fac­tes do ascende to honour: who so readeth the whole Chroni­cles, euen from the beginninge of Thassyrian Empyre, let him note the Persian kingdomes, and reade of the Greekes, and so ende with the Romaynes: way also the Chronicles of other Princes and estates of time: And this shalbe founde a truthe, a historye moste certaine: Waye the Chronicles of [Page 40] Fraunce from Faramundus the first kinge, Carolus Cal­uus. to Carolus Cal­uus, from Carolus Caluus to Pipinus, from Pipinus to these dayes: Brutus. Cōsider also our noble Island of Britaine, from Bru­tus to Cadwallader, note the estate of the Saxon Princes euē to these dayes, Ambition. and you shall finde y e like successe of kingdome, the like estate of Princes, and fall of ambitious heades.

Sergius Galba in like sort framed the kingdome to himselfe, & so in like wyse ended it: Galba succeded Nero descendinge of a noble house and was borne, Marcus Valerius Messala, and Gneius Lentulus beinge Consulles, in the ix. kalendes of Ia­nuary neare to Terrachina, hee was made the adoptiue sonne to his stepmother, & was called by the name of Liuius, which name he kept vntill he became Emperour, and he was called Lucius for Sergius, Lucius. it is sayd that Augustus the Emperour, ( Sergius beinge but a childe, in the companye of other chil­dren) saluted him, Augustus takinge him by the cheeke said: Et tu fili imperio nostro cresce, A Prophesy. And thou sonne growe vppe to rule this kingdome, the which thinge Augustus knewe by this meanes: The graunde father of Sergius in a greate tem­pest of lightninge, as his office was in sacrifice, makinge ex­piation: an Eagle flewe vnto him and caughte the sacrafice from his handes, and caryed it to an oake. Talke then wente: Summum sed serum imperium portendi familiae sue: That is, the Empyre should fall to some one y t shall discende of his familye or noble house though longe after: his graund father smylinge sayd: Mules. Cum mula pepererit: That is, when a Mule shall haue a foale: meaninge thereby neuer: As Aristotle & Plinne, both shew causes that by naturall course, barrennes is founde to be in them: but the Chronicles do shewe diuerse times the contrarye, but in maner of a wonder. For Hero­dotus sheweth that at the same time, Cyrus. when Cyrus the kinge of the Persians did winne the mighty Cittye Babilon, a mule broughte forthe a foale: At suche times as wonders be fore­shewed, beastes haue broughte forthe creatures of contrarye kinde, as at the destruction of Hierusalem many like strange thinges appeared, a sheepe to bringe forthe a calfe, not so straunge then a Mule a foale, though commonlye nature de­nyeth [Page] it. Arcadia. Yet Theophrastus affyrmeth that in Arcadia Mu­les commonly haue theyr foales. Galba bearing in minde the Eagles flight, Fonde Pro­phesyes a­monge the Romaynes. and the aunswere of his graundfather, did the more bodlye assaye that enterprise, because hee doubted not of the enterpretation of that wonder. In the ende it happe­ned that Galba aspyred to the Empyre, his education was sin­guler, in all liberall artes and sciences very studious, especi­allye in the ciuil lawe. As sone as hee came to age and rype to mariage, Lepida. he toke to him Lepida, which Lepida dyinge and leauinge to Galba two children, he remayned the reste of his life without mariage, as concerning what degree & estate he passed in Rome by office it were tedious to scite: but nothing was done of him before he came to be Emperour, but y e equi­ty, Ambition ro­teth out ver­tue. iustice, clemēcy, vpright dealing maistered his affections: He ruled Affrica and Aquitania, Germany also by his office obeyed him, & noble fame by worthines then bruted him: but afterward these thinges ceased in him: for wysedome follye, for vertue vice, for famous actes, ignomye, longe hee ruled not, and many things happened which foreshewed his death. This Galba was accompted in life a glotton, geeuen ouer wholly to bellye cheare, to immoderate excesse of eating and drincking, to beastly life so excessiuelye to serue the bellye, as beastes, whom nature hath framed, to the earth onlye lyuing to eate, seruinge the bellye, obeyinge with luste and pleasure altogether the same. The Emperour Galba was ruled al­wayes in all thinges by the counsayle of three whom hee en­tyrelye beloued Iulius, Iulius Cor­nelius. Cornelius, and Celius, in so muche y t in his Pallace and all places els, Celius. these thre were called ( Gal­ba his scholemaisters) because as it seemeth hee woulde at­tempte nothinge without the counsaile and procuremente of them: No doubt but that the Empyye of Rome was in my­serable estate when the Emperour was ignorante, The happye gouernment in a wyse Prince. howe to beare Dominion and regimente: Sildome times they had fortunate successe in theyr enterprises, when the witte, polli­cye, counsaile, and sure affiance of the Emperour did depend vppon the wittie conueyance, and pollicy of his counsellours, who in his princelye affayres, ought to be inferiour to no coū ­sellour, [Page 41] in vertue, learninge, pollicye and counsaile. In our Englishe Chronicles it is most manifest in Henry the fift his dayes, Henrye the fifte. what fortunate successe hee had in his kingdome, with what conquest of other Realmes, how in glory and felicitye, hee triumphed against his ennemyes? the Scottes and the French men were ouerthrowne by him: theyr Realmes and Dominiōs spoyled: The wyse Prince. he beinge Crowned in Paris. This Hē ­ry had coūsaile, wisedome & pollicye in himselfe to atcheiue a­ny enterprise, he was a kinge ouer his people, & both dreaded and beloued, and also a counseller to his counsailours, of a Princelye harte, feared without bloudshed, wittelye & with a dreaded maiesty he aunswered theyr Embassages, they more desyrous of his absence then couetinge his presence, but then afterwarde in his sonnes dayes (which was Henry the sixte) who was a Prince of no courage, Henry the vi. of small pollicye, in coun­sayle to worke and conueye, his great enterprises wanted sto­make to commaunde: his domesticall gouernment was may­med at home, & for lacke of courage put out of his kingdome, throwne into the Tower and there ended his life. Henrye y e vii. Henry the seuenth a Prince of greate wysedome, in how great felicitye was his kingdome, the Prince himselfe endued with all coū ­sayle, whose breaste was full of knowledge: singularlye lear­ned, graue, constant in his doinges, that his enemyes feared him for his vertues, his subiectes loued him at home, in all Regions he was commended, and of al famous Princes wel liked. Henry y e viii. Henry the viii. deseruinge perpetuall fame of memo­rye to whom neyther Achilles, Galba, Epaminondas, ney­ther Sarpedon the mightye, neyther Caesar, nor Pompeie, for suche matters as he for the estate of his kingdome atchie­ued, Fraunce. might be compared: For as Fraunce recordeth his mar­tiall enterprises, Scotlande. so Scotlande hath not forgot his victoryes: hee in all partes directed his princely hart to vertuous vsage, and clemencye, with all bounteousnes rewarded theyr nobi­litye, bestowing vppon them Princely giftes, Scottes. and large pen­tions, but they falsely misused so royall a harte, like periured truse breakers, as witnesseth their kinge Iemye, whose bones lyeth here, King Iemy. a perpetuall memorye of the same: but sithens y t [Page] time manye like sleightes and false conueyances haue beene wroughte of the Scottes towards the Princes of this lande.

Kinge Iemye mighte well haue be contente with his owne lande, rather then periured of his sacrede othe and pro­mise of a Prince, The othe of a Prince. which ought to be inuiolable, in the absence of our noble gouernour to seeke innouatiō, to make an vprore and moue sedition, the Prince beinge absente: hee soughte to winne all, but he lost his life, he purchased hatred, perpetuall ignominye to himselfe and to his Realme, not thoughte wor­thye of buriall, A Scotishe Prophesye. his false Prophesye deceyued him, Ibis, redi­bis, non sed in bello peribis: His body beinge founde deade, a fayre Agathe of gold was founde about his necke with these wordes in lattine: Nulli seruire cupiat, qui sui dominus esse possit. He that maye be his owne man, and liue at his owne will, let him be a seruaunt to no man: A sentence meete for a Prince. And he that will liue of his owne, let him not [...]eeke vnlawfull meanes to spoyle from other. Galba. Galba likewise vn­iustlye seekinge, (being a subiecte) to put downe his maister Nero was at the length (rulinge but seuen monethes and se­uen dayes) murthered, great was his cōmendation for war­fare, if he had well vsed himselfe, great was his prayse in go­uernment before he was Emperour, wherevppon he coulde not so sone enter his pauilion or tente, but immediatly a voice was hearde commonly: Disce militare miles, hic est Galba, non Getulicus, learne to be a warriour, for this is valiante Galba not Getulicus whiche name was geuen to the laste Tiberius, Galba. who was a foolishe man withoute stomacke.

Galba had valiantnes and strength of bodye, but strengthe of bodye withoute wisedome, is as armor to a madde man, as Isocrates wryteth therof to kinge Demonicꝰ sildome times also valiantnes and wysedome are possessed in one bodye, for both Aiax and Hector wanted the wysedome of Vlisses, Wisedome. and the graue counsaile of Nestor: & so did Diomedes also, Sar­pedon the mighty, Valiantnes. Paris the beautifull, and lustye Troilus. Galba althoughe by nature he was framed to all excellencye in feates of warre, wysedome & pollicy, yet lacked he the dis­cretiō to gouerne, Galba. he was murthered at y e length at a certaine [Page 42] lake called Curcius, of his men of warre, who when they ranne vppon him violently, he said: Ego vester sum, vos mei, I am your gouernour, & you my people, but nothinge per­swaded them, certaine Germaynes full willinglye woulde haue holpen him, but they came to late, to whom as it seemeth he shewed himselfe a mercifull Prince. Galba being deade a certaine meane souldiour cut of his heade & brought it Otho who vsurped vppon Galba, and dyed afterwarde violentlye as Galba did, Of ambition the frutes. for he killed himselfe. Well, the head of Gal­ba beinge brought to Otho, he gaue it to his blacke guarde, who takinge it on a speare, caryed it about the Tentes with mockinge and spitefull woordes, makinge an exclamacion or shoute: Galba cupide fruaris etate tua. Galba well haue you wished longe life and well might you fare, whiche scoffe and tauntinge wordes rose herevppon, that he being praysed of a certaine man for his bodye being in well lykinge, & of goodly complexion, and though aged, yet lustye and full of strength: Galba made aunswere, thoughe I be well striken in age, yet strengthe fayleth me not. This he woulde speake in his life time. This Galba was of a goodlye sta­ture, bauld, his eyes somewhat grene of colour, houke nosed, his handes and feete croked by a longe ioynte sickenes, hee was seuentye and three yeares of age when he dyed, rulinge seuen monethes and seuen dayes. (⸫)

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SIluius Otho, a man discended of noble bloude, and from the Princes of Hetru­ria, his graundfathers name was Marcus Siluius Otho, a knight of Rome, his mother was but of meane parentes, his fathers name was Lucius Otho, whose mother did lyneallye discende from aun­cestours of hye nobilitye, this Lucius Otho was not vnlike to Tiberius the Emperour, for manye by Phisiognomye and stature of bodye, affyrmed him to be y e sonne of Tiberius. Siluius Otho. This Siluius Otho, whom nowe I in­treate of as Emperoure succeaded Sergius Galba, not by right succession or by merite, whereby he could challenge any such thinge, neyther yet throughe any famous enterprise that might inflame the hartes of the wyse, and graue Senatours towards him, but by the rashe and brutishe fauoure of y e men of warre, who more by will, then by counsaile, more by rashe and vnaduised meanes, then by wittye perswasions, disposed that estate, not beinge meete for euery parson, nor for euerye one that is by bloude noble, since onlye the worthy in life, the parson renowmed by desarte of worthye fame meritethe to possesse and enioye, the Scepter, power, and aucthoritye of so highe an office. The seate of Princes. So thestate of kingdomes is tossed from the worthye to the vnworthye, from noble to base, from base to meane, & from meane returneth againe to noble: The childe enioyeth sometime not beinge rype of yeares, the throne and [Page 43] Scepter of the hore heared Prince, and greate and mightye thinges God suffereth to be compassed and wrought in suche weake bodies of witte, not rype for counsaile throughe theyr tender yeares, and wher as kingdomes haue fallen frō migh­tye Princes, vnto women, God hath so wrought for them, y t the puisante kinges in their gouernment haue dreaded them, yea large and mighty haue beene theyr victoryes, Women. their tytles famous, theyr name in perpetuall memory, so it is that where strength is not loked for, nor stomacke by force to cōmaunde, yet by the prouidence of God, alwayes the most mighty haue geuen place to the weake, & the furious & couragious Prin­ces haue bene at a becke, Alexander. ready to serue them, (except Alex­der.) Who euer entered so farre into India? who did more valiantlye in Ethiopia? Who with greater felicity hath as­sayed so great thinges? & for successe obtayned like victories? as Semiramis the wyfe of Ninus the first? Semiramis. who ruled xlii. yea­res after Ninus, beinge a woman, in the apparell of a man, causinge one kinde of attyre commonly to be vsed amonge all Thassyrians: and as it appeareth by many Histories of great antiquitye, no counsailour of Assyria passed her in pollicye, no meanes wāted in her to inuente, to assaye great and migh­tye thinges, and so greate, as that the posteritye followinge, did wonder of the same, and this present age as thinges most maruailous do behold them. Kingdome. What be kingdomes? of what force be the mighty Princes, where God geeueth not successe to theyr enterprises? Alexander. Alexander was farre inferiour for wisedome, for pollicye, for graue and profounde knowledge vnto Iulius Caesar, Iulius Caesar. to Augustus, to Hanniball, and Scipio: yet how inferiour were theyr actes, Augustus. the successe of their enter­prises, Hanniball. and tytle of conquest to Alexander? Darius the wise Prince of Persia to whom God had geuen wisedome and va­liantnes, Scipio. contemninge the yonge age of Alexander, Darius. by an E­pistle admonished him to leaue of his bragging toyes & chil­dish boastinges: thinking it a thinge impossible Alexāder to ouercome him, he made no accompt of Alexander, but in the ende he was content to geue a great part of his? Dominiō euē vnto the floude Euphrates, and his daughter to wyfe: but A­lexander [Page] refused the offer, seekinge to haue Darius seconde to him: in the ende Darius was put to flighte, his kingdome possessed of Alexander, his wife and children taken, & in flight he was murthered, Bessus. not of Alexāder, but of Bessus, who was chiefe vnder him: finallye his estate wholye thus did decline. As concerninge the Amazones, The Amaz [...] ­nes. howe farre stretched theyr kingdome? what mightye Citties builded they? and what great conflictes had they with Princes? and what ouerthro­wes did they geue them? And as they w t diuers others mar­uailouslye beyonde all expectacion haue rysen sodainlye vnto great fame, Man purpo­seth, God dis­poseth. Dominion and power, through the fall & ruine of other, whom God would not permit lenger to gouerne, e­uen so contrarye to the expectation of all men succeaded this Otho Siluius, a man farre vnmete, and not thought of y e Ro­maynes worthye to possesse that estate. To make a full dis­course of him, Otho. Otho was borne the .iiii. kalendes of Maye in the Consulshippe of Camillus Aruntius, and Domitius Eno­barbus, euen from his first childhode vices had deepe roote in him, whose wicked and lewde disposition was oftentimes by his father recompensed with sharpe correction, who follow­inge voluptuousnes, ledde his life with a fine strumpet of Ne­roes Court, which was aged, in face olde wythered, and with vnpleasant and croked limbes maistered, by whose fauoure, acquaintance, and frendly entertainment, he was so accepta­ble and in such highe reputacion with the wicked Emperour Nero, as both his maners, his nature, and whole disposition, seemed to be framed as Nero himselfe was inured. Nero. Nero so well lyked the behauiour of Otho, that he made him priuie of his secrete villanyes and counsayles, and of the destruction of his mother Agrippina. Otho growing to lustye age bore great enuye and deadlye hatred against Galba, by whom Ne­ro losse his kingdome and dispayred of his life: but Otho Sil­uius wanted courage and hardye stomacke to assaye Galba, he hated Galba, Galba. but he dreaded him. Seleucus also a famous man in the Mathematicall sciences by a coniecturall natiui­tye, comforted Otho Siluius, and procured forwarde his co­wardlye harte perswadinge him not to feare Galba. Quippe [Page 44] audaces fortuna Iuuat timidosque repellit Aude, potenti esto animo. hoc fretus Galba Neronem deuicit. For (sayth hee) fortune exalteth the boulde venturour, and repelleth a cowarde: Galba beinge couragious, destroyed Nero: and thou procedinge prosperouslye shalt Galba subdue, Be bould therefore and assaye greater thinges, your natiuitye also gee­ueth fortunate successe: This one thinge moued Otho Sil­uius against Galba, for whereas he hoped to succede his heire by adoption, Piso was preferred before him, and therevppon immediatlye hee thoughte in his minde to kill Galba, Ambition. but Galba was well defended, and so wayted on, as that coward­lye Siluius durste not enterprise or make anye attempte, not longe after the souldiours of Germanye conspired on Vitel­lius syde, Murther re­compensed [...] murther. and daylye diuers conspiracyes were wroughte by them to bringe downe Otho: It was not for the Senators of Rome to make election, where so manye legions of wilfull heades armed shoulde geeue the choyse, the souldiours fell in contempt of Otho because hee was an vnmanlye Prince, for the Historye doth note, that if Otho should heare at any time terrible newes, of the dalefull and lamentable ende of Prin­ces, or of Captaynes, or meane souldiours, as the lamentable ende of Caslius and Brutus and of other, his faynte harte soū ­ded, and woulde be in an agonye: He neuer durste attempte anye enterprise against Galba, Cowardli­nes. but when he perceyued him to be as it were vanquished. Vitellius whom they in minde pre­ferred was more childishe then Otho, inferior in manlye cou­rage. Vitellius. But Otho seinge the whole ende of theyr conspiracye, for feare in the ende killed himselfe: For earlye in the mor­ninge hee did strike himselfe with a dagger vnder the lefte pappe, and beinge halfe aliue as the souldiours rushed into him, immediatlye dyed, who had his funerall at Veleterna, and dyed in the xxxviii. yeare of his age being a man of meane stature, Otho. baulde, weake legged, his face without heare, wan­ton in loke and effeminate: and hee enioyed the seate but .iiii. monethes. This Otho had diuers conflictes in battaile with the conspiratours of Vitellius who nexte succeded him: first at Placentia a Cittie in Liguria, afterwarde hee was o­uercome [Page] at a certaine towne in Italye lyinge betweene Cre­mona and Verona, and in the same place, hee ranne himselfe through with his owne sworde. Thus some wryte that some of his men of warre did so entyrelye loue him, as that manye of them murthered themselues when they saw his deade bodye. (⸫) [...] (⸫)

Aulus Vitellius.

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IVlius Caesar dyed by violent hande, Iulius Caesar. Octauius succeded Caesar, Octauius. with all royaltye gouerning, and his funerall likewyse solemnised: Tiberi­us succeaded Octauius, Tiberius. a wicked Prince. Ca­ligula killed Tiberius, Caligula. Caligula was slaine by the handes of Tiberius Drusus, Tiberius Drusus. who in his place gouerned. Nero by the meanes of Agrippina his mo­ther, who was wyfe to Tiberius Drusus (whom she poyso­ned) obtayned the Empyre. Nero. Galba displaced Nero, who ther­fore desperatly dyed: Galba. Galba gouerninge, Otho gaue him his deathes wounde. Otho succedinge: Vitellius in likewyse v­sed him, Otho. who vsurped but a shorte space, for his souldioures threwe him into y e floude Tiber. This Aulus Vitellius came from a noble lynage, Vitellius. his gouernment was short, cōtynuinge [Page 45] but viii. monethes, some saye that his progenye came from Faunus kinge of the Aborigines and Vitellia who was estee­med for a Goddes in manye places, of this is his progenye sayde to come, Cassius Se­uerus. eyther as Cassius Seuerus sayeth y t hee was a coblers sonne, and hee by arte a shomaker: This Vitellius was borne the viii. kalendes of October, or as some do saye: the vii. Ides of September, in the Consulshippe of Drusus Caesar, A vaine in­quisition. and Norbanus Flaccus. His father Lucius Vitellius, desired to knowe by calculation of his nauitye, the proufe, the maner of life, the disposition, ende and nature of his sonne, y e iudgement thereof sheewed a nature monstrous, a parsonne beastlye, and geuen to all wickednes, a scourge to Rome, a calamitye to his parentes, Petronius. hee maryed one Petronia a noble mans daughter, by whō he begat Petronius who was blinde of one of his eyes, Vitellius murthered his sonne. which Petronius after he murthered. Pe­tronia his wife dyinge, he maryed Galeria Fundana, by whō he had two children, a sonne and a daughter: his sonne by na­ture stutted and stāmered. As concerninge his gouernmente cruell it was, Crueltie. and so cruell as that he delighted not only in y e bloudsheddinge and cruell handelinge of his ennemye, but also of his owne subiectes whom he tormented and miserably vsed, wherevppon this cruell sentence was alwayes vsed of him: Optime olere occisum hostem, & melius Ciuem, The sauour (sayth hee) of an ennemye slaine, A bloudy sē ­tence. sauereth beste, but of a Citizen better: What coulde be more cruelly spoken? or what thinge can shew and vtter the hart of a tyrante more manifestlye? then that whiche in this sentence hee vttered: whose harte passed in all crueltye, whose lyfe for bloudye ty­rannye God shortened: his raigne was but viii. monethes, vnto whom if time, if successe, and oportunitye had beene of longe raigne left, he woulde haue made full slender the mul­titude of the Cittizens of Rome, and of those in all other pla­ces where he by aucthoritye held tyrannicall gouernmente, Euill Prin­ces. suche be those Princes, who neyther feare God, nor knowe themselues, Phalaris. the like was cruell Phalaris, Dionisius the ty­rante, Thiestes, Dionisius. & Atreus, Antiochus, Iulianus who was y e greate Apostata. Nero with Comodus, Decius and Domi­tianus. [Page] Godlye Princes who are endued with vertue, who also do beare a tender zeale to theyr kingdome, country, and common wealth: Godly Prin­ces. do with all gentlenes, with all clemencye and mercifull dealinge, intreate theyr subiectes. For cruelty in a Prince is contrary to lawe, contrary to iustice, it maketh him to be hated of his commons, Crueltye. weake against his ennemye, and contemned at home. The louinge and zelous subiecte as he loueth hartely, so he defendeth valiantly and stoutelye his gouernour: What be walles? of what force be towers and fortresses, Loue of sub­iectes. where lacke of harte in the subiecte worketh faint­lye? he neglecteth the Prince, an outwarde frende, but a se­crete ennemy, for surely where loue affecteth not the subiect, there the Prince and the kingdome is weake, his estate may­med, his common wealthe in ruine, his throne and Scepter fallinge: A weake kingdome. Such was the estate of Vitellius and also his ende, both Claudius Tiberius, Caligula, Tiberius Drusus, Nero, Galba, and Otho with tyrannye exercising theyr gouernmēt, were hated and detested, and dyed not onlye violently, but al­so lamentablye: where contrarilye godlye Princes dye wyth perpetuall fame of glorye and renowne, Godly Prin­ces. time forgetteth not theyr memorye, and the posterity commendeth it to allages. This Aulus Vittellius addinge no meane to crueltye, had so great delight in tyrannye, as that the murthers of them was sayde to delight his eyes, Tyrannye. and please his fantasy: as he would, so he commaunded, his will stode in all respectes for a lawe: As concerninge his adulterous luste with women, it was so beastly and so common, as y t shame forbiddeth to write there­of as for that which hee did against nature, it is not to be put in Chronicle. nor cōmonly to be redde, his violente death was prophesyed of, wherevppon he banished all those that profes­sed the science of Astrologye. After hee had ruled viii. mone­thes, this wickes Prince beganne to be contemned, his name and power weakened, his men of warre that came from Me­sia, & Pānonia, & they also that came by sea from Iurye and Syria, cōspired with Vespasianus who after succeded. Short was the raigne of Vitellius more dreaded, then loued, so God at a sodaine displaceth tyrantes and chaungeth theyr seate. Tyrantes.

[Page 46] Nowe Vitellius for all his beastlye gouernment, his cursed tyrannye, and discente from a noble house, geeueth place to Vespatianus, Vespatianus. who from a lowe and meane estate, ascended with all honour and famous actes vnto gouernment, beyond all expectation both in himselfe, Titus. and his sonne Titus Vespa­tianus, who gaue the ouerthrowe to the greate and mightye Cittye Hierusalem, Hierusalem. theyr famous and sumptuous Temple he destroyed, as afterwarde in theyr liues shalbe delcared. Vespasianus by this meanes (ayded with his men of warre) vanquished Vitellius. Vitellius was drawen out by them frō his Pallace and Courte, his handes bounde behinde him, and nowe feeleth tyrannye, Vitellius. beinge before tyme inferior to none in tyrannye, whose highe dignitye nowe ceased & name vndrea­ded, is mocked with the meaneste, and of abiecte persons not regarded: so God leaueth tyrauntes (who knowe not him) & they feele the stroke & power of him who geeueth aucthority to the mightiest: for by God onlye standeth y e kingdome of the Prince, his seate thereby florisheth, and his people throughe him prosper, hee is onlye the meanes that kingdomes moste brickle, continue not theyr estate, name or title, and that their progenye endure not, and that is sinne the cause. Vitellius without all shame, in this extremitye was nothing dismayed, but in the ende desperatly sought to kill himselfe, his clothes were rente from his bodye, so that hee was lefte halfe naked, no filthe wanted that was not cast vppon him, they drew him vnto the place from whence the bodyes of parsons condemp­ned, were throwne downe at Rome, & in that place where he commaunded Sabinus the brother of Vespasian to be put to deathe, Sabinus. so it came to passe that in the same place Vitellius a murtherer of other, Vitellius death. was thrust throughe with manye woundes, at the same time his brother and sonne dyed, hee being fiftye and seuen yeares of age, receiued his ende, The ende of a tyrante. who tyranniouslye had go­uerned, and shedde in that short tyme much bloude. ⸫

Vespasianus.

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THe Empyre of Rome beinge full of mu­tabilitye, hauing no permanent successi­on: Permanent succession, or kingdome of heritage. as kingdomes which descende by he­ritage, but many times according to the election of seditious heades and vnmete parsons, vnto some one the possession of that place and roume was geuen, Kingdome. which onlye vertue and worthines in actes merited. Nam virtus nobilitati locum, Vertue. & regibus solium distribuit: Vertue first gaue the title and place to nobilitye, True nobili­tye. and to kinges their sea­tes: For God of whom all excellencye is geuen, from whom all goodnes, all pure and sincere holynes floweth and proce­deth, only ordayned that Princes should gouerne the earthe, and beinge as chiefe vnder him, might rule the people: and also that they being highest in aucthority, Why kinges be most ho­noured. in all vertues most excellinge, directinge theyr estates and gouernment vnto iu­styce and equitye, should therefore be accompted as Gods vp­pon the earthe, and aboue all other creatures most honoured, wherefore godlye Princes the more that they excell in all in­tegretye, the greater theyr wysedome is, and moderation of life, the nearer they aspyre vnto God: The wicked Prince in­iuriously possesseth that estate of maiestye, The wicked Prince. where vertue doth not adorne the seate of the Prince. From Octauius, what beastlye gouernours haue helde in possession this Empyre? how hath the Empyre bene tossed by the gouernours? euery one of them throughe ambition and desyre to raigne, procu­cured [Page 47] one an others death, not regardinge how vniustly and wickedly they obtayned the same: Ambition. For rebellion placed Gal­ba, Rebellion. by rebellion Otho obtayned, by rebellion Vitellius suc­ceded, Tyr [...]ye. as theyr wicked enterprises are knowen, so theyr my­serable endes remayne, as brydles vnto all that desyre by ty­rannye to vsurpe. Vespasianus descendinge from no nobi­litye of bloude, nor from any noble progenye, for the estate of his parentes were but meane, yet all Chronicles recorde the highe commendations and great worthines of this Vespasi­an, honour and worship followed him in all his enterprises, a zelous harte incensed him to seeke the aduauncemente of the Romaine Empyre, Vespasianus. vnto all those things vertue allured him. This Vespasian was borne the Kalendes of December, in Samis beyonde Reatin a small village, whiche otherwyse is called Phalacryne, in the eueninge, at what time as Quintus Sulpitius Camarinus, and Caius Pompeius Sabinus were Consuls, this Vespasian was but fiue yeare olde at the death of Augustus, his education and bringinge vp, was vnder his grandmother by the fathers syde, Tertulla. Tertulla was her name. Vespasianus growinge to mans estate, ioyned to him in ma­riage Flauia Domicilla, Flauia Domi­cilla. of her hee begatte two sonnes, Ti­ [...]s and Domitianus, and a daughter called Domicilla: His wife Flauia Domicilla dyinge, hee enioyed the companye of another, (not by mariage) but otherwyse: He greatlye af­fected a gentlewoman named Cenides. This was one dete­stable vyce in Vespasian a gouernour, otherwyse for actes fa­mous, and amonge the best Emperours for worthines Chro­nicled, to serue herein an adulterous mind, which in a Prince is so much the more haynous, as he by estate is most highest in degree and aucthoritye. In the dayes of Claudius Tibe­rius Drusus, Narcissus. Vespasian beinge in highe fauoure with Nar­cissus, chiefe secretarye to this Claudius, was sent Embassa­dour in greate and waightye matters from the Emperoure Claudius to Germany: Claudius. His charge and office there finished, he was sent into Britaine this our Islande called England, who had there mightye conflictes with the Britaynes, for as it seemeth the Romaynes by an olde conquest whiche Iulius [Page] Caesar had of the Britaynes, as he recordeth himselfe, and let in by the Troye nouantes fauouringe Mandubracius, Mādubratius Cassibelan. whose father Cassibelan put to deathe, Caesar thereby enteringe, & chiefely throughe deuision and treason obtayned a conquest, Cesars con­quest by trea­son. as I haue declared before in the life of Iulius Caesar, sithens those dayes, the Romaynes makinge clayme and title to this our noble Islande, from Iulius Caesar, haue not ceassed ma­nye times to warre on the Britaynes, to enioye theyr olde clayme and title, as it appeareth in all Emperours from Iu­lius Caesars time, for in all theyr time mention is made of this our Islande of Britayne, by whom many times the Romay­nes were ayded: but at the lengthe the Britaynes contente with a Prince and gouernoure of theyr owne, woulde no lon­ger be vnder the iurisdiction of the proude Romaynes, ney­ther the Romaynes themselues had greate encouragemente to warre on the Britaynes, who resisted them in the dayes of kinge Arthur they demaunding tribute of this our Islande, Arthur. but Arthur valiantlye with his couragious men of warre in the partes of Fraunce, so discomfited the Romaynes, beinge a great nomber of mē of warre, conducted by Lucius a chiefe Consull, Lucius. that Lucius was put to flighte, and great hauoke & bloudye slaughters were made on the Romaynes: Sythens those dayes neyther with force of hande, neyther by clayme or tytle, haue the Romaynes chalenged anye tribute of this I­lande. As concerninge Vespasian whom I spake of, who had three greate conflictes with the Britaynes, Suetonius. Suetonius Tranquillus recordeth, who liued in those dayes that Vespa­sian brought into his subiection two mightye Nations, and aboue twentye greate townes, and also subdued the Isle of Wyght, The Isle of wyghte. which lyeth neare vnto this our Island of Britaine, which Isle of Wyght is now vnder the iurisdiction of the go­uernours of this lande. Vespasianus obtayned greate re­nowne in many Dominiōs: Achaia obeyed him, Licia, Rho­des, Vespasianus. Bizantium, Samos, Thracia, Silicia, & other countries, many thinges were done by him famouslye in the gouernmēt of the Romaine Empyre: who thoughe he were clothed and endued with vertues, most excellent and singuler good qua­lities, [Page 49] yet this one vertue was in him worthy chiefe commen­dation, that was to forgeue iniuryes & displeasures wrought againste him, A rare ver­tue. and not to reuenge him of them, for althoughe Vitellius the Emperour before him, was a moste wicked and cruell ennemye to Vespasian, and had vniustlye put to deathe Sabyne, Vespasianus brother, yet notwithstāding that cruell facte. Vespasian after y e death of Vitellius caused his daugh­ter (enrychinge her with great dowryes) to be maryed to one of highe estate and dignitye. Certainlye a rare vertue in a Prince in not reuenginge, the death of his brother so vniust­lye procured: He was as it seemeth Lord ouer affections, and a kinge ouer rashe, cruell, & malicious perturbations, what other in the worlde placed in suche estate, whom the people & lawes do obeye, hauinge the sworde, the lawe and aucthori­tye on his syde, and vnder his gouernment woulde not moste cruellye haue handeled such as were lyuinge of his enemyes ofspringe? A rare vertue This Vespasian also with all facilitye of minde & patience, did beare with the vnquietnes of his frendes, and woulde reproue theyr contumelyes, Vespasianus. with the quippes and plea­sante aunsweres, for he was of his owne nature framed to all pleasantnes of minde and pacience. There was a certaine mā whose name was Licinius Martianus, by this Licinius Mar­tianus, Vespasian was furthered and promoted to the seate imperiall: For which frendlye desarte Licinius Martianus, was become insolente and pro [...]de: but Vespasian mollifyed his arrogante and lofyte minde, in the presence of his moste frendlye sayinge, Ingratiiude. you are not ignorante that ingratitude in a man, betokeneth great beastlynes: for to commit the benefit of any man vnto obliuion, Xenophon. amongest the Persians, (as Xeno­phon sayth) was the most haynous cryme that might be ima­gined, so much was ingratitude abhorred, Ingratitude most beastly. because nothinge more betokeneth brutishnes and beastly behauiour, then to ex­tingnishe societye, Ingratitude. frendshippe, and amitye. Ingratitude neg­lecteth frendshippe, frendshippe neglected, society of life must presentlye be dissolued, and where the societye is dissolued, there the conuersatiō of people is cruell, without order & rea­son, brutishe, wilde and beastlye: but he did not forget his be­fite, [Page] neyther y e same perished vnrecompenced: but what mar­uaile is it if Vespatian did beare that in his frend when as he little wayed and lesse regarded the peruerse sayinges of those which pleaded iudiciall causes, and the stoute libertye of the arrogant Philosophers. This Emperour Vespasian in that shorte time whiche hee gouerned, broughte from decaye and ruine the vniuersall world: His mercifulnes was such, that by all gentle parswasions, he sought to withdrawe all arche­tyrantes from theyr cruell and beastlye doinges, with ex­hortinge them to embrace mercye and pittye, those onlye hee would torment and greuouslye punishe, whose crueltye by no meanes he might molifye: for he thought it a pointe of singu­ler wisedome to vse this lenitye, Lenitye. where he parceiued any hope of amendement, as he iudged it rightfull to mynister y e lawe vppon such as were past amendment, Rigor. obstinate, and rebelli­ous against his maiestye: for suche, as rotten, hurtfull, and venemous herbes, Rebels. be extirpated and rooted out from the cō ­mon wealthe: The common wealthe is like vnto a garden, wherein nature hath planted goodly herbes and seedes, plea­sante, necessarye, and profitable, in the which also are manye weedes, vnsauerye, neither necessarye, nor profitable whiche for lacke of vertue are cast oute when they growe vp: euen so suche members as are the decaye ruine and destruction of a common wealth, Euill men. are not to be tollerated, but the law, sword, and aucthority of the magistrate must cut them of, els a good common wealth, a perfecte estate cannot be established: Lawes. His lawes were with all equitye and iustice ordayned, with the which he greatlye profited his common wealth: but chieflye his life was so vertuous, so godlye, that many vices were ex­pelled, and euerye man practised daylye to followe in vertue and vprightnes of life their Emperour, for in a cōmonwealth the vertuous life of the Prince chieflye maketh countryes of strengthe and force, Lawes. for lawes are of theyr force and strengthe maymed, excepte the Prince in godlye life, yelde to lawe and aucthoritye: Aucthoritye. Lawes can do nothinge withoute aucthoritye, but aucthoritye maye do muche withoute lawes, as diuers Princes followinge theyr owne will, affection, and headdye [Page 49] aucthoritye haue commaunded thinges withoute lawe, who in so doinge haue dishonoured lawes, when they & theyr auc­thoritye ought to be vnder the lawe.

This Emperour Vespasian builded vp againe the Capitolle of Rome, the house of peace, the monumentes of Claudius, y e like he did in all partes of his Dominions, where the lawes of Rome were of force. Also manye famous Citties were newly adorned with sumptuous and gorgious buildinges: Also the highe wayes and common passages, were made in his time of gouernmente, for in his time a passage was made throughe the hilles and mountaynes, Tyrannye. by a highe waye which leadeth from the Cittye which is called Areminum. The ty­rannye of Princes whiche afore this Emperoure gouerned, was so cruell, that of many Nations he scarcely founde two hundreth remayninge aliue. Vologesus. Vologesus the kinge of the Par­thians was for feare of his Maiestye, driuen to make peace w t him: Syria otherwyse called Palestina, also Cylicia a coun­treye in Asia, and Thrachite Comagene beinge a parte of Syria, which at these dayes is called Augusta Phratensis, all these places and Realmes were prouinces vnder his Domi­nion: Iewrye in like sort was vnder his Dominion. On a certaine time it happened his frendes to geue him counsaile & admonition, to beware of one Mutius Pomposianus, of whō a rumor was raysed that he would vsurpe y e Emperiall seate: furth with he exalted this Mutius Pomposianus vnto great honour, for he made him a Consull, and herein sayth Vespasi­anus: he wilbe mindfull of receyuinge at my hands so great a benefite, by the wysedome of Vespasian all the whole Em­pyre of Rome was gouerned one fashion. This Empe­rour Vespasian did vse muche to watche by nighte in accom­plishment of the affayres of his Empyre: which ended opor­tunitye was geuen to talke with him in the morninge, while he arrayed and adorned himselfe with his Princelye roobes. The greatest part of his affayres ended, he did accustome him selfe to the exercise of his bodye, & as sone as he had wasshed, with much quietnes of minde he toke his repaste. Vespasianns. Verye loue of this Emperours vertues, compelleth mee to speake much [Page] of him who luckely chanced to y e Romaine Empyre, Vespasianus. the lvi. yeare after the death of Augustus y e Emperour. The cruelty & tyrannicall dealinge of tyrauntes, was brought to ruine by this good Emperour, who by the prouidēce of almighty God was geuen to gouerne. This Emperour Vespasiā being 70. yeares of age dyed, who a little before his death talkinge of graue matters of the cōmon wealth according to his pleasant nature, did also merilye geste. At the time of his death, there appeared a blasinge starre in Heauen, A comete. whiche was like vnto longe lockes of heare [...]. Vespasian the Emperour hearinge of that merelye sayde, the appearinge of this blasinge starre doth signifye nothinge of mee, but of the kinge of y e Persians who weareth a longe heare, imme­diatelye beinge greeued with the payne of his bodye, The death of Vespasian. rose vp and merelye sayde: it shall become an Emperoure, to dye standinge on his feete, and so this good Emperoure de­parted his life. (⸫)

Titus Vespasianus.

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TITVS who also was called Vespasi­an, Domicilla was his mothers name, she was made of a bonde woman a free. This Titus was borne the thirde kalen­des of Ianuary, Caligula▪ the same yeare that Ca­ligula was slaine, his education in al sin­gularitye, for the knowledge of all Ar­tes and sciences was exceadinge, the giftes of body, and of the minde, nature had so exactlye framed them in him, as that he was inferiour to none, fauoure, beuty, personage, lacked not in him, his memorye in thinges to apprehende and remember was so rare, that fewe attayned vnto the like, for wisedome for graue counsayle, Titus. and for feates of warre, he was passinge in the lattine and Greeke tongues, with all eloquence he ex­celled, nothinge wanted in him that was to any excellencye, A wise coun­saylour. he was both a wyse counsaylour, & a valiant warrior, (which two thinges do seldome times happē in one parson. Valiant cap­taine. This Ti­tus Vespasian in the time of Claudius Tiberius Drusus, (thē Emperour of Rome, came to this Islande with his father Vespasian of whom I made mention of before, whose actes there, deserued for worthynes greate commendation and re­warde amonge the Romaynes: to reade from the beginning of the lowe progenye, and meane estate of theyr auncesters, and of theyr great and mighty enterprises, The secrete counsaile of God. of theyr large and mighty Dominions, of theyr victoryes & conquestes it would seeme so straunge a wonder that fewe would beleeue it: So [Page] God rayseth (contrarye to the expectation of all men) from a meane and lowe estate a chiefe gouernour, The power of God. to whom so happy successe is geuen, that the noblest haue geuen place. Who so readeth the whole Historye of Iosephus, shal finde what thin­ges were wrought by this Titus and his father Vespasian. Hierusalem. Iewrye and all partes there aboutes felt theyr power, Vespasianus. Titus was at the destruction of Hierusalem, in the seconde yeare of the raigne of Vespasian: Titus. Vespasian beinge there himselfe & Domitian his brother: Domitian. by them was wrought y e dolefull ende & lamentable ouerthrow of the Iewes foresheewed of longe time by the Prophetes, and by Christ himselfe. A madde mā who in the eyes of all men seemed bestraught of witte and sen­ses, seuen yeare before the siege, cryed in the open streates: Ve tibi Hierusalem, A madde mā. oftentimes repeated, wherat the whole Cittie was muche disquieted, sinne so abounded in it, and all iniquitye euen amonge the clergye and Seniors, The temple. the Tem­ple of God was nowe become a Tabernacle of vncleane spi­rites, a denne and lurkinge place of theeues, the good there­fore looked for iustly a plaine desolation, the wicked for sinne­full life, and wicked conscience dreaded the same: This poore sillye man ceassed not day by daye, cryinge manye times: Ve tibi Hierusalem. The maiestrates full of all securitie, re­warded him as a madde mā, oftentimes scurging him, there­by thinckinge his franticke heade to cease this exclamation, but no threatninge, neither the rodde, nor cruell scourginge, neither imprisonment, could cause that to ceasse in him which afterward dolefully did faule vppon Hierusalem, Hierusalem. as ye haue reade, before the lamentable crye of terrible cryes he ceassed not, vntill such time as the armye of Titus was neare y e wall: this madde man last of all cryed, Ve tibi Hierusalem & mi­hi ve, Wo to the Hierusalem and to me likewyse wo, and im­mediatly he being stricken, there he dyed on the wall. Sibilla in a furye, seeminge madde, prophesyed longe before of the estate of all kingdomes, and from the beginninge of theyr fall also, and the ende of the world euen from Adam: makinge a full discourse of Rome what should be fall vnto it. Sybilla. This Si­billa did close in darke and obscure Verses the destruction of [Page 51] Troye, longe before it fell. Of fewe the pore mans woordes were regarded, God reuealeth oftentimes to y e abiects of the worlde secrete thinges, The secrete counsaile of God. which lye hidde from the wysest, the world regardeth not threatninges prophesyed, as they liue in all securitye, so they hope and loke for like estate. The Pro­phetes therefore were not regarded because they foreshewed thinges vnpleasaunte, and troublesome newes: The worlde loueth securitye, Securitye. and they like them best that tell them of the like thinges meete for wordlinges. In Sodome and Gomor­ra, and in thother Citties about them, Sodome. theyr worldly felicitye was so aboundant, Gomorra. theyr soyle so fatte, and store so plentifull, suche securitye of estate, so contented mindes therein, as that the holesome counsayle of the good mā Lotte was not regar­ded, theyr wyse heades could not foreshewe theyr daungers & destruction. Lotte as one most abiecte and vile in the eyes of the Sodomytes, (yet in fauour with God) warned and exhor­ted them to repentaunce, foreshewed them theyr plagues, all was lightlye regarded, but immediatlye fyer and brimstone consumed the place, with fyue other Citties, and all the inha­bitauntes, the childe perished, and the infant but then borne: In a moment the olde and the yonge fell, the mightye & great personages, the Princes also, the elders and counsellours, fiue kinges tasted with their peeres the like destruction, sinne so abounded in the place and in all the inhabitors, Sinne. the childe that neuer spake, was in that destructiō partaker, So vglye a thinge sinne is in the sight of God, that therby no kingdome is spared, no estate vnscourged, no Citty free of punishment, where God taketh heauye displeasure to punishe. The wrathe of God. Mightye Empyres thereby are fallen, and wealthye Citties made a plaine soyle, their kinges and theyr people turned into duste are forgotten, forgetfulnes for lacke of worthynes, rooteth them from memorye of fame, Vertue. theyr vertues are deade, theyr vyces liue in perpetuall memorye. Vice.

As concerninge this Titus whom I make mention of, did marrye Artisidia, who dyinge, hee toke to wyfe Martia Ful­ [...]ia, from whom he was deuorced: greate thinges were done by this Titus not onlye in Hierusalem, but also in all y e East [Page] partes, his vertues were not so excellent, but his vices for a time were so odious: As that openly Alium Neronem opi­nabantur & predicabant, for his wickednes they called him another Nero, but afterwardes so greate was his chaunge as that nothinge of vice remayned in him, his fame by good desarte gate great commendation, his gouernment (though shorte) was with all equitie towarde his commons execu­ted, lawes by iudgemente rightlye ordered, a father hee was and a great patrone to the Romaynes. This Titus dyed in the xli. yeare of his age in the Ides of September, his go­uernment continued but two yeares .ii. monethes & xx. dayes, the death of Titus was with greate sorrow and lamentacion receiued, for all countries and prouinces bewayled his fune­rall, Titus. in his life time they called him the delight & ioye of theyr common wealth: theyr lamentacion was so great that it see­med they lost the chiefe patrone, ayde, succoure and safegarde of the whole world. Iosephus wryteth that Vespasian be­inge in y e East partes at the death of Vitellius, the good fame of his worthynes bruted him Emperour so he wanne the har­tes of all people, al citties made festiual dayes & as theyr ma­ner of ioye was, did solemnise sacrifices, as tokens of greate ioye the Legions of souldiours whiche remayned in Metia & Pannonia were sworne with greate ioye to him: Vespasian wente from thence to Cesarea, Vespasianus. and came to Betritum where manye Embassadours mette him out of Syria and oute of o­ther prouinces, offeringe to him Crownes & thinges of great gratulation. Musianus the greate gouernour of that pro­uince by all meanes furthered him, when Vespasian sawe all thinges so luckelye happen vnto him, hee considered that this Empyre could not fall to him, without the great prouidence of God, and as it were by fatall destenye broughte to him, then also he remembred Iosephus, Iosophus. who at that presente was captiue, a godlye man and a priest of the Temple, what won­derfull thinges he had foresheewed of him whiche thinges in him takinge effect, Titus Vespasianus sonne, beinge present with Vespasian his father, sayde. Iustum est inquit pater vna cum ferro, etiam probum Iosephum solui: And so it [Page 52] followed Iosephus was deliuered, his fetters beinge bruste went at libertye with Vespasian. After Vespasian had aun­swered the Embassages, he went to Antioche, from thence to Alexandria, he sente into Italye Lucianus, with a greate companye of horsemen and footemen, and passed by Cappa­docia and Phrigea, in those partes Anthonius first of all ha­uinge his third Legion of souldiours, came to him which did remayne about Mesia, for hee did gouerne that prouince and with that power he made hast to make warre vppō Vitellius. Vitellius sente with a great armye Cicinna to meete Antho­nye, but at last Cicinna Cicinna. with his men of warre, fledde to An­thonye fauouringe Vespasians parte, in the ende the souldi­diours of Cicinna repentinge theyr facte, woulde haue slaine Cicinna, but being otherwyse aduised, they [...]t him bounde to Vitellius, but Anthonye pursuinge vppon them, caused them to retyre to Cremona, the which Cremona was spoy­led, & all the armye of Vitellius, to the nomber of .xxx. thou­sande and two hundreth were slaine: Cicinna. Cicinna was deliuered and brought to Vespasian, not onlye commended but highly rewarded. Sabinus. Sabinus the brother of Vespasianus, hearinge Anthonye to draw neare to Rome, by night toke the Capi­toll: but in the ende Sabinus beinge taken, was broughte to Vitellius and slaine by him. The nexte day followinge, An­thonye comminge to Rome, foughte with the souldiours of Vitellius in three partes of the Cittie: Vitellius. Vitellius then in this extremitye came for the druncke, who was cruellye handeled and slaine in the middest of the Cittie. Mutianus. The next daye Musia­nus enteringe Rome with a greate armye, and all thinges there set in quietnes, did make Domitianꝰ chiefe gouernour of the Cittie, vntill such time as Vespasian his father came, whom they proclaymed Emperour. As sone as Vespasian came to Alexandria, the estate of all thinges at Rome was declared vnto him, Embassadors came to him from all par­tes of the worlde reioysinge of his estate. As sone as all thin­ges were quietlye settled at Rome, Vespasian did meane to warre on the Iewes, who as sone as winter was done, sente Titus his sonne with a great power of chosen souldioures, to [Page] destroye Hierusalem. Titus. Titus makinge his passage bothe by Nicopolis and other places (as good oportunitye serued him for his souldiours) passed to Cesarea, and there sette in order his men of warre, hee caused the Legions of souldiours to be dispersed in diuerse partes, whereby with more fortunate suc­cesse he mighte set vppon the Iewes. To resighte the whole Historye howe Hierusalem was taken, the Temple spoyled, and then by fyer destroyed, it woulde ryse to a volume: Iose­phus writeth of it at large, and also this is his which is writ­ten thereof in a briefe. In this maner Hierusalem was ta­ken, in the seconde yeare of the raigne of Vespasian, the viii. daye of the moneth of September, which had bene taken fiue times before and then spoyled. Asocheus. Asocheus kinge of the Egip­tians first toke it, Antiochus. after him Antiochus, then Pompeie, after those Socius with Herode toke it, Socius. the kynge of Babylon first of all by stronge hande possessed and destroyed it, in the thou­sande three hundreth and threescore yeare after the buildinge thereof, the eight moneth and sixt daye. The first founder of the same was Cananiorum Vinasta, who in theyr moother tongue is called the iust kinge, hee called it the Cittie Hieru­salem, the Temple first was builded there, the Cittye before was called Solyma. Solyma. After this Dauid beinge kinge of the Iewes, hauinge expelled the Cananites, gaue the same to the inhabited of his people, which Cittie Hierusalem in y e foure hundreth threscore and foure yeare and three monethes, from kinge Dauid was destroyed of the Babilonians, whose kinge beinge a Iewe, first raigned in the same, vnto that time that Titus destroyed it, which was a thousande, a hundreth seuen­tye and nyne yeares after. From the first buildinge of the same, vnto the last destruction was two Thousande yeares a hundreth seuentye and seuen. Iosephus resyteth that ney­ther the antiquitye of the Cittie, neyther the great treasures and ritches, neyther the fame of it spredde in all places of the worlde, neyther the great glory of theyr Religion colde saue it. Thus farre Iosephus wryteth of it in a briefe, thoughe o­therwyse he setteth it furthe at large, sheewinge the lamen­table estate of the inhabiters, the great famyne fell on them, [Page 53] that for lacke of victuels women eate theyr owne children, (filthye thinges not to be eaten) then in this necessitye was theyr fare, the bloudye spoyles and slaughter the lamentable crye moste pitious, The faule of Hierusalem. the terrible thinges that happened bothe then and afore, will make in readinge the st [...]uteste courages for pittye to lamente, such is the estate in time, not onlye of mightye Citties, but of mightye kingdomes and Princes: The wrathe of God. where the almightye God taketh his displeasure, bothe Cittie, kingdome and Prince feeleth his stroke, they decaye where God terriblye frowneth.

Domitianus.

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DOmitian y e brother of Titus, was after his death created Emperour, who in the beginninge of his gouernment, counter­faytinge a vertuous person, was gentle, pitifull, and vertuous: With good suc­cesse he ended all y e warres y t were begon, and finished manye goodlye Pallaces in Rome, & builded many euen from their foundations, in suche sort that in the beginninge of his Empyre, he purchased a ve­ry good fame, and credite of a singuler and vertuous person. [Page] But after chaunginge his conditions, he became so cruell, so vniust, and so greedye, that he would put to death men for ri­diculous or tryflinge matters, to thende they beinge dead, he might enioye theyr goodes: sayinge, he was theyr heyre. He persecuted the Iewes, and especiallye those of the stocke of Dauid, because that hee had vnderstode that of that stocke should be borne a mā which should gouerne the whole world. Also he was a great persecutor of the Christian Religion, The seconde persecution of the Christi­ans. in such sort that in his ryme there were martyred many godlye men. He vexed all thinges, not so muche as flyes coulde es­cape him, where vppon one of the Courte beinge demaunded, who was with the Emperour: hee sayde, there was not so muche as one flee. He was a greate professor of Astrologye, and a great frende vnto those which professed that science, al­though he entreated one Astrologian verye cruellye, whiche tolde him that within short space he should dye. Hee liued xl. yeare, and gouerned the Empyre xv. yeare: And in the ende by the conspiracye of Stephen the stewarde of his house, and of certaine other amonge whom his owne wyfe was one, he was slaine in his Pallace, of whose deathe the com­mon people were neyther heauye nor ioyfull, but the gentlewomē and Senators toke such con­tentation thereat, that in the verye same day they caused all his Images which were of golde, to be caste downe. (⸫)

Cocceius Narua.

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COcceius Narua succeaded Domitianꝰ being 66. yeares of age, he gouerned but one yeare 4. monethes and 9. dayes. This Narua was a iuste Prince and bounteous, hee restored all such as were vniustlye condemned of Domi­tian, he seaced the crueltye which was exerci­sed againste the Christians, hee was verye bounteous to the poore and mercifull, he made Vlpius Traianus beinge borne in Spaine, his adoptiue sonne: and made him his successor before the assemble of the Senate, and sente to him beinge in Germanye, the ornamentes of the Empyre to Coullen, Nar­ua dyed sone after of an Ague: Dyuers do write that in the time of this Narua, Iohn the Apostle returned from Path­mose to Ephesus, this Iohn liued after the deathe of Narua 4. yeares. This wyse Emperour was borne in the Cittie of Narni, neither is it certainly knowne whether hee was an I­talian or no, but all aucthors agree, that he was discended of a noble progenye, hee was created Emperour when he was verye olde, who in the beginninge of his raigne had newes broughte him that Domitian was not deade, (but that was an vntrue reporte, and caused muche vnquietnes. He reuo­ked from exile the Christians, hee vnburdened the Romay­nes of theyr taxes, and caused the children of the deade, and of suche as were verye poore to be nourished, and broughte vppe at his proper costes and charges, to be short hee did ma­kye [Page] vertuous actes. There was onlye one conspiracye wroughte against him, The ende of treason. whiche gaue vnto the conspirators a most vnfortunate ende. In his tyme were most cruellye slaine all those that murthered Domitianus (although he consen­ted not thereto) hee adopted for his adoptiue sonne Traian, Murther. because he had no children of his owne, vnto whom he might commit the Empyre. He gouerned the Empyre but xiii. mo­nethes, and dyed of choller which he toke for the loue he bare vnto a Senator named Regulus, which choller caused him so extremelye to sweate that it killed him, Eclipse. and the verye same daye that he passed out of this life, there was a great E­clipse of the Sunne. (⸫)

Vlpius Traianus.

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VLpius Traianꝰ y e adoptiue sonne to Coc­ceius Narua, caughte y e Emperiall seate after the discease of him. Traianus. This Vlpius Traianus was borne (as some write) in Spayne, in a Cittye adioyning vnto Ci­uilla. This Emperoure was called Vlpius by his graunde fathers name by one Traius, his other name was called Traianus, who was [Page 55] was the first aucthor of his fathers progenye, or els it may be he was called Traianus by his father who was called Traia­nus, the tyme of his raigne was twentye yeares. The go­uernment of this Emperour Vlpius Traianus was so singu­ler and famous, for his wisedome, politicke gouernment and vertues, that the most famouse monumentes of writers, can not well and sufficiently set forth the worthye prayse commē ­dation and glorye of him: A rare com­mendation of a Prince. this Emperour Vlpius Traianus, toke vppon him y e seate of the Empyre at Agrippina: Agrippina. In fea­tes of warre, and in all thinges partayninge to chiualrye he was industrious: In iudiciall matters and controuersis of y e lawe with all equitye and iustice, hee tendered the estate of e­uerye mans cause, in repayringe of his Citties bounteous & liberall. In a Prince or gouernor two thinges are most re­quisite and necessarye, in peace godlynes, in battaile and time of warre strength and valiantnes, Thinges re­quisite in a Prince. and both in peace & warre prudence and wisedome. The modestye of him was so singu­lar, and such the temperature of his most excellent giftes and vertues, that hee seemed to haue mingled one with an other, onlye this fault was in him, The third persecution o [...] the Christiās he gaue himselfe to bellye cheare and to persecute the Christians, to the excessiue drinckinge of delicious wynes: in the conuersation of his life, and in the so­cietye thereof most fellowlye towarde his frendes, Traianus manners. and verye liberall. This Emperour Traianus in the honour and me­morye of Licinius (by whose furtherance he came to be Em­perour) builded a place of whot bathes, necessarye for the cu­ringe of sundrye diseases. If the prayse of this Emperoure should in all partes be resighted, it would be a longe volume to speake of him: but thus much in fewe wordes maye be re­hersed, In labour he was inuincible and pacient, very studi­ous to preferre the best men, and all such as were warrelike, he loued the simple natures, and the professors of learninge: He was of no great learninge, a keper of Iustice, an inuentor of lawes partayninge to Religion, of the olde lawes a dilli­gent obseruer, all these vertues and good quallities were so­muche the greater, because the estate of the common wealthe in the Romaine Empyre before time, had beene broughte to [Page] ruine by many cruell tyrantes, and who for the remedye of so great euils, in good time seemed to be geuen of God. For at what time as Traianus came to the Emperiall seate, Good Prin­ces. manye maruaylous thinges happened in moste wonderfull wyse, a­mongest many this one thinge was chiefe: From the toppe of the Capitoll, Thus some write. a crowe spake in Greeke wordes Kailos esta [...]: That is, full happye and fornunate shall Rome be, Traianus beinge Emperour: Traianus dyed, and when the bodye of him was burned, (as the maner of y e Romaynes was at that time his ashes were brought to Rome, and layed in the same place where the asshes were buryed of the father of this Tra­ianus, and vnder the same mightye pillar the Images of him were set vp (and as in triumphes they are wont to do) y e same daye his picture was brought to Rome, the noble order of all Senators goinge before him, The buriall of [...]raianus. and his legions of souldiours: At the deathe of this Emperour Traianus, the great floudde Tyber of Rome did ouerflowe his banckes, more aboundant­lye then it did in the time of Narua, with greater destruction and damage: also at the same time a great calamitye chaun­ced vnto the Citties, Straunge thinges hap­pen at the [...] of Princes. an earthquake most terrible happened in many of his Regions, and in his prouinces a sore infectiue plague or pestilence did raigne. Also in the same Regions a­rose a famine, and casualtyes by fier. This Emperour Vl­pius Traianus, in his life time had politikelye prouided, and wiselye for the sodaine casualties of fyer, whereby hee eased much the forces and daungers thereof: this was his order, y t the height of euerye house should be but lx. feete and not aboue, because the pluckinge downe of them should be easye, and the charges after suche casualties might be the lesse. For the prosperous estate and felicitye of his gouernmente he was called the father of the counsaile, his whole life was threscore and foure yeares. (⸫)

Aelius Adrianus.

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AElius Adrianus (as Eutropius and Eu­sebius affirme) was by byrth, & progenye very noble, he was also borne in Spaine and was cosyn to Traianus the Empe­rour. But as other affirme, this Empe­rour Aelus Adrianus was borne at A­dria a Cittie in Italye, which bordereth vppon Marca Ancona, the sea neare adioyning, is called by y e name of the place Mare adriaticū. Aelius Adrianus ware y e Emperial Crowne xii. yeres: Adriānus. this Emperour Aelius so much did employ his studye in y e knowledge of the Greeke tongue, & in the copious & aboundant eloquence therof so much excel­led, that of manye he was named for his exquisite knowledge therein: this is our Gretian. Aelius Adrianus did set forth alwayes the noble artes and studies of the famous Atheni­ans, theyr lawes and maners, not onlye in versifyinge, but also in all other artes and sciences, as in musicke, in play­inge and singinge to the instrumente, in Phisicke, and in all kinde of harmonye: Besydes in Geometrye, in painting con­ninglye, in grauinge, and in all other singuler inuentions, & artificiall doinges, he passed in mettel, and working in Mar­bell like to the famous Polucletus and Euphranoras who were moste cunninge. A rare thinge, an Emperour to be so singuler and famous in all kinde of learninge, The rare ver­tues of A­drianus, vppon whom no priuate gouernment, but the protection of all men, of ma­nye [Page] Regions, Citties & townes did depende. Euerye Prince therefore ought to haue iudgement, knowledge, faculty, and experience in all thinges that are requisite in a maiestrate, but especiallye such a one, which vnder God is a chiefe maie­strate of all maiestrates, a ruler of rulers, a highe iudge ouer Iudges. Ad [...]ianus. This Emperour Adrianus was so excellently fra­med of nature, that nature could neuer in anye one man shew a greater perfection, neither at anye time hath bene founde a man that was with so singuler qualities, and vertues indued. The memorye of Adrianus was so greate and famous, that no man mighte comprehende the manifolde vertues in him contayned, more ouer diuers places, infinite Regions and countryes, desyred to beholde his picture & stature, his highe and weightye affayres coulde neuer be extinguished with ob­liuion: the whole power of his armye was knowne vnto him, and furthermore he coulde recite the names of all beinge ab­sent, Memorye. which was a difficult matter, he was in labour so pain­full that hee in proper person visited all partes of his prouin­ces. In iourneying he alwayes marched one foote before his armye, and as he restored his townes and Citties, & brought them to a good estate, so hee set in euerye one of them good or­ders, and sundrye occupations, for as he did in the disposinge and ordering of his legions in time of warre, Order. so in peace some companyes he appointed to be Smythes, other Masons and Carpenters that wrought by lyue, other to be chiefe masters and ouerseers ouer theyr workes, and also ordayned all ma­ner of artificers meete for their science, as to make the wal­les and fortresses, or suche deuises as serued to the buildinge or settinge oute of anye thinge, all these practises hee deuided into certaine sortes and companyes. This Emperour Aeli­us Adrianus was a man of a straunge nature and condition, of a subtill and wyse heade, towarde vertue and vice diuerse­lye affected and enclyned, with reason geuinge arbitrement or iudgement, in matters of controuersy: for with wisedome and temperance, he would bridle and keepe vnder the violent mocions, and sodaine perturbations of the minde, and of his owne nature hee was enuiouse, pensine and sadde, at other [Page 57] times, in pleasure lasciuious, in the aduauncemēt of himselfe, in extollinge his owne fame, Adrianus. glorye, and commendation inso­lente: yet with all closenes he shadowed the same: He would appeare continent, cyuill and gentle, louinge and courteous, also he would not seeme that he was to be, for being inflamed with the whot and burninge desyre of honour and ambitious glorye, yet he would dissemble the same, he was stoute to pro­uoke, and redye to shape an aunsweare in waighty and graue matters, in sport and pleasaunt talke readye and prompte, in nippinge talke no verse wanted for verse, Adrian [...]s. no sentence for sen­tence, nor theame for theame, or word for word, whose wit or nature was so singuler and pregnant that in all these thinges it would seeme that with deliberation and inuention hee had deuised therevppon. Sabina. Sabina the wyfe of Aelius Adrian [...]s, beinge wythout all reason or modestye, was cruellye entrea­ted, and with extremitye driuen to desperation, and to mur­ther herselfe. For she openly did report and affirme, that Ae­lius Adrianus her husbande, was of minde and maners cru­ell, ferce and beastly: Furthermore she sayde she did refraine from procreation and issue of children from him, least that of­springe whiche mighte discende from him, shoulde be the de­struction of mankinde.

At the last Adrianus was diseased of a dropseye goute, the which disease of longe time he bare quietlye, y e griefe thereof encreasinge, and with the payne beinge made furious hee wrekked his anger on the Senate, for he murthered many of them. Manye kinges and Princes from farre of, sought for peace with Adrianus, so muche they feared his name, and dreaded his maiestye, they sente vnto him greate and infinite sommes of money, wherevpon this Adrianus did opēly boast that whilest the common wealthe was in quiet estate, he gate more then all other Princes, in warre and destruction of Realmes and Countryes. In the common wealth of Rome [...]e ordayned diuers offices and dignityes, and likewyse in his royall Pallace, and Princelye Courte. In warre also hee did appointe officers, the whiche after of longe time did re­mayne, some of them were chaunged by Constantius.

[Page] Adrianus liued 62. yeares and at the last he dyed, being pay­ned and tormented in all partes of his bodye, this griefe was so greate, that he prayed those that were faythful to kill him, alluringe some therevnto by gentle perswasions, and threat­ninge other if they would not do it, Sickenesse. but there was none that would obeye him therein, neyther was he of force him­selfe to do it, in the ende for his best remedy, through the counsaile of the Phisitions, hee abstayned from meate, and drincke, and became so weake thorrow fastinge, y t he dyed.

Antonius Pius.

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AFter the deathe of Adrianus y e Romaine Empyre came to the gouernment of Antonius Fuluius, Antonius Pi­us. his vertues and godlye life caused him to be called Antonye the godly Prince. The glorye of the Em­pyre continued with him xx. yeares: A­drianus the Emperour made this An­tonius by adoption his sonne to inherite after him, for the which he was greatly commended. This Antonius was his wyues sonne by her first husband: In the administratiō & go­uernment of the Romaine Empyre, his fame for his worthi­nes [Page 58] flourished so, that manye which were vnder his gouerne­ment did compare him to Numa, Numa. the seconde kinge of the Ro­maynes. Antonius for the space of xxii. yeares with highe aucthority gouerned all his Realmes, by him all warres tur­ned into peace and tranquilitye, A fortunate estate of king do [...]s. all kinges feared him, and with feare they loued him, all Nations, people, and prouin­ces dreaded him, for his vertues they called him the father & patrone of the Romaine Empyre, but rather a patrone then Lorde or Emperour, and all with one consent and voice as a God they honoured him: Such was his goodnes, as he was so oughte all kinges, Princes, and Emperours to be: for by vertuous gouernmente and godlye life, Godly life in a Prince. they shall not onlye winne the hartes of theyr subiectes to loue and obedience, but also they shall vanquishe and ouerthrowe (with the maiestye of the same vertues) theyr stoute and obstinate ennemyes. Assone as Antonius began his gouernmēt, he made present­lye a declaration of his proper and naturall goodnes, for hee chaunged not one maiestrate vnto whom Adrianus had geuē anye office, but did establishe them in the same. Hee gaue so muche of his owne substance before he was Emperour, that he was reproued for y e same of his wife Annia Faustina, the daughter of Annius Verus: vnto whom he aunswered, thou must vnderstande, that after I was chosen Emperour, I lost all those goodes which beinge a priuate person I possessed.

He neuer determined to go out of Rome into any countrye, for he would say that the countryes, and people which did fol­lowe the Emperoure, were greuous and hurtefull vnto the prouinces and countryes where they passed. By this circum­specte abode, he appeased manye rebellious and seditious vp­rores, both in Englande, Dacie and Germanye, whereby he obtayned great reputation, that in all controuersyes and de­bates that happened betweene Princes, with mutiall assente they alwayes referred the whole determination & agreeinge thereof, vnto his noble discretion. This Antonius was of stature taule, valiante, and stronge. In the morning this Em­peroure Antonius before he would accupye himselfe in anye publicke matter of his common wealth, or be in companye of [Page] his nobles to be saluted, his custome and vsage of dyet was to comfort his hart with bread, least with ouermuch abstinence from meate his bloude should waxe could aboute his harte, & thereby his strength consumed he should be feeble and fainte: through which he should not be able to trauaile and wade, in his publicke affayres of his common weale, fewe would take the paynes that he did, with so great laboure and carefull di­ligence to prouide for his house kepinge, glorye dignitye, and highe renowne followed him, he beinge voyde of all ambitiō, he was nothinge spotted with any spyce of ostentation, so gen­tle and mercifull he was, that when certaine had conspired a treason against him, the Senators moued him to apprehende them, Antonius pacifyed theyr instigations and withdrewe theyr intentes, for hee sayde it was not good nor necessarye to make any inquirye, to take anye suche as were desyrous to worke destruction against his maiestye, for so it might happē (sayde he) a greater nomber of traytours inhabiting all par­tes of the worlde, might vnderstande of howe manye hee was hated and of what noble men, whē the age of this Emperour was complete to lxxi. yeares, The death of Antonius Pius. he dyed at a village of his owne xii. myles from Rome of an ague, withinge three dayes after it toke him. When he had gouerned the Emperiall seate 29. yeares, (with a perpetuall fame, and all memorye of honour that mighte be) Temples were builded, and priestes appoin­ted to signe for him, As theyr re­ligion taught them. & many other solemnities were decreed and ordayned: Of gentle nature he so much excelled, y t when the meane commonaltye of Rome did vniustly and withoute cause suspect him to be the cause of a dearthe and scarcitye of corne in the Cittie, and was cast at with stones of the people, he in that case rather pitied them, then procured theyr vprore tumulte, & sedition to be punished. And when in contempte of him the valiaunte actes of Iulius Caesar, and of Hanniball were rehersed, A wittye sentence. he would aunswere with Scipio, that hee did more dearelye accompte the defence of one of his frendes, then the death of an hundreth ennemyes.

Marcus Antonius.

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MArcus Antonius called Marcus Aure­lius, succeded Antonius Pius in y e Em­pyre without any contradiction, he elec­ted for companion and equall gouernor in y e Empyre Lucius Commodus, who was adopted with him by Antonius. This Emperour was of nature and dis­position right godlye, the vniuersall ca­lamitye of Rome founde him a singuler succoure and defen­dor: In good time the Cittie of Rome may saye that hee was borne to be Emperour, els at a sodaine the estate of Rome had for euer perished and bene prostrate, A good Prince. in all the time of his gouernment battaile and mortall warre neuer ceassed, for in all the East partes and in Britannye, in Italye and Fraunce, warres were very fierce, and vppon the countryes of Italye at the same time earthquakes happened, with the which ma­ny a Cittye was ouerthrowne, great and mightye flouddes o­uerflowed their banckes, and drowned bothe Towne & coun­trye, fewe places escaped y e rotten and infectiue plague, their lands and frutes were destroyed with locustes, Plagues. there was no plague or calamitye which happened amongest men at any o­ther time, or any kinde of miserye that euer was harde of, but in the time of his gouernment the like was felte: So God in the dayes of the Godly and vertuous Emperour sent his pla­gues, for theyr offences which longe before had transgressed, and neglected his lawes. God oftentimes punisheth the po­steritye [Page] and ofspringe, not only by plaguinge them with wic­ked gouernours and Princes, but also vnder the vertuous & moste godlye, for the abhominable life passed and wickednes before committed, God sendeth diuers plagues and punish­mentes: Good Prin­ces in euill times. yet hee in these myseries & calamityes, doth ordaine vertuous, graue and pollitike heads to be ouer his people, as in these troubleous times the godlye and wyse Prince Anto­nius was reserued to beare regimente ouer the Romaynes, wherevppon manye will iudge that God by his eternall pro­uidence foreseinge the plagues and calamities, that in time to some shall happen and fall vppō any Cittie, hath ordayned as one by whose power, lawes & ordinances, the whole world is gouerned, to leaue such heades and rulers as that by theyr wysedome, their vertues and politicke administration, the greuous plagues of his displeasure might be mittigated and healed, as by remedies for the same ordayned. This Empe­rour in the thirde yeare of his raigne, had verye daungerous warre with the Parthians, (a kinde of people alwayes verye much feared of the Romaynes) against whom was sent Lu­cius Verus his companion, who throughe his surfetinge and other disordered lyuinge, Lucius Ve­rus. fell sicke by the waye, whose slacke­nes caused the Romayne legions to receiue much damage of the Parthians, with the deathe of theyr captaine: But after Verus was come with his populous armye and valiante cap­taynes, the Romaynes recouered theyr damages, and gaue vnto the Parthians and other kinges which ayded them, ma­ny greate ouerthrowes. Marcus Aurelius remayninge all this while at Rome, did with great diligence and pollicye go­uerne the same, and verye carefullye prouided all thinges ne­cessary for the warres: At which time as Eusebius and Oso­rius do write, The fourthe persecution of the Christiās this Emperour caused y e Christians to be per­secuted, for y e which it may be supposed, that God so plagued his subiectes & whole Empyre, with earthquake, pestilēce, famine and warres. After Lucius Verus had ended the war­res in Asia, he returned vnto Rome, where with all ioye hee and Marcus Aurelius, triumphed together for theyr greate victories. Aurelius neuer did any thinge withoute the con­sent [Page 60] of y e whole Senate, for he would say that it was more re­quisite that hee beinge but one, shoulde▪ be ruled by the coun­saile of so many wyse men, The counsell of many hea­des. then that so manye wyse counsay­lours should obeye vnto the will of one alone. This Empe­rour sustayned not plagues onlye by famyne, pestilence, war­res and earthquakes, but he had a continuall plague, which hee nourished in his owne Pallace, which was his wyfe Fau­stina, Fuastina. who was (as all aucthours affirme) dishonest, and a­boue all measure dissolute. After the barbarous Nations had intelligence of the great mortalities which grewe dailye more and more in Italye, (as it were with one consent) all the Northe regions rebelled against the Romaines, against whō with all speede marched Marcus Antonius, and his compa­niō Lucius Verus, who beinge in the way was taken with an Apoplexi & sodainly dyed, Lucius Ve­rus. ix. or x, yeres afore they had ruled y e Empyre together. Cassius. In this Marcus Antonius dayes Cassi­us seekinge to vsurpe to the Empyre was slaine. This Em­perour had two sonnes, Verissimus and Comodus: Verissi­mus dyed very yonge, but Comodus was broughte vp wyth great care and trauaile of the noblist teachers in learninge & vertue: his daughters he maryed to Senators, who was as well endued with vertue, as titled with nobilitye: learninge encreased excedinglye in all partes of the Romaine Domini­ons hauinge so wyse a Prince, the example of this gouernour moued with greate force, infinite people to followe his ver­tues. Galene. This was that Emperour whom Galene the famous Phisition in those dayes noteth to haue delighted in the vse of triacle, to preserue him from all poyson, to whom Demetrius was a Phisition while hee liued, after whose deathe Galene made vnto him that compositiō of triacle: To be briefe of his warres and greate victoryes, happye successe alwayes fell to him in the same. Marcus Antonius beinge aged and remay­ninge in Pannonia, beinge greued with sickenes and hauing present death before his eyes, called y e Senators and wise coū ­sailers, The wise­dome of this Prince. beinge moued with the estate of the Romaine Em­pyre, and also with the brittle and the dissolute youthe of Co­modus his sonne: in the presence of those he gaue godly coun­saile [Page] to his sonne Cōmodus, exhorting him that the counsaile of so godlye and graue parsons mighte rule him sayinge that thereby both the gouernour and the kingdome should be ad­uaunced to most fortunate estate: hee placed before his eyes the example of godlye Princes, willinge him to follow theyr steppes and vertues, hee tolde him also of the beastly gouern­mente of other Princes that were wicked, as of Dionisius, Ptolomeus, Antigonus, Nero, Domitianus &c. Hee shewed theyr liues, The godlye admonition of Marcus Aurelius to his sonne. he resighted also theyr endes, mouinge by these examples the grene youthe and vnconstant heade of Cō ­modus to godly gouernment. This exhortacion ceassinge hee made a wittie oration and a godly, meete for a gouernour lea­uinge his estate, he exhorted them to be fathers to his youth­full sonne Cōmodus, and to adde by theyr wisedome a perfect frame of gouernmente, to him that was of age to be gouer­ned, beinge as one that was but newe borne to counsaile.

Immediatly after this Marcus dyed, when hee had ruled the Empyre .xviii. yeares, lyuinge but a daye and a nighte after, for his vertues in gouernmēt, they called him Parentem probum, other Bonum Imperato­rem, and some fortissimum ducem, manye called him Continentem moderatum (que) principem, great lamentacion was in all partes of the Romaine Do­minion, so vertuous a go­uernour to be taken from them. (⸫)

Aurelius Commodus.

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TWo hundreth yeares were almost passed from Augustus to this Emperour. Frō Augustus who succeaded Iulius Caesar his great vncle, the gouernment of one in a Monarche preuailed: Monarchia▪ thoughe in those .ii. hundreth yeares there had bene manye wicked gouernours, yet from the time of this wicked Emperoure Cōmodus, Comodus. to Gordianus who was the xxviii. Emperour, greater were the troubles & stormy seasons of the Romaine Empyre in these Emperours followinge then before: for then was the brittle estate of kingdomes seene, The trouble­some state of Emperours followinge. bloudye conspiracies to vsurpe ambitious­lye, so many calamityes, suche slaughters of noble peares, a souldiour to daye, to morrowe and Emperour, a Prince fallen from throne y t yester day enioyed: rashnes made choice of Em­perours, Troublous times. and money brybed the electors, by the often faule of tyrantes, the ouerthrowe of the Empyre of Rome manye ti­mes was like to followe, great were the calamityes of those dayes, the people & kingdome in myserable estate, when such broyle and stormy seasons followed. As the maner was this yonge Emperour (his father Marcus beinge deade) was broughte vnto the armye to be seen of them, at whose sighte they greatlye reioysed, hopinge in him the like estate of king­dome and felicitye, beinge so vertuouslye broughte vppe: to whom he made an oration alluringe by all meanes theyr loue and stedfast fayth, by the which Princes haue theyr strongest [Page] [...] [Page 61] [...] [Page] holde, The strōgest hold of Prin­ces. at this present the godly exhortacion of Marcus his fa­ther was layed vp in his brest, y e graue counsaile of those whō Marcus left fathers to him as yet brideled him, and ruled his doinges, dissolute libertye and wanton pleasures were as yet banished from the Courte of this Prince, great was the hope of the godly, to haue and enioye a wyse and godly gouernour, the wicked feared that godlynes harboring the Prince, their practises (enemyes to vertue) woulde shut them out by little and litle, wherevppon there crept in euen those who soughte by pleasant inuention and courtly toyes to delight the yonge Prince, Flatterye. flatterye saluted the kinge, and pleasure followed to banket with him: Pleasure. at a sodaine these two diuerslye moued and incensed this yonge Prince from godly exercises, placinge be­fore his eyes the noble libertye of Princes, the free lyfe, the voluptuous estate, by aucthoritye to commaunde as will ly­steth to beare aucthoritye, theyr pleasaunt counsaile, toyes & fantasyes, drewe the heade of this yonge Prince to dissolute libertye, his owne minde gaue him counsaile to fansye what liked him: Adulation. graue counsaile gaue place to adulation, and plea­sure was chiefe gallant to the kinge, Pleasure. so much flattery and lust draweeth frō vertue godly Princes, that very fewe are found whiche yelde not therevnto, The destruc­tion of king­domes. so harde a thinge it is to put of y e plague which pulleth downe kingdomes & destroyeth Prin­ces. Cōmodus pricked forward w t these instigations, was de­sirous to leaue the roughe and barren countrye of Pannonia, and to see the pleasures of Rome & delightes thereof: whose comminge to Rome, was with all ioye and princelye enter­taynment receiued. This Cōmodus discended from an aunci­ent race of Senators by byrth, his mother was called Fausti­na the daughter of Antonius Pius, nyce to Adrian the Em­perour, Traian the Emperour was her great graundfather: nothinge wanted in Cōmodus that nature coulde geeue, for hee was adorned with a most beutifull personage, a manlye coūtenaunce, grauetye, learninge and wisedome: yeares one­lye wanted in him, for affectinge to be at libertye, his yonge heade began to rule the counsayle of the graue: pleasure shee­wed wherein he delighted, and then pleasure chosed him ma­tes: [Page 62] the care which he ought in gouernment to haue was ne­glected, Pleasure. how happye had it bene for him if hee had submitted himselfe to the tuition of those graue and fatherly Senators, whom his father Marcus had chosen him? Cōmodus nowe enduced by euill perswasion, Perennius. made Perennius an Italian chiefe ouer his souldiours, who perceyuinge Cōmodus who­lye enclined towardes him, suffered the Emperoure as luste ledde him to dispose his life, his counsaile ruled the Prince & suffered him to exceade in al wanton pleasures, ryote, whore­dome and all abhomination: This euill counsellour Perenni­us, Ambition. moued with ambitious desyre neglected the Prince, see­kinge his priuate aduauncemente: the sage and graue Sena­tors are now put out of place, onlye Perennius beareth sway to rule the dissolute minde, by whose conueyance ambition so broyled in his breste, that hee wroughte treasons against Cō ­modus, for his ambition not content with lofty estate, sought to murther this Emperoure Cōmodus: Perennius. but his conspiracye came to light, wherevppon he was beheaded of Cōmodus. Many treasons also were wrought against him, as of Mater­nus, Maternus. and Cleander Cleander. who in like maner by ambition moued, sought to vsurpe aboue the Prince, but theyr sodaine ambiti­on brought them vnloked for a sodaine death. At this tyme a great pestilence fell in Rome which deuoured infinite people by infection, greate fyers also destroyinge houses continued many dayes, and because this Emperour abhorringe vertu­ous life gaue himselfe to all abhomination, eche one cryed out these plagues to faule for y e iniquitye of theyr Prince. What greater pride coulde be then to refuse his name Cōmodus, commaunding himselfe to be called Hercules the sonne of Iu­piter, Pride: and leauinge of his princelye robe to clothe himselfe with a Lions skinne: great was the follye of this Prince if it were in all pointes at large resighted. In the quallity of sho­tinge Comodus excelled all men, whom in that gifte neither the moste worthye archers of the Parthians, neyther of the practised Numidians coulde in anye respecte be equall, He­rodian resighteth at large his excellencye therein. Cōmo­dus leauinge the care of gouernmente, gaue himselfe to all [Page] dissolutenes, who beinge counsailed of his frendes to auoyde the infamye & euill fame that his wicked life did procure him, those priuily not onely he expelled from him, but also sought to murther them: Letus. as Letus and Electus his chamberlaynes, Electus. with Martia his harlotte: Cōmodus (as his maner was) did vse oftentimes the bathinge house, whom at a certaine time returninge from the same Martia by drincke poysoned him, which poyson whether it were by force of nature, (or as the maner of Emperours was) by vsing a preseruatiue against poyson, at that instance hee was preserued and began to re­couer, but they that were priuye of this treason, (seinge the Emperour beyonde theyr expectation to escape the poyson) brybed with great rewardes one Narcissus a hardye & stoute man to strangle him, Narcissus. who for money accomplished theyr desyre: This ende Cōmodus had for the leadinge of a filthye and abhominable life, after he had ru­led thirtene yeares, whose nobilitye and goodlye giftes of nature, by adulation and pleasure were destroyed, & he by folly subuerted. (⸫)

Pertinax.

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COmmodus being deade in this sorte as you haue harde, the conspiratours toke counsell how they might conceale the murther: wher­vppon by night they conueighed his body in a chest as if it had bene some other thinge ne­cessarye to be caryed forth by two whom they trusted. The murder as yet vnknowen, and least of all suspec­ted, neither searche or vewe was made to know what thinge was caryed oute: but the bodye of the slaine Emperour was caryed vppon a carte into the fielde. Martia the harlotte of Commodus, with Letus and Electus poletikelye deuised for theyr safegarde, Commodus. considering that Commodus excessiuelye pampered his body with surfetinge, obseruinge no meane but as a most be astlye glotton was destitute of all reason, so­brietye neuer tempered the Prince, but as Sardanapalus or Epicurus, placed all his ioye and felicity in that excessiuenes, therefore because his disordered life was knowne to all peo­ple, Pollicye. his continuall surfetinge reserued in memorye, they bru­ted abrode that he died sodainly of a disease called Apoplexia: Apoplexia. the which fame was sone beleued, The death of tyrantes. because eche one knew this Prince to be geuen to all beastlines, the plagues also that fell before time were thoughte to happen on them for the wicked life of the Prince: the multitude not regardinge the sodaine ende of Commodus life, was most glad thereat, the godlye wished for a better estate through a more godly and vertuous gouernour: the wicked were very glad of a chaunge, eche one [Page] rather desyrouse to heare and carrye newes, then to regarde the manner of his death: After this consultation was had a­mongest the conspirators, no heyre being left to succede in go­uerment, a longe pause taken, they thought it good to chuse out some one whom wisedome, & horeheaded age had caught, thereby hopinge for full securitye of estate, and a deliuerance from tyrannicall gouernment, amongest many graue & sage peares: Pertinax. Pertinax a noble Senator aboue the rest appeared, whom Marcus Antonius before vsed familiarly for his graue counsaile, makinge also greate price of him, this also was a greate proufe of his worthines, that beinge a sage, graue and wise man, obtayninge greate dignities in Marcus Antonius dayes, a noble warrior a valiant captaine, a fatherlye Sena­tor preferred vnto manye highe dignityes by offices, and be­inge become possessor of greate and ritche reuenewes whiche had fallen to him: Pertinax his life. yet he was in goodes and substance poore, well he vsed the same when vertue dispended his reuenewes: wherevppon hee was thoughte most worthye to beare chiefe stroke of gouernmente, Couetousnes in maiestra­tes, is the o­uerthrowe of a common wealth. beinge not couetous and by neglec­tinge his owne estate to preferre y e state of the cōmon wealth. In the night they went to Pertinax, who fearinge to be mur­dered because of so sodayne a comminge, the deathe of Com­modus not knowne: who before had sodainlye murdered ma­ny Senators, but theyr comminge beinge thorowlye vnder­stode and the writinge of Commodus seene, what murthers he pretended: The acte of [...]rantes. he gaue credite vnto them, and was content to obey vnto theyr choise: eche one was glad that so vertuous a Prince should succede, great were the numbers of souldiours at these dayes in the Romaine Empyre, for continuallye ha­uinge warres, they were enforced to maintaine garisons of souldiours to content whose mindes, Letus made an Oratiō to them in this wyse: Commodus your Emperour daily sur­fetinge dyed sodainlye, his disordered life hasted his deathe, (and as ye knowe) euery one hath some or one impediment to vntwine the brittle threade of life, you knowe his liuinge, ye see his ende, Commodus. [...] his wilfull heade obeyed no counsayle, he was a banketing Prince, ryote was his mate, and ryote hath killed [Page 64] him: who by bellye cheare choked, the earthe presētlye hath swallowed vp: thus muche he sayd vnto them, commendinge with longer talke Pertinax, whom all men loued, whose ver­tues they embraced. Pertinax. Pertinax also made an Oration vnto them, whereby he might pacifye theyr mindes, & winne them to obedience. Forreine Princes knowinge of the election of so vertuous a Prince sent theyr Embassages, reioysing there­at. This Pertinax was an Italian borne, and valiantly she­wed himselfe against the Germaynes, and vnto manye other Regions in time of his gouernment, he behaued himselfe as a vertuous Prince and mercifull. Beastlye souldiours. But the nomber of souldi­ours prohibited of theyr olde liberties, which they before en­ioyed vnder Commodus, who then liued voluptuouslye as he did, in workinge iniuryes, robbinge and spoyling from other like rashe heades and warlike stomackes, not bearinge the gouernment of so vertuous a Prince, they disobeyed him, and contempned his gouernment, ponderinge more the restraint of their folishe libertye and voluptuous life, then his godlye and vertuous rulinge: happye had the Romaine Empyre bene if he had longe continued in gouernment, beinge repleat with iustice, A godly ma­iestrate. voyde of ambition, carefull of the cōmon wealth, louinge learninge: oftentimes frequentinge the Scoles and disputations of the learned, the base multitude of souldiours voide of counsayle, full of beastly maners in a tumulte rose a­gainst Pertinax and slue him in the ende, and cut of his head: those that conspired his deathe inclosed themselues in holdes for feare of reuenge of theyr wickednes. This thinge paci­fyed, they made Proclamation the Empyre to be his, that would geue most moneye for it, Iulianus hearinge at his ban­quet and feast, that moneye would bye the Empyre, Iulianus. his wife and daughter with manye other perswadinge him with mo­neye to purchase that moste noble dignitye, for that Iulianus in heaped ritches passinge all other might the better obtaine it: Moneye. Thus was the Empyre, which by vertue and merite one­ly was to be geuen to Princes, was nowe boughte with mo­neye, but no office or dignitye purchased with moneye, Bought offi­ces. can shewe anye hope of a good maiestrate: for dignity boughte, [Page] sheeweth an ambitious minde, a corrupt cōscience, a purpose grounded vppō priuate gaine: Priuate gaine. priuate gayne without medio­crity is the marke & ende at the which all they shote at, which procure y e same with moneye, as did this Iulianus: The good and fatherly Senators bewayled y t estate, and all other good men lamented to see so noble an Empyre brought to the elec­tion of moneye. The death of Pertinax was muche bewayled of the godly, who were not able to beare sway amongest those barbarous Legiōs of rash & bloudy souldiours, whose cruel­tye was extreame toward so graue & fatherlye a Prince, for his head cut of, was caryed about as a laughinge stocke: but the godlye Pertinax beinge deade, the people vttered these wordes with great lamentation, as longe as Pertinax liued we liued in all securitye, Pertinax. we feared no man, Pertinax was a godly Prince, a father amōgest Senators, a defender of good men. The Romaynes thought themselues fortunate hee ru­linge, Sinne. but sodainly they lost that Iewel, so God for the iniqui­tye of sinne, taketh from the earth godlye Princes, and in the ende hee scourgeth wicked gouernours, The power of God. treadeth downe the mightye, and pulleth downe the proude, he rayseth out of prison to commaunde the pui­saunte, such is the estate of kingdomes, the cause, the time, the person, the conti­nuance of succession vnknowen, ex­cepte onlye to God. (⸪)

Didius Iuliauus, and Seuerus.

[figure]

DIdius Iulianus was borne at Milane, who bought the Empyre with money as it is sheewed before, hee continued seuen monethes, who in all the time of his go­uernmente gaue himselfe to all beastly­nes and wicked life he descended of a no­ble byrthe, hauinge great cunninge and knowledge in the ciuill lawe, who because he coulde not paye those greate sommes that hee promised in byinge of the Em­pyre, the men of warre murthered him, for hee was beheaded in his Pallace, Iulianus. his head set vp before the courte of Hostilius, and there as an open spectcle and laughinge stocke was de­rided: this was his ende, but the Romaynes beinge in this estate fansyed an other gonernour called Niger, Niger. at the same time beinge the liefetenaunt in Syria, for all Phenitia and all the Region to the floudde Euphrates was vnder his gouern­ment: Niger was greatly commended in those whom he go­uerned, Embassadours also came to Antioche, kinges and noble Peares resorted from beyonde Euphrates reioysinge of Niger his successe. Niger therevppon fully hopinge to enioye without resistaunce the honour of that dignitye which he lo­ked for, Delaye. somewhat delayed the time: Furthwith the glory of that Empyre, Seuerus. moued a valiante Captaine Seuerus by name, who was not only valiaunte in strength, but also wyse and ex­perte to assaye & finishe that which he enterprised, his dreame also which he dreamed at the choise of Pertinax made him e­gar [Page] to assaye his enterprise, Seuerus with all pollecye per­swaded y e whole multitude that he wente to reuenge y e death of Pertinax, Seuerus was a great dissembler, circumspectlye groundinge his pollicies, Vsurpers. as those are, who by vniuste mea­nes seeke to vsurpe: preparation was made on euerye syde, forth wente Seuerus, who at a sodaine enteringe into Italye dismayde them so, that therevppon they yelded them selues. Iulianus hearinge of this, Iulianus. (voyde of all preparation) dispay­red of himselfe, the Romaynes seeinge Seuerus so valiantlye to haue successe, and all thinges to go forwarde with him, ac­compted Iulianus a cowarde, they neglected Niger because he delayed the oportunitye geuen. Iulianus drawinge neare to Rome, Iulianus death. was commaunded to be beheaded of one of the Try­bunes, which thinge assone as Seuerus hearde, hee drewe to­warde Rome with more hast, where he soughte out the mur­therers of Pertinax, by commaundement expellinge them. This ende Iulianus had, Moneye. his kingdome bought with moneye continued not, y e men of warre disceaued of theyr pray murthe­red him. Niger seinge a mightier to ryse, whō also many vic­tories followed with felicitye of estate, and hauinge receyued letters in the which was declared vnto him, that Rome was enioyed of Seuerus, and that y e whole Senate saluted him as Emperour, these thinges being knowen to Niger, which be­fore were vnloked for: Suche is the fauour and strengthe of brittle kingdomes, so vncertaine is the staye of ambitious go­uernours and seates sone remoued, nowe sodainlye fortune which laughed vppon Niger, Prosperitye deceitfull. frowneth on him, the mightye armyes and garisons of warrelike souldiours fostered in Illi­ria both by sea and lande buskled themselues to bringe downe Niger, Niger beinge amased at this great and sodaine blast, seeketh frendes, and warneth the Presidentes and chiefe go­uernours of those prouinces to see vnto his portes, to fortifye all those places where the ennemye might haue best opportu­nitye to enter in, Niger his practises. he sent vnto the kinges of Parthia, of Arme­nia, Byzance. & other Princes for ayde, hee made Bizansium his forte, a Cittie most wealthy and great, fortifyed aswell with men as moneye. Seuerus by all meanes slackinge no time as Ni­ger [Page 66] did, forthwith approched to the Cittie of Bizance, because he knew it a Cittye for strength passinge other: to withstand his passage Niger sente Emilianus, who foughte diuers bat­tailes w t the souldiours of Seuerus, Emilianus. but in the ende Emilianus was by him vanquished, so all thinges went against Niger, greate was the slaughter of Niger his souldiours, none esca­ped but such as fledde: Manye battayles were also fought be­twene Niger and Seuerus, but Seuerus for successe preuailed, Niger for lacke of men and money, Niger. fled to Antioche for ayde, but all this preuailed not, for neither munitiō, neither valiant souldiours which he had plentye of, did anye thinge preuaile, so hard a thinge it is to trust vnto loftye estate, or the fauoure, power, and aucthoritye of the mightye, where God rayseth a kingdome, the weake shall chase awaye the mightye, and the nedye robbe the wealthye, Kingdome. folishe heades shall subuert y e sage and prudente counsailes of the graue and wise: The secrete counsaile of God. no counsaile stayeth victorye, nor pollicye putteth of the enterprises of ab­iecte parsons where God refuseth y e estate. Well so vnlucke­lye all thinges wente on Nigers syde, that neyther the fauour of the Romaynes which first chose him, neither strengthe of men or moneye preuailed, but the greate calamitye whiche happeneth vnto the miserable, for hee in the ende was forced to flye backe to Antioche: Calamities of warre. great lamentacion was made and pitifull showtes for the death of so many souldiours, the child for his father cryed alas, the father for his sonne, the wyfe for her husbande, brother for brother, the frende for frende. Niger then sought an out corner to hide himselfe in, he that li­ued in the face of many nowe hydeth himselfe for feare, one y e ruled many, The faule of a mightye Prince. nowe feareth to be murthered of one, but Niger pursued of Seuerus horsemen was taken & beheaded of them. These thinges set in quietnes, Seuerus had but one ennemye to assaye, Albinus by name, whom also by deceit he murthe­red: Albinus. then Seuerus was onlye, but as concerninge Albinus assone as he heard y t Seuerus did stoppe the narrowe straigh­tes and passage of the Alpes, hee as yet in all voluptuousnes leadinge his life, was sodainlye stricken with feare and forth­with hee remoued his armye oute of Britayne into Fraunce, [Page] sendinge letters to the Princes that dwelled by him, Albinus. for ayde of men and moneye, manye refused to ayde Albinus fearinge the successe of Seuerus. When Seuerus came into Fraunce diuers skirmishes were made, but in y e ende Seuerus pitched his tente neare to Lugdunū a Cittie in Fraunce in y e partes of Aquitania, a Cittye of great wealthe of people populous, wherein Albinus closed himselfe for his safegard, & sent forth a sufficient multitude to fighte for him, valiaunt was the cou­rage of euery souldiour, theyr fight manlye, none gaue place to other a longe season, this doubtfull estate of battaille con­tinued, at the lengthe Seuerus (though most manlye) was vn­horsed, and castinge his Princely cloake from him was there­by vnknowen, assone as Albinus hearde that Seuerus was in that extremitye, he came out of the houlde, not as a manly Prince but as a cowarde the fielde wonne, but vnloked for, reskue was made of freshe souldiours to ayde Seuerus: Albi­nus and his souldiours at a sodaine retyred beinge chased of Seuerus men to the Cittye of Lugdunum the which Cittye they burned, The death of Albinus. and beheaded Albinus and broughte the heade vnto Seuerus. This Seuerus most victoriously hath put downe three Emperours, Iulianus, Niger and Albinus: who maye be compared with Caesar against Pompeie, who were vali­ante captaynes, eyther with Augustus against Antonye, and the noble sonnes of Pompeie, eyther with Silla and Marius in pollicye or counsayle, for hee excelled them: And because Albinus had many frendes at Rome he sent the heade of Al­binus thither: cōmaundinge it to be hanged vp in the sight of all men, & in the same letter wherin he certifyed the Romay­nes of his successe, he wrote in the ende thereof these wordes: Ideo caput Albini publicae in patibulo spectandum mitto, vt exemplum capiant eius amici, quid ipsis patiendum fo­ret. Therefore I do sende the heade of Albinus in sight to be hanged vp, A terror. that his frends may loke for the like: Immediat­lye all thinges set in quiet estate, he marched toward Rome with a terrible hoste, and with all hast taking his voyage fol­lowinge therein Caesar. Seuerus enteringe Rome, all the Romaynes outwardly reioysed and the Senate, forthwith he [Page 67] put to deathe all the fauourers of Albinus. Seuerus was a cruell Emperour, Crueltye. nothinge regardinge the life of any whom his cruell harte did fansye to murther, in trauaile and paynes he was inferiour to no souldiour in sufferinge of colde, heate, honger, Couetousnes thirste, he passed all other in these extremityes, in co­uetousnes he went beyonde all Emperours, wherevppon not content with his estate, ambitiouslye he soughte larger king­domes, and vnder pretence to worke his heauy displeasure a­gainste certaine which fauoured Niger, hee entered againste Barsemius, he ledde his armye into the Easte, he passed also into Armenia subduinge Augarus and his kingdome, Augarus. and ca­ryed his children with him for hostages, Seuerus was ayded by him with a greate nomber of mightye Archers, hee passed from thence to Felix Arabia, Arabia. burninge & spoylinge the coun­tryes, Arras. hee layde siege to the Cittie Arras where the Romay­nes were myserablye afflicted, and Seuerus with the greate slaughter of his souldiours discomfited left the siege: the mē of Arras were noble Archers, wherby Seuerus nothinge pre­uailed, the men of Arras also vsed diuers pollicies whereby they poysoned his men, hee passed from thence to Parthia to kinge Artabanus, Artabanus. whom against the lawe of Armes he ente­red vpon, beinge in league with him, he spoyled his countrye, destroyed his people and ledde them captiues awaye, only the kinge Artabanus with a few horsemen escaped, The lawe of armes to be kept. but his trea­sure and ritches fell to the praye and spoyle of Seuerus soul­diours, then from thence hee passed home to Rome, who cau­sed the whole maner & estate of his conquestes, to be set forth in Mappes and cardes to be seene of all men, Seuerus beinge receiued with all solemnitye, quietly setled himselfe to make his abode there, geuinge sentence in all controuersyes of the lawe, carefull in the education and bringinge vppe of his two sonnes Marcus Antoninus & Geta, Mareus An­toninus. Geta. these two in the absence of theyr father with all libertye hauinge free passage, to fan­sye that liked them, theyr natures were corrupted: Delicijs, victu vrbano, spectaculis, studio saltationis. That is, with delicious fare, ryot, sightes, and daunsing, and surely where these things be in vse, beastly life followeth, because pleasure [Page] which destroyeth vertue incenseth them, and where pleasure harboreth, Pleasure. vertue with all sobrietye, temperancye and pru­dente counsaile is expelled. Constantinus the greate refor­minge his Courte and purginge it, expelled from the same Aliatores, The rattes of Prīces Courtes. saltatores, & adulteros, quia inquit hij sunt Sori­ces Pallacij. That is, dysers, daunsers, & adulterous parsons, saying these be y e rattes of my Pallace: the like also sayd Pria­mus, Priamus. Hector, Nestor, and worthy Troilus being slaine, these valiaunte parsonages (sayth he) cruell Mars hath slaine, but I haue left me reprochfull children, drosse, and refuce full of filthye spottes, detestable lyars, dauncers, & robbers of other. The like we reade of Henrye the fift kinge of Englande, Henrye y e v. who conquered all Fraunce, this Prince (as the Histories do note) banished all dissolute parsons frō his Court, being sometime a wantō Prince himselfe, yet receiuing charge of kingdome, he gaue himselfe to all wisedome, grauety, & temperancy, his kingdome prospered, The wyse Prince. and people flowrished, large were his victories in Fraunce, vertuous life ruled his commons, and quailed his ennemyes: A voluptuous Prince is neuer drea­ded of his ennemyes, The volup­tuous Prince he is hated and accompted of little force, the weake Prince beinge godly winneth by vertue, and pro­cureth thereby the loue of his ennemye, small are the holdes, and weake are the fortresses of the voluptuous Princes, as the Chronicles testifye, concerninge Antoninus and Geta the two sonnes of Seuerus by disposition and nature contrary, continuallye were at discention in all games and pastymes, not as children sone ceassing displeasure, but maliciously eche one hatinge deadlye thother. The destruc­tiō of a king­dome. Seuerus feared theyr naturall dispositions, least at anye tyme theyr malicious hartes should worke on thēselues mischiefe. Antoninꝰ Antoninus. was by nature wic­ked, cruell, beastly, Geta gentle, lowly, & curteous, this An­toninus afterwarde in his owne life shalbe Chronicled what he was. Geta. At y t time Seuerus maryed Antoninus to the daugh­ter of Plausianus against his will, wherevppon Antoninus threatned assone as Seuerus his father dyed, to slea his wyfe & her father Plausianus, Plausianus. which thinge Plausianus hearinge of, fearinge y e cruell head of Antoninus, determined in minde to [Page 68] slea both the sonnes of Seuerus, his conspiracye came to light Seuerus yet liuinge: Plausiauus. This Plausianus had bene exalted from poore and needye estate, to greate dignitye, who not contente with his estate sought by ambition, to be aboue his Lorde and maisters childrē, Ambition. the age of Seuerus moued him thereto part­lye, and the great & infynite treasures gathered by the spoile of manye Regions, and captiuitye of kinges moued him also, but this conspiracye beinge knowne to Seuerus & vttered by Saturninus a Tribune, Saturninus. who should haue done y t wicked facte, therevnto beinge hyred, Plausianus was apprehended as the Historye noteth at large, Plausianus his death. and forthwith was beheaded.

Seuerus by all meanes sought to ioyne amitye and concord with his two sonnes, fearinge the perill that would followe, and the greate calamitye on the Romaynes, these two Prin­ces beinge at discorde, Discorde. liuinge with all libertye, flowed in all wanton pleasures and fonde pastimes, all which things with theyr wicked behauiour made Seuerus a carefull Prince, hee perswaded them to loue, geeuinge them admonitions and fa­therlye counsaile, The ruine of kingdomes. hee called to minde before them the greate ruine of kingdomes, the faule of Princes, the destruction of noble houses which happened by discorde, hee badde them be­ware by them, he shewed to them the glorye and fame of good kinges and Princes, the ignominye and spotted life of y e wic­ked: Discorde. discorde he sayde pulleth downe in a momente more then concorde in manye yeares purchaseth, and aduaunceth. His greate victoryes and large conquestes he sayde, woulde sone faule in the handes of other Princes, his two sonnes beinge at discorde, Deuision. theyr deuision makinge them weake, would rayse strength in other, to pull them downe, to spoyle them of their ritches, Strēgthe ar­med with cō ­corde. and to dissolue theyr kingdomes: strengthe armed w t concorde preuaileth mightely, but great armyes deuided are chased awaye and loase oftentimes theyr honour in the field: so much discorde preuayleth being in force to dissolue vnitye, but all this counsaile of Seuerus was in vaine: for dailye, for lyuinge sake, Flatterye. there crepte in those that moued by flatterye, deuision & discorde betwene the two brethren, diuers of them Seuerus put to deathe, that thus gaue counsaile to moue that [Page] broyle of discorde. Britaine. Seuerus thoughe he were very aged hea­ring that the Britaynes denyed obedience to the Romaynes, forthwith marched from Rome to warre on them, but the Britaynes sought peace, and sent Embassadours to Seuerus to purge themselues, but Seuerus entered on them, they ta­kinge the marish ground resisted him, but Seuerus politicke­lye deuised meanes to fighte with them, Getā. and in the ende con­quered them, all thinges set in quiet estate, he lefte Geta his yonger sonne chiefe gouernour there, with a nomber of wyse counsailours to instruct Geta, and to order the Ilande: The people of the Ilande knewe no vse of apparell, The maners of the Bri­taynes. but they had a hoope of Iron about theyr necke and middle, which was coū ­ted an ornament with them, and a token of great riches: their bodyes were pictured and painted with diuers shapes of bea­stes, As Caesar doth note in his Commentaryes vppon the people of this our Ilande, a nation very warrelike, cruell & bloudye. In this Emperours dayes the Christians were persecuted. The fifte per­secution of y e Christians. Croked age comminge vppon Seuerus, and also the goute troublinge him, he drewe to Rome, age forbidding him any more to warre, he sent his sonne Antoninus as liefe­tenaunte and chiefe gouernour to forraine warres, Antoninus. now An­toninus (mindinge that hee alwayes coueted) soughte to be honoured as Emperour of all men, sorye he was that Seue­rus his father liued so longe, diuers wayes he soughte by the Emperours seruauntes and Phisitions to slea him, but none obeyed his counsaile: Seuerus hearinge of his sonnes wicked purposes dyed more vpon thought then sickenes, after hee had raigned xviii. yea­res. This was the death of that valiante Emperour Seuerus: Seuerus. but Charion wri­teth that Seuerus comminge to this Ilande, dyed heare and was buried at Yorke. (⸫)

Marcus Seuerus Antoninus.

[figure]

ROme lost a wyse gouernour Seuerus be­inge dead, the ennemye also and forreine Princes had such an one taken awaye as they dreaded, who for pollecye, counsaile and all qualityes meete for such a parso­nage was inferiour to no Prince, The commē ­dation of Se­uerus. greate was his fame for his noble victoryes, all Italye, Fraunce, yea all Europe, Affricke and Asia, eyther dreaded his name or obeyed his gouernement. At the time of Seuerus death, Antoninus and Geta were in Britayne this our Ilande, immediatlye they made preparation to Rome to solemnise the funerall of Seuerus theyr father: Nowe began that discord to broyle, which longe time was in the hartes of these two brethren, for in all their passage to Rome, eche one feared other, hauing together no mutuall society, such was y e feare of the brother with the brother, both feared treason, the one dreaded to be poysoned of the other, Discorde. wherevppon seueral­ly they toke their repaste and banquetes, they feared in drinc­kes and meates poysoning, feare suspected the hartes of these that serued them, assone as they came to Rome theyr lodgin­ges were seuerallye appointed, Discorde. eche owne feared y t the great discorde of these two Princes, would worke great calamities to all the Romaynes, and destruction to themselues. As con­cerning the funerall of Seuerus, the Romaynes did celebrate it w t all due honour, (meete for so worthy an Emperour) lay­inge his corpes in the place of the Romaine Emperours, this [Page] funerall once ended, then Geta and Antoninus openlye vtte­red theyr discorde, eche one makinge traynes and craftye con­ueyance to entangle the other. Antoninus. Antoninus beinge the elder brother, feared Geta his yonger brother, Geta (thoughe yon­ger) ambitiouslye sought by manye pollicies, to occupye the place and kingdome of his elder brother, Nature. nature made them bretherne, reason woulde that concorde shoulde haue obeyed vnto nature: Lofte estate. loftye estate depriueth nature of right, kingdo­mes manye times obeyeth not nature, ambition in loftye go­uernours casteth of kindred and grudgeth to haue his mate, Ambition. euen as Pompeie broked not his like, and as full euill Caesar coulde beare his superior, so ambition in these two bretherne seeketh a sole regiment alone without the other, thoughe dis­corde possessed these two Princes, yet they had subtill heades and flatteringe tongues, whiche frequented them, counsaile lacked not on both theyr sides to worke mischiefes, Adulations but yet y e loue and fauoure of the greater parte of the Romaynes was well affected to Geta, because Geta gaue a good opiniō of god­ly behauiour, Geta. in talke and gesture ciuil, gentle, and curteous, his delectacion was in thinges worthye commendation, the company of the sage and wise delighted him, his vertues gate him loue and his gentle behauiour with all men purchased him fauoure, but Antoninus Antoninus. by nature cruell, excercised cru­eltye, with tyrannye commendinge: warrelike in all his con­ditions, Irefull, mightely threateninge, with feare not with loue seekinge obedience, euē as violent kingdomes lacke loue of subiectes to obedience, so violente gouernours are more dreaded then loued, Violent go­uernours. miserable is the estate of those Princes, yea the kingdome vnfortunate, where discord prepareth mis­chiefe, where cloked hartes grounde pollecies to deminishe y e estate or depriue the honoure thone of the other: Discorde. that that Se­uerus by large victories gate, that which by concorde he ray­sed to the aduauncement of the Romayne Empyre, now dis­corde in these. ii. brethrene bringeth defamation, weakeneth theyr strength, shortneth theyr life, pulleth downe theyr king­dome, theyr discorde caused diuision of countryes, for diuers Regions were lymitted vnto eche of them, as all Europe to [Page 70] be in the iurisdiction of Antoninus and Asia was lymitted for the possession & patrimonye of Geta: Bizance. Bizance had a great garrison of souldiours for Antoninus, Calcedon. and Calcedon a Cit­tye in Bithinia was the forte of Geta, Antioche and Alexan­dria the kinglye seate for Geta, Mauritania and Numidia be­longed to Antoninus, this the Senators of Rome (ledde w t all deliberatiō) thought good to make this equality betwene them, the Empresse with great sorrowe suspectinge discorde oftentimes admonished them, Vnitye. and gaue them exhortacion & as a wyse Empresse mindefull of vnitye allured them to con­corde, but her counsayle nothinge preuailed, dailye theyr dis­corde, hatred, and bloudye practises encreased, thone fearing thother, both liued warely from hurt and poysoninge because they feared: Ambition. but at the lengthe Antoninus not contente with the estate of Geta, nor with the fauoure wherewith hee was affected, therevppon incensed to possesse a sole kingdome, at a sodaine by violence entered his brothers chamber by nighte, Geta mur­thered. and at vnwares before his mother beheaded him: Nowe is the hart of Antoninus seene, nowe hath discorde caughte his ende which hee loked for, then Antoninus (the murther vn­knowen) ranne forth makinge great exclamation cryinge out for helpe: sayde, that Geta with a companye entered vppon him to slea him, but his strength preuayled and so he escaped, great was the tumulte and busines of Antonye in this sturre then he allured the hartes of the men of warre geuinge them princely giftes, (by which they beinge ouercome) proclaymed him Emperour. Antoninus with an eloquent Oration par­swaded the multitude, appeased theyr Irefull hartes, and as­muche as laye in him altered theyr suspition. Tyrannye. As sone as hee was created Emperour and in quietnes settled, hee murthe­red all the frends of Geta sparinge no age, yea not the infant, so y t not one remayned on liue in the cōmon wealth of Rome, that had any frendship w t Geta. Then he made hauoke of the Senators of Rome, espetiallye on those who eyther in nobili­tye or ritches excelled, small was the cause, and full lighte the occasion that procured the murther of any put to death, ma­ny noble peares and women also he put to death, as his owne [Page] wyfe the daughter of Plausianus, the sonne of Pertinax, his crueltye was intollerable, that hatred whiche he bore toward Geta was so great (that he being murthered) yet he ceasseth not to destroye and slaye all the chiefe gouernours and Presi­dentes of the prouinces as frends to Geta: Tyrannye. the day time was not sufficient for his murthers, but also he bestowed the night seasons in that crueltye, manye were his slaughters, and his beastlines intollerable, the barbarous souldiours loued him, bothe for his prodigalitye and bountifull giftes, Mē of warre wherewith theyr fauoure was incensed to loue him, hope of praye and spoyle, The warri­ars life. leadeth to extreame perill and hasarde the accustomed warrior: contrary to that which peace procureth, and furthe­reth to those whiche liue by peace: Euenso these sonnes of Mars, do pitche theyr sure holde in the great calamities of o­ther, and as reueninge foules do loke after praye. Antoni­nus wrapped in all monstrous vices, left the partes of Italy, and toke his voyage to Danubius, wher in all pleasure for his delight he did flowe at will. The Germaynes he made fren­des to him, to ayde him in warres he chose oute of them those which were of goodliest parsonage to garde him in all poin­tes, and in dyet, apparell & maners he became a Germaine, and to winne the fauoure of the souldiours to make them the more painefull in all trauaile: A greate pol­licye. hee digged, he delued manye times with his owne handes, on foote he trauailed bearinge burthens, vsinge most slender fare wherewith his commen­dation entitled him a rare captaine. These were rare & sin­guler practises in so noble a peare, which Zenophon noteth in his Historye, saying that this onlye is the meanes for those which in martiall feates seeke to go beyonde other, to be in labour equall to other, and because he woulde be an other A­lexander, Alexander. in all Citties he caused the Images of Alexander to be set vppe, yea at Rome in the Capitolle and Temples.

Herodian wrote the Historye at large, and sayth that hee in those dayes with manye other, sawe diuers pictures whiche in one bodye had ii. faces the face of Alexander and of Anto­ninus, hee wente to the Tombe of Achilles honouringe him, but aboue al he commended Silla and Hanniball to whom al­so [Page 71] he made pictures, he wrought much villanye to the men of Alexandria as the historye noteth at large, because they of Alexandria mocked him, in that so vainlye he would matche himselfe with Alexander and Achilles, which contumely he not bearinge, murthered an infinite sort of them by a gyle, af­ter this he sought to marye the daughter of Artabanus king of the Parthians, Dissimulatiō ▪ shewing what strength it would be, the Ro­maine Empyre and the mightye kingdome of Parthia to be ioyned in one, but this was only a guile and trayne to winne Parthia. Kinge Artabanus thought, that vnfaynedly An­toninus made that request of mariage, but in the ende he had welnighe destroyed the kinge, makinge greate hauoke with his people. Then Antoninus after that he had murthered y e people & spoyled the country, went into Mesapotamia, where hee had his delectation in hunting straunge beastes, at that time Macri [...]us and Audentius beinge liefetenantes of his armyes, Macrinus. had the doinge of those matters onlye, Autentius. wherby they were the onlye rulers. Antoninus curious in his doinges was not content to aspyre to the knowledge of humaine mat­ters, but also he soughte to learne of sprytes, and because hee feared by other to be murthered, he talked with the most ex­perte southsayers, Vanitye. Astrologians, inchaunters and witches, none excelled whom he talked not with to knowe his estate & ende of life, but not cōtent with theyr aunsweres because they seemed to flatter him, he caused certaine to coniure vp spiri­tes, to knowe of them what ende hee shoulde haue, or if anye wrought treason to his person or kingdome, amonge manye coniurers Matermanus aboue the rest excelled, who learned of his coniured spirite, that one Macrinꝰ who bare chiefe auc­thoritye vnder Antoninus, did seeke the Emperours death, and whether that he learned so of the coniured spirite, Coniuringe. or that some other for hatred vttered the same to kill Macrinus it is vncertaine, Macrious. but the Chronicles do note that Macrinus was in the ende the deathe of Antoninus: Austine wryteth a Booke De diuinatione demoniorum, sheewinge that deuils do knowe of thinges to come, declaringe great proufes of the same. Palingenius wryteth also thereof, sheewinge by good [Page] argument the same, and herein for a manifest [...] example is that Historye of the spirite coniured in the bodye of Samuell, Saule. who shewed that Saule the kinge should dye in the next battaile.

But nowe as concerninge Macrinus the letters which the coniuerer sente to Antoninus the Emperour, came at suche time as Antoninus was otherwise occupyed, he willed there­vppon Macrinus to reade the letters: Macrinus readinge the letters sawe his death that would followe, by the instructiō of the coniured spyrites, Martialis. but he preuentinge the matter, per­swaded a certaine yonge man named Martialis, to seeke apor­tunitye to murther Antoninus, who at a sodaine killed him, beinge at his priuye, but Martialis escaped not, for hee was slaine of the Germaynes who were his garde, the murther done, Macrinus. Macrinus thoughe he wrought the treason, yet hee see­med by lamentation and outwarde behauiour sorrowfull of y e death of Antoninus: for causes there were that might seeme vppon some priuate displeasure taken, to procure that mur­ther. Antoninus beinge deade, the men of warre not know­inge what gouernours they mighte obeye (for .ii. dayes they were without an Emperour) then they toke aduisement who were moste meete to gouerne, Antoninus recompensed with bloude for bloud. at the firste Audentius was thoughte aboue the rest meete to occupye that roume, for hee was a wise and valiaunte captaine, Audentius. longe age with greate ex­perience excelled in him, but by reason of age he refused y e of­fer, preferringe a quiet and priuate estate, before that digni­ [...]ye, then the Tribunes fauouringe Macrinus, obtayned so greate fauoure that Macrinus enioyed the same. At the same time Artabanus kinge of the Parthians to reuenge the olde iniuryes, Moerinus chosen Em­perour. made preparation against the Romaynes, where­vppon the more willingly they chose Macrinus Emperour, because he was liefetenaunt in the warres before. Artaba­nus with a great power came vppon the Romaynes hauinge a great bande of valiant horsemen, stronge Archers, mighty Camels, theyr power was great and noble for parsonages. Macrinus made an Oration to the Romaynes, vtteringe the causes of Artabanus comminge, and to encourage the Ro­maynes, hee did extoll theyr inuincible strengthe, shewinge [Page 72] them also the decaye of the Romayne Empyre if Artabanus preuayled, Parthians. he layed before theyr eyes the bare and rude polli­cye of the Parthians, he extolled the wittye practises and no­ble enterprises of the Romaynes, in all Regions theyr victo­ryes and large conquestes. After this the hoaste of Artaba­nus enteringe on y e Romaynes, his Archers and other souldi­ours greatlye did hurte and made hauocke of them, the Ro­maynes on foote hande to hand, were more valiante then the Parthians, Parthians. the successe that fell to the Parthians, was by their Archers and Camels, from whom many threw dartes, then the Romaynes greatly endamaged by the horsemen of y e Par­thians, made sharpe pykes, priuelye to be set to annoye the horsemen of the Parthians, whereby manye were destroyed, mightye were the warres on bothe sides, for two dayes the battaile continued vntill nighte: the thirde daye also a newe they made a freshe battaile, where greate was the slaughter as appeared by those that laye dead in great heapes, not one­lye of men but of Camels, in this extremity Macrinus know­inge that the iniuries of Antoninus (beinge deade) was the onlye cause that moued Artabanus to warre on the Romay­nes, sente Embassadours to Artabanus the kinge of the Par­thians signifying by letters, that Antoninus the Emperour who was the cause of theyr iniuries, was deade, and now the Empyre to be in his hands, and that he liked not the doinges of Antoninus, The petition of Macrinus wherefore he promised to geue to Artabanus all the captiues and spoyle which Antoninus had from him, and that willinglye he desyered to ioyne amitye with Artaba­nus, the letters redde, he receyued the Embassadours of the Romaynes honourablye, Artabanus was contente with the offer, and ioyned league with the Romaynes, and shortlye af­ter he returned into Parthia, & Macrinus marching with his armye oute of Mesapotamia wente to Antioche. In this sort at large wryteth Herodian the true and faythfull Histo­riographer, sodaine was the death of Antoninus the wicked Emperoure, and at a sodayne the choise of Macrinus, rashe were the heades of those warrelike souldiours, A rashe chois [...] to chuse the murtherer of theyr Emperour to gouerne them.

Macrinus.

[figure]

MAcrinus comminge to Antioche (as Herodian writeth) immediatlye sente letters to the Senate & people of Rome and as it should seeme was moued there to, to thende good opinion might be bru­ted of him wherby he might winne their fauoure, and possesse theyr louinge har­tes: and because hee was giltye of the deathe of the Emperour Antoninus, with other of the Tri­bunes, as afterward time vttered y e close conspiracye of their treasons, against theyr Lorde and kinge (thoughe hee were a wicked Emperour) & euen as God leaueth no estate vnscour­ged, but for sinne and iniquitye destroyeth Citties, ouerwhel­meth Regions, displaceth Princes, so he vttereth in time all treasons, Treasons. as in these conspiratours hee opened theyr beastlye facte and bloudy practise, it is no rare thinge, but yet for wō ­der rare a captiue and abiecte parsonne to the worlde (yet in vertue excellinge) throughe the secrete prouidence of God to be aduaunced vnto a kingdome, a wicked Prince in all glory and strength flourishinge expelled from Dominion, The secrete counsaile of God in king­domes. and the estate translated to an vnknowē parson, and to a straunge na­tion: O howe happye therefore is it a kingdome to possesse a godly Prince & a vertuous, God defendeth the estate of suche whose kingdome is beautifyed with a godlye Prince, the onlye cause of the chaunge of kingdomes, A godlye Prince. and the ouerthrowe and plague of mightye Regions doth come throughe wicked go­uernours, [Page 73] for as a good Prince heapeth great glorye and feli­citye to his kingdome, The wicked Prince. so the wicked Prince subuerteth de­stroyeth and pulleth downe more in a moment and short time, then the godly gouernour is able to establishe and ordaine in a longe continuance, so muche the life of one chiefe gouernor is of force to preuaile in kingdomes.

As concerninge Macrinus in his letters to the Senate of Rome, he altogether reproued the beastly life and vngodlye behauiour of Antoninus, hee aduaunced his owne glorye by good successe which he aspyred to in forreine warres, because he rose from no noble parentage, to defende him thereby frō base reputacion: which people commonlye do beare in minde (a man of meane and lowe estate promoted to dignitye) who better cōmonlye can honour and accompte of any one though neuer so base, Men of lowe estate promo­ted. being an aliant. thē of such an one borne in their owne countrye, whose low condition of life vnto them is kno­wē, although his vertues, & worthines in actes haue extolled him to that dignitye. The race of noble kinges. The race of many kinges is by age out of minde, not knowen from what pore cotage they descended, time oute of minde entitleth them with honoure, and age for memorye Chronicleth them royall, God by a secrete proui­dence hath raised from all estates to beare Scepters, longe descent rayseth nobilitye to fame, but vertue and valiantnes of actes, are onlye the causes that shoulde make nobilitye.

Macrinus therefore to proue himselfe noble wryteth this ar­gument: True nobili­tye. Let no man thincke me vnworthye the place of the Emperour, because from lowe estate I haue ascended, for what is nobilitie excepte vertuous conditions, and noble ac­tes do make the parson glorious, for we see daylye many who as beastes liue vnto the earth destitute of all excellency, Glorious talke of a ty­raunte. with­out good fame, yea the ignorante to aspyre to heaped ritches, to honourable reuenewes, and wealthy patrimonye, vnwor­thye parsons also to enioye fortunes flotinge wealth & blessed maintenaunce, because they are thought to descende from no­ble progenye: Maruaile not therefore if the chiefe glorye of worthye fame requisite for a noble man, happen vnto one des­cendinge of meane parentes, from a meane cotage in a despi­sed [Page] body, whō fortune seemed to haue cast of, if that in prowes & valiantnes both in feates of armes, & in all other noble qua­lities, apt for the defence and gouernmente of a countrye, hee flowrisheth more then anye other. Riches not in admiration with y^ wise. The brittle giftes of for­tune are not with wise men in admiration, for fooles as bea­stes without sences accordinge to theyr owne vnderstandinge are in admiration of the riche, and place all felicitye in king­dome, ponder with oure selues these fewe examples, what a­uayled the longe race of the Aslyrian Princes to Sardanapa­lus? Sardanapa­lus. or the nobilitye of the kinges of Lidia to Candaules': Candaules. or the valiante prowes of the whole race of the kinges of Persia to cowardlye Zerxes? Zerzes. or the nobilitye of Commodus, Commodus. who in outwarde kingdome noble, did degenerate from the true nobilitye that was in Marcus his father, which Marcus was a wise, noble, godly and valiante Prince: Commodus was a rashe, foolishe and beastly gouernour. Wherevnto is come the nobilitye of Seuerus, Seuerus. Geta, Geta. and Antoninus, Antoninus. being once in glorye, who orderly by succession woulde clayme withoute iust cause the titles of kingdomes? these altogether without descente, withoute good qualities, entered by innouations to succede in kingdome: This tale being told to the Senators and people of Rome, he wrote also that he woulde be ruled in all thinges with the wisedome of the Senators, & that theyr aucthoritye should moderate the whole frame & order of his gouernment, and he promised that they should liue in that li­bertye, Dissimulatiō wherein godly Princes before him, had settled y e estate of the Romaine Empyre: As Traian, Vespasian, Adrian, Nerua, Marcus Antoninus, and Pertinax, these letters be­inge redde they proclaymed Macrinus Emperour: thoughe Macrinus were at Antioche, all the Romaynes were glad that cruell Antoninus was murthered, then inquisition was made, A iust reward for promo­ters. the Senators beinge godly disposed therto, to searche out al promoters, which in the time of the bloudy Emperour Antonye, procured the death of many, and also accused their maisters before that Emperour and shortned theyr liues, all suche were hanged on gybbets, the common wealth of Rome was throughlye purged of all wicked persons, more by the [Page 74] pollicye and counsayle of the Senatours then throughe Ma­crinus: For Macrinus at y e first enteringe of his gouernmēt, gaue himselfe from all vertue, lyuinge in all pleasure at An­tioche, nowe his priuate state is forgotten, honour and digni­tye haue chaunged him, and that great ignobilitye which hee reproued in other is forgotten, and the nobilitye for which he gloried in himselfe is now lackinge, his behauiour waxed proude, his countenaunce hautye, and maners insolent: now he will not be spoken with in maters of grauitye touchinge a common wealth, pleasure and fonde delightes drewe this vo­luptuous Emperour from care of kingdome, A sodaine chaunge. pleasant flatte­rers, iesters, dauncers, prodigall and riotous persons were his delight and companye, the lasciuious life contented not y e warriors and souldiours, for the pampered life of the delici­ous Prince and his wanton behauiour, caused him to be con­temned, he now renued the euill examples and tragicall par­tes of Antoninus, Wanton be­hauiour. whiche before he so muche despised. Ma­crinus this ill gouernour raigued a shorte time, throughe his wickednes he continued but a yeare in gouernmente, the vertuous life in a Prince hath no cause to feare what the en­nemye can do, Vertuous life in a prince. neither can the malicious heade assure anye en­terprise. Well, Macrinus was deceiued of the Romaynes, & those barbarous and warrelike souldiours, pondred howe to place another in that roume by murtheringe Macrinus.

A certaine honourable womā named Mesa the sister of Iulia, Mesa. mother in lawe vnto Antoninus, (who afterward maryed y e same Antoninus the late Emperoure) had two daughters, Semiamira Semiamira. whiche was mother to Antonius Bassianus, Mammea. and Mammea which Mammea was the mother of Alexianus af­terwarde called Alexander, both these two yonge men were Sacerdotes solis, priestes or dayned to the honour of y e Sunne, to whom the Phenitians did build a sumptuous Temple, the Princes also of other Nations therevnto a dioyninge, did ho­nour the Sunne for a God, the Parthians also (as the Histo­ryes note) did the like. Bassianus beinge in yeres youthful, of a goodly personage, Bassianus. of visenomye very amiable, at such time as the Romaynes had a garrison of noble warriors in Phe­nitia, [Page] whiche warriours also makinge theyr abode there, re­sorted many times to y t goodly Temple builded to y e Sunne, where by theyr oft resorte, they vewed well the personage of Bassianus, whose grandemother was sister to Iulia Iulia. the Em­peresse, which Iulia was mother and wyfe to Antoninus the Emperour before, they that bare chiefe aucthoritye ouer the souldiours vnder Macrinus in Phenitia, seinge that this Bas­sianus was of noble byrth descended (thoughe a prieste) The mother also of Bassianus sayd that he was the bastard sonne of Antoninus, Antoninus. whether it was fayned of her or no, it is vncer­tayne, but as for y e life of Antoninus his beastlines was such, that hee spared not his owne kindred, no not his daughters, but had with them his pleasure in theyr tender yeres, These wordes beinge credited that were spoken by the Ladye, the souldiours presentlye determined to make Bassianus Empe­rour, for that they knewe his mother to be greatlye enriched with infinite treasures, Murther for murther re­quited. with whom also they talkinge, the murther for money was agreed vppō. And so desyringe to ac­complish theyr promise made for gaine, they conueighed Bas­sianus into theyr tentes & called him by they name of Anto­nye, clothinge him in Princely apparell, preparinge all thin­ges necessarye to repell the ennemye, if theyr forte shoulde be besieged, forthwith it was knowen to Macrinus what thin­ges were done in Phenitia by the bastarde sonne of Antoni­nus, he had vnderstandinge of the whole meanes of theyr con­ueyance, and of the large promise of Mesa, at the first Macri­nus regarded not the newes, but at the lengthe iuste occasion was geeuen to credite that reporte, and then he sente forthe a chiefe and valiaunte captaine: I [...]lianus. Iulianus by name, to represse those rebelles and to deface theyr rebellion, to pull downe the estate vsurped by the bastardly priest Bassianus, who leauing his estate of priesthode, A priest Em­perour. coueted to be an Emperour. Iulia­nus doinge Macrinus commaundemente followed his pur­pose, assaulted the forte, where the souldiours sheewed on the wall this Bassianus called Antoninus, and great bagges of moneye with infinite summes, which procured the treason. Iulianus as a valiaunte Captaine, assayinge by all meanes to [Page 75] deface the vsurper, and to win the forte, in the ende he lost his heade, Iulianus. & in spight they sent it to Macrinus, the men of warre which came with Iulianus fled to Bassianus, then Macrinus made preparation in his owne parson to fighte against them, but he was fayne to flye chaūginge his apparell, and shauinge his bearde that he might not be knowne, the souldiours in the meane time fought for theyr Lord a longe time: it was longe vnknowen that Macrinus was fledde, but as sone as Bassia­nus hearde thereof, he sent certaine to pursue after him, who founde him in Calcedon Calcedon. a Cittye of Bithinia very sicke, wher they cut of this heade with his sonne Diadumenus, whō in his life time he created Emperour. Macrinus thus is re­compensed with violente deathe, and for murtheringe Antoninus the Emperour before, Murther. was murthered by Bassianus called the bastard sonne of Antony, who euer after he was made priest, was called Heliogabalus. Macrinus ruled but one yeare, a Prince withoute care of the common wealthe geuen to vo­luptuousnes and all fonde pleasures, thus caughte a miserable ende.

Heliogabalus.

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HEliogabalus called the bastarde sonne of Antonye, y e sonne of Semiamira, she be­inge sister to Iulia the Empresse before, which Heliogabalus beinge a priest: In honorem solis, made to the honour of the Sunne, for amongest the Phaenitians) as you haue hearde) the Sunne was comp­ted a God, beinge but a planet, they did honour the same at y e rysinge & going downe, to whō for honour, superstition amō ­gest them had made apriesthode of great renowne. Helyogaba­lus by inter­pretation sig­nifieth a priest of the sunne. This He­liogabalus howe he came to be Emperour, the History before sheeweth in the life of Macrinus, he was but sixtene yeares of age when he was chosen Emperour, and sixe yeares he conti­nued therein: in the ende was slaine with his mother Semia­mira, who procured with greate summes the Empyre to her sonne, whom shee fayned to be the Emperours childe. This Heliogabalus immediatelye vppon the deathe of Macrinus (the armye of souldiours brybed with greate summes of mo­ney) was proclaymed Emperour, Semiamira. though the Senatours at Rome had no choice therein, Necessities. for assone as the Senate hearde thereof, of necessitye they obeyed the choise, hauinge proufe dailye that vertue and worthines created not Emperours a­mōgest them, Election. forced. but as fansye in those warrelike stomakes gaue election, herein by force they obeyed election, seinge so sodaine choise of Emperours by them, and so sodaine the faule from their estate throughe them, cruell and bloudye hartes displa­ced [Page 76] the chosen, and hartes bribed with moneye made a newe e­lection, as Marchandise of cattell and wares they solde the Empyre, as money made the Emperours, so moneye made choyse of officers: Money. so great was the calamities of those dayes in the often chaunge of Princes and officers, that Princes v­surped by moneye and officers by bribes grewe wealthy, pri­uate gaine with eche one was in steede of a common wealth, Welthye offi­cers. the Empyre bore a name of estate, but priuate gaine with eche one bore awaye the maystrye. As concerninge Helio­gabalus after hee was created Emperour, remayned vnder the tuition (for lacke of wisedome in those tender yeres) of his grandemother Mesa, Priuete gai [...] and his mother Semiamira, the estate of the common wealth wel settled and in quietnes in the East partes, hee was counsailed (by those vnder whose tuition hee was gouerned) to make hast to Rome: Mesa▪ they sheewed him that delay in Niger, folly & tirāny in Macrinus, & vnaduisednes in Albinus, was theyr destructiō, then this Bassianus being vn­der the gouernmēt of other, obeied what they willed for a sea­son, Follye. the departure of Heliogabalus towarde Rome was bru­ted in all coastes, Delaye. the armye of souldiours vnderstode y e same, forth he passed from Syria, and made his winter abode in Ni­chomedia, suche was the season of that yeare, that it letted y e passage of the Emperoure to other coastes, Vnaduised­nes. and in y e end ther he wintered. Thoughe his graundmother and mother, had chiefe iurisdiction ouer this priestlye Emperoure, yet there crept in certaine gallantes both warelye and secretely, whose pleasure was in Courtly behauiour, and all thinges delecta­ble to delight a Prince, they founde fauoure with Heliogaba­lus, Courtly gal­lantes. so muche theyr demeanes and lighte toyes sancke in the heade of that yonge Prince (thoughe his graundmother with other endued with all grauitye and wise counsayle, vsed oftē ­times exhortacious mete for his estate) but yonge Princes o­beyinge fansyes, and refusinge counsayle do commonly flowe in free passage to vice, wher counsaile preuaileth not, (plea­sure following) fansye beareth rule & weakeneth the stronge Prince, Pleasure. & pulleth downe the mightie from theyr kingdomes, whom noble vertues and temperancye hath exalted, the em­brasinge [Page] of the meanest pleasure hath caste downe fortes, Pleasure. and demynished the estate of the mightye, vertue harboureth not wher vice dwelleth, Vertue. pleasure geueth no abode wher vice raū ­geth, suche mates hath the Emperour chosen, as pleasure & vice liked: Vice. those two disposed y t frame & order of his houshold, and in like sort schowled the common wealth, he might well be the sonne of Antonye, who in beastly behauiour did so wel resemble that beastly Emperour Antoninus, his holy priest­hode is forgotten, Gawish a­parell what it betokeneth. and the deuoute ceremonyes of his strange God, and he as a ruffyne with all sumptuousnes in lighte and gaudishe apparell of diuers coullers clotheth himselfe, ry­baldrye was affected in all his doinges, Daunsinge. daunsinge was the delectation of the Prince, and therewith followed like plea­sures, hee despysed the vestures and apparell of the Romaine Emperours, a newe fashion is inuented to please this fonde Emperour, his apparell was not wholye after the maner of the Phenitians, but somewhat like the Medes and the Pheni­tians, a mingle mangle of both: As for the apparell of the Ro­maynes, which the Emperours before vsed, he would saye in reproche: New fashion of apparel de­vised of strang heades. De lana vilissima confe & as Imperatorum vestes, gresye woll (sayth he) before clothed Emperours of Rome, & as newe fashions for apparell crepte in by vaine heades, so the sober mediocrite, and vertuous meane was despised, and now fonde pride, monsterous vices in all estates flew abrode, riche ought the ornamentes to be, & full sumptuous the clothinge of Princes and noble peares, when the meane sorte, leauinge all meane and consideration of estate, as players on a stage, aboue Princes & Princes mates do clothe themselues, Pride. yea when amongest the meane sorte, eche one striueth to be a rare gallant, Princes may go as Princes, & as nobility leadeth no­bles, and of highe estate enioye theyr vestures, the meane sort in comparison without nobilitye, The pride of these dayes. do matche with sumptuous­nes theyr nobles, so pride hath broughte in sumptuous clo­thinge, wherewith a greate and wealthye patrimonye that fostered many, lyeth all in gaye clothes. Mesa being grand­mother to this Hehogabalus, Mesa. was verye muche greued with the insolente maners, excessiue pride, and garishe apparell of [Page 77] of her nephewe, mouinge him to haue consideration of his estate, by callinge to minde the faule of proude Princes, the decaye of folishe gouernours: she warned him with longe and humble intreatye, to vse the accustomed robe of the Romaine Emperours, Pride. shewinge also how light he would seeme to the Romaynes, whose apparell as childishe, woulde be thought & womanlye rather then for anye man, and muche lesse for a Prince. The schole of folly. But Heliogabalus was now throughlye scholed of his mates, whereby he despised Senators, and men of graue­tye and wisedome were put farre from him, such was his de­lectacion as in pride, rybaldrye, ryote and beastlye demeanor. these he embraced as companions, and because he would not enter Rome with his straunge apparell to be wondered at, cunninge men were serched out: who most liuelye and artifi­ciallye could set forth his very visenomye, parsonage & come­lye stature, the very apparell thoughe lighte and gawishe, w t his priestlye robe which he vsed, the picture also of y e Sunne, in whose honoure he was consecrated priest, he gaue also com­maundement that his picture shoulde be set on highe, where the assemble of the Senate should be gathered, and that eue­rye one of them to him as a God, shoulde burne incence, and that the Romaynes before all goddes, should entitle him the greate God Heliogabalus, Heliogaba­lus, a man, a priest, a great God. this thinge at Rome (as he com­maunded) was done of the Senators and multitude. Eche one toted and loked at the picture, the sight was rare, the fol­lye of a mortall man ridiculous, and worthye to be hissed at, of an Emperour intollerable, no man liked the greate follye of that Prince vnknowē to the Romaynes, chosen by manye of y e souldiours, the Romaynes loked for some singuler mat­ter, they wondered a mortall man to fansye a Godheade, chil­dren laughed in theyr sleeues, Pride. and olde men for feare ducked, as prostrate to honour a mā as a God, an Emperour, a priest, and bastarde sonne of Antoninus. Wicked gouernours. Neuerthelesse such is the estate of wicked times, wherein vngodlye and beastly gouer­nours do raigne, that for feare eche one obeyeth theyr com­maundementes, Rome receyueth him with honoure, and the Senatours wishe him (faynedlye) longe life, full Princelye [Page] was the Courte of this yonge prieste, who in his accustomed priestly apparell entered bearinge y e estate of an Emperour, fayninge with all men a Godheade: to winne the fauoure of the Romaines, princelye were the giftes whiche hee gaue to winne theyr loue. Forth with in the honour of his God, he e­rected a mightye, huge and sumptuous Temple, and rounde aboute the Temple Al [...]ars, doinge therevppon sacrifyce of Oxen and sheepe, and with incence oderiferous perfumed his God, certaine women of Phaenitia playinge on cymbals and instrumentes, did solemnise the sacrifyce, the wickednes of him was such, that he murthered all those which reioyced not at his follye, and all suche as reproued and spake euill of him: secretely this Emperour was desyrous of mariage, Iyranny. & would haue had to wyfe a noble Ladye of Rome, with whom after­ward he maried, but not continuinge with her, he made a de­uorce depriuinge her of all dignitye and honour. After her he fell in loue with a Nunne seruinge the Goddes Vesta, profes­singe virginitye, A Nunne. which also the lawes both Ciuill and Com­mon, do binde to perpetuall virginitye, whom Bassianus ta­kinge from her holye sell & Temple maryed, that crime was full reprochefull, the facte detestable, wherewith the Se­nate beinge greeued accompted it horrible, in those dayes it was so haynous, & the lawes also gaue this sentence: A vowe broken in virginitye y e party so offending to be buried quicke. The first kinge of the Romaines was borne of one professing that holy virginitye, Romulus. his mothers name was Rhea, who ser­ued Vesta the Goddesse. Heliogabalus aunswered in these wordes. Sacerdotis nuptias congruere sacerdoti ob id magis venerandas & augustiores esse nuptias. The mariage of a ho­ly Nunne would wel agree to ioyue in matrimony with a ho­ly priest, for wher two holy ones be ioyned in mariage, there the mariage must nedes be moste holy. This Emperour as it semeth followed fancye, wherin pleasure ruled mariage, forlōg he cōtinued not with her being such a holy one, for her he put from him by deuorce, then afterward he maried one who descendid from the house of Cōmodus the Emperour, Follye. her al­so he put from him, then would he nedes haue the Image of [Page 78] a goddesse which was Pallas, Pallas. to be broughte to his chamber, that same Image was of great antiquitie amongest the Ro­maines, the Grekes when Troye was burned saued the Im­mage of Pallas, Troye. of the which the Romaines attained to haue the possession, this goddesse he called the wife of the sunne his God, this Image was coumpted of that holines that no man durst remoue it from the place where it was set, such was the supersticion of those daies in Images and forged godheads of antiquitie, Superstitiō ▪ as in manye other ages superstytion hathe borne such rowte, not amongest the simple and princes onely, but fancied, vpholded, and allowed of the learned, which mainte­naunce of fond goddes of deuotion in Images, Images. spronge from those that knewe not God, and yet mainteyned as clarkelye as tong could forge of those, which would seeme to holde of a religiō pure and professe god, & euen as y e heathen were in ad­miration of honouringe straunge goodes by force and blodye practises, grownding a perfite religion vpon their goddes, e­uen so from tyme to tyme there haue remayned suche as haue brought in amonge christians a supersticious deuotion of infi­nite sainctes, not as merite but as fancye and auctoritie stau­led them sainctes: Sibilla. lib. [...]. but Sibill who perfectlye set forth suche su­perstitions calleth them. Deos mortuos, Idola mortuorum. Dead goodes, and patternes of the dead: as concerning that matter more largely it shalbe spoken of, Irenae. in the lyfe of the blo­dye and superstitious Empresse Irenae, who for y e lyke super­stitiousnes practised the terrible persecution vpon christians.

As concerninge the laste mariage of Bassianus for his god, now he putteth of Pallas as vnmete to match with the sunne his god saing. A lamentable state when God is neg­lected of a Prince. Belligera dea & armata, vxor esse non possit pacifici dei. A wyfe all in armoure and warlike, was an vn­meete wife for a quiet god, then as folly grewe vpon folly he commaunded a certaine Image whiche had no name, but be­cause it was found, & no man knew frō whēce it was, and at y t time being full of bewtye, An old deuise of the supersticious. gorgeous, and sumptuouslye clo­thed as a quene, bearing chiefe route amongest her she gods, and because the finding of that Image was strange, they said it came from heauen, leauinge immortall creatures to vysite [Page] the mortall, and therfore they called her the heauenlye god­desse, other histories write that Dido building Carthage pla­ced her there, at what time as she firste erected Carthage the Carthaginians, and Phenitians, called her the gouernour of of the starres, Follye. which is the mone, so Bassianus blynded wyth folly thought it a meete matche to marry the Moone and the Sunne together, such was his folly led with pleasure, caste from the knowledge of God to do thinges againste God, to y e which solempnity he ordained a festiuall daye and a greate so­lempnity for all people of all estates, younge and olde, tagge and ragge to se this mariage, he made also a sumptuous tem­ple: it were to long to set forth his beastly manners, his hor­rible life in all respectes, and wheras by nature he was ami­able and beautifull he paynted his face with diuers collours, wherwith his dignity for his beastly lyfe was not dreaded, he was contempned, the loue was not so greate in y e beginninge as is now the hatred of those who chose hym, so brickle a hold, and weake strength it is for a prince to trust in people or king­dome, The vertu­ous Prince. the vertuous prince shall neuer haue cause to feare his enemy, to doubte of his kingdome, or to stande in awe of hys subiectes, all these thinges wicked princes feare.

The gouernment of Bassianus being in this sort, his graund­mother Mesa feared that by indignation of the men of warre, the faule of Bassianus woulde happen, wherby also she sawe that if Bassianus were murdered, hir owne estate would fall in like perill, yea, to hasarde her life, and lease her dignitye, wherupon in that extremity, full wisely she commoned wyth Bassianus and by pollicye perswaded him to make hys Cosin who was the sonne of Mammea her other daughter, compa­nion with him in the Empire: sayinge the cause that enforced her to moue him therto was the tenderinge of his estate, and procurement of his liberty, she extolled therwith his free es­tate: saying it shalbe mete for you Bassianus to leaue the care of worldly thinges whiche are farre vnmeete for youre highe estate, being holy addicted to the honor of your god the sunne, as for Alexianus he shalbe an ease vnto you in al your busy­nes, Subtill coū [...]. wherby with more quietnes and lesse care lyeu maye exe­cute [Page 79] your other affayres, she declared vnto him that she sought out no straūger nor aliante to perticipate with him in y e king­dome, but his kinsemā Alexianus, who w t all profit, aduaūce­ment, loue and sinceritye, would execute y t office: The grand­mother Mesa signifyed vnto the men of warre, that Antoni­nus the Emperour before, begat Alexianus of her daughter Mammea, Pollicye. whereby she knewe that the men of warre woulde more feruently loue Alexianus, the memorye of Antoninus not forgotten: therevppon Alexianus was called also by the name of Alexāder, Bassianus. & was entitled Emperour. Bassianus pur­posed to trayne his yonge cosyne, to runne y e race throughe all beastlye pleasures wherin he ranged, but Mesa (as discret Ladye, & grandmother to both) kept backe Alexianus from all such villanye, Godlye edu­cation in a Prince. priuelye she brought Alexianus vppe vnder vertuous gouernours and teachers, which gaue him educa­tion, meete for the estate of so noble a parsonage, no excellen­cye wanted wherein his yonge yeares was not dailye instruc­ted. Then Bassianus full of vyce, & flowinge in all beastlynes, was greued muche at the vertuous education of Alexianus, whose life hee woulde haue framed to his owne fashion, and therevppon he repented him that hee had exalted him to that fellowshippe in kingdome: Now it was to late to chaunge y t which the Romaynes, the whole Senate and the warriours had decreed, now was the estate of Heliogabalus most weake, the Romaynes possessinge a Prince whom they loued, being learned, broughte vp vertuouslye, excellinge in all Princelye qualities: this wicked Emperour Bassianus therevppon ba­nished from his Courte those that furthered this yonge Em­perour to wisedome, and godlynes, to learninge and other princely qualities: some he put to death for the same cause, he sayde they corrupted the tender yeares of his sonne, he sayde these are onlye meete qualities: Principem agitare choros, bacchari & scortari. It shall behoue a Prince (sayth he) to be an excellent daunser, a riotous parson, & to vse many womē. Bassianus onlye promoted to dignitye inuenters of pleasures delightinge in beastlye follye, and all suche as be out castes from the Courtes of godlye Princes, Follye. and from all common [Page] wealthes: the wickednes of this Prince brought him in con­tempte of all men, then Heliogabalus seinge all the Romay­nes with the Senate, and mē of warre to be wholy geuen to y e fauoure of Alexianus otherwyse called Alexander, soughte diuers times to murther him by diuers traynes as by poyson, but Mesa his grandmother warelye preuented by discrete of­ficers to put of all these mischiefes, Mesa. whereby shee preserued him: Heliogaba­lus. also Heliogabalus would openlye disclose what secrete­lye he pretended diuers times, also he woulde haue depriued his vicegerent of estate, but the men of warre not bearinge it, deliuered this Alexianus otherwyse called Alexander from the handes of the Emperour, then in these his extremityes, he woulde haue put to death those as traytors, and ennemies to his parson, but what is it for a Prince or chiefe Emperour to stande, beinge striken downe: for as loue created him Em­perour, so sinne, vice, and beastlye gouernmente, haue caste him from dignitye. They apprehended Heliogabalus with his mother Semiamira, drawing theyr bodyes with all spight throughe the Cittie of Rome, cruellye theyr bodyes were handeled, torne in peces, and at the length cast into the open priuyes of the floudde Tiber. Thus at large y e life of Heliogabalus is set out in historye. Sixe yeares hee gouerned, his election is well knowen, The death of Heliogabalus. his ende likewise Chronicled, now openlye Alexander is chosen, saluted and obeyed for an Empe­rour, who was alwayes called Alexander Seuerus.

Alexander Seuerus.

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ALexander succeded Heliogabalus, by y e pollicye of his graundemother Mesa, by whose godlye counsayle, his tender yea­res were altogether trayned vp in lear­ninge vnder famous teachers, in the Greeke and lattine tongues also singu­lerlye instructed, Godly educa­tion. & as his education was vertuous, so his naturall disposition from tender yeres, gaue great proufes of his excellent vertues, for he was gentle, low­lye, curteous, and indued with all humanitye. The beastlye lyfe of Bassianus was the vtter decaye of his estate, the ver­tuous behauiour of this Alexander preuayled to purchase vnto him the fauour of the Romaynes, as he was vertuously brought vp, so he vertuouslye gouerned, nothinge lackinge in him to all nobilitye & excellencye of estate for gouernmente, The coūsaile of women in the courte of Princes. if he had not bene obedient to follow the fansye of his mother Mammea, who with infaciable couetousnes, procured many times thinges which delighted her greedye purposes, the o­beyinge of her was the decaye of this Emperour in the ende.

As concerninge the whole maner of his gouernment thus will I orderlye procede, Mesa. his graundemother was called Me­sa, sister to Iulia the Empresse the wife of Seuerus: This Me­sa in the dayes of Seuerus and Antoninus his sonne, Empe­rours of Rome, with great dignitye and estimation liued in­theyr Courte, and so longe as Mesa liued with this Empe­rour Alexander, her dignitye was such, and counsaile of such [Page] value, her maners of so greate grauetye, and her estimation with the wysest Senators of such credite, her countenaunce framed with such a maiestye, A rare singu­lertye in a woman. that for a woman so many ver­tues in one body was straunge and marueylous, so God in di­uers ages to many kingdomes, & to diuers commō wealthes, hath geuen of that sexe and kinde such maruailous successe of estate, as the mightye frame of many Regions, of populous people, The gouern­mente of wo­men. or infinite nations, yea the mightye Princes of the world haue obeyed theyr gouernment: for it is not to be sup­posed (much lesse to be beleued) y t men in theyr estate, do passe and excell women in theyr gouernmente: the moste mightye Princes cannot of theyr owne power and proper strengthe, worke anye marueylous thinge, if GOD giue not a stronge grounde and a stedfast foundation to theyr kingdomes: often­times wee see Princes base (in no point worthy to be compa­red vnto noble Ladyes adorned with reason and vertue) as y e Macedonians, The estate of kingdome. the Meades, the Mores and the Bactrianes to haue rysen from theyr base estates, to beare Sceptures ouer many Regions, and to rule mightye Princes. Howe meane was the estate at first, when Aemilius vncle to Romulus first kinge of the Romaynes gouerned? euen as the estate of small kingdomes haue rysen by meane personnes, in time to runne a race in title and longe descente from manye kinges ouer di­uerse Nations: so the most noble and vertuous race of wo­men haue in many ages obtayned maruailous successe, to as­spyre to mightye kingdomes, The gouern­ment of wo­men. and to gouerne many Princes: as the Amazones & Semiramis, the Queene of Halicarnas­sus, who ruled worthely, & foughte more valiantly then durst Z [...]rzes w t all his huge hoastes: consider ye the noble actes of Debora, of Iudeth against Holopharnus, of Queene Mertia queene of England, & Hester for the Iewes. The gouernmēt of this Alexander was vnder the tuition of Mesa and the o­ther noble Ladyes, who altogether directed and disposed the whole frame of his dominion to all excellencye, and these no­ble Matrons beinge vertuouslye inclyned to tender the state of the Emperour, A worthye gouernment. and the whole iurisdiction of the Romaine Empyre, with greate consideration chose [...] vnto them sixtene [Page 81] Senators being men of grauity, in whose brestes experience of long time had layed vp plenteous store of great wisedome, without whose counsayle nothinge passed to be done, or deter­mined in anye matter, suche is the care of those who go­uerne kingdomes in all godlynes, to procede with graue and sage counsaile of the wysest, of the most experte and godliest affected, A godly coū ­saile. in all affayres couchinge the common wealthe: the time before the gouernemente of this Alexander, was with tyrannye maintayned, as vnder Antoninus the sonne of Se­uerus, and vnder Macrinus and Heliogabalus: nowe was Rome thoughte to be in greate felicitie of estate, when it was thus changed from tyranny, to the best order that might be in a common wealthe, for one yonge heade did not rashlye determine matters, but hore age with longe experiēce, wise­dome and godly counsaile, The best coū ­sayle. which before was contemned, did now beare the swaye, and yet in the hart of euerye Senator, superstition remayned in those dayes of straunge Goddes, for God was not then knowen: the estate of such people perfect­ly knew not God, but outwardly and politikelye to a common wealthe gouerned. Antoninus withoute anye zeale or true knowledge (as fantasticall superstition blindeth) both set vp, Ignoraunce the mother of this deuotiō. and pulled downe the Image of his Gods. Alexander (such was the ignorance of those dayes) renued the due and proper honour of his Gods, restoringe eche one to his proper place & deuoute Tabernacle. Of longe time their superstitiō remay­ned, Blinde deuo­tion. theyr blinde consciences was puft vp with blinde deuoti­on & inuented dailye as eche one fansyed in Religiō of strange ceremonyes, the Histories do note that in the dayes of the go­uernment of this Alexander, superstitiō was vpholded with famous men of great learninge, for many sage, pollitike and deepe grounded heades, flowed plentiouslyin those his dayes, manye noble, valiaunt, and rare Captaynes eche one in theyr estate, the one for counsaile, the other in armes did endeuour themselues manfullye to vpholde the estate, and to preserue y e Romaine kingdome a longe season, Mesa a rare Ladye. the gouernmente of this prosperous estate continued as longe as Mesa the graunde-mother of Alexander liued. For counsaile, and deepe me­morye [Page] neuer failed in her croked age, nor noble courage neuer ceassed in seekinge to make perfecte a common wealth, till withered age gaue vppe her ghoste: her death was much lamented: Rome lost of her a Ladye of rare vertues. Alex­ander was maymed, by her death he lost his chiefe staffe, the meane & strongest grounde to establishe his Empyre thoughe his mother Mammea liued, and well affected in hart to seeke the prosperous estate of Alexander her sonne. A perfect to­ken of a wise Prince. Mesa neuer enterprised any one thinge but by the counsaile of many wyse­men, and their experience disposed and ruled the same. Mesa beinge deade, Mammea the mother of Alexander in like sort sought to gouerne her sonne beinge not of yeares rype to go­uerne. Mammea. Mesa was ledde aduisedlye by counsaile of other, but Mammea made her owne counsaile of force to rule Alexan­der and other, though at the first she pretended otherwise, this thing was not cōmendable in Mammea his mother, his edu­cation continued altogether in vertuousnes, in learninge, and all qualities meete for a Prince, she expelled from the Court all suche, whose insolent maners, whose proude behauioure, whose beastlye follye, might sone corrupte and inure to horri­ble life her sonne, beinge vertuouslye broughte vp, so daunge­rous is the Court of Princes, The Courte of Princes. where close, & secrete pleasu­res lurcke with haultye lokes, straunge deuises, idlenes and all gallant demeanour ranginge: most cōmonlye courtly be­hauiour by all meanes indeuoureth throughe courteous ciui­litye, and by frendshippe of the mightye to be most honoured. The Courte receaueth all sortes, wherin eche one laboureth to excell in that behauiour which the Courte commonlye fa­uoureth, Courtlye be­hauiour. wherevppon the mother of this Emperour, ponde­ringe the perill of Alexander, and knowinge his estate to be subiecte to many suche, who vnder a certaine excellencye and singularitye of rare qualities, creepe into the Court of many Princes: As in the Courte of Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, Nero, Domitianus, Commodus, Antoninus and corrupted those Princes, whereby she sawe theyr estate of gouernment prospered not, theyr kingdome was weakened, theyr life shorte ned, she ledde with these perswasions, did therevppon take y e [Page 82] greater head: for after Alexander came to those yeres, as y t in his owne hands the gouernmēt was wholy settled, amon­gest many a certaine Senators daughter descending of noble bloud, was chosen of him in mariage, wherein also he obeyed the counsayle of his mother, who thoughe she was commen­dable in manye thinges in time passed, Couetousnes and pride. yet now pride and co­uetousnes possessed her and she not bearinge the estate of the Empresse to be aboue hers, chalengeth to haue that name a­lone to her selfe, wher vppon great discention fell, and the fa­ther of the Emprisse (throughe the instigation of Alexander his mother was put to death. The mother of Alexāder bore such swaye, so terrible was her cōmaundement, and maiesty dreaded, that she banished from the Courte and bedde of the Emperour the Empresse, vnto the vttermost coastes of Af­frica: Thus was Alexander the Emperour ruled, (who as it seemeth stode in great feare of his mother, not beinge able by aucthoritye to retayne with him his wyfe the Empresse, Crueltye. nor to saue his wiues father from death, Pride. pride onlye was the cause y t moued his mother Mammea herevnto, who against order of estate, lawe, and right, challenged the sole title of the Emperesse, the like pride also moued Lucilla the sister of Cō ­modus Emperour of Rome, shee beinge wyfe to Pōpeianus, but first to Lucius Verus, who was associate in the Empyre with Marcus her father (that she puffed with pride) accomp­tinge herselfe the aunciente Empresse in Lucius Verus time, disdayned nowe to follow the trayne of the yonge Empresse, wherevppon great mischiefe was practised. Pride. Nowe beganne the maners of Alexanders mother to be had in great indigna­tion, his gouernmente muche contempned, in that so fondlye he obeyed, it shoulde seeme greate was her aucthoritye so to dispose the gouernment of her sonne Alexander, who manye times by iust occasiō moued thereunto, reproued his mother, the brute and talke of people was so heauy against her, Couetousnes▪ for her intollerable couetousnes, wherrewith the estate of the migh­tye was brought downe, and the estate of the poore and infe­riour sort much decayed. All these thinges were done against the will and counsayle of Alexander, his mother (thoughe [Page] couetous) by heaped ritches thought to make him a wealthy Prince, True nobili­tye vpholded by liberality. and for his rare & infinite treasure a rare gouernour: This in cogitation she minded farre cōtrary to the noble La­dye Mesa, who otherwise, in true nobility, in faithfull loue & sincere affection of his subiectes, placed the strengthe of king­dome, Couetousnes▪ couetousnes neuer harboreth in noble stomackes, but as Aristotle doth say: Omnis imbecillitas facit auaros. Peu­linge hartes affecteth couetousnes. The true nobility of cou­rage hath not respecte to ryches withoute meane, True nobili­tye. or heaped treasures without mediocretye, but as vertue in all affayres shall geue out an excellencye in vsinge to dispose the same, so this onlye was y e chiefe cause that there arose reprehension in Alexander, who for the space of xiii. yeres might be for vertu­ous gouernment that whole time placed aboue all Princes: crueltye & bloudye factes were most abhorted in his gouern­ment, as it becommeth the wyse and noblest Princes with le­nitye and all gentlenes to intreate the hartes of those whom they gouerne, so he with equity and iustice ordered the frame of his Dominion, wherewith Iustice from eche one proce­ded to geue sentence vppon lawes: in all this time such was y e quiet estate of those xiii. yeares wherin Alexander gouerned, as that no Chronicle or aunciente Historye can recorde anye time more noblye or with greater excellencye gouerned. If ye consider the antiquitye of times and order of all common wealthes, from Iulius Caesar through the whole race of Em­perours to those his dayes, the like quiet estate of the Ro­maine Empyre was not knowen. For many tyrantes & blou­dye gouernours succeded in that Empyre before the dayes of this Alexauder, Alexanders happy gouer­mente. who destroyed for theyr time the common wealth, they deminished the estate and name of the Romaine Empyre: The happye dayes of this godlye Emperoure A­lexander, deliuered from all stormye seasons and troubleous times, the miserable estate of Rome, thus longe Rome was by him fortunate, though at the length contrary successe fell: Kingdomes do not alwayes enioye a like securitie of estate, Kingdomes. but many times stormye seasons, and sinister successe doth fol­lowe in kingdomes. Nowe at a sodaine heauye newes was [Page 83] sente him from his deputies, who gouerned in Syria and Me­sapotamia, The death of Artabanus. who in their letters signifyed, that Artabanus y e mightye Prince of Parthia, (who sometime inuaded with maine hoast the Romaines) was murthered of Zerxes kinge of Persia, his people slaine, and countrye wasted and spoyled, & in the possession of Artaxarxes kinge of Persia. The newes was the more terrible, Artabanus. because Artabanus who was titled y e first of all kinges, the great and mighty Prince of the world, who for his dreaded maiesty & large conquestes wore a double Crowne, was murthered. These thinges made y e Romaines afeard, Artaxarxes. because Artaxarxes ceased not with y e cōquest of Par­thia, but threatned to assay all the world, to get fame by con­quest, Cyrus. he challenged much frō Cyrus sometime kinge of Per­sia, who first reduced y e kingdomes of y e Meades, as in one lin­ked vnity to the Persians. This yonge Emperour Alexander broughte vppe in all securitie of estate, to whom neither ciuill warre at home, neither foreine ennemye did at any time mo­lest, now at a sodayne mightye warres are threatned: y e let­ters being redde and consideration had on euery syde through the counsaile of his noble Senators, answeare were made in these wordes: The sayinge of Alexander. A Prince ought to be content w t his owne Do­minion, & not to moue any sparcle of warre to seeke innouatiō ouer other Regions, therby through vaine hope to seeke after leasinges & decaye of his owne estate, wiselye also he admoni­shed y e kinge Artaxarxes, declaring what foyles the Persian kinges caught at the handes of the Emperours of Rome: he called to minde the greate ouerthrowe that Augustus gaue them, and what Traian the Emperour did, what Lucius va­liantlye assayed, and how great an ouerthrow Seuerus gaue them, Alexanders letters. This was the effect of Alexanders letters to Artaxar­xes, sente by famous Oratours from Rome to Parthia, they redde the letters, they contemned the argument and the Em­bassadours: For Artaxarxes the sonne of cowardly Zerxes, by nature puffed vp with vaine glory, ledde with flattery, no­thinge knowing God, forgetfull of his estate, thought by his mayne hoast to subdue all the whole worlde: Pride. At the first all thinges went luckelye on his syde, Parthia a mightye Regiōe [Page] gaue place to him by conquest, many Regions for feare of in­uasion, yelded vppe theyr Crowne and title before they were assayed, neglectinge theyr owne and proper gouernours, all thinges went with Artaxarxes, feare abandoning munitiō, they opened the gates of euery Cittie, fortes not assayled yel­ded to an vnknowē Prince, so it fauleth out many times vnto kingdomes, The secrete counsaile of God. wher God hath prepared a scourge by a forraine Prince, by an vnknowen enemye to subdue and bringe to sub­iection mightye Nations, so many times ambition raigneth in many Princes, who desirous of more loftye estate, and lar­ger Dominions bringe in thende theyr owne kingdomes and people to ruine, Ambition the ouerthrow of y e ambitious. in seekinge larger Dominions. This great successe of Artaxarxes amased Alexander, who continually in his gouernment had securitye of estate, peace and quietnes by sea and by lande, wherevppon generall musters were ta­ken in all the prouinces and iurisdiction of the Romaine Em­pyre, nowe noble courages were redye to ayde theyr Prince whom they loued entierlye, and obeyed willinglye, eche one for sincere harte both lamented and wept for his troubleous estate. Assone as a great armye was prepared of the Romai­nes, noble Captaynes who had proued diuers aduentures by longe experience in manye bloudye warres, were appointed to their bandes, nothinge for munition wantinge, then they passed from al coastes to arriue at Antioche, where all thin­ges were set in readynes both for men, victuels and moneye. Alexander as a most godly Emperour abhorringe from effu­sion of bloud, euen in his ennemye sought by all meanes to put of bloudye slaughters in those deadlye warres, wherevppon he sent another Embassage to y e proude and lofty Prince Ar­taxarxes kinge of Persia, Artaxarxes. to entreate him to peace, & to will him to concorde, but nothinge preuayled, he set at nought the Embassage and Embassadours, who immediatly vppon that to shewe his Princelye courage and glorious vaunte, sente a newe Embassage from himselfe .iiii. hundreth of the mighti­est parsonages for stature that hath bene seene in Princelye robes, A proude at­tempte. with whom gold and treasure was at will plentifull, with fearce and barbed horses, with bowe & arrowes armed [Page 84] in theyr Embassages, to bring terror to the Romaynes, who by consideringe of them, might imagine what the maine hoa­stes of the Persians were, Embassadors ought well to be vsed. Alexander receyued the Embassa­dours as a good Prince, retayninge them Princelye: farre vnlike to his Embassadours receyued of the Persian kinge, y e next daye followinge those braue Embassadours came before Alexander to declare theyr Embassage, silence beinge geuen one amongest them who for wisedome, counsaile, grauetye & valiant courage, had charge to tell his Embassage before the other, thus hee beganne. The greate and mightye Prince Artaxarxes kinge of Persia, beinge Lorde of Lordes & kinge of kinges, The Embas­sadour of the Persians, his Oration. commaūdeth the Romaines & their gouernours to depart and geue ouer the title of all Siria, Asia, & all the par­tes neare to Europe, and also to suffer the Persians to be Lor­des ouer Caria and Ionia and all those countryes whiche the Mare aegeum and the Isle Pontus seperate, which some time the olde Princes of Persia, otherwise ouermatched with for­raine ennemyes lost by rebellion, who for lacke of oportunity, and throughe diuers calamities chauncinge vnto theyr Prin­ces, haue hitherto ceased to claime theyr right. This is there­for to admonishe them, least Artaxarxes moued with iuste in­dignation, do destroy them and leade away the rest captiues, and as villaynes to serue him, this was the effecte of his Em­bassage. Alexander the Emperour toke great consideratiō, the whole nomber of Senators assembled, & consulted what they were best to do therein, they thought it haynous to slea y e Embassadours, for it was against the lawe of armes they be­inge but messengers, Embassadors ought curte­ouslye to be vsed. the which like facte the Athenians ab­horred from, being moued of all the Greekes to slea the Em­bassadours of Corinthe. Achilles also beinge iniuriously han­dled of Agamemnon receyued his Embassadours curteous­lye, for Talthuuius and Eurubates louingly and frendlye en­tertayned them with these wordes: You who are Embas­sadours bothe of God and man are welcome, you are not the cause of this, Whye Em­bassages were first or­dayned. but Agamemnon your maister, and seing that Embassages were first ordayned, not onlye to ioyne amitye w t Princes, and to make leage, and for the weake to seeke ayde [Page] of the mighty: but also the estate of gouernment, the maners of people, the forme and fashion of the best common wealthes are knowne to Prīces by Embassages: iniuries also wrought by manye Princes are preuented, diuers conspiracies of for­rayne ennemyes are cutte of: whiche thinges also considered of Alexander, hee commaunded the Embassadours to be en­tertayned, geuinge vnto them large reuenewes in the coastes of Phrigia there to remayne perpetuallye, thus hee prouided for them, yet contrarye to the maners of a good Prince: for Artaxarxes a proude and loftye Prince gaue free passage to his Embassadours to carrye home with theym theyr bodyes with aunsweare of the Embassage. Free course to Embassa­dours. After this Alexander deuided his hoast in thre partes, as he thought good, sending one part by Armenia, another by Medea, & the thirde by Eu­phrates w t the which y e Emperor went, who in sundry coastes arryuinge, much dismayed the Persians, and greatlye enda­maged them, this strength also had the Romaynes aboue the Persians, to haue continuall ayde from other Princes: for y e Persian kinges at those dayes gaue no wages to theyr soul­diours, but the spoyle of warres maintayned them, women also bore armor to fight for theyr Prince. Valiant peo­ple in y e Prin­ces quarrell. And that Prince is most stronge, whose subiectes haue wealthye estate at home and patrimony to care for, who so fighteth for any Prince, and knoweth y t other shall possesse the followinge felicitye, they fight but faintlye, The stronge Prince. because the daunger is theirs and the profite for other, but who so fighteth for his country, he doth the more egarlye & manfully fight for his Prince, to the ende hee maye vpholde that whiche hee possesseth, and there­fore valiante courage assayeth so greate aduenture as ne­cessitye enforceth, for the maintaynance of priuate profite to geue great assayes. The Persians did not vse as the Romay­nes are wonte, to wage theyr subiectes in battaile, the Ro­maynes did it for that they knewe of most strengthe that peo­ple to be, Couragious people. that hath great maintenaūce and succour in warre, as Isocrates noteth in his Oration written to the Athenians.

As sone as worde came to Artaxarxes that the Romaynes were in diuers coastes arriued, he gathered a greate nomber [Page 85] of souldiours and sette vppon them where they arryued in all coastes, happye successe fell on the Persians side, great slaugh­ters were made on y e Romaynes, wherewith Alexander op­pressed, (as with the great griefe and heate of the countrye) returned with great losse of men: and the valiante courages of his souldiours being much dismayde. Alexander returned to Antioche where with Princely giftes geuen and destribu­ted to his men of warre, The louinge Prince. hee comforted and reuiued theyr spirites, and there prepared freshe souldiours, where all care of warre for a time ceasinge: Alexander in pleasure & prince­lye delightes passed the time, thinkinge immediatly vppon y e dismissinge of the Persian armye to set vppon them. At that instant when he thought to haue proceded further against the Persians, letters were sent him from Illiria from his chiefe de­putye there, wherein he redde that the Germaynes were pas­sed beyonde the floud Rhene, The sinister fortune of Princes some times. and the floud Danubius, spoy­linge and wastinge the Countrye and prouinces of y e Romay­nes cōmittinge many slaughters, townes and villages were destroyed: whervppon they requested tht Emperour his pre­sence, Ciuill warre worste. this heauye calamitye did muche dismaye the Romay­nes and the Emperour Alexander, yea more then the greate misfortune that fell in the former warres againste the Persi­ans. It is commonlye seene (suche is the wickednes of men) that it is a weake staffe for a kinge to trust to the league and a­mitye of other Princes, The league of Princes. for ambition neuer ceaseth to assaye enterprises, but taketh occasion to fasten aduenture, if anye pretenced cause may be surmised, as the Thebanes did, inua­dinge Pelloponesus, Phillip into Thracia, Antoninus into Parthia, of kinge Iemye into Englande. In this misfor­tune and heauy estate of fierce warres, the rashe multitude of souldiours blamed Alexander, because eyther throughe neg­ligence and lacke of counsaile, or by his cowardlye harte, the forraine Princes were encouraged to diminishe the estate of the childishe Emperour and cowardlye Prince. After he had set in order al thinges necessary to resist the seditious vprores of the Persians, he passed ouer Rhene makinge a bridge ouer it, for the readye passage, as Caesar did in his warres against [Page] the Germaynes, these two flouddes Rhene and Danubius be thoughte the greatest vnder the Northe, Rhene. Rhene passeth by Germanye, Danubins. and Danubius passeth by Pannonia: but Volga in Russia is greater, Volga. which is in lengthe .iiii. thousande miles and more, and a goodly ryuer, wherevppon they passe euen to Persia, Mare Caspiū. by the Mare Ca [...]pium nexte vnto it. I may selfe haue passed a thousand myles vppon a great riuer called Dwina in Russia, Dvvina. & yet but vppon a part of it for a monthes space, frō S. Nicholas to Vologda, Vologda. where the great Emperour of Russia hath a mighty Castel. I haue also passed ouer y e Volga other­wise called the Rha, Rha. ouer against the Cittie called laroslaue, where it is twise as brode as the Thames at London, & very deepe: Moneye. which at large I will set out in another Booke, of the mightie estate of that Dominion. Then Alexander prepa­red a great nomber of Mores excellinge in swiftnes of foote, being noble darters & out of Parthia he had noble Archers, Innouation of estate. which in those dayes gaue most noble and worthye aduentu­res in caryinge away the honour of the field. Alexander ha­uinge his armye prepared and readye to encounter with the Germaynes, not desirous of any slaughter, sent Oratours to entreate of peace, and because Alexander was feareful of na­ture and tymerous, promised to geue vnto the Germaynes what they requested, Peace. knowinge that diuers Princes haue re­pressed theyr iniurious offers by bribinge them with moneye: but the Romaynes in martiall enterprises geeuinge place to no Nation, not onlye reproued Alexander, but also began to disceauer themselues from obedience, fansyinge rashlye an o­ther gouernour, so vnconstant are the heades of the rashe and bace multitude to seeke innouation of estate and chaunge of Princes, as fansye leadeth them to refuse nowe that Prince, throughe whose vertuous education and godly gouernment, the quiet and prosperous estate, longe time flourished in the Romayne Empyre: those rare vertues are not with them in price, Maximinus. a Prince desyrous of peace is contemned, his dignitye & counsaile derided, bloudy warres, spoyle and robbinge is the marke whereat they shot: thus the Romayne Empyre by vn­constant heads was brought to miserable estate, at a sodaine [Page 86] they made choise where fansye ledde them, and w t like conside­ration displaced the chosen. At the same time there was one a chiefe captayne, who bare chiefe authoritie called Maxi­minus a Thracian, borne of base estate, a shepeheard, whose mighty stature of body & stiffe sturdines, had aduaunced him by diuers aduentures to all orders and degrees of chiualrye, who for his excellencye & dexteritye in feates of warre, was the chiefe to traine vppe yonge souldiours, of whom by dailye familiaritie and diligence, with industruous trauaile, he pur­chased great fauour and earnest loue, who also to winne their fauour vsed this meane, liberality & great giftes, then all the men of warre did contempne & disobeye the godly Emperour Alexander, A miserable ende for so vertuous a Prince. ascribinge to him the euill successe of y e warres, & to the childishe stomacke of him followinge only the aduise & counsaile of his mother Mammea: treason thereby was con­spired to place Maximinus Emperour, and to murther A­lexander. Who now but Maximinus, Alexander the god­lye Emperour is forgotten, nowe the princelye robe clotheth Maximinus, Note the ende of the vsur­per. who as vnwillinge seemed, by force compel­led thereto (as the maner of diuers ambitious Princes is noted in Historyes) some recorde that the men of warre did threaten to murther him refusinge the choise, immediatlye after by violence they beganne to set vppon Alexander who at a sodaine amased, seinge himselfe thus forsaken wept, and trembled for feare, he also consideringe y t hee had aduaunced Maximinus from a base sheepehearde, from the dungehill to be a chiefe captaine, A most detes­table facte. reproued his ingratitude and falsehode: & blamed also the other souldiours (who leauinge theyr liege Lorde) soughte to promote an vsurper trayterouslye. Alex­ander spake vnto them manye thinges mouinge obedience, he shewed also a full discourse by what lenitie many yeares he gouerned the Romayne Empyre: hee shewed vnto them his education from tender yeares. Couetousnes y e ouerthrow of kingdome and people. Some good hartes moued w t his Oration lamented his case, and with willinge hartes o­beyed him, but the mayne route of souldiours swarmed to Maximinus, Maximinus onlye exalted by this good Empe­rour Alexander, from a base sheepehearde and base pesante [Page] to that dignitye, was the destructiō of Alexander and Mam­mea his mother, he left not one aliue that fauoured Alexan­der, so deadly is the enmitye of those which wickedly aspyre, displasinge and murtheringe whom fansye leadeth. Thirtene yeares Alexander ruled vertuouslye withoute bloudshedde, lawes proceded with equitye, godlye was the gouern­ment hee beinge most godlye, he was a rare Prince, of whom greater vertues in other cannot be recy­ted, Couetousnes ought to be a­uoyded. onlye the couetuousnes & greedye appetite to infinite treasures of his mother Mammea, was the first occasion that extinguished the faithfull obedience and sincere loue of the men of warre.

Maximinus.

[figure]

MAximinus was of base condition of life a sheepehearde in his childhode, his pa­rentes verye poore and needye, but hee wearye of that base and rustical life, be­ganne to applye himselfe to the exercise (for lacke of lyuinge) of the arte of a souldiour, and because nature had made him of personage mightye and taule, of strengthe the valiante, hee fansyed in himselfe, accordinge to his [Page 87] sturdye estate, great aduauncement, for in processe of time be­inge hardye, he assayed most manfullye all perils obiected to him, the daungers which he passed brought him to great ad­miratiō, The couragi­ous man. as it doth all those whom noble fame in martiall en­terprises vpholdeth, for they refuse no daunger, the successe of theyr aduentures tytleth them with greate commendation, they passe those daungers which courages feareful, and har­tes timerouse do flye and avoyde, the good successe which beu­tifyeth them, bringeth fame and nobilitye of actes in the eyes of all those which pondereth theyr practises, Fearefull hartes. fearefull and ty­merous hartes neuer asspire to large kingdomes, splayed cō ­quest, or renowmed victoryes: fortune taketh by the hand the boulde and hardye souldiour, The hardye souldiours. and maintayneth him in all his enterprises. Thus Maximinus purchasinge fame and honor, was promoted by y e last Emperour Alexander to greate dig­nitye, to rule ouer many, but in the ende with all ingratitude from shepehearde exalted by Princely fauour, both loued and accepted, in the ende was the deathe of this good Emperour, so great was his ambition to diminishe the estate, to depriue of honour and to take away the life of so good an Emperour. This Maximinꝰ being made Emperour, Maximinus. for a time w t great liberality purehased to himselfe theyr hartes, but after a sea­son beinge settled in gouernment, Alexander. he was not so gentle as A­lexander whom he ouerwhelmed & with all tyrannye slue. Alexander deserued at his handes great obedience, faithfull seruice, but thus hath he rewarded him, Alexander promo­ted him to dignities, but Maximinus framinge diuers con­spiracies, catched to himselfe the dignitye of his Lorde and maister, most traiterouslye hee robbed him of estate, and spoy­led him of life, his mischiefes so ceased not, for he murthered all who eyther by frendshippe, Tyrannye. alyance or kindered, eyther fa­uoured, loued or obeyed the Emperour: his great tyrannye appeared in the eyes of all the Romaynes, the chaunge was sodaine, Rome thus to be plagued with a detestable tyraunt, yet that great tyrannye could not represse the talke and brute of the people, A hard thing to remoue a tyraunt. his tyrannye was suche in his enteringe, that eche one reproued him, then they lamented the dolefull ende [Page] and pytifull misfortune of Alexander, whose gouernmente longe they enioyed in felicitye of estate, nowe saye they, abase sheepehearde, a runegate from his owne country, a barba­rous Thratian, a righte Thratian by nature and bringinge vp, desyrous of bloudshed, practiseth y t, which the vile Thra­tians in theyr countrye do, and the more they contemned him with blasinge vnto all the world, the base estate of his paren­tes, with whom he was brought vp: the more fearce he was, for the bloudy harte of Maximinus quailed not in all his ty­rannye, but on sheepe, so on men he played the butcher, thin­kinge to place himselfe in securitye of estate, A butcherlye Prince. and to purchase rest (all those beinge murthered whom he hunted after) hee chaunged the estate of Rome, he put in and put out offices and officers, his manners contented him whom hee promoted to dignitye, manye for feare fledde from his tyrannye, manye ta­ryed clokinge and dissemblinge a fayned loue, and sincere obe­diēce, they flattered him that in the ende conspired his death, A iuste re­ward for a tyraunt. they in all pointes obeyed him that wished him fainedly long life, such is the estate of tyrantes, who thinkinge themselues by aucthoritye mightye, in the harte of eche one accursed and detested, whose death they wishe and seeke after rather then longe life, in the ende his tyrannye prouoked many treasons, manye also were accused before him of diuers conspiracies, none escaped against whom accusation was broughte before him, also he was brought to extreme perill by treasō, passing ouer a bridge into Germanye, but that conspiracye came to light, the aucthors thereof taken and put to death, the tyran­nye of Maximinus was so great, Tyrannye. that the barbarous souldi­ours cōspired his death many times. There was one ambiti­ous parsō (who as y e History noteth) was enforced by cruell meanes to vsurpe, whom one that seemed to be his frend murthered, and brought his head to Maximinus, thinking there­by to obtaine great prefermente with the loue and fauoure of the Prince: for althoughe Maximinus had great cause to re­ioyce to see his ennemye slaine, yet in like sort he recompensed with death him that broughte his heade, iudginge that same parsō a chiefe aucthor of the cōspiracy, who also was thought [Page 88] to haue done y murther onlye for hope of preferment, no loue and sincere affection leadinge him thereto. Iulius Caesar like­wise recompēsed those, which vppon hope murthering Pom­peie thought at Caesar his hand to be thanckefully rewarded, but Caesar knowinge the great trust that Pompeye put in them who murthered him, beinge neyther by othe nor allegi­ance bounde to Caesar, but frends to Pompeie, whose cloked hartes well vewed and dissimulation towards so noble a go­uernour vttered, death for honour and rewarde at Caesar his hand, they receyued theyr deadly facte, which worthely pur­chased them a deadly dome. These cōspiracies moued Maxi­minus to greater crueltye and more detestable tyrannye, it encreased rather then dimynished in him, thoughe he was at that instant oppressed with great warres against y e Germay­nes, against whom when he had prepared noble warriours & most worthiest captaynes, he entered vppon theyr territorye in the Haruest time, destroyinge theyr Haruest, theyr Tow­nes and villages were quite burned, this one thinge the men of warre commēded in Maximinus, that with large & migh­tye spoyles he fed continually the souldiours, The barba­rous souldi­ours. whose riotous and dissolute life, affecteth sincerelye such a one as procureth most spoyles, the doinge of Maximinus was so terrible a­gainst the Germaynes, y t they retyred into the marish groun­des, great hauocke he made of them with manye slaughters, such spoyle and destruction of theyr countryes, such burninge of houses and ruine of whole villages, hath not bene seene: he might well be the sonne of bloudye Mars that was in actes so bloudy, his victoryes not onelye was set out in letters to the Romaynes, but to be sene in Mappes & Cardes, his victories might with commendation be celebrated, if that his crueltye had not passed towarde the Romaynes: Flatterye. for by flattery (wher­with he was altogether ledde) hee sought the destruction not onlye of the commons, but also of the nobilitye, wherevppō diuers prouinces being vnder the iurisdiction of the Romay­nes rose against him, Tyrannye. such was his tyrannye both by officers & other meanes, suche onlye were fauoured of Maximinus as were most wicked, at a sodayne he rose, and murthered Pro­curatorem [Page] Africae, then beinge in that extremitie they chose Gordianus against his will Emperour, after whose creation throughe the tyrannye of Maximinus, the fame and dignity was sone remoued, and honour and renowne taken awaye, Gordianus enioyed fully the dignitye of the Emperour, who enioyinge that estate and settled therein, wrote letters vnto Rome reprouinge the tyrannye of Maximinus, and because he began vertuouslye to gouerne, great was the commenda­tion of him, in puttinge to deathe all those detestable promo­ters who by vniust meanes had sought the death of many mē, Promoters. then hee put to death Vitellianus, who was a chiefe doer vn­der Maximinus, forthwith the Romaynes saluted Gordia­nus Emperour and his sonne, who endeuouringe to appease all partes of the Romaine Empyre, and in theyr letters sette forthe the beastly life of Maximinus, his crueltye and bloudy tyrannye, these thinges beinge knowen to Maximinus, he be­ganne forthwith to make an oration vnto his souldiours, to appease and quiet theyr mindes, sheewinge vnto theym the vnconstante heades of the Carthaginians, theyr natures prone to treason, he contempned and set light by Gordianus an vnmanlye Prince, a deceauer, an vsurper, then hee prepa­red an armye against Gordianus towarde Carthage, and at y e same time a certaine Senator beinge an enemye to Gordia­nus of longe time hauinge greate auchoritye in those partes prepared also an army against Gordianus: as sone as Gordi­anus heard that Maximinus the Emperour came with great power against him and y other Senator, Gordianus. beinge in vtter dis­payre, vnmanly hanged himselfe for feare, those that created Gordianus Emperour seinge him thus dead, did keepe close his death and obeyed his yonger sonne Gordianus: who also in battaile dyed, for Capilianus the Senator whom I spake of before, made hauoke on Gordinaus sonne, w t great slaugh­ters of the Romaynes, who also in y e ende woulde haue vsur­ped, so great was his ambition vnder the coloure of obedience and a sincere harte of atrue subiecte. Ambition. After the Senate vn­derstode of the deathe of Gordianus and his sonne, preuen­tinge the crueltye of Maximinus, who was nowe comminge [Page 89] against them like a Lyon, they elected two Emperours, Maximus Puppienus, and Claudius Balbinus, both men of great auctoritye, whom manye by voice and election woulde haue succeded, but the Romaynes cryed oute against them, & would haue slaine them, being not content w t theyr gouern­ment, in great tumulte was Rome and the Empyre in myse­rable estate, diuers ambitiously would haue vsurped, and di­uers also sought to possesse, A myserable estate. they chose a child Emperour but that continued not, Gallicanus by force would haue vsurped, ambitious heads wrapped Rome in great calamities, y e wealthy were made pore, the most beggarlye sort made rytche by spoyle, the Cittie also in diuers partes was fyred, greate ha­uoke Maximinus made by slaughter vppon the nobilitye of y e Romaynes, as he cared not for man, so he regarded not God, for he persecuted the Christians also, The vi. per­secution. tyrannye was the whole estate of his gouernment, his fansy ruled lawes and all thin­ges proceded as him listed, at the same time diuers other con­spiracies were wroughte against him, and as hee by murther vsurped, so also by murther seekinge innouation and chaūge of estate they sought to displace him, hee passed with a greate armye by the highe Alpes of Italye to Aquileia where his ennemyes had theyr abode. Aquileia. Aquileia is a noble Cittie popu­louslye inhabited, a Cittye of great ryches, and a marte most highest in price of all Italy, situate by the sea, to whom frō al coastes and coūtries strongers for marchandise haue had ac­cesse, and because at that time they heard of the comminge of Maximinus, all the countrye there aboutes leauinge theyr houses, fledde with all theyr riches and store to Aquileia, pla­cinge therein theyr great forte of strengthe, Aquileia beinge an olde auncient Cittie was muche in ruine, but the necessity of that time sone repayred it with infinite handes, for the peo­ple were infinite in nomber, theyr prouision was not lackinge to continue a longe siege: the chiefe of this enterprise were Crispianus Chrispianns. and Menephelus, Menephelus. by whose counsayle and polli­cye, all thinges were in a readynes to vpholde manfully their estate, and to put of violently theyr ennemy.

Maximinus ponderinge the stronge and fenced forte, the no­ble [Page] Cittie Aquileia wherein they were enclosed, assayed first by a flatteriuge Embassage to ouer come them, and by great giftes to bribe them, hee sente vnto them in these woordes: Maximinus beinge theyr Emperour commaundeth them to leaue theyr forte, to yelde vp theyr armoure and to take hym theyr frinde, not an ennemye, hee seeketh not theyr slaughter but peace, quietnes, and aduauncement to the estate of y e Ro­maynes: muche also they vttered in commendation of Maxi­minus, Neuer truste a tyraunt. and exhorted the men of warre not to neglecte the li­berall and Princely offer, but Crispianus fearinge the subtill practise of Maximinus, gaue exhortociō to the men of warre and people inhabitinge Aquileia to withstande the violente tyrante, who vnder fayre wordes and fayre promises, woulde destroy them as he hath before time handeled diuers yeldinge to him: Crispianus. This Crispianus was one in great reputation with y e Romaynes & vertuous in his gouernment, of talke wittye, of counsayle graue, whose wisedome they obeyed and resisted valiantlye Maximinus: they cut of all theyr bridges the wa­ter by stormye seasons beinge mightye, and of greate depthe, ouer the which Maximinus and his armye coulde not passe, but many of the Germaynes more rashlye then wiselye, assay­inge to passe that water perished in it, but afterwarde by pol­licye of a shipwrighte, meanes was found to come to the wall of Aquileia, Necessitye. where the men of the Cittie defendinge theyr walles, foughte from aboue, no age or kinde wanted to beare armour for the fasegarde of Aquileia. Maximinus destroyed all the countrie about Aquileia, so great was his displeasure against them, which the souldiours of Maximinus felte, be­inge glad to returne with great losse, and little honour.

This Maximinus beinge in this sort Emperour after Alex­ander throughe crueltye his life was shortned, Maximinus. who raigned but three yeares, and no maruaile he murthered his kinge, & also exercised cruelty towarde his friendes. Crueltye. As concerninge his excesse in glottonye, Glottonye. euerye daye fortye pounde of fleshe was his repaiste, fiue gallons of wyne his drincke, as he was mightye of stature, Germanye is vanquished. so in warre manlye, and fortunato, for his time, at the length he vanquished the Germaynes, and on the [Page 90] Romaynes also he shewed great crueltye. This tyrante made greate persecution vppon the Christians: in the time of this Emperour was Origine the great learned mā, Origene. who through his excellent knowledge in learninge and deepe parswation, brought to the vnitye of the true Churche, Berillus. one Berillus a bis­shoppe in Arabia, which heritike taught that Christ neither was before his mother, Heresye. nor had a Godheade, as one parson of the Trinitye but that the Godhead did remayne in him a cer­tayne season. Antherus in the time of Maximinus and Fabian. At this time the bishoppe of Rome was called Antherus, whoe enioyed his seate but one moneth, after An­therus succeded Fabian and he was bishoppe xii. yeares. As you haue heard before, there was chosen of the Senate at one time to be Emperours Maximus and Balbinus, Three were chosen at one tyme. and of the commons Gordian a childe, vnto which election the Senate yelded, that they might appease the furye of y e people: Maxi­mus was slayne of his people in Aquileia, and Maximinus & Balbinus not fauoured of the souldiours were slaine at Rome.

The kinge of Britayne at this time was one Ascleprodo­rus who raigned .xxx. yeares, who besieged London beinge driuen oute thereof before by the manhode of Lucius Gallus, but Lucius Gallus was after slaine by Asclepiodorus, and caste into a broke that ranne where Walbrooke standeth, Walbroke whereof it toke y name. for this Lucius Gallus being cast into the same, it hath euer since bene called Gallus broke, though now Walbroke or Walles­broke, but the cause that moued Asclepiodorus to make hys warre, was one Alectus a Romaine who gouerned Britaine and subdued to the Romaynes this kingdome, whose gouer­mente was cruell, Alectus. and the Britaynes were moued that this noble man should vsurpe as a kinge, where vppon they chased the Romaynes with theyr kinge from place to place by migh­tye force, Alectus. Alectus went towardes London because there hee was the most surest, but in y e ende he was slaine with a great nomber of Romaynes. This Alectus was before a Duke in Rome, in great estimation with Maximinus, and sent to the Britaynes to subdue Carassus, Carassus. whom hee slewe and vsurped after viii. yeares. Altharco after the murther of his father was kinge of Scottes & raigned xi. yeres, a dissolute Prince, [Page] a flute player, & minstrillike in all his dayes, hee was slaine for rauishinge of a mayde, a noble mans daughter.

Gordian.

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THe cruell tyrant Maximinꝰ beinge thus deade, Gordian who was chosen with o­ther two, onely came in fauour to enioye the Empyre, the souldiours fauoured neyther the godlye Princes, neyther yet they loued y e vngodly, but alwayes they bore sway, spoyle large & greedye praye contented them, The maner of souldiours luker and prodigall gaines made them chose gouernours, so was theyr kingdome boughte and soulde for moneye, and surelye where such brainlesse people beare sieg­norye, there the like is practised, for what confusde heades do determine vnaduisedly mischiefe executeth, The beste point of chi­ualrye. it is the happiest part in all chiualry and mortall warres, souldiours to obeye the counsayle of the wyse and happye Captayne, els perisheth the armye, and counsaile is no counsaile, when rashe heades vppon a sodaine bringe the kingdome to dissolution, Desperate souldiours. neither is the desperate souldiour of anye price, beinge a beastlye ly­uer, he can bringe no glorye to the Prince that is not beloued of God, The feare of God. all honour and renowne flyeth from him that fea­reth not God and lyueth wantonlye: sodaine is the faule of [Page 91] Princes, & vnloked for, disolation happeneth both to y e kinge, the Prince & the people, the godly onely seeth the cause, some­time: Quicquid delinquunt Reges plectūtur achiui, The sentence of Ouide. & some­time contrarywyse: Scaelere grecorum plectuntur Reges achiui. As a wicked Prince bringeth dissolution to his people (God scourging sinne) so mischeuous people is a rewyne to y e good Prince, and to the most flourishinge kingdomes, there­fore both muste be amended, Remedies to auoyde pla­gues in king­domes. for as a certaine godlye man writeth. Ergo fames, pestis, bellum grassantur in omnes: viuere si vultis viuite iam melius. No Region can quietlye be gouerned where there is vncertaine succession to be placed in estate, Vertuous succession. y e Prince by death ceasinge to rule, note these trou­blous tymes of the Romayne Empyre, wherein so often chaunge and pullinge downe of estate haue followed, in fewe dayes to see manye possessinge kingedomes, some by fauour, other by enuye, manye by kindred moued to vpholde, or pull downe the exalted from kingdome, and as all these be causes, so ambition is the roote of all other, Ambition. that geeueth moste as­sayes to aspyre and trouble kingdomes, ye see the ende of ty­rauntes as in Maximinus, Bassanus, Commodus, and so in all other what lamentable sayinge was this Maximinus a most cruell tyraunt beinge murthered, & his sonne also slaine with him. Ex pessimo genere ne catulum habendum, full sodainlye was the ende of Puppienus Balbinus ambitious­lye inuadinge the Empyre. Puppienus. In this troubleous season Gor­dianus the nephew of Gordian, Balbinus. borne of his daughter, whose father and grandfather, were famous Senatours, in hye re­putation of wysedome and graue counsayle amonge the Ro­maynes, Gordianus. beinge wel brought vppe of his father, chosen of the Romaynes to succede in this troubleous tyme, y t name was welbeloued. This Gordian the seconde yeare of his gouern­ment, Misitheus. maryed the daughter of Misitheus who was excelling amonge the Romaynes, in rare wisedome and learninge, by estate & dignitye a Senator, the Empyre of Rome was with all nobilitye stayed by the counsaile of Misitheus, the Empe­rour Gordian was ruled by him, of so great force is counsaile and wisedome to vpholde and staye the Prince: all partes of [Page] the common wealthe prospered, where such graue and wyse heades be in estimation, the Prince ruled by one good man, geueth good example vnto other, howe manye wayes dothe that kingdome prosper that is gouerned by wisedome, but ruine and dissolution followeth many times for lacke of wise­dome in maiestrates and counsailers: in the gouernmente of Gordian warres were proclaymed against the Persians, at y e same time y e fierce Thrasians were subdued, Sapor. Sapor also kinge of Persia was put to flight and drouen into Ciuillia, he recoue­red many Citties and countryes lost before tyme of tyrantes, so great was the wysedome of Misitheus in the Emperours affayres: as he was loued so he was dreaded, not onlye of the Romaines, but of many other Nations, of such value is wor­thy counsaile, all thinges went luckelye w t him whilest his fa­ther in law Misitheus liued, for at a sodaine the former estate declyned, The death of one wise coū ­sailer, is a plague to a whole realme Misitheus beinge deade: Gordianus made greate lamentacion and also the Romaynes, who depelye considered the former state and beutifull gouernment, wherein the Ro­mayne Empyre flourished as longe as he liued. Howe sone was Gordian maymed? his great comfort gone from him? the office and dignitye whiche Misitheus enioyed, Philippe. Philippe. was preferred vnto, who in the ende slue Gordian the Em­perour. As longe as Misitheus liued, no treason was assayed against Gordian, so it is seene manye times in kingdomes, hee whom the Prince promoteth, Ambition. seeketh sometime to be a­boue the Prince, and for a sole regimente to slea his kinge.

Gordian was slaine by the traiterous souldiours of Philippe in an vprore, Gordian was but xx. yeres of age when he dyed, he gouerned but vi. yeares, hee was buried in the vttermoste ende of the Romayne Empyre, neare to the Persian kinge­dome: who had a monument erected vnto him, w t this super­scription written in Lattine, Persian, Hebrewe and Egipti­an letters. Gordiani hoc posteris monumentum relictum: This monument of Gordian is lefte to the posteritye.

The kinge of Scottes was at this time called Altarchus a wicked Prince. Altarchus king of Scot­tes. The kinge of Britayne was called Asclepio­dorus who killed Alectus the Romayne, who manye yeares [Page 92] with tyrannye ruled Britaine, Alectus. and slue at the same time Luci­us Gallus, and drowned him in Walbroke, (Walbroke being a part of the Thames then at that time) in the seconde yere of his gouernmente. The deadlye ennemye of Christian Religion was flourishinge at Rome Porphirius by name, Porphirius. who caused great persecutiō, this Porphi­rius was a Philosopher of great subtiltye & knowledge in all artes, who made a nota­ble Booke of the Predicables commō ­lye red in all Vniuersities in Greke, manye other famous men there were at that time.

Philippus.

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PHilippus, of other called Marcus Iulius Phi­lippus, descendinge from a noble house, but of verye poore parentes, for his father was a­monge theeues y e chiefe ringeleader and Cap­tayne, barbarous and fierce in his conditions, brought vppe in bloudye practises and deligh­tinge therein, his sonne who was this Emperour Philippus for feates of armes, was aduaunced and fauoured of the Cap­taynes: although he murthered Gordian: The men of warre at the first chose one Marcus to be Emperour who dyed with­in [Page] fewe dayes after Marcus beinge deade, they chose in his place Seuerus Hostilius, then was preferred vnto that roume Philippe which murthered Gordian, the Historye before de­clareth ( Misitheus beinge dead) that this Philip was placed in his roume, thoughe by him a detestable facte was commit­ted, so to rewarde his Lorde and Emperour of whom he was promoted: but that purpose & fact as in all other payeth home with like recompence, Murther re­compensed [...] murther al­wayes. euen bloud for bloude: Philippe mur­thered Gordian, and Decius murthered Philippe, so bloudy handes receiue meede of bloude. Some Histories write that this Philippe beinge made Emperour, in his gouernment of all Emperours firste professed the Christian faythe, and was baptised with his wife and children, certaine Epistles of Ori­gene shewe that Origene wrote to this Emperour as concer­ninge Christian religion. Origene. Certaine it is that persecution cea­sed against the Christians, and the Scriptures preached, and the godlye were maintayned in his Dominion. The fourthe yeare of his gouernment, was the yeare since the first founda­tion of Rome by computacion of yeares a full thousande, in Rome at the same time great solemnitye and triumphe were for the same, euen as Philippe sought by vniust meanes to v­surpe ouer his Lorde and maister, so nowe Decius seeketh a bloudy purpose against Philippe: I iust recom­pence. Thus Philippe raigninge but fiue yeares was cruellye murthered of him, his heade be­inge clouen: his sonne also was murthered beinge but .vii. yeares of age. Cyptian. In the dayes of this Philippe was Ciprian y e famous bishoppe of Carthage, whose woorkes remayne of great value: this is that Cipriane whom Gregory Nazean­zene writeth of, she winge what knowledge hee had in coniu­ration of spirites, who amonge many practises of cōiuration, coniured a spirit to winne to him y e loue of a mayde, that not preuailinge, the foule spirite possessed Cipriane, as y e History telleth at large, The conuer­siō of Cypri­an. who afterward conuerted to God, became a true professor of Christian Religiō, a most famous Deuine, and burned openlye his Magicall bookes detesting the same.

At this time Dionisius was bishoppe at Alexandria, and [Page 93] also those heretiques whiche denyed certaine Scriptures, & reiected them as false Epistiles, were confounded by Ori­gene. Asclepiodorus as yet gouerned Britaine. Fabi­an was bishoppe of Rome at that time.

Decius.

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AFter the death of Marcus, and so of Seue­rus hostilius who raigned but a fewe dayes Emperours, althoughe orderlye they are not noted in the Chronicles af­ter Gordian: It is to be noted that Mar­cus succeded Gordian, he raigned but a fewe dayes, & no famous thinge of him Chronicled, likewise Seuerus hostilius, and of him nothinge worthye memorye recited, these by deathe ceasinge, Decius came by fauour to enioy the Empyre, (who as the Histories do note) murthered Philippe. This Decius was borne in Pannonia bubalia, Decius. who raigned but .ii. yeares, he was in ar­mes valiant, a great ennemye to God and against his sincere Religion, The vii. per­secution. for immediatlye in enteringe to that estate, he pub­lished a terrible persecution against Christians, in what place soeuer they mighte be founde oute, in that persecution manye learned and godly fathers were tormented, Fabian. Fabian bishop of Rome was martyred, Cornelius, Cornelius the other bishoppe after Fa­bian [Page] martyred, and that in the profession of Christe, at those dayes the great aucthority which the bishoppe of Rome hath sence chalenged was not, The auctori­tye of the by­shop of Rome for Fabian bishoppe of Rome was martired for the profession of Christ, who to death submitted himselfe to the aucthority of Decius. This is the greatest pre­heminence y t the Prelates in Christ can chalenge, not to fight against Princes, no not against the cruelist tyrauntes & most terrible persecutors, and as for the desyre of highe and loftye estate, it ought not to harbour in theyr brestes, whō God hath placed pastours & feders of his congregation. Humilitye in the clergye. Christ in him­selfe and to his Apostles gaue that example of this perfit hu­militye to contemne so highe a seate, for howe shoulde they learne and teache others to despise the world, they most of all stryuinge for honour, Pompe. for pompe and domination, who not as followers of the flocke do liue, but as Gods in earthe, and ru­lers ouer Princes. Prelates Princelye. The Chronicles shewe from all times y e before those Lordlye and Princelye reuenues came to Prela­tes, greater was the care of Christe, and they of a more pure Religion, but sithens those dayes theyr doctrine hath beene but all in fancies and vaine constitutions made to searche out golden mynes, Decius. and delicate wayes of lyuinge. If there were a cruell Decius, Nero. a Nero, Iulian. a nother Iulian to scourge the true preachers, Domitian. or a terrible Domitian, they must do as Fabian y e bishoppe of Rome did, to dye in the holye profession of Christ, as Peter and Paule did, Iames and Iohn, teachinge all pre­lates to be Fabians, that is to feede, and suffer deathe for the defence of Christes flocke, and not as raueninge wolues to destroye them. In many and sundrye Citties, all kinde of tor­mentes were inuented, Bloudye ty­rauntes. to make the professours of God to for­sake theyr Christian Religion, diuers famous bishops put to deathe. As concerninge Decius, hee was xlviii. yeares of age when he began to gouerne, he continued but .ii. yeares, his sonne called also Decius was made partaker in the Em­pyre with him, Fraunce. the Frenche men made warres against Deci­us, who were maruailouslye discomfited of him, greate was their ouerthrowe, theyr goodes confiscated, theyr Citties and Townes burned, then Decius departinge from them left di­uers [Page 94] garrisons, to keepe vnder the Frenche men, after that by occasion and necessitye offered, he was forced to make war­res on the Gothes, but the Gothes preuayled against him, the cruelty also of Decius did also dyminish his power in the Ro­mayne iurisdiction. Crueltie ma­keth a Prince weake. Thus Decius with his whole hoaste put to flight, but Decius in his flight passinge a ryuer of Thracia in the same was drowned, his sonne slaine in the same battaile, all this time Asclepiodorus was kinge of Britaine, and Nathalac kinge of the Scottes.

Virius Gallus.

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AFter the ouerthrowe which the Romay­nes receyued of the Gothes, as many as escaped, fledde vnto the place wher Gal­lus was encamped, whom vppō a sodaine they created Emperour, who together with his sonne Bolussenus continued in gouernment xi. yeres the Romaine Em­pyre was at this tyme in greate trouble, not onlye with warres, but the like tyrannye that was in the gouernment of Decius against the Gospell, Tyrannye a­gainst the Gospell. was executed of Virius Gallus, no estate of parsō, sexe or kinde was in safe cō ­dition from his tormenters, neyther did there wante parsons [Page] meete to satisfye the pleasure, lust, and appetite of so cruell a tyraunte, Christian Religion persecuted, the Christians fled, those that abode felte the tormentes of this tyraunt, all mea­nes were inuented oute, to make this tyraunte possessor and Lorde of innocentes goodes, they were most in price that in­uented delectacions & pleasures for this Prince, and because God was not knowen amonge them, beastlye was theyr go­uernment, Tyrannus. miserable theyr common wealthe, no care of true Relition, but eche one gaped who might ambitiouslye to the highest roume aspire: for manye at a sodaine rose to demaūde the seate of Empyre, some by treason, other some wanted no title, many by might would aduaunce themselues to be moste mightye, Vsurpers. as Hostilianus perpenna was by the fauoure and will of the Senatours chosen against Virius Gallus, for now the cruelty of Virius Gallus was abhorred of the Romaynes, so detestable is tyranny that neyther the fortresse, nor stronge garrisons can vpholde the tyrauntes, nor manye frendes lin­ked in amitye, The estate of tyrantes. all hope in the ende fayleth them: Who ones hath redde the estate of tyrantes to be quite? theyr ende not miserable? and dolefull to themseues, & the condition of their subiectes not enclyned vnto all wickednes? & many plagues followe theyr gouernmente. In this vprore and tumulte E­milianus by nighte, enterprised to take vppon him the estate of the Emperour, Scithians. in Mesia the beggarly Scithians rose mightely, who brought a scourge to the Romaynes, for in passing they spoyled many partes of the Romayne Empyre, who by a secrete prouidence of God became most mightye, and made other tributory vnto them, great was theyr cruelty, for in one cittie called Adria they slue most cruelly of all sortes of people 100000. Virius Gal­lus. Virius Gallus was but a cowardlye Prince who ouermatched of y e Scithians, made great meanes to conclude a peace, & consented to paye them great tribute, these calami­ties did not onlye scourge the Romaynes, but also a greate pestilence fell which infected all partes of thempyre whereby they perished infinite nombers, Pestilence. suche plagues followed the persecutions of Christians, the same plague beganne in the Citties of Ethiopia and Egipte, and continued tenne yeares. [Page 95] As concerninge Emilianus vsurping: Virius Gallus and hys sonne leuied a great power againste him: but in the battayle they were both slaine, at this time rose a greate controuersye in the churche betwene Ciprianus the greate learned father, Cyprianus. and Cornelius a Bishoppe, Cornelius. if heretikes returninge into the faith might be baptised or no againe, reasons were alleged on bothe sydes. As yet Asclepiodorus was kynge of Brit­taine, Nathalac king of the Scots, and the bishop of Rome was Lucius, immediatly after him was Stephan. (⸫)

Licinius Valerianus,

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AFter the deathe of this Emperour, who was slaine w t his sonne in his enterprise against Emilianus, who is not nombred amongest y e Emperours, because of his shorte raigne, for hee was immediatlye slaine of the souldiours. Licinius Vale­rianus who was otherwise called Colo­bius enioyed the Empyre, Colobius. of him the Historyes note diuersly: Some write that he was of witte dull, most simple in his do­inge, and farre vnmete for that office, as the Historye of Eu­teopius and of Sextus Aurelius Victor affirmeth, but Tre­bellius [Page] affirmeth, that this Valerianus was a wyse and vali­ante Prince, a vertuous Emperour, thoughe on him fortune frowned, no Prince amonge the Romaynes felte more mise­rable calamities thē he, neither the like thraldome, who sone out of a Princelye throne was throwne and made viler then a slaue, as it is sheewed at full afterwarde: This Emperour Valerianus was also a persecutour of the Christians, like vn­to Decius in maners, and in beastlye lyuinge like to Domiti­an, the Christians liued in greate feare, beinge so longe time scourged with these tyrantes, The viii. per­secution. but in the ende the tyrauntes haue tasted of the like plagues, wherewith they scourged o­ther. Valerianus made his sonne partaker in gouernment w t him, and also Cornelius his nephewe. It is sayde that Vale­rianus came from a noble house: greate vprores and tumul­tes were raysed in diuers partes of his Dominiō. Religianꝰ vsurped in Mesia, Cassius Labienus Posthumus in Fraunce, Emilianus in Egipte and in Macidonia, Vsurpers. Valens Aureolus v­surped in Millane, all these mightye personages put in truste vnder this Emperour, ambitiouslye sought to place themsel­ues in kingdomes, Mesapotamia was in this troublous estate inuaded of the Parthians, Sapor then kinge ouer them, who made fierce warre against the Romaynes, Valerianus y e Emperour beinge in Persia with the Romaynes, gaue also the Parthians a battaile, but the battaile was dishonourable to the Romaynes, for the most part of them was slaine, and y e Emperour made a captiue, who of longe time in vile bondage with Sapor the kinge of Parthia, Sapor. was made his foote stole or treadinge blocke, so he continued a longe season in miserable captiuitye with his ennemye, Crueltye. whom the Romaynes neuer as­sayed to bringe home from bondage, so muche the hartes of them abhorred him for his crueltye, neyther his owne sonne who was made partaker with him in gouernmente, neyther Cornelius his nephewe beinge mightye amonge the Romai­nes, in his captiuitye would redeeme him. The life of Galie­nus was most beastly, exercisinge the like crueltye as his fa­ther Valerianus did, who thereby in the ende was abhorred, this Galienus raigned xv. yeares, Galienus. vii. yeares with his father, [Page 96] and viii. yeres alone. As concerninge Aurelius who vsurped in these dayes, he enioyed for a season, in Egipte, Emilianus seeinge to vsurpe, was cutte of from his ambitious hope, by Theodotus, manye other there were whiche vsurped, as in Fraunce certaine Almaynes who by theyr enteringe spoyled the Romayne Empyre, in Slauonia, Macrinus was chosen to be theyr Emperour, but he prospered not, for Aurelius in bat­taile slewe him: thus manye mischeues rose one of another, & all for kingdomes sake, Greece, Pontus and Asia were ruled by the Scithians: Scythians. Euen as the estates of gouernmente were troublous, so also like constitutions of the ayre, according to this gouernmente, in Asia earthquakes, in Italye darcknes of the ayre, cold filthye and stinckinge mistes, a rottinge pesti­lence in many countryes, destroyinge man & beast, God fore­seinge the decaye of the Romayne Empyre, Odenatus. raysed Odenatus who mightelye preuayled against the Parthians, and ouer­threw many other coūtries, Galienus moued w t the valiaunt successe of Odenatus, proclaymed him to be his vicegerente & chiefe deputye in the tytle of Augustus, in this Odenatus name moneye was coyned.

After manye fierce battailes and noble victoryes atchiued and wonne to the Romaynes, Odenatus dyed beinge in the affayers & warres of y e Romaynes, whose death they did not without cause lamente, his sonne a worthye captayne dyed w t him: Zenobia. when Odenatus was thus deade, Zenobia his wyfe a Ladye of great courage, and of maruailous pollecye succea­ded: This Zenobia with two of her sonnes (against the will of Gallienus Emperour of Rome) toke on her the gouern­ment of the East, and was called Empresse, the like vertues raigned in Zenobia, that did in her husband Odenatus: but Gallienus the Emperour of Rome (accordinge to the vsuall maner of his gouernmente) gaue himselfe to all beastlynes, whose life decayed much the Romayne Empyre, at this time the great heretike Paulus Samosatenus was, Samosatenus whose heresye was haynous, That is, that Christe was not before our La­dye, and was but a man: his heresye was condemned by a ge­nerall counsaile, Samosatenus an heretike was excommuni- [Page] then Aurelius began to vsurpe ouer the Romaynes, and to be their Emperour & to displace Gallienus: Armyes were pre­pared on both parties, and deadly conflictes fought betwene them, in the ende Gallienus the tyrante was murthered with his brother neare to Millane, Aurelius not longe endu­red after the death of Gallienus, The death of a tyrante. but hee ambitiouslye inuadinge, was with death rewarded at the handes of Claudius, who next succeded this Aurelianns who vsurped many yeares in Pannonia.

Claudius, the seconde of that name,

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CLaudius raigned .ii. yeres, this Claudius by some Historyes, is thought to be the sonne of Gordian, his mothers name was Licista.

This Claudius subdued Aurelius, and also discomfited him: Claudius. by this valiant Claudius y e terrible hoast of y e Scithians and Gothes was discomfited, which was in nomber 3200000. fightinge mē, and diuers other Nations he ouercame, some write that hee raigned but one yeare, he deserueth immortall commendati­ons for his worthines, in y t he reduced the Romayne Empyre to so fortunate estate, from the crueltye of tyrantes, from the spoile of forrayne Princes and aliantes.

Quintilius.

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CLaudius dyinge with honour and greate glo­rye vnto the Romaynes. Quintilius his bro­ther a noble yonge gentlemanne succeaded, who raigned but xvii. dayes, a barbarous, cruell, and bloudye souldiour, murthered him at Aquileia, not contented with the vp­righte and iuste dealinge of this Prince, who endeuoured to conuerte vnto vertue, the dissolute lyfe of the souldiours.

Aurelianus,

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AVrelianus succeded Quintilius, this Au­relianus was of lowe byrthe descended, his father was an husbandman, hee go­uerned fiue yeares, his nobilitye of actes aduaunced him and for his valiante pro­wes and experience he was made Empe­rour, y e Chronicles do shewe that he was [Page] a vertuous gouernour, of whom vice was corrected, in all partes, with all men it was bruted that the Emperour was a good Phisition, but that his medicines were to sharpe & bit­ter, the worthy successe that followed him, made him not vn­like to Alexander the great, or to the valiante Iulius Caesar, for the Cittie of Rome was saued by his wysedome, pollitike practise and valiantnes, from vtter destruction beinge thrise besieged, the Historyes recite at large, in howe manye & sun­drye places hee triumphet ouer his ennemyes, diuers also v­surped who by his wysedome were repressed.

This Aurelianus was the first Emperour y t wore crowne Emperiall, clothinge of golde and pearle, which ornamentes were as then straunge to the Romaynes. In Thracia and Illiria he subdued the Gothes, & the kinge of Bithinia was cō ­quered of him. Aurelianus was a vertuous Prince, and en­larged the Cittie of Rome, and made it stronge with walles: Rome at those dayes was 50. miles in compasse, this Aure­lianus did first ordaine amonge the Romaynes, the eatinge of swynes fleshe. The ix. per­secution of y e Christians. This Emperour not fauouringe true Re­ligion persecuted the Christians, but in the ende by meanes of his secretarye hee was murthered, be­twene Heraclea and Constantinople, after his death by the space of viii. monethes there was no Emperour chosen. Eusebius a famous bishoppe in Laodicia flourished in the time of this Emperour, whose lear­ned workes remayne at these dayes in great price.

Tacitus.

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TAcitus was made Emperour after Au­relianus, Tacitus was endued with all humanitye, who gouerned but v. mone­thes, and also Florianus his brother go­uerned two monethes, some Historyes note y e Tacitus dyed of an ague at Thar­sis, other do write that hee and his bro­ther was murthered of theyr souldiours, the one at Pontus, the other at Tharsus. Victor affirmeth that Florianus dyed by cuttinge his owne vaynes.

Probus.

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PRobus a Gardeners sonne was borne in Dal­matia, his gouernment was verye short, in his dayes Saturnianus vsurped in Egipt, & Pro­culus and Bonosus in Fraunce and Germany, but they were subdued, the prayse of Probus is in highe commendation, in that his godly gouernment did astablishe y e Romaine Empyre in so great quietnes, y e Sarma­thians [Page] (now called Muscouites and Poles, in which name are contayned many other people also whiche rebelled) but they were maruailouslye scourged of hym, hee slue of the Ger­maynes in theyr Commotions. 400000. The Pollonians were subdued by him, he ouercame the Gothes in many nota­ble battayles, hee restored to the Romayne Empyre, diuers Regions and sondrye countryes, whiche were vnder the go­uernment of tyrantes, the care of Probus was great to bring glory to the Romaynes, for by the industrious trauaile of his men of warre, he caused the great hill neare to Smirnato to be planted with vynes, some do write that the great seruitude wherewith hee oppressed the Romaynes was the cause of his death, this was his vsuall sayinge to them: Souldiours must not spende victuels, excepte they labour to profite the commō wealthe, this was also his sayinge. Quid opus est militibus cum desint hostes? Souldiours oughte al­waies to be maintayned. What neede is there of men of warre when there lacked ennemyes? Which sayinge beinge vnder­stode of the souldiours & men of warre, it caused them to hate him, and to conspire his deathe: For the Emperour hauinge reduced all his Empyre into a maruaylous quietnes & peace­able estate, marched towardes the Persians, and Parthians, mindinge to subdue and chastise those proude ennemyes of the Romaynes, but his souldiours slewe him by the waye, when he had gouerned the Empyre vi. yeares and .iiii. monethes. Suche is the force of suche as be barbarous souldiours, who beinge trayned vp in bloudshedinge, do alwayes thirste after the same, hauinge no regarde of any estate, neyther obeye the wise captayne nor Prince: Of this minde Scipio was, when he woulde not haue Carthage to be destroyed of Romaines, sayinge: It was a thinge very necessary that the Romaynes shold haue such an enemy as Carthage was, A forrayne ennemye. wherby y e people of Rome might for feare of such a forraine enemye, be moued to all prowes & excellency, wheras otherwise ciuill warres at home woulde bringe them to vtter destruction: Through peace, both pollicy and feates of armes, woulde be to seeke in Captaynes, and the souldiours maymed from al dexterity excepte they haue an ennemye abrode whō they maye feare.

Carus.

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CArus was borne at Narbona, he raigned but ii. yeares, who immediatlye made his sonnes Ca­rinus and Numerianus Caesars with him, hee continued the like enterpryse that Probus did against the Persians, Carus not contente with his prosperous estate, but still ambitously min­ded, Ambition. proceeded in larginge the Romayne Empyre, wyth the calamities and myseries of other Princes, but sodainly in his enterprise, he was from Heauen striken with lightninge and thunder at Ptesiphon & thereof dyed, Numerianus his sonne bewailed the lamentable death of his father, in such extreme sorte, that his eyes became so sore as he was not able to abide the light, but was caryed in a Waggen, and after murthered of Aper his father in lawe, which murther came to light in the dayes of Dioclesian the Emperoure followinge, Murther re­compe [...]d w t murther. for the which Aper was put to death. As concerninge Carinus who was made partaker in the affayres of the Empyre with his brother: This Carinus was polluted with all filthines of life, he put to death the good and godly Senators by crimes forged: by his beastly and corruptible meanes, diuers chaste Matrones and manye an honourable Ladye was rauished, this beastlye person was so outragious and wicked in gouer­ninge in Fraunce (when he hearde of his fathers deathe) hee expelled all wyse and graue counsayl [...]urs from him, lyuinge most wickedly in all kinde of vices, but his mischieuous life, caught a mischieuous ende, for after his longe cruel, & beast­lye [Page] life, euen of the Romaynes he was detested and slaine in a battaile of Dioclesian, who after succeded in y e Empyre: such is the ende of tyrantes and beastly liuers, whom God sodain­lye striketh, The sundrye deathes which hap­pened vnto diuers Em­perours. as an example of his wrathe and heauye displea­sure conceyued agaynst them. For in all the Chronicles whiche haue beene redde, of kinges and Princes, there haue not beene mentioned the like sortes of deathe, as happened vnto Romayne Emperours, for it is certaine that there is no kinde of straunge deathe, but it hath happened vnto one of them: For Carus was slaine by thunder, Valens burned in y e fiere as hereafter you shall heare, Bonosus who vsurped in y e time of the Emperour Probus, was hanged: Heliogabalus was rente in peeces: some were poysoned, as Tiberius and Drusus: Valerianus kept in prison, dyed there as a most mise­rable and vile slaue: Quintilius and Florianus, dyed by incisiō of veynes: Decius drowned himselfe: Iulius Caesar was mur­thered in the Senate house: Commodus was strangled to death, amongest which vnfortunate nomber of Emperours, maye also these two sonnes of Carus, Carinus and Numeria­nus (who were called Caesars as longe as they liued) be nom­bred. In such sort y t hauing described but y e liues of xl. Empe­rours, it may appeare how doubtfull is the estate of Prin­ces, & what calamities followeth them, if God frowne on them: God respecteth no parson, the secrete coun­sayle of God, seeth onlye the cause and ende. The sequele of oure Historye, shall shewe vnto you the endes of other Emperours, no lesse straunge and fearefull, then those which alreadye you haue hearde of.

Dioclesianus.

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DIoclesian was a Dalmatian borne, some tyme in estate a bondeman, but hee was made free by Emilianus a Senator, his mothers name was Dioclea, & the towne wherein he was borne is called also Dio­clea, whereby he was called Diocles vn­till such time as he came to be Emperor, theu this name Dioclesian was geeuen vnto him, bee conti­nued in gouernmente .25. yeares, hee was before his crea­tion, a Notarie. This Dioclesian was by nature wittye, quicke, subtill in his gouernment, cruell, and a great ennemy to Christian Religion, The .x. perse­cution of the Christians. and because the boundes and Domi­nions of the Romayne Empyre, were large hee made diuers partakers with him in the Empyre: In the 3. yeare of his go­uernment, Dioclesian sente into this our Ilande, a Duke of Rome called Constantius▪ Constantius. for certaine tribute due to y e Ro­maynes sence the deathe of Alectus, who beinge a Romayne ruled this lande, Alectus. and was killed in a battayle not farre from London, by the handes of Asclepiodorus (who as I shewed before) after him ruled this lande. At the same time as this tribute was demaunded, Coilsucceding Asclepiodorus who was king of this land, this Coil was sometime Duke of Col­chester, Cost Duke of Colcester. but then dyed at the comminge of Constantius, whē he had gouerned this lande xxvii. yeares, but of him in Histo­ryes no notable thinge, or any worthy factes remayne Chro­nicled, but this onlye, which is worthye to be remembred the [Page] great fauoure which he bore to learninge, also his daughter Helena a Princesse of great worthines by him broughte vp in learninge to all excellencye, a Ladye of greate beautye: This Helena (Coil her father beinge deade) was chosen to gouerne this land, Helena. the Britaynes beinge in troubleous estate with the Romaynes, caused Helena their Queene to marrye with Constantius a Duke of Rome, to make quietnes with the Romaynes: the mariage was concluded by a common cō ­sente of the Britaynes, for an vniuersall peace and quietnes. This Princelye marryage solemnised, peace & quietnes set­tled, Constantius returned to Rome with the tribute and his wife Helena. Constantius. Constātius was made gouernour of this land, his receyuinge at Rome was with great triumphe, and He­lena accordinge to the estate of a Queene entertayned. Her wisedome, learninge and Princely maiestye, was in admira­tion with the Romaynes, her knowledge in many languages right commendable, her outward Princely gesture, within y e Princely body shewed to be reposed secret & maruailous ver­tues. Thus was the troubleous estate of Britanye quieted, by a maryage lincked with the Romaynes, the Romaynes also reioyced of their tribute & iurisdiction wonne of the Bri­taynes: But as no estate can alwayes be settled in quietnes & securitye, & as no glorye is stedfaste, so nowe in the middest of this ioyfull estate wherein the Romaynes thought themsel­ues, Carausus vsurped to be Emperour in Fraunce, Achil­les in Egipte, and Iulius in Italye vnder the eyes of Dioclesi­an vsurped: Vsurpers. But see wherevnto the ambition came of those, who without righte or title, clayme Princelye seate, all these at the laste came to a myserable ende. Iulius. Iulius who vsurped in Italye killed himselfe, & the other caught like ende: through these Commotions and bloudy vprores, Dioclesian was en­forced to associate manye partakers in the Empyre with him, Galerius was made chiefe gouernour in the Easte, Constan­tius y t maryed Quene Helena of Britayne chiefe presidente, and in Fraunce Carausus there vsurped: By this order ta­ken nowe againe, all thinges began to prosper with Diocle­sian, Dioclesian. and in the warres all victoryes fell on his side, his enne­myes [Page 101] came to nought, the name of the Romaynes was in his olde auncient strength and glorye: But what is it, a Prince blessed of God by the good successe that floweth to him in lan­des and people, when by pride he falleth from God? Dio­clesian in pride puffed, commaunded himselfe to be called a God, and sometime brother to the Sonne and the Moone, by cōmaundemēt he was kissed, Pride. as many Popes haue since those dayes compelled kinges to kisse theyr feete, they passe to be brothers to y e Sonne and Moone, beinge the chiefe and moste Lordliest vicars, moste pontificall, and moste vaine gloriouse Prelates vnder Christe: Popes. If Dioclesian had liued in a proude Popes dayes, where had his title beene, of beinge brother to the Sunne or Moone? surely his necke should haue bene ben­ded to smacke at a Popes foote, and bene content to geue sub­mission to theyr proude & blasphemouse sayinges: Et mihi & petro. Pride. They also in title of sanctitie, wilbe aboue Christe, not as Christ sanctus, but sanctissimus: The Apostles woulde not prostrate be worshipped, neyther the Angell of Iohn, as in the Apocalipes, but the Popes muste, wherein they shewe themselues not followers of the Apostles, but ra­ther successours of Dioclesian and Domitian in pride and ty­ranny. Their apostolicke vsage of Frederike the Emperour, & of Henry y e second Emperour, shew whose vicars they are: they immitate Sapor the Parthian kinge in abusinge Empe­rours: For the Pope dyninge or banqueting, the Emperour Fredericke was tyed in chaynes at his feete, that was his bā ­quet. The pride of of Popes. Henry the second waytinge the Popes absolution, was enforced with his wife and childe barefoote to do penaunce certaine dayes. If vertue had bene the scope & marke wher­at the Prelates did shoote, theyr humilitye would haue shee­wed them in humility otherwyse affected, Humilitye. not commaunding Princes, but obeyinge to death tyrantes for the Gospels sake, which trulye is professed in obedience, in holy title, in perfect humility, and not in a glitteringe Crowne, sworde, armour, fiere & faggote, & contente to let theyr doctrine abide the tri­all, The life of prelates. theyr bodyes at the will and commaundemente of tyran­tes, and theyr minde inuincible to deathe in a good cause:

[Page] Quia non mors sed causa facit martyrem: For it is not death but the cause y t maketh a martyre. The obedi­ence of Chri­stians. The obedience of Chris­tians amaseth tyrantes, ouerthroweth theyr power, and bringeth plagues on them and theyr people, and for a iuste triall note the ende of all tyrantes, euen from the beginninge, who not conuerted, dye most miserable.

As concerninge Dioclesian who forgot God in his glorye and fell most beastly, was become a most terrible persecuter of Christians, his persecution continued .x. yeares, hee ouer­threwe Churches of the Christians, A terrible persecution. hee gaue commaunde­ment that the holye bookes of Scripture shoulde be burned, Images to be worshipped, by him all meanes were soughte to ouerthrowe Christian Religion, as by tyrannye, by promi­ses, by promotions, and by promoters, but to passe ouer the longe persecution wherewith the Christians were tormen­ted, at the length Dioclesian filled with the bloud of Christi­ans, gaue ouer his gouernmente into the handes of Galerius and Constantius. Galerius. Galerius was also a persecutor, and as a raueninge wolfe sought out his praye, and did thriste after the bloude of Christes professors: Galerius also at the length fil­led with his bloudye persecutions, gaue ouer to persecute, but hee was firste plagued of God, The death of a persecutour and by greate affliction, enforced to reuoke his terrible persecutions and proclamati­ons: his filthye beastlye life made him to [...]tincke aboue the earth, who not able to abide his owne stincke killed himselfe.

Galerius beinge dead another persecutor rose to plague the Churche of God, who also dyed most miserable: all these per­secutors beinge thus deade, the gouernmente consisted in the handes of Constantius & Licinius: Constantius. This was that Constan­tius that marryed Helena Queene of England & the daugh­ter of kinge Coil, of this Constantius and Queene Helena, was Constantine the great, I wil orderly entreate of Maxi­mianus, of Galerius Armentarius, of Maxentius & of their deathes, because they were as partakers with Dioclesian in his Empyre: The gouernment was together, but to auoyde confusion, I haue placed them as Emperours seperatlye. [Page 102] Dioclesian beinge at Salna for feare, murthered himselfe, and dyed without issue. Immediatlye after whose death also dyed Constantius the father of Constantine the great.

Maximianus.

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MAximianus surnamed Herculius being besieged of Constantinus at Masilia a countrye in Affricke, and at the laste ta­ken prisoner, was sore punished and in y e ende hanged, Galerius. Galerius was murthered, (but as some write) hee slewe himselfe: Maxentius while hee waged battaile a­gainst Constantius, Maxentius. somewhat aboue a bridge which hee had made, makinge haste to take shippe at a hauen, & so to enter on the other syde, by the faule of his horse was drowned in the deepe, his bodye with muche difficultye founde beinge soncke into the mudde with the waighte of his harneys: Maximinus, Maximinus dyed at Tharsis by sickenes, Valens. Valens was murthered of Licinius, and Licinius Licinius. afterward of Con­stantinus: Suche lamentable ende, fell to these ambitious Princes, seekinge by all meanes to themselues regimente, & preheminence of Dominion, Vsurpers. but kingdomes will not beare perticipation or fellowshippe, so that it is a matter of impossi­bilitye, and neuer seene in any estate of kingdome, that vnity [Page] or concord hath taken rote in y e hartes of many gouernours, but that after theyr fayned frendshippe and concord, murther of people, waste, spoyle and desolation of the countrye, with a lamentable and dolefull ende hath ensued to them.

This Maximianus was a man of nature fierce, Maximianus. raginge in all lust, a very foole in matter of counsaile, of low byrth, and by countrye a Hungarian, for at these dayes not farre frō Sirmius the place is to be seene, a Prince­lye house there builded, where his parentes be­fore did liue, by theyr handye crafte: He dyed when he was lx. yeares olde, he was Em­perour twentye yeares.

Galerius Armentarius

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THis Emperour Galerius was very wor­thye of cōmendation althoughe his equi­tye and vpright life, was without ciuili­tye, rude and homelye accordinge to his education, hee was beutifull in com­plexion, of bodye fayre, for vertuous gouernmente luckye and fortunate, his parentes were of byrth bace, liuinge by kepinge of cattell, for he was so brought vppe. And because this Emperour Gal­lerius was sometime a keper of beastes, therfore his syrname [Page 103] was Armentarius, so the prouidence of God disposeth times and seasons, Armentarius. placinge in y e throne & maiestye of kinges, bond­men, and sheepeheardes sonnes, to beare in the worlde swaye and Dominion, thereby shewinge his will and omnipotente might, so to aduaunce rude & homely men aboue the mightye estates & peares of the Realmes somtime: The secrete counsaale of God. In time & seasons extollinge and puttinge downe mighty kingdomes, shewinge thereby also no kingdome or estate of gouernment, to be fixed or stablished to any one man, but as his prouidence. seeth time and cause alteringe the estate and forme of common weal­thes: What kingdome hath so prospered that hath not seene a chaunge or alteration, & felte at the last subuertion of theyr estate? what lyne or progenye of kinges hath helde Scepter of so longe time, but that in the ende it hath lefte the successi­on out of theyr titles, and geuen the regemente to an vnkno­wen parsonne, base and meane in comparison? This Em­perour was borne in Hungarye, which lyeth towardes the hilles neare to Arcadia, which place was called Romulianū by his mother name Romulia. This Galerius would cracke proudly, that in his con­ception his mothers did dreame that she con­ceyued him beinge begat of a Dragon: as Olympias the mother of Alex­ander the great did dreame of his byrthe.

Galerius Maximinus.

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GAlerius Maximinus was borne of the si­ster of Galerius Armentarius who was Emperour before, this Emperour was called Daza by his true name: before he was created Emperour, hee was Caesar for the space of .iiii. yeres, and afterward in all the East parte for .iii. yeares raig­ned Augustus: he was broughte vp: as a shepeheards sonne, his father was a sheepehearde, beinge aduaunced to the Em­pyre, he became a great fauourer of learned men, and such as were wyse, it is a token of a flourishinge and happye estate of kingdome where learning is in price, The florishīg estate of a kingdome. estimation and honour, who so careth not in his time to plant learninge, and geeueth not honour reward and maintenaunce to further the studien­tes thereof, sheweth himselfe to be depriued of all lerninge & vnderstandinge: For honour onlye and rewards nourishe ar­tes, and plante wisedome, withoute the which two, the king­dome would be beastlye, without order, lawe and discipline: and in that he gaue such honour to learning, he loued and ten­dered the wise, for these two in one knit and consociate, for a kingdome flowinge and aboundinge, with famous & learned men, Wysedome. muste of necessitye be vpholden by wisedome: What Prince therefore fauoureth learninge, cannot but tender and loue wise, sage & discrete personnes. He was of nature quiet, an immoderate drinker of wyne, and because with excesse of wyne beinge sometime droncke, he did beastly gouerne, seing [Page 104] at the last his owne fault, he enforced himselfe to repentance, and what affayres or busynes of the Empyre came to his han­des beinge in that case, he would differre them till he was so­ber, or vnto the next morninge.

The seconde parte of the lyues of the Emperours.

Constantine the great.

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COnstantine the greate, was sonne to Con­stantius a Duke of Rome & Helena a queene of Britayne, her father was Coil kinge of Britaine, & sometime a Duke of Colchester. Constantius was Emperour of Rome, but hee dyed in Britaine in the Cittie of Yorke, who gouerned the Island, and other partes of his prouinces w t such wisedome and pollicye, Constantius. y t in all the time of his raigne, there was neuer moued againste him anye rebellion. This Constantius father of Cōstantine, after longe sickenes dyed of a feuer: at whose death the nobles and Princes that were [Page] present, toke counsayle to bringe the whole gouernment of y e Realme to his sonnes handes: Crocus. Crocus kinge of the Almay­nes, came with him into Britaine to further him to the king­dome, wherein he so muche preuayled, that his father beinge deade, and all Princely solemnitye in his funerall ended, the Britaynes enioyed Constantine theyr kinge, who was Em­perour of Rome afterwards, and did great thinges in the ad­uauncement of the Romayne Empyre, whose great glorye & worthynes of actes, titled him Constantine the great, which name rose by the great successe that fell to him in the conque­ringe of kingdomes, Constantine the great. and subduinge of Nations. At suche time as Constantine the great, was both kinge of this oure Islande, and also Emperour of Rome, hee ioyned with him as partaker of his gouernment Licinius, Licinius. so greate loue was betweene Constantine and Licinius, that he did not only au­thoryse him with equalitye in gouernment, but also Constā ­tine maryed his sister Constantia at Millane. But in all this greate amitye and fellowshippe, yea thoughe a mar­riage was linked to make the stronger bandes of amitye, loue and strengthe in kingdomes, yet at a sodaine, cruell hatred, warre and discention, spredde on eche syde the banners, & no ende made till Constantine was a sole gouernour, and Lici­nius slaine, this amitie of Princes is not so stronge lincked, but as ambition kindled, so the same breaketh the knot, and maketh the hate to be more deadlye and cruell: For Princes are most deluded by suche lincked marryages. At this pre­sente the gouernment of the Empyre consisted in the hands of Constantine & Licinius, Licinius. Constantine ruled all Asia at that time, who beinge most godlye minded, reuoked from banish­ment the Christians, and ceased the persecution continued of manye tyrantes: But Licinius who was partaker with him in the gouernment of the Empyre, begā a most haynous per­secution, because hee sawe Constantine more beloued of the Christians then he was, and sayd the Christians prayed more for the life and good successe of Constantine then for him: im­mediatlye great contention rose, betweene Constantine and Licinius at Ryball neare to a fenne called Hiulca: in the [Page 105] night season, Constantine did breake into the tente of Licini­us, but Licinius fledde to the Cittie Bizanze, & made Mar­tianus master of the requestes Caesar: But Constantine pre­naylinge in warre agaist Licinius, forced him to flye into By­thinia, wherevppon a condition to saue his life, hee consented to geeue vnto Constantine his Princelye robe by his wyues handes: from Bithinia he was sente to Theslalonia, not ma­nye dayes after Constantine commaunded Licinius & Mar­tianus (whom I spake of before) to be murthered: Licinius. Licinius gouerned xiiii. yeares, Martianus. he dyed neare xl. yeares of age, in coue­tousnes he was most beastlye of all men, in adulterous lustes spotted excedinglye, of nature bitter and roughe, nothinge paciente, The ignorāce of Licinius. a detestable ennemy to all artes and learninge, who wrapped in most ignorance, called learning Virus & pestem publicam: But especiallye with those execrable names hee titled the pleadinge of iudiciall causes, a rare thinge to see in beastly parsonnes learning loued, maintayned or aduaunced, though sometime learninge hath beene maruaylonsly extol­led of the ignoraunt, as well as of the most glorious. Iustinian. Iustini­an Emperoure of Rome, whose actes and carefull studye for the maintenance of a good common weale, the mightye vo­lumes of the ciuile lawes recordeth. Galerius. Galerius Armentarius, did both fauour and loue learninge beinge vnlearned: This one thinge in Licinius in despisinge learning, was according to his bringinge vppe, he was in all respectes to husbandmen verye profitable, and gracious: to the warriour in all order & ceremonyes to chiualrye appertayninge, a seuere arbitrator, he was a scourge to the Enuches, and lasciuious Courtiars, he called them the moathes and rattes of Princes Courtes. The rattes & moathes of princes cour­tes.

Some Historyes note that Licinius was murthered of his owne men of warre, (who beinge dead) the sole gouernment of the Romayne Empyre was fullye settled in the handes of Constantine, fortunate successe of victorye fell on euerye syde to him, enemyes preuayled not that displayed banner against him, fortune almost in all thinges was a companion to Con­stantine, but that a wicked wyfe was a great plague to him, whose name was Fausta: Fausta. by whose bitter parswatiō and exe­crable [Page] request, he commaunded his sonne Crispus a bastard, borne of his concubine Mineruina to be murthered: Bloudye practises re­quited. but her blinde practises wroughte her a cruell ende. for her forged ac­cusation, for the truth beinge knowen vnto Constantine, she was caused by him to be cast into a hoate bathe, and so slayne: Helena his mother did muche reproue him, Helena. for his crueltye against his bastarde sonne Crispus, whō shee loued entierlye. This faulte remayned in Constantine, hee was enflamed w t the selfe loue of himselfe, and desirous of commendation and vaine glorye: Constantine beinge a vertuous Prince, called an assemblye and counsayle of most graue & learned bishops to a generall counsayle, at the Cittie of Nyce, in the whiche Cittie and most godly assemble, Counsaile at Nyce. Constantine the Emperour in his owne parsonne was presente, and 318. bishoppes, they all consulted against Arrius the great heretike, they excom­municated him and banished him with sixe other bishoppes.

In this assemblye maryages began to be odious amonge y e Clergye, Mariages in priestes. in so much that some of them would haue such prie­stes as were marryed alreadye, not to companye anye more with theyr wiues, many to the contrarye wythstode it, but es­peciallye a vertuous & learned father withstode y t demaunde mightelye, sayinge that the lettes and prohibition of priestes marriages, would worke great whoredome, & all filthye ab­homination in y e clergye. This was y e first time wherein prie­stes began to be prohibited of marriages, where the auncient estate of the Church alwayes allowed marryages as a thing in all estates honourable, Prohibition of mariage. and the beddes of holye wedlocke to remayne vndefiled. Since those dayes that filthye opinion with fayned hypocrisye, in all Regions vnder the Popes iu­risdiction hath preuailed, the perfite life in chastitye, the holy conuersatiō therof hath not so much bene regarded in y e sight of the world, as a fantasticall sole life of priestes, bearinge an outward shew of holynes, but y e great abhominatiō y t flowed from those chaste Prelates, the Sodomitical actes, the mur­theringe of infantes in their holy selles cōmitted, theyr ouer­throwinge of the chast conuersation of vertuous Matrones, y e defēce of Stewishe houses, which harboured their secrete ab­hominations [Page 106] for theyr sole chaste recreation, haue in all ages bene Chronicled. A whore as a most holy Pope, stauled in y e high Princely dignity, & in theyr solemne procession deliuered of a childe, Pope Ioane. Pope Ioane by name: this whorish woman is be­come a mytred Pope, she sheweth in her whorishe body y e Ro­maynes chastity, frō time to time the actes of Popes with o­ther like, in most learned Histories are recorded. But as con­cerninge the defence of Priestes marriages, Theophilacte in this wise speaketh of y t texte of Mathew, where Christ cō ­minge to Peters wyfes mother, whom being sicke of an ague hee healed. Thus Theophilact sayth: the Prince of the Apo­stles had a wyfe, neyther doth mariage let from vertue. In the xxi. yeare of the gouernment of this greate Constantine, he made a great solemne triumphe with Princelye banquet­tes, in the whiche the sinode of those bishoppes that were at y e counsaile. 318. were presente. God blessed Constantine mightelye in his doinges, both in the quiet estate at home & also in externall affayres whiche he toke in hande against his ennemyes: Constantine baptised. Constantine embrasinge Christian Religion, was baptized of Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, in the which Cittie he dyed, but his body was buryed at Constantinoble.

As concerninge the heresye of Arrius, Arrius. it grue mightelye and manye fauoured it, but sodainlye God plagued him, who before the disputacion dyed at the siedge of nature, and by a­uoydinge his guttes dyed myserablye. Lactantius. Lactantius florished in those dayes, Athanasius. and Athanasius also the famous bishoppe of Alexandria, Iuuencus a notable learned Poete flowrished at Rome. Also it is not to be put in silence, that Constantine made a bridge ouer the great floude Danubius, Danubius. Constantine vsed continuallye Princelye robes decked with Pearle, on his head alwayes he wore a Crowne: This Constantine was to be commended for many notable vertues, as to cease strife and contention, not onlye with the Romaynes, but with for­raine Princes to make frendshippe, he nourished all excellent Artes, encouraginge by great preferments, studientes ther­unto, wherein hee declared himselfe to be a carefull Prince, not onlye of his priuate estate or gouernmente, but of that [Page] which to the posterites mighte be glorious by learninge. The worthy care of Prin­ces. This Constantine vsed muche to reade, especiallye in the ex­cellent knowledge of Historyes, the liuelye glasse of Princes wherein is contayned the memorye of all ages, a scolemaister to manners, Histories. the light of all truth, y e counsayle house of Prin­ces, the perfecte spectacle of all gouernmente, aswell of the florishinge estate of kingdomes, as of theyr decaye, vnto ver­tuous Princes a perpetuall example, and a continual memo­rye of the wicked: of all theyr enterprises a perfecte rehear­ser, a directour of wysedome, & to counsaylours a liuely regi­ster. This Constantine woulde heare the Embassages of Princes, & theyr complaintes, he liued lxxxix. yeares, he made in the ende his sonnes Constantine, Constantius and Con­stance, with Adalmatius his brothers sonne Caesars, xiii. yea­res he raigned alone: his nature somwhat gaue him to plea­sante scoffinge. As concerninge Adalmatius his brothers sonne, hee was killed of the warriours nowe at the deathe of Constantine, so that the gouernmente of the whole worlde, was brought to the hands of the thre sonnes of Constantine, who deuided the Empyre amonge them: vnto Constantine was limited Spayne, Englande and Fraunce, and that part of Germanye whiche was then possessed of the Romaynes: Vnto Constantius who was the seconde brother, was geuen Italye, and all Affricke, Sicilia, Dalmatia, Achaia, Ma­cedonia, and all Greece: Vnto Constance whiche was the thirde, was geuen the prouince of Thrace, in the which stan­deth the Cittie of Constantinople, with all the East prouin­ces of Asia the lesser, of Syria, of Mesopotamia, & of Egipte.

In this sort after the death of Constantine the great who was sonne to Helena kinge Coils daughter) was the Em­pyre deuided amonge his thre sonnes, which dyed afterward moste lamentablye: A notable ex­ample of am­bition. For deuision enflamed with ambition, brake this naturall knot, eche one hunted for y e others death, so harde a matter it is for Princes to liue in concorde and a­mity, Ambition. ambition and desyre of Domition destroyeth kindreds, and for the most part enforceth rulers to forget iustice, and all integritye: large hope of mightye kingdomes displayeth the [Page 107] banners with insaciable desyre, and without reason rayseth a quarrell, rashe counsayle geueth attempte, & flattery linked with Princes inuenteth occasion, they kindle y e bloudy foun­dation of Mars, Ambition. they reape vppe the bulwarke of all decaye, they for priuate lucre sake, hunt for the bloud and ruine of ma­nye: discorde destroyeth at a sodaine, more then manye fortu­nate victoryes haue obtayned. In many ages the rashe & pri­uate quarrels of diuers Princes haue vndone the great & pol­litike counsayle of the wise: thorowe which they haue not on­lye receyued diuers greate ouerthrowes, but also loste theyr estate, and seene theyr Townes and Citties destroyed and burned before theyr eyes. These are the fruites of deuision, as it shall appeare in the Historye followinge of the .iii. son­nes of Constantine y e great: this Constantine ordayned the sondaye to be kept, and that vppon that day abstinence should be made from all labour: he also was the first that appointed Rome to be the bishops seate.

As concerninge the estate of Britanye, at the death of Cō ­stantine, Octauius a Duke of the Weste Saxons, (who was made liefetenaunt and highe Deputy in Britaine vnder Cō ­stantine) throughe the counsayle of the nobles and commons of the lande, woulde haue rebelled and expelled the monkes: but Constantine sent ayde against the Britaynes, makinge a Duke of Rome called Traiherne, with a great hoast to go a­gainst them, who at his arriuall were at hande to ioyne their hoastes with the Romaynes who landed at Southampton, & nere to the olde auncient Cittie of Winchester a terrible bat­tayle was foughte: but the Romaynes and theyr Captayne retyred, not able to abide the force and power of the Britay­nes. Traiherne fled into Scotland, Octauius pursued him & in Westmerlande another battaile was fought, but so vncō ­stante is the estate of Princes, fortune now turneth her whele from Octauius, & with terrible countenaunce behold him, & they before chafed, began to conquere: Octauius with great bloudshed fled, and power and strength so fayled him, that of necessitye hee was compelled leauinge the lande to flee into Normandye, in whose absence another Earle of the Britay­nes [Page] by treason murthered the Romaine Duke, which beinge knowen to Octauius, he came againe into Britaine and raig­ned 54. yeares against whom the Romaynes sent a great ar­mye, to maintaine theyr iurisdiction.

Constantinus.

Constantius

Constance.

NOwe the swaye of the Empyre was in y e gouernmente of three, but Constance, did appointe as Caesar to gouerne Ar­menia Dalmatiꝰ his cosyn, so that y e Em­pyre was ruled by thre Emperours and one as Caesar. At this season deuisiō be­gan betwene Constance and Constan­tius bretherne, [...]onstance. the sonnes af greate Constantine for the title of Italye and Affrica, Constantius. Constantius was effeminate and wo­manlye [Page 108] of nature, not couragious, vnapte to generation, all these bretherne were persecutors, the Churche of God was in moste miserable estate, Persecutors. by reason that in all partes of the Romayne iurisdictions diuers pernitious sectes, opinions & doctrines flourished, eche one persecuted other, but aboue al, the aucthoritye, power, and poisoned opinions of the Arrians preuailed, wherevppon many bloudy commotions were con­spired of the Arrians, and euen in the Temple and house of y e Christians, were put in practise, by whose bloudye practises, the people were of infinite nombers slaine: The discorde of y e Christians, The discorde of Christian Princes, is a strength to infidels. theyr deuision in manye sectes, did encourage the hartes of the Paganes and infidels, to place theyr Ethnicall fayth in theyr fonde Gods: where the Christians made y e true worde of God to be blasphemed, and euill spoken of amonge those Gentiles that knew not the true God, as in these dayes the like contention amonge Christian Princes, and the blou­dye practises of the mighty Prelates in the worlde, do decaye the name of the Church of God, A decaye to Christians. whiles that worldly promo­tions, pompe and dignitye doth accompanye them, theyr pre­sent ioye, theyr felicitye, theyr glorious name, theyr pontifi­call seates, theyr large titles by all crueltye and bloudy mea­nes are vpholded. This Constantine made a lawe that no delicate meate should be vsed in feastes, it is saide hee was of dyete moste temperate, Arrians doctrine. in all causes of Iudgement iuste and righteous, wherefore great was the decaye of the Romayne Empyre, in that the Emperour fauoured the sect of the Arri­ans, whose opinion he so fauoured, that thereby he was cruel against the Catholike Athanasius a famouse bishoppe, Athanasius. who for withstandinge the doctrine of the Arrians, was banished by Constantine that ruled Fraunce, one of the sonnes of Cō ­stantine the great, from the which banishment he was reuo­ked, but Constance that was Emperour of the Easte, as of Asia the lesser, of Syria of Mesopotamia, and of Egipt, was also infected with the opinion of y e Arrians, wherby Athana­sius was againe exiled from the Cittie of Alexandria where he taughte. Athanasius. This Athanasius was a most godlye bishoppe, of great learninge in the fayth of Christ, suffering many per­secutions [Page] of the Arrians, this Athanasius was present at the counsaile holden at the cittie of Laodicia, beinge moste migh­tye in y e Scriptures he confounded the heresies, but in a man­ner the vniuersall worlde, the mightye Princes the bishops and Prelates were infected with this doctrine of y e Arrianse the wrathe of God in this troublous estate of Religion was spredde vppon Asia and the Region of the East, Arrians doc­trine. for manye of the renowmed Citties were ouerthrowē with earthquakes, The wrath of God againste heretikes. a great pestilence not longe before, deuoured the countreyes of Syria and Silicia, so the wrathe of God scourgeth the wic­kednes of men, and sleeth the persecutors of his Church, all these Princes, and their Prelates were wrapped in these pla­gues, the Regions by many plagues were deuoured and con­sumed. The ende of that heritike Arrius (whose opinion first I mentioned) is before rehersed in the life of Constātine the great. Constantine the sonne of Constantine y e great, not content with his Dominion left of his father, Ambition. which was Spayne, Englande, Fraunce and Germanye, moued warre against his brethren, thinking to obtayne by force that which they woulde not willinglye geue him, but Constantine was slaine of the men of warre sent against him by his brother Cō ­stantius, The eldest sonne of Cō ­stātine slaine. neare to a Cittye called Aquileia: thus throughe ambition the eldest of the sonnes of Constantine the great is slaine, after he had raigned .iii. yeares, beinge a yonge man of xxv. yeares of age, so that there remayned but two Empe­rors, Constantius and Constance. At this time Macedoni­us a priest of Constantinople, An abhomi­nable heresy. taughte another heresye, that the holye Ghost was not God but a creature, also this Mace­donius ambiciously striued with one Paulus whether of them should succede that famous bishoppe Alexander, bishoppe of Constantinople. This bishop Alexander should haue dys­puted with Arrius, Sapor. but that Arrius dyed before the dysputa­cion: In Persia the Christians were also persecuted by Sa­por the kinge: Constantine the great, a defender of Christians. this Sapor was a great ennemye to God, for in the time of Constantine the greate. 16000. were marty­red, of the which bloudye facte Constantine the great wrote to this Sapor, willinge him no more to persecute the Christi­ans. [Page 109] As concerninge the byshopprike for the which Mace­donius and Paulus striued for, Eusebius. Eusebius was made bishoppe of the same, beinge fauoured of this Emperour Constan­tine: this Emperour was as an Arrian, and by all meanes furthered them, wherevppon to fortifye and make stronge theyr Churche, theyr faythe and doctrine, by his commaun­dement, a Synode of bishoppes was assembled at Antioche, where Athanasius that godly father was condempned as an heretike, A iust plague of God. but the wrathe of God was styrred ouer the Cittye of Antioche where the wicked assemblye was gathered, an earthquake shoke diuers countryes about Antioche, but es­pecially in Antioche, where it continued a whole yeare. A­thanasius fledde to Constantine the Emperour, of whom he was with all humilitye receyued, yet the great contention in Religion ceassed not, but therevppon another Synode and counsayle was holden at Sardis, where 300. bishoppes did allowe the counsayle of Nyce: those that were bishoppes of y e Easte, refused the companye of them, and accordinge to their heriticall secte, gathered themselues at a Cittie called Phi­lipolis, in that wicked Synode, was made accursed the fore­saide counsaile of Nyce, which was called in the time of Cō ­statine the greate, of 318. bishoppes against Arrius and his secte, who denyed the sonne of God to be equall with the fa­ther: In that Synode Arrius with vi. other bishoppes were banished, for this cause the bishoppes of the Easte, made that holye counsayle of Nyce accursed, The coūsaile of Nyce. in that Arrius & his scho­lers were put to flight, who also were Arrians. But see what the chaunge of an Emperour is: The chaunge of a good Prince. sone a true and perfect Re­ligion is throwne downe, an holy Sinode and theyr true pro­fession persecuted: the father an vpholder of y e true Church, mayntayned Christes Religion and Catholike faythe, hys sonne destroyed the same good doctrine, and beinge a persecu­tour was in his gouernment, manye wayes plagued by the Persians in warre, and greuously scourged, for in viii. battay­les he had the ouer throw, and lost many great Citties which were brought to theyr thraldome: Constantius his brother, was slaine by the conspiracye of Crestius, Marcellianus, and [Page] Magnentius by the handes of Geison the thirtene yeare of his gouernment, Constantius. thus Constantius was slaine in a certaine Cittie, whose deathe beinge knowen to Constance his bro­ther, and vnderstandinge that Magnentius was the chiefe aucthor thereof, hee prepared warre against him, and in his absence ordayned Gallus his kinsemā liefetenant in the East: Diuerse ambitious Princes vsurped to be Emperours, as Britanion in Illiria, Nepotianus at Rome, great was y e fight betweene Constance and Magnentius, for in theyr conflicte were slaine 54000. men of warre, & Magnentius in the ende flewe himselfe. Gallus in the absence of Constance, exercised tyrannye ouer the people, and put to death manye thousands, diuerse of theyr Citties were burned by him, which rebelled against him, but his crueltye caused him to be depriued, and after his banishment his head was striken of. At this time Fraunce was inuaded of the kinge of the Almaynes: and as yet the heresye of Arrius preuailed, The coūsaile of Ariminū. and therevppon a coun­sayle was gathered at Ariminum of 200. bishoppes of the Weste, who established as most holye the counsayle of Nyce, but y e Arrians withstode it: In this troubleous estate of Re­ligion Constance by a commaundement, caused the bishops of the East who were all Arrians, to make theyr Synode at Celeutia, Sapor. to confirme the doctrine of the Arrians. Sapor kinge of Persia warred on y e Romaynes, & endamaged them muche, and toke diuers of theyr Citties, the doctrine of the Arrians was by crueltye vpholded of Macedonius bishoppe of Constantinople, his bloudye factes note no small testimo­nye of theyr wicked doctrine: a cruell practise is alwayes grounded of a like doctrine. Christian doctrine. No Christian doctrine buildeth it selfe in bloudy pollices, but in humilitye both theyr faithe, and theyr sincere conuersation florisheth, whereby they geue a testimonye of an humble Church, of a pacient profession, w t it the saintes of God haue ouercome the worlde: by tyrannye the humble Martyrs haue most florished, in the most wicked tymes theyr oppressed estate, The true Churche. hath at a sodayne ouerthrowne the mightye tyrantes, plagued theyr kingdomes, for God ne­uer vtterlye forsaketh his Churche, but by a secrete meanes [Page 110] rayseth it to be most mightye, and confoundeth the vngodlye: God alwayes preserueth his true Churche. as in the time of the Arrians doctrine, God preserued y e true Churche, and plagued the persecutors. Iulianus was after the deathe of Gallus made chiefe vnder Constance, whose name by the great successe that fell to him was in great com­mendatiō, both amonge the Romaynes & also otherwise: the Almaynes inuaded Fraunce and spoyled it, but they were o­uercome of Iulianus, Iulianus. and all suche Citties as were taken of the Almaynes, Iulianus recouered againe: hee destroyed the whole pompe of theyr felicitye and glorious successe, so that the souldiours woulde haue had him theyr Emperour, & cal­led him Augustus. Constance knowinge his dignity, name, and power deminished thorowe Iulianus prowes and tytle, was greuouslye displeased, commaundinge him by Embassa­dours to refuse that name or tytle, but immediatly after this Constance dyed at Mopsocris, a Cittye lyinge betweene Ci­licia and Capadocia: Of his death Victor thus wryteth, that there he dyed of a sharpe Ague, which hee toke of anguishe of minde and lacke of sleape: The death of Constance. Constance dyed the .44. yeare of his age, hee raigned xxxix. yeares Emperour, eyghte yea­res alone, and with his brethren xvi. yeres, and Caesar 25. yeares: the good successe that fell to him in ciuill warre was great, in destroyinge his domesticall ennemyes, but he neuer prospered in forrayne battayles. This Emperour was very curteous, of a pleasante and delectable conuersation, liberall to his friendes, most temperate in eating and drinkinge, very painfull, he delighted in fine communication, althoughe hee were by nature neyther verye wyse nor eloquent, he was a ve­rye experte archer, and therein very much exercised himselfe. Moreouer hee was verye prompte to geeue credite, vnto try­flinge reportes that shoulde be made vnto him, of a mans en­nemye: At his deathe hee ordayned to be his heyre Iulian of whom I will nowe entreate. At this time Romake kinge of the Scottes was slaine of his nobles, Octauius. & then Octauius was kinge of Britaine, who raigned liiii. yeares.

Iulian the Apostata▪

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AFter the death of Constance, Apostata, sig­nifyeth one y t renounceth y e fayth which once he hath professed. Iulian his kinseman called the Apostata, enioyed peaceable the whole Empyre: who if he had not renounced the fayth of Christ, & enclyned vnto ydolatrye, might worthe­lye for his manyfolde vertues and good qualities, haue beene compared with a­ny other that euer lyued. Dyuerse Aucthors wryte that hee fell into this vnbeliefe, through the parswasions of one Liba­nus an Idolatrer, Libanus. who was his instructour in Rethoricke: which thinge may be a notable example vnto Princes, and all other men of euerye estate and condition, that they ought not onlye to procure with especiall diligence suche maysters for theyr childrē, Instructors of children. as are learned in those faculties, in which they desyre to haue them skilful, but also such as be vertuous, ho­nest, and of a good iudgemente in Religion: for most certayne it is, that those things which children learne in theyr youthe, they so imprint in theyr memorye, that afterward they neuer forget them, and the exercises and conditions which they get in that tender age, become vnto them both proper and natu­rall: For probation whereof, although many examples maye be alleged, yet for this presente, let that Iulian suffice, in whō the instruction of so wicked a maister had such force, that the fruites thereof verye well appeared, whiche hee receyued throughe him. Iulian com­pared. For in all other thinges he was so expert and singuler, that in bountye and curtesye, hee was equall vnto [Page 111] Titus, in clemencye vnto Antonye, in prosperous successe a­gainst the Dutchemē vnto Traian, in temperance, modesty, and Philosophye, vnto Marcus Aurelius. Hee was endued with a singuler good memorye, and therewith very studious, he was very eloquent, aswell by nature as by Arte, most tem­perate in his eatinge, drinkinge, and sleapinge, in all carnall desyres he was most chaste and continente: He was of suche strengthe and courage, that hee was reprehended for vsinge greater bouldnes, then was cōuenient for a Captaine or Em­perour. Vaine glory. He was very desyrous of vaine glorye and fame, (a vice common vnto most excellēt wittes & haughty courages) he was liberall & pleasante with his frendes: he vsed iustice a like towardes all men, both in the time that he was Caesar, and also when he was Emperour. But all these vertues, w t manye other were polluted with the infidelitye which he em­braced at the parswations of his Scholemaister Libanus the Idolatrer. Libanu [...] As sone therefore as he had vnderstandinge of y t deathe of Constance the Emperoure (whiche newes was brought him in Fraunce, from whence he was going against him, who likewise was marchinge for the same intente) hee went with all celeritye vnto the Cittie of Constantinople, Constanti­nople. which after Constantine was the head of y e Empyre, where­by all meanes hee procured the good will of all men, and cau­sed the Temples of the gentiles to be opened, and gaue them lycence to adore theyr Idols: and albeit hee was an ennemye vnto Christians, yet woulde hee not persecute them, also be­twene the Catholickes and the Arrians he remayned a neu­ter, enclyninge neither vnto y e one, nor other part, which do­inge purchased him y t loue and fauoure of all worldlinges: & the barbarous Nations fearing his fame & name, abstayned not onlye from makinge warre against the Empyre, but also sent vnto him Embassadours to requyre peace of him, which he graunted them. In this wyse he began with contentaci­on and prosperity to gouerne the Empyre: but as one that in harte was an Idolatrer, hee determined to finde oute some meane to persecute the Christians, for thaccomplishmente of which wicked intente, he vsed a meane not lightye hard of: [Page] For hauinge intelligence that through tormentes or martyr­dome, Persecution rayseth more Christians. the Christian fayth was muche encreased, he resolued the woorke by the contrarye, who (as Ruffinus and Sainte Hierome write) did enduce them with giftes, promises, offi­ces and dignityes to renownce their fayth, and to do sacrifice vnto theyr false & lyinge Idols. And as diuers affirme, there were not a fewe of couetous and ambitious parsonnes, which to become riche, and to be exalted vnto honour and dignitye, denyed their true fayth, in such wise, that this was one of the greatest persecutions that euer the Church receyued, not on­lye in respecte of those whiche did willinglye abandon theyr fayth, but also for that he did institute and ordayne by general decrees, The decrees of Iulian a­gainst the Christians. that no Christian might professe any arte, or science, nor likewise studye, or go vnto anye Schole, but suche as did worshippe vnto Idols: to the ende that for the desyre of lear­ninge, they might do seruice vnto his Idols, or els to remaine ideottes and ignorantes, whereby they shoulde be vnable to preache and teache theyr fayth sufficientlye. In conclusion he immagined all wayes and meanes that mighte be deuised to persecute the Christians, excepte onlye by effusion of bloude.

And continuinge the vse of this pitifull crueltye against the Christians, hee determined like a most valiante Captayne, to moue warre againste the Persians: who onlye had not hum­bled themselues, nor woulde not acknowledge him for theyr superiour. Wherevppon hee wente into Asia with a huge hoast, and hauinge passed thorowe Asia the lesse, he came in­to Mesopotamia, which was the country for which the Ro­maynes & the Persians did contende, from thence after cer­tayne lighte skirmishes, Zaita. he wente vnto Zaita, where hee vn­derstode that the kinge of Persia was encamped not farre of, with his whole hoaste, and therefore hee set in good order his armye, with a maruaylous desyre to ioyne battaile with his ennemyes: but they at this instante refused to fight, and sent theyr Embassadours to requyre pardon of him: Vnto whom the couragious Emperoure gaue no audience, but percey­uinge that they refused the battaile, y e more to prouoke them he entered into diuers partes of theyr countrye, takinge ma­nye [Page 112] Citties of Surrey, some by force, and some by yeldinge of their owne accorde, greatelye endamaginge the whole coun­trye as he passed, whereby in the ende the Persians beinge o­uercome with shame, fought a battaile with him, which was both cruell and terrible: into whiche before hee entered, hee made a solemne vowe, that if hee had the victorye in that con­flict, he would make sacrifice vnto his Gods, with the bloude of all those Christians (whom he termed Gallileans) whiche woulde not do sacrifyce vnto his Idolles. The voyce of Iulian. And it pleased Al­mightye God (throughe his secrete Iudgementes) to make him conqueror for that instante, and to rewarde him in this worlde with his wrathe. Who perceyuinge that hee had obtayned the victorye, The victorye of Iulian. not findinge anye resistance, proceded till hee came vnto the famous Cittie of Pt [...]siphont, determi­ninge to make his abode that wynter in Mesopotamia: but in this iourneye his souldiours suffered greate afflictions, as well throughe wante of victuels, and that theyr hoaste was verye copious, as also for that theyr ennemyes, did manye ti­mes assaulte and moleste them: And hauinge for his gyde a fugitiue Persian, he was broughte by him (throughe treason together with his souldiours) into a place where was made a great imbushement of the Persians, with whom hee beinge enforced to fight, was with a speare so wounded in one of his armes & thighes, that not longe after he dyed: who when hee felt himselfe to become fainte, Iulian woū ­ded to death. spake with great arrogancy a­gainst Christe, sayinge: Vicisti Gallilee, O thou Gallilean thou hast ouercome mee. After which woords when he sawe that all they which were present bewayled his death, hee re­prehended them sayinge: that they did greatlye offende, to la­ment and bewayle the death of a Prince, that dyed in the fa­uour of his Gods. Gregorye Nazeanzen writeth an in­uectiue Ora­tion againste Iuliā, which is worthye to be redde. And afterwarde as longe as breathe ser­ued him, he desisted not to entreat of the immortalitye of his soule. A thinge to be greatlye lamented at, that such want of grace, filthines shoulde remayne in a man, endued with so muche worthynes, and so manye excellent vertues. He dyed in the seuenth yeare after he was Caesar, and in the thirde of [Page] his Empyre, when he was xxxi. yeares of age: and in the yere of oure Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christ. 366.

Iouianus.

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AFter the souldiours had much bewayled the death of Iulian, they elected for Em­peroure a famous and noble gentleman named Iouianus borne in Hungarye, a verye faythfull and constante Christian: For when Iulian commaunded that no Christian shoulde haue the charge of a Captayne, nor enioye any other office in the warre: This Io­uianus answered with a stoute and cherefull countenaunce, y t he made more accompt of his profession, then of all y e dignities he had, and so abandoned his charge. A good exam­ple of a Chri­stian. And afterward being which (as is sayd) elected Emperour, he prouounced in open Parlament, y t he beinge a Christian, would not (although he might) be a Captaine ouer infidels & idolaters: and so moste constantly refused the Empyre. But the contentation which euery of them conceyued of his election was suche, that after they had confirmed the same, they exclamed that they were Christians: And to thende that hee should receyue charge of the Empyre, they that were not as yet, promised that they would be. In this maner with incredible ioye, they sware obedience vnto him, and gaue him the ensignes of the Empe­rour [Page 113] Wherevppon presently with greate industrye, he pro­uided and made preparation of all such necessaryes, as were requisite for the mayntenaunce of the present warre, (which was very difficulte to be done.) Sapor. For Sapor vnderstandinge of the death of Iulian (whom for his noble actes, and great cou­rage, hee did not a little dreade) made small accompte of the new Emperour: & assemblinge all the power that he might, he set with such violence vppon the armye of the Emperour, that the Romaynes were enforced to retyre, and the Persians remayned as conquerours in the fielde, wherevppon Iouian with greate labour and trauaile remoued his campe, & mar­ched towardes the Cittie of Carra, Carra. where Cressus was ouer­come by the Parthians, makinge as hee marched diuers skir­mishes with the Persians, who continuallye pursued him e­uen vnto the ryuer Tigris: Tigris. and thither Sapor sent Embassa­dours vnto Themperour, to signify vnto him, that although he perceyued that throughe wante of victuels, and other mis­happes, both he and his hoaste were at his mercye, and in his power: yet he was contēted, (if he would yelde vnto certaine conditions) to remayne for euer a faythfull friend to the Em­pyre: Vnto which cōditions, Iouian (being enforced through the present perill) yelded vnto, and concluded a peace with Sa­por for xxx. yeares. This truce was of some, accompted most abhominable vnto the Empyre: but of other, who better con­sidered the distresse vnto which the Romaynes were dryuen, The doinges of Princes are diuerslye con­strued. it was reputed (althoughe not honourable) yet both profita­ble and necessarye: for he was in apparaunt daunger both of losinge his whole hoaste, and of the greater part of those pro­uinces which he graunted vnto him.

After [...]he conclusion of the truce, Iouian went into Surrey: from whence hee sent decrees into all places, to reuoke from exile Athanasius, with other infinite godly Christians: vnto whom he commaunded that all suche offices, dignityes, and honours should be rendred, as were geuen them in the time of Constantine the greate, and that the tythinges of corne and other thinges which were taken from them by Iulian, should be likewyse restored vnto them againe. After Iouian had fi­nished [Page] this holye foundation, with vsinge in all other affay­res, the dutye and office both of a wise and iust Prince, and ha­uinge sufficiently prouided in the East, for all such thinges as were necessarye: He marched towardes Constantinople, shewinge himselfe in all places where he passed, both a iust & mercifull Prince, in such wise that all men conceyued a good hope of him: But this and all his noble intentes, and Chri­stian determinations were intercepted by death, (for the wic­kednes of the people deserued not so worthy a Prince) which happened in this wyse. The secrete counsaile of God. After he was arriued at a certaine place in Asia the lesse, called Dudastana, beinge in the colde time of the winter: there was in the Chamber where y e Em­perour should lye, a fyer made of coales & wodde, which was moyst and grene, in which after he was gone to bedde, and y e chamberlaines departed & locked the dore, The death of Iouian. the vapoure of the fyer maruelously encreased, & fillinge all places full of smoke, not hauinge any vent or windowe to issue forth at, stopped Io­uianus breath in such wyse, that he smothered as he slept, for in the morninge he was found deade, most men iudginge this to be thoccasion of his deathe: althoughe some supposed, that he dyed by eating of a Mushron, which was poysoned: other affirme, that he eate so muche meate the night before, that y e naturall heate, not able to make perfecte disgestion, hee was through the cruditie of his meate strangled. But (howsoeuer it was) his death gaue great cause of sorrowe vnto all men, for he had helde the Em­periall Septer but eighte monethes: and dyed when he was (as some write) of xl. but as other, of xxx. yeares of age.

Valentinianus the first of that name.

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IT pleased Almightye God of his goodnes, to appoint to succede the Christian and vertuous Emperour Iouian (althoughe he left behinde him neyther child nor kinseman) one that was equall with him in fayth, Valentinian like in good­nes and ver­tue vnto Io­uian. goodnes, and vertu­ous conditions, whose name was Valentiniā. Who although he were discended of a base stocke, and borne of poore parentes: yet he was a Catholicke Christian, beuti­fyed and adorned with most splendente vertues: His fathers name was Gratian, God exalteth from lowe estate. borne in Hungarye in the Cittie Cimba­la, a verye poore man, and by profession a maker of coardes or ropes, one of a verye great strengthe, who after he became a souldiour, so excelled in martiall prowes, that he was for his worthines, preferred from degree to degree, and in the ende appoynted generall of the Pretorian souldiours: which was the cause, that his sonne Valentinian (of whom we nowe en­treate) was brought vp in martiall feates wherin he became verye excellent. And at such time as Iulian commaunded that all they which woulde not do sacrifyce vnto idols, shoulde be depriued of theyr dignity and offices. (he being a Captaine o­uer the souldiours which bare shieldes) refused as a most cō ­stant professor of Christ, Persecution tryeth Chri­stians. the office of his captaine shippe, to re­mayne and abyde in his true profession, but afterwarde in the time of the good Emperour Iouian, he together with infinite other Christians, was restored vnto his former dignitye, and was at such time as he dyed in that degre of honour, in which [Page] he had bene before the edict with Iulian. This Valentinian for his singuler worthines was by the generall suffrages of y e whole hoaste, elected at the Cittie of Nyce: as his father for his valiantnes, had beene likewise preferred vnto manye ho­nourable degrees of chiualrie. After he was thorowly esta­blished in his Empyre, he elected for companion wyth him in the same his brother Valens, and not longe after he created Cesar, his yonge sonne Gratian: In the time of these Empe­rours, the worlde was greatlye afflicted with earthquakes, wōders, excursions and inundations of the seas, with strange thinges which rayned from Heauen, and with suche mortall warres, that the like haue not lightly bene harde, or redde of. Notwithstanding these afflictions, the wise and sage Empe­rous did with such force and pollicye oppugne and resiste the inuasions and rebellions, which were made by sondry barba­rous Nations: that they did not only conquere them in ma­nye battayles, with expellinge them out of y e Emperiall ter­ritoryes, but also ouercame and suppressed diuers domestical tyrantes: Procopius. amonge which there was one Procopius, a kinse­man of Iulian the Apostata, who toke vppon him the title & name of Emperour in Constantinople: But afterward hee was ouercome in battaile by Valens, and flyinge awaye, hee was by his owne souldiours apprehended and broughte vnto themperour: who (as some affirme) caused him to be behea­ded, But as other write, hee caused two trees to be bowed, & vnto eyther of them one of his legges to be tyed, A reward for rebelles. and after by lettinge them go at libertye, hee was (vnto the terrour of all other) rente and deuided in two partes: a meete rewarde and punishment due vnto all rebelles.

As Valens was infected with the sect of the Arrians, whō he greatly fauoured: so Valentinian was a most true and sin­cere professor of Christes Religion, who after hee had ouer­come the Sarmathians, a barbarous people whiche often re­belled, made aunswere vnto theyr Embassadours, which en­treated for peace with so muche vehemencye, The death of valentinian. that he fell into such extreame bledinge at his mouthe, as that he dyed there­of within fewe dayes. Some saye that hee fell into an Apo­plexia [Page 115] and dyed of that disease, in the 50. yeare of his age, when he had raigned xii. yeares. After whose death Valens, together with his nephewe Gratian enioyed the Empyre: He began to make little accompte of his nephewe, and great­lye fauouringe the secte of the Arrians, employed and besto­wed his time in Nigromancye and enchantmentes, with dy­uers other kindes of sorceries, The persecu­tion of Chri­stians. and also in martyringe of ma­nye Christians, which God did not permit longe vnpunished: For shortly after beinge ouercome in a conflict by the Gothes (vnto whom he had done manye pleasures) hee fledde for suc­cour into a pore cotage of the countre, (which his ennemyes perceyuinge) set at a sodaine the house on fyre, and so burnte him beinge in the same, The ende of a wicked gouernour. makinge there that ende whiche his wicked life deserued: when he was 50. yeares of age, after he had gouerned the Empyre xv. yeares, and after the incarna­tion of our Sauiour Iesus Christ 382. yeares: according vn­to the computation of S. Hierome, who in this yeare endeth his Historye, A flourishing time of the learned. and hereafter followeth that of S. Prosper.

There began to florishe at this present manye excellent lear­ned doctours in Diuinitye, which at this instant are the chiefe pillers of the Church: As S. Hierome, S. Am­brose, and not longe after S. Augustine, the lear­ned Basill bishoppe of Cesarea, Gregorius Na­zeanzenus, Epiphanius, Cirillus bishoppe of Hierusalem with many other.

Gratianus.

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AFter the deathe of Valens y e Emperour, the administration of y e whole Empyre, as well of the East as of y e West remay­ned onlye vnto Gratian his nephewe the sonne of his brother Valentinian, who before him enioyed y e Empyre of y e West: and vnto the infante Valentiniā his bro­ther, whom hee had created Emperour: althoughe because of his infancye hee made no accompte of him. The Gothes followinge theyr victorye, in shorte space became patrones of the whole country adioyninge neare vnto them, and besieged the Emperiall Cittye of Constantinople, (where the noble Empresse, wyfe vnto the vnfortunate Valens made her a­bode) againste whiche Cittye they made warre with greate force and violence, burninge and destroyinge both the walles and Suburbes of the same, which were verye great: but the widdowe Empresse (as Cassiodorus wryteth) did w t dilligēce animate her people with giftes and fayre speache, A valiaunte Empresse. that they fought with so maruailous force against y e Gothes, that they receiued great losse and hurt and cold not enter, but were en­forced to rayse theyr siege. In this wyse by the carefulnes of this Ladye, The noble gouernment of a woman. and valiantnes of the inhabitantes, the Cittye was defended. After the Gothes were departed thence, they deuided themselues into sundrye companyes, inhabitinge the prouinces of Thrace, of Dacia, and the confines vnto them ioyning. These were certaine Nations, which descended out [Page 116] of Scithia & Russia (as most Aucthours affirme) but whether they were borne there, From whēce the Goathes came. or come from some other country thi­ther, no writer maketh mention, nor putteth any difference betwene those which are called Ostrogothes & Visogothes, since that the diuersity of names betokeneth no other thinge, Ostrogothes. but that the Ostrogothes are those of the East, Visogothes. and the Viso­gothes of the Weste. Wherefore I intende at all times whē I shall haue occasion to make mention of them, (which wilbe verye often) to terme them indifferentlye by the name of Go­thes: For it is moste certayne that the greatest wounde and losse, and the beginninge of the ruyne of the Romayne Em­pyre, was occasioned by them. Wherefore those Nations maye worthelye be accompted and iudged the moste valiante in armes of all other. The Gothes. Since that (although with greate tra­uaile, and longe warre) they were able to ouercome and sub­due, a people & Empyre which was conquerour of the whole worlde. Gratian hauinge vnderstandinge of the deathe of his vncle Valens, and how the Gothes with diuers other Na­tions of the North called Hunnes & Alanes, no lesse valiante in armes then they were: Hunnes. did continually inuade y e Empyre, Alanes. and became Lordes ouer manye countryes and prouinces: Then he, with as great a power as he was able to assemble, marched towardes Hungarye to represse theyr furye, or­dayninge for generall ouer his armye, a certaine noble Cap­tayne named Theodosius, Theodosius a fortun [...] Emperour. which was borne in Spayne, who so worthelye behaued himselfe, and with such courage repres­sed the furye of his ennemyes, that in the ende hee enforced them to serue him in the warres, & reduced the Empyre vnto his pristinate estate and dignity. For which noble actes Gra­tian did associate him for companiō with him in the Empyre, and assigned vnto him the Empyre of the Easte: for he conti­nued in Fraunce, where he alienated the mindes of the soul­diours from him, by shewinge himselfe to much affectionate towards the Alanes, Gratian [...]omuche addi­ted to stran­gers. & other straunge Nations whose kinde of attyre he did often weare: At which time one Maximus a tyrante in the countrye of Britannye rebelled, and leuyed a greate power against him, who seinge himselfe to be abando­ned [Page] of his Legions, returned in all hast towardes Italye, in which voyage, Maximus makinge a great slaughter of hys souldiours, did also in the Strategeme kill him: who without doubt would haue proued a vertues and worthy Emperour, if he had attayned vnto the gouernment of the Empyre: The death of Gratian. for in all other thinges, which appertayned vnto a wor­thye and bountifull Prince he excelled. His death happened (after the computation of Prosper) in the yeare after the byrthe of oure LORDE 387.

Theodosius the first of that name.

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GRatian the Emperour beinge dead, the orderinge of the whole estate of the Em­pyre, concerninge both warre and peace, appertayned vnto Theodosius, as the onlye pillour & sustentation of the same: for albeit the yonge Prince Valentinian made his abode in Italye, The coward­lynes of Va­lentinian. yet he had not the courage to reuenge the death of his brother Gratian: for when he vnderstode that Maximus was entered into parte of Italye with a mightye power, he forsoke the same, and fledde vnto Constantinople to demaunde succour of Theodosius: who beinge very sorrowfull for the mishappe of the two Em­perours, [Page 117] thone to be slaine by treason, and thother to be driuēdute of his Empyre by tyrantes, accordinge vnto his accusto­med naturall worthines, resolued to saile into Italye, to re­uenge the death of thone, Theodosius a most noble Emperour. and to establish thother in his Em­pyre, by persecutinge and destroyinge the newe mightye ty­rant: wherevppon leauinge his sonne Arcadius in Constan­tinople, and takinge with him Valentinian, he prepared all thinges necessarye for his departure, and hauinge assembled a sufficiente armye of valiant Captaynes and souldiours, he directed his course towardes Lumbardye: where Maxi­mus was makinge his abode in the Cittie of Aquileia, Maximus. who had ordayned for his generall to withstand Theodosius, An­dragathius, a valiant Captayne in martiall affayres, Andragathi­us captayne vnto Maxi­mus. which was the party that slue Gratian. Hee with greate dilligence had taken and occupyed all the streights and passages, by the which Theodosius shoulde come: but afterwarde alteringe his determination, hee remoued his souldiours from the de­fence of the mountaynes, & placed them in certayne shippes, mindinge to fight with his ennemyes vppon the water before they landed, and to apprehende his aduersary. Whereof the pollitike and worthy Emperour Theodosius hauinge intel­ligence, very well prouided for his landinge, Theodosius. & after marched with great iourneyes, who findinge the passages without de­fence, entered into the territoryes of Lumbardye, and came vnto Aquileia where Maximus was, Maximus. before that Andraga­thius coulde come thither, and besieginge the Cittie on eue­rye syde: they that were within the same throughe feare, and moued also in conscience yelded themselues vnto Theodosi­us, before any assaulte was made or battaile fought, The death of Maximus and his sonne and the tyraunte as a traytour and rebell was put to deathe, with a sonne of his called Victor, who not longe before had bene by his father created Emperour.

Andragathius vnderstandinge of the takinge and death of Maximus, (who at that instant was with a great armye vp­pon the sea) beinge surprised with excedinge griefe and despe­ration, caste himselfe oute of the Gallye where he stode, The death of Androgathi­us. into the sea, and so was drowned, and his souldiours wantinge a [Page] heade or gouernour yelded vnto Theodosius: vnto whom af­ter he had obtayned this notable victorye without the effusi [...] of much bloude, there repayred out of Fraunce, Germanye, Spayne and Englande, many Embassadous, yeldinge theyr obedience vnto him, with great humillitye and deuotion.

Who after he had triumphed in Rome, Theodosius [...] rare Prince restored the Empyre vnto Valentinian, and returned vnto Constantinople. This was a manifest argument, and sufficiente proofe of his good­nes and loyaltye, for whereas he was of power if he had bene so disposed, to haue made him selfe a sole monarke, and Lorde ouer all, he reputed it to be a greater worthines and dignitye to recouer an Empyre, The nobility of Theodosi­us. and to restore it vnto him vnto whom by righte it appertayned: then to reserue it vnto himselfe.

Not longe after the returne of Theodosius vnto Constanti­nople, the death of Valentiniā was conspired by a Captaine of his called Arbogastus, a man of a singuler courage, wyse­dome and stoutnes, verye mightye, by reason of the auctho­ritye and credite which he was in with the Emperour. This Arbogastus determined vppon the sodaine to murther Va­lentinian, Arbogastus. & to create Emperoure one Eugenius, Eugenius. who for his excellencye in Rhetoricke was verye well thoughte of, & had in great reputacion with all men, vnto whom after he had re­ueled his intente, Tribes. and that Eugenius had willinglye accepted the same, they inuented the meanes to corrupt the Eunuches which were the Emperours chamberlaynes, and concluded with them that they in the night should strangle Valentiniā, and saye that they founde him deade. The death of Valentinian. It happened therefore that in the nighte as the Emperour slepte in his Chamber at Vienna a Cittye in Fraūce, the ribalde Eunuches did stran­gle him, reportinge vnto all men that hee had hanged him­selfe, beinge the xviii. yeare after hee was by his brother crea­ted Emperour. Eugenius created Em­perour by Arbogastus. Incontinently after his deathe was publi­shed, before the treason was knowen, Arbogastus nominated and made Emperour Eugenius, and because these two were of most reputatiō, the election was approued of all men. And albeit Eugenius was nominated Emperour, yet all thinges were disposed and ordered at the pleasure of Arbogastus.

[Page 118] Within short space Theodosius had vnderstandinge of this facte, which he receiued very sorrowfullye, in that he percey­ued howe daungerous a warre he was to enter into. For hee accompted it a great dishonour, Murther un­to be vnpuni­shed. to permit so haynous an acte vnpunished: wherefore w t all dilligence he leuied souldiours, and with as muche celeritye as he mighte, hee departed from Constantinople, leauinge in the same his .ii. sonnes Arcadi­us and Honorius, whom at that presente hee created Empe­rours. After he was arriued in the confines of Italy, where the tyrantes had so huge an hoaste, and so carefullye had pro­uided for the maintenance of the warre, that they occupyed al the passages of the Alpes, and encamped theyr armye in the closures of the same: in suche sorte, that Theodosius was in very great distresse, for after he had passed ouer certaine moū ­taynes, he might very well perceiue that he was on euery side enuironed with ennemyes, in such wise that victuels mighte be brought vnto him frō no place, his ennemyes also hauinge manye mo souldiours then he had, in no respect inferiour vn­to his, in experience and courage. Notwithstandinge these extremities like a most prudēt Emperour, hauing his whole confidence and truste in God, hee omitted not, to remedye the presente necessitye in the best maner that he mighte: God geueth the victorye to Princes onlye. And cer­tainlye the daunger and oppression in whiche hee was in, was such, & the multitude of his ennemyes so greate, that he with his, must nedes haue beene destroyed, if God in the bat­taile which followed, had not assisted him, with a manifeste myracle. For when as in the nexte morninge Theodosius sawe, that he was compassed in on euery syde with ennemies, he embatailed his souldiours very strongly, awaytinge with a maruailous courage y e assault of his ennemyes, out of whose campe at a sodaine, Arbitius. came vnto him a Captaine named Arbiti­us with all his souldiours: presentlye after whose comminge the battaile beganne, in which the Romaynes fought against Romaynes, so fiercely, that at the first encoūter Theodosius armye was like to haue had the ouerthrowe: if at the verye instant a Captayne of his named Barbarius, Barbariu [...] with a great nō ­ber of souldiours, had not succoured certayne Squadrons, [Page] [...] [Page 118] [...] [Page] which were at the point of beinge ouercome: which he did so couragiously, that they which seemed before to be ouercome, recouered theyr former forces, in suche wise, that withoute makinge any retyre, they endeuoured to ouercome fightinge most valiantlye: Although the nomber of the ennemyes was so great, that it seemed a thinge vnpossible to withstand them. But in this conflicte it pleased God to assiste Theodosius w t his deuine power, for at a sodaine there arose a moste boyste­rous and tempestuous winde, the like whereof hath not bene seene: which without the offending of the armye of Theodo­sius, The power of God in battayle. did strike with such force into the faces of his ennemyes, that it toke from them their sight, & kept them backe in suche wyse, that they had no force to proceade against Theodosius souldiours, yea the winde was of suche might, that all the ar­rowes, stones, dartes and launces which they threwe, were driuen backe vppon them, wounding and molestinge them in such wyse, The death of Engenius. that in thende after longe fightinge, (contrarye to all mens expectacion) Theodosius got the victorye, and slue in the battaile Engenius: but Arbogastus (as all writers af­firme) when he sawe that he was ouercome; Arbogastus killeth him­selfe. fledde out of the battaile, and not findinge anye place where he might abyde in safetye, with his owne sworde killed himselfe. After this vic­torye Theodosius, seinge thempyre to be deliuered from all warres, went vnto Millane, wher he remayned the remnant of his life, S. Ambrose bishoppe of Millane. S. Ambrose beinge at that present bishoppe of the same: thither he sent for his sonne Honorius, whom he inue­sted after his death, w t thempyre of Italy and of all the West, and his brother Arcadius, of all thempyre of the Easte. Also into Affricke & the prouinces there about, he sente for gouer­nor Gildus a verye noble and wyse Captaine: but for that his children were as yet but of a tender age, hee appointed vnto them two tutors, men no lesse valiant in warre, then prudent in peace, thone called Ruffinus, and thother Stilicon. Not longe after the finishinge of this his order taking, he fell sicke of a certaine disease, whereof he dyed, when he was fiftye yea­res of age, after be had raigned in the Empyre xi. yeares, be­sides the vi. yeres, in which he gouerned together with Gra­tian: [Page 119] so that in the whole he raigned xvii. yeares, and dyed in the yeare after the incarnation of our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christe. 397.

Arcadius and Honorius.

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AFter the deathe of Theodosius, his two sonnes Arcadius & Honorius toke vp­pon them the gonernmēt, Arcadius. who had with little care and small trauaile, Honorius. sustayned & ruled the whole Monarchie, if the wic­kednes of theyr tutors had not molested and troubled the same. For they which were elected & chosen to see all thinges well gouerned, were the occasion, that the Empyre in such sort was vexed, that in the beginninge they ministered no small presumptions of her vtter ruine. The tutors of Arcadius & Honorius, procured to get the Em­pyre vnto them selues. For immediatlye after Theodosius was dead, Gildus, which was gouernour in the prouince of Affricke, & Ruffinus and Stilicon in theyr prouinces, likewyse did by all meanes procure to reuolte the state of the Empyre, from the sonnes of the late Emperour theyr Lorde, vnto themselues: and euery of them at conuenient time, manifested his wicked intente and imaginations. Arcadius, together with Ruffi­nus his gouernour, Arcadius. went to Constantinople, wher he enter­red with much honour the dead bodye of his father: but Ho­norius remayned with Stilicon in Italye. The yonge Em­perours [Page] in all respectes continued theyr gouernment as their father had done before: The behaui­our of Gil­dus. And true it is that Gildus, the gouer­nour of Affricke, after hee vnderstode of the deathe of Theo­dosius, regarded not to kepe secretr any longer his peruerse and wicked intent, as Ruffinus and Stilicon did: but present­lye in his deedes did vtter the same, attempting to beare seig­niorye ouer the prouinces committed to his gouernment: Ambition. not with the title of a Countye, as vnto that time hee had done, (the which title as Paulus Diaconus sayth was at y t instante geuen vnto the gouernours of prouinces) but as a kinge or Emperour without acknowledginge eyther of Honorius or Arcadius. Mastelzeri­us y e brother of G [...]dus. This tyraunt a brother of his owne, called Mas­telzerius, a good and faythful Christian, resisted in all that he might: but the power of Gildus was then so much encreased, that his brother was enforced to flye into Italye, and he re­mayned as Lord in Affricke. Tirants spa­reth no kin­red. Gildus vnderstanding that his brother was gone to finde oute the Emperour, caused two of his sonnes that he had left in Affricke to be slaine, not respec­tinge that they were his nephewes and his owne bloude. Af­ter Mastelzerius was come into Italye, he reueyled as much as was happened, vnto Honorius, or to saye more trulye vn­to Stilicon his tutor and gouernour (whose wysedome and courage was very greate, Stilicon. althoughe founded vppon a disloy­all and wicked immagination) He gatte vnto him an armye of men, with all necessaries therevnto belonging, to the ende hee shoulde inuade his brother as ennemye of the Emperiall estate. Mastelzerius Mastelzerius, to reuenge the death of his sonnes, w t the greatest celeritye that mighte be, returned into Affricke with a small company, trustinge vnto the right which he had on his syde, and the good will of the people, but especially vn­to Gods helpe, whose deuine bountye he desisted not dailye to call vppon, with effusion of teares, and continuall prayer.

And althoughe he arryued in this manner vppon the coastes of Affricke, with so small a nomber of souldiours, yet with a maruailous courage hee landed them, and hauinge erected & fortifyed necessarye lodginges, hee caused his arriuall to be published, in all those places where hee was beloued, & from [Page 120] whence supposed to receiue supplie of souldiours and ayde of frendes. His brother vnderstandinge of his arriuall, came against him with .iii. score and tenne thousand men of warre, so that Mastelzerius might verye well seeme to be in a mar­uelous distresse & daunger, Victory is in the handes of God. yet it abated nothinge of his iour­neye, neyther was he in doubt of winninge the victorye, for y t he knew the obtayning thereof consisted in the power of God, and not in the multitude of men and horse. The thirde daye after Mastelzerius was arriued, and had well refreshed his armye, with an inuincible courage he set vppō his ennemyes: who supposed nothinge lesse, then that he durst make any such attempte, and therefore had theyr mindes occupyed with the contrarye. A wise Cap­tayne, win­neth with counsaile. But he aduauntinge himselfe before the formost rankes, exhorted his brothers souldiours to desiste from far­ther rebellion, & vsinge of weapons against one that was sent from theyr Lorde and Emperour: Which request when an ensigne bearer refuced to agree vnto, & therewith vsed vio­lence against him, he stroke the souldiour with such force that his ensigne fell vnto the grounde, with which onlye stroke it pleased God to geue him the victorie, for there was not one y t would make farther resistance, but presentlye the most parte of the armye yelded and obeyed vnto him, and the other toge­ther with his brother fledde, so that myraculouslye he obtay­ned the victorye. The flyinge away and the death of Gil­dus. After Gildus sawe that hee was abando­ned of his souldiours, he fled vnto the sea coaste, where he en­tered into a shippe, and committed the sayles vnto the winde, thinkinge to escape thereby, but after hee had sayled prospe­rouslye a certaine space, at lengthe the winde turned againste him, in such sorte that he was enforced to returne frō whence hee departed, Traytors ta­ken in theyr owne snare. where he was apprehended, & his brother for a chastisement of his crueltye, as also to reuenge the deathe of his two sonnes, and treason vnto his Lordes, cause him to be beheaded. After whose death Mastelzerius remayninge con­querour and as Lord in the fielde, Pryde. without any contradictiō, and perceyuinge himselfe to be verye puissante (as happeneth vnto men which in prosperitye become insolente) yelded not prayse vnto God for this his victorye, as hee oughte to haue [Page] done: but rather attempted to get vnto himselfe the Empyre of Affricke, Ambition. not once respectinge the Emperour Honorius which sent him thither: which disloyaltie his captaynes and souldiours not contented with, The death of Mastelzeri­us thorowe insolent pride s [...]ue him with their owne han­des. After the deathe of these two brothers, the Empyre of Affricke continued a certaine space obedient vnto y e Romaine Emperours. While these thinges passed in this wyse in Affricke, Arcadius was not without disturbance in Constā ­tinople, for Ruffinus his gouernour desyringe to bringe to effect his purpose, procured by all meanes possible, to bringe Arcadius into some distresse and daunger, to thend he might thereby vsurpe the Empyre: Ruffinus doth sollicite the Gothes to dampnifye the Empyre. Hee did sollicite the Gothes and other Nations to inuade the Emperiall territories, whiche practise beinge discouered, (hee was by the procure­mente of Arcadius,) slaine by certaine Italian souldiours, and his head hanged vppon one of the gates of Constantino­ple. After the death of Ruffinus, Arcadius remayned a more free and quiet Lord in his Orientall Empyre, Ambitious traytors. then Honori­us his brother did in his: For Stilicon who had the gouern­ment in the Occidentall, was more circumspecte and polliti­que then Ruffinus, Stilicon. and therewith a verye valiante and sin­guler Captayne, and sente souldiours to ayde and assiste his brother. Not longe after the former feare was passed, A­laricus arriued in Italye, a more wyse and valiant Captaine then was Rhadagasius, whose souldiours also were verye ac­tiue and expert in Martiall affayres: Against him went Stili­con with his armye, as one that neuer feared anye daunger, and encountered with the Gothes within the territory of Ra­uenna: in which conflict Alaricus was ouercome by y e prowes of Stilicon, Alaricus o­uercome of Stilicon. who for courage and pollicye in warre like affay­res, had not his equall at that time lyuinge. But continu­inge in harte the conspiracye before mentioned, who woulde neuer (althoughe hee mighte) vtterlye vanquishe Alaricus, for diuers times he seemed not to regarde his doinges, & suf­fered to marche thorowe the countrye without resistance, or endamaginge his people. Whereby Alaricus verye well comprehended y t Stilicon was not verye willinge to conquere [Page 121] him: for as some write, this warre continued betwene them three yeares. At this time the Alanes, y e Hunnes, the Van­dales, and the Burgundions were entered the Emperial ter­ritoryes, and iorneyed, makinge of warre alonge the ryuer of Rhene: this enforced a newe terror to possesse the hartes of the people. But Alaricus hauinge vnderstandinge of theyr comminge, sente vnto Honorius, to desyre a peace or truce of him, and so muche of the Realme of Fraunce, as woulde suf­fice for him & his people to inhabite in, promisinge to defende that countrye from the inuasion of those Nations, he did also geue him to vnderstande, how Stilicon proceded craftelye by protractinge the warre which he had against him, and that he was the onlye Aucthor of mouinge of these newe warres.

The Emperour vppon this enformation, conceyued greate suspition of treason in Stilicon, (althoughe when it was re­ported vnto him longe before, he would not credite the same) and yet also for the present he did dissemble it, & made peace with Alaricus, graunted his demaundes, receyued of him ho­stages, and sent him into Fraunce: whereby there seemed to ensue two great commodities, thone was the peace and tran­quillitye in Italye throughe his absence, and thother the de­fence and safegarde of Fraunce: into whiche alreadye were entered the Vandales, the Alanes, and the Hunnes, of which Nations the nomber was esteemed to be more then two hū ­dreth thousande. The wicked­nes of Stili­con. These presumptions of felicitie were who­lye disturbed and interrupted by the treason of Stilicon: who although he accomplished that which was commaunded him by Honorius, as in permittinge Alaricus with the Gothes, quietlye to enter into theyr iourneye, with supplyinge vnto his people all such necessaryes as were nedefull for theyr voy­age, according to thorder receyued of Honorius: Yet as one that hated peace, and especially that Alaricus should go vnto the defence of Fraunce, he determined to destroye both him & his people. For as Alaricus was iourneyinge peaceable to­warde Fraunce, (as was accorded) Stilicon priuilye practi­sed with an Hebrewe Captayne named Saul, whiche was in his armye, that hee with his souldiours vppon some fayned [Page] displeasure or peculiar quarell, shoulde at Easter when the Gothes were celebratinge, and lest mistrusted any suche mis­chiefe assault them at a sodaine and slay as many as he might: by which breach of peace he thought the warre would reuiue againe, which mighte restore him vnto his pristiuate dignity in gouernment, which with the late concluded peace began to decline. The Hebrew Captaine at y e time appointed brought to effecte this priuye conspiracye, for he assaulted the Gothes vppon a sodaine, vnto their great hurte and damage: but he presentlye receiued the rewarde which his treason deserued, for they arminge themselues w t great speede, fought againste him and slue him, The death of Saui. with the most part of his souldiours.

Althoughe his intente were as wicked or worse then theirs, yet he was better able to conceyle it, as wel by his wisedome, as also through his aucthority and power. For besydes y t he was y e ouerseer & gouernour of Honorius, he was also twyse his father in Law: for Honorius had at y t instante vnto wife. a daughter of his, Stilicon. & was before maryed vnto an other of his daughters which dyed a mayden. This Stilicon was a Vā ­dall, Of what country Sti­licon was. and beinge desirous in minde to create a sonne of his cal­led Leucherius Emperoure, with his (althoughe a wicked) circumspecte forsighte, did conceyle his purpose vnto a cōue­niente time: immagininge the beste waye to attayne vnto his pretence, was to bringe the Emperours into greate troubles by warres, to thend that he for his worthines sheewed in such extremities, The animo­ [...]ty & strēgth of Stilicon. mighte be accompted and reputed the onlye de­fence and safegarde of the Empyre. For he was of so stoute a courage, and endued with such force, that he esteemed him­selfe sufficient to order & dispose all thinges at his owne plea­sure, and knewe that the necessitye whiche the Emperours should haue of his seruice, would be a very good entrance vn­to his attempte. Wherefore by many subtill, secrete and craf­tye deuises, he prouoked the Gothes, the Alanes, the Vanda­les & the Swyzers, with diuers other Nations to moue warre against y e Emperiall territories. Gothes. And after he had brought his resolution to this forwardnes, hee appointed the Gothes (as men which knewe the countrye very well) to go vnto the [Page 122] conquest of Italye, and that the Vandales, the Alanes, and y e Swyzers, should assayle Fraunce: and yet he decreed to take vppon himselfe the defence of Italye, supposinge that Hono­rius should be compelled for want of good Captaynes, in pro­per parson to go vnto the defence of Fraunce, where either he should be slaine or ouercome, or at least brought into some ex­tremitye: So that he by conqueringe the Gothes in Italye, (which he iudged very easy) might without resistance become Lorde of Rome, Traytours purpose one waye, & God disposeth the contrarye. and hauinge obtayned the principall, hee no­thinge doubted to attaine vnto the segniorye of all the other members of the Empyre. But these his determinations had successe contrarye vnto his expectation: For that treason be­came, not onlye his owne confusion, but also the ruine and de­struction of the whole Empyre. The Gothes moue warre in Hungarye and Austria. For after Honorius and Ar­cadius had raigned viii. yeares, Stilicon and Aurelian being chosen Consulles, the Gothes began couertly to make warre in Hungarye and Austria, which warre although in the be­ginninge it seemed very small, and little daungerous, yet w t ­in short space, theyr power and might grewe to be suche, that they were dreaded of the whole worlde. For hauinge with theyr Captaynes Halaricus and Radagasius, The Gothes in suche sorte subdued all Thrace, Sclauoni and Hungary, that nothing was there to be seene, but the earth and firmament, they mar­ched into Italye, where passinge the Apennine, they came vnto the mountaines Fiesole in Tuscanie: Against whom for the defence of the Empyre, went two valiant Captaynes cal­led Vldinus and Sara, Vldinus and Sara, Cap­taynes vnto Honorius. with a greate armye of Hunnes & Go­thes, Mercenary souldiours hyred of Honorius. Whiche Captaynes with theyr souldiours resisted valiantlye the po­wer of Rhadagasius, and cut of his passages, ouer the moun­taynes, and also depriued his armye of victuels: by reason whereof, within very short space, the mortalitye amonge the ennemyes became so great, that most part of the armye dyed by famyne, and Radagasius apprehended by Honorius, and put to death. Rhadagasius. When these euents in this wise succeded, Ho­norius made his abode in Rauenna, whiche at that time was the principall Cittie, Rauenna. & his brother in Constantinople: Frō [Page] whence Alaricus with this displeasure was greatlye moued to wrathe, and marched to fighte with Stilicones armye: of whom Stilicon fayned to haue great feare, & sent to the Em­perour for ayde: who not ignoraunte of that which was hap­pened throughe Saul the Iewe (althoughe Stilicon supposed his pretence to be vnknowen) sente priuelye certayne souldi­ours into the hoaste, Saul. and gaue them in charge, that at some cōuenient time they should slay Stilicon and his sonnes: The death of Stilicon. this commaundemente was presentlye executed, and the cause thereof was afterward openlye published to the whole army.

But althoughe the Emperour in extirpatinge the sediti­ous race, wrought verye wyselye, yet he omitted to institute for gouernour ouer his hoast such a Captayne, as was suffici­ente vnto so great a charge, and that might remoue kinge A­laricus, from creditinge that this breache of truce was com­mitted with Honorius consente. For Alaricus prouoked by his iniurye, The enter­prise of Ala­ricus against Rome. or rather seinge the time & opportunitye to serue well for his purpose, marched with his whole armye towar­des Rome, the heade and Emperyce at that presente of the whole world, vsinge as hee iourneyed extreme crueltye, com­mittinge all thinges vnto fyer and sworde, and in thende be­sieged the Cittie after it was first builte, a Thousande & sixe hundreth yeares. The Romaynes prepared them vnto the defence of theyr Cittye so valiantlye, Rome besie­ged .ii. yeres. that the siege continued two yeares: duringe which time it was kept so streight, that the mortalitye of the inhabitantes became maruailous, for there were verye fewe, but eyther they were slaine, or taken prisoners. Finally the famyne amonge the people was so per­singe, A greate fa­mine in Rome which enfor­ced y e mother to eate her owne childe. that they were constrayned to eate one another, yea the mother enforced to feede of her suckinge infant, which she had a little before brought oute of her owne bellye. And in con­clusion the Cittie was taken by Alaricus (as some Aucthors affirme) throughe treason, but as other write by force of ar­mes, and in suche wyse spoyled, that all thinges founde there in, Rome wonne and destroyed by y e gothes. were committed to the sworde and fyer: excepte onlye the Churches, and the people which for theyr safegarde had fled into the same. Honorius the Emperour, notwithstanding [Page 123] this warre, made his abode in the Cittie of Rauenna: Who after he vnderstode that Rome was taken, was striken with no small terrour and feare of loosinge the whole Empyre.

This was the first time that Rome was wonne, The first time that Rome was wonne. by any bar­barous Nation, after it became of anye force or mighte. Af­ter the sackinge of the Cittie, Alaricus departed from thence, and sayled towardes Cicilia, but there arose so greate a tem­peste vppon the sea, that hee was enforced to returne vnto the coastes of Italye, The death at Alaricus. where he became sicke, and dyed in a Cittie called Coseuza. After whose death the Gothes created kinge Ataulfus, who was marryed at the expugnation of Rome vn­to Placidia, the daughter of Theodosius y e late Emperour, at whose requeste hee abstayned from the vtter subuertion of Rome, and concluded a peace with Honorius, and departed out of Italy into Spayne, where he made his abode in a Cit­tie called Barcellona. While these thinges proceded in this maner in Italye, Arcadius Emperour of the East, made his abode in the Cittie of Constantinople, where he lyued conti­nuallye in peace, and gouerned with little disturbance: For there are no wryters that make mention of any warres, that might haue procured the contrary. The death of Arcadius. This Emperour after he had gouerned, and ruled the Empyre of the East xiii. yeares, dyed in the sayde Cittie, leauinge behinde him a sonne called Theodosius, whom he committed to be brought vppe, vnto y e kinge of Persia and Parthia, Hisdig [...]rdus. called Hisdigardus, which was at that instante, confederat and frend to the Empyre. After the kinge of Persia vnderstode the decree of Arcadius, hee ve­rye willinglye accepted the gouernmente and charge of the yonge Emperour, and sente presentlye vnto Constantinople for him, Antioch [...] by a valiant Captayne of his named Antiochus, who afterwarde together w t Honorius, gouerned the whole Em­pyre with great fidelitye and muche honour, conseruinge the same in peace and iustyce, vntill that Theodosius the sonne o [...] Arcadius, was growne vnto yeares apte to beare rule.

After the deathe therefore of Arcadius, That whiche happened af­ter the deathe of Arcadius. the titles of Empe­rours remayned onlye vnto Honorius, and Theodosius his nephewe, But the West Empyre was nowe brought vnto a [Page] maruaylous confusion, throughe the Gothes, the Vandales, and other Nations, Gothes. who proceded conquering the prouinces of the same, Vandales. for that the Emperour Honorius was not care­full in leuyinge some sufficient armye, that might resist theyr barbarous inuasions, but continued his abode in the Citty of Rauenna. Also in England one of the chiefeste barrons of y e Islande called Gratian, Gratian. rebelled and toke vppon hym the ti­tle and name of Emperour, with the consent of certayne of y e commons of the Countrye, but his rashnes had euill successe, for within a fewe dayes after, he was slaine by his owne soul­diours. After whose deathe they created an other of the soul­diours Emperour called Cōstantinus, Constantius chosen Em­perour of the souldiours. a man of greater cou­rage and strengthe then Gratian was: he remoued his whole armye out of England, and went into Fraunce, mindinge to beare segniorye ouer the same. And therefore presentlye hee procured peace with the Vandales, the Swyzers, and the A­lanes, who departed out of that countrye towardes Spayne, the Burgundions remayninge in that place, whiche nowe is named Burgundie. Constantinus associated in league with him, a great nomber of Frenchemen, whereby hee became so puisante and of suche force, that he minded to make himselfe Lorde ouer Spayne, and so to preuent those barbarous Na­tions, of theyr purposed habitacions. Vppon which resolu­tion, diuers Captaynes with sondry bandes of souldiours, to possesse the same, vnto whom a greate nomber of Spaniards yelded, reputinge it lesse daūgerous to obeye vnto them, then vnto those which were to come: But two noble, rich & migh­tye gentlemen of Spayne, refused to yelde vnto eyther parte, who (as Paulus Diaconus affirmeth) were called Didimus & Verodianus, The loyaltye of Didimus & Verodianus. borne in Valencia: these resisted the vsurpati­ons, & determined to expell the tyrants frō theyr countryes. Wherevppon at theyr owne, and at theyr kinsefolkes proper coastes & charges, with the ayde of theyr frendes, they wente vnto the mountaynes Perinei, to defende the passage ouer y e same: not onlye against Constantinus the vsurper, but also against all those Nations before mentioned, endeuoringe to maintayne and keepe Spayne in the continuall obedience, & [Page 124] deuotiō of theyr Emperour Honorius, which they did a long season, although with great trauaile, maruelous slaughters and extreame daungers. Wherewith Constantinus was greatlye offended (beinge as he thought) not a little iniured, and therevppon elected certaine of the most experte, and vali­ante souldiours that he had, to go against them, ouer whom he appointed Captaine Constantius his sonne: Constantius. Who was of suche force, and so well experienced in martiall feates, that in the ende hee ouercame the two brothers, and entered into Spayne. The which after the people of Constantius had w t great tyrannye spoyled, and with most cruel warre ouer rūne the countrye, they marched towardes the mountaynes Peri­nei, from whence they expelled the Spaniardes, which were appointed for the defence of those hilles, & toke vppon them­selues the custodye, vnto which they were verye sufficiente: and Constantius went into Fraunce vnto a cittie called Arli, where he founde his father. After whose departure, they which kepte the passages, made a contracte with the Vanda­les and other Nations, and for moneye soulde vnto them the same, permittinge the Vandales, the Swyzers, and the Ala­nes, to passe thorowe the countrye, who so wasted and spoy­led all Spayne, that sufficientlye it cannot be resighted or ex­pressed, especiallye those places adioyninge neare vnto the mountaynes, because there they were moste resisted. After they had exercised theyr barbarous crueltye in the countrye, they went vnto the Cittye of Valentia which they vtterly de­stroyed: Valentia. then they marched vnto the Cittie of Astorga, into whiche they entered by force of armes, & so procedinge with­out resistāce, they greatly endamaged Galatia. From whence coastinge ouer Castile, Toledo a fa­mous Citty. they came to Toledo, whiche Citty ey­ther throughe the fortitude of the situation, or valiantnes of y e inhabitantes, they coulde not conquere: (althoughe they cō ­tinued the siege many dayes) but were constrayned to depart vnto the reproche and shame of themselues, and the great ho­nour of that noble Cittie, Toledo▪ which for experience in warrefare and martiall pollicye, hath alwayes bene reputed verye fa­mous: with this example, a great nomber of Spaniards re­mayned [Page] faythfull vnto the Emperour Honorius, althoughe he neuer sent thither eyther Captayne or ayde. These Na­tions did very muche endamage the valleye of Toledo, and so marched forwarde alonge y e ryuer of Tagus, Tagus. vntill they came vnto the Cittie of Lisbone, Lisbone. which at that time was one of the worthyest, and moste famous Citties in Europe, the whiche they assaulted, but it was so valiantlye defended of the Citti­zens, that they were not able to make any entrye: and there­fore were content to cōpounde with them for a certayne sūme of moneye, and so to rayse theyr siege, then they returned that waye by which they came, makinge warre in diuers places. At whiche time the countrye beinge oppressed with famyne, (as Osorius affirmeth) they were constrayned to laye a part theyr weapons, and geue themselues to till the grounde, so that beinge nowe become as it were Cittizens, they deuided the conquestes amonge the Captaynes, and kinges, of the Vandales, Alanes, and Swizers. These troubles chaun­sed in this wyse, (as ye haue harde) when Athaulfus, and the Gothes kepte Narbone and Barcellona, who together were confederates and frendes with Honorius, Constantine. and when Constā ­tine the tyrant with his children did possesse the greatest part of Fraunce. The yonge Emperour Theodosius beinge at that instant a child, was nourished in Constantinople vnder the protection of the kinge of Persia, and Antiochus his Captayne, of whose royall parson, Anthemius. and courte, was gouernoure a very vertuous & wise mā called Anthemius: who brought vp the yonge Prince in studye of good letters, in such sort that he proued vertuous, religious, and a good Christian.

Honorius his vncle who made his abode in Rauenna, [...] in a Prince. began nowe to make preparation for the deliuerye of the Empyre of the Weste from the yoke of tyrantes, and barbarous Nati­ons, as was that of the East. For he elected an armye of soul­diours, and appointed generall ouer the same, a singuler and valiant gentleman named Constantius, who of longe conti­nuance had bene an Earle and cittizen of Rome, and was des­ [...]ended from an auncient parentage. This worthy Captaine with a Romanes harte and courage, hauinge a practised and [Page 125] chosen hoaste entered Fraunce, where he ouercame and put to flight the mighty tyrante Constantine, The death of Constantine the tyrante & others. and after besieged him in Arli, and in the ende toke him, and put him to death. This enterprise had such good successe, that within few dayes after the deathe of Constantine was certainlye knowen, Cō ­stantius his sonne whom he had created Caesar, was slaine at Vienna in Fraunce by one of his Captaynes, called Geron­tius: Gerontius. and the same Gerontius, (who also endeuoured to be­come a tyrante, Ambitiō ma­keth traitors. and minded to create Emperour, a frende of his named Massimus) was likewise slaine by the souldiours, which had rebelled in England with Constantine, and now were willinge to returne vnto the seruice of Honorius.

After the death of Gerontius, they spoyled Massimus of hys Emperiall tytles & dignities, & sent him to inhabite Spaine. In this manner as you haue harde, Fraunce was recouered by the vertue of this excellent Captayne Constantius, and y e armye of the rebelles with all deuotion & humility, returned vnto theyr true Emperour Honorius: and sent certayne cap­taynes into Englande to recouer that againe, which from y e beginninge of Constantines tyranny had disobeyed, Englande. but now peaceable yelded vnto the Emperour. Constantius the ge­nerall Captayne for the Emperour (as you haue harde) was nowe become very puisant & mighty: when Athaulfus kinge of the Gothes who remayned in Barcellona, and was Lorde ouer the Countrye adioyninge thereunto, that had also at the request of Placidia his wyfe, y e sister of Honorius, continued in peace iii. yeares: began greatly to feare the might and po­wer of Honorius, & of his Captayne Constantius, who (as he vnderstode) had fortifyed the A [...]pes in suche sort, that hee might not againe inuade Italye, Wherefore he determined to create himselfe Lorde and kinge ouer all Spayne. And to put it in practise, hee perswaded a certayne Romayne Cap­tayne named Atalus, to take vppon him the title of Empe­rour, and to collect an armye promisinge that he would ayde him vnto the segniorye of Andalosia, together with the grea­test parte of Affricke, and also woulde make warre for him. Which offer Atalus with little foresight, and lesse discretion [Page] accepted and presently sent into Affricke his hoaste with go­uernours to rule the countrye, as if he had already bene Em­perour and in quiet possession, & after begā with cruell warre to inuade Spayne. Heraclian the Captayne of Honorius. Against whom Honorius sent a valiante Captaine named Heraclian: who droue oute of Affricke the gouernours of Atalus, and leauinge it in peaceable quietnes, went with his armye to encounter with Atalus, whom hee o­uercame in battaile vppō the sea: And he flyinge into Spaine was apprehended by the Spaniards, & was sent into Fraūce vnto Constantius the generall for the Emperour, Atalus. hee pre­sently sent him vnto Honorius, who caused one of his handes to be cut from his arme, and then sent him in exile vnto Lipa­ri, an Islande neare vnto Cicilia. And after preferred He­raclian for the victorye which hee had obtayned vnto the dig­nitye of Consull, With prospe­rity groweth pride. and gaue vnto him the gouernment of Af­fricke, whereby (as most commonly wee see, that with the en­crease of felicitye groweth pride and ambition in mens har­tes, which draweth them oute of the right pathe or waye in y e which aduersity or meane estate, kepeth them in) euen so this Heraclian seinge himselfe nowe to be come mighty & of great power, Ambitiō for­getteth duty. determined to vsurpe vnto himselfe the Empyre. And beinge alreadye as it were Lord of Affricke (as Osorius wri­teth) he admitted for frende and companion in the Empyre (or to saye more trulye) for a fellowe Captaine with him in his rebelliō, one named Sabinus, a verye subtill person & of great courage, whom he sent into Italy against Honorius, & to cō ­quere y e country so huge a Nauye of shippes, as the like was neuer redde of. For as y e same Osorius affirmeth (if in the cō ­putaciō no error be cōmitted) there were of Vesselles of great and small .iiii. thousande lxx. Which without doubt was the greatest Nauye, that euer passed the sea: For it was neuer redde that Xerxes or Alexāder had so great a nomber. With this Nauye, beinge furnished with souldiours and all neces­saryes thereunto belonginge, he arriued vppon the coastes of Italye and there landed his souldiours, to marche towardes Rome, who althoughe they were manye, yet were they not so experte and well practised, as the Romaynes were, which [Page 126] in verye good order expected their arriuall, beinge conducted by an excellent Captaine called Marinus, Marinus. who had the title & name of a Countye. This Captaine kepte his souldiours in very good order, and determined rather to dye, (if he mighte not ouercome) then to be besieged as other had bene of Alari­cus. Heraclian that thought to terrifye the whole world w t his fame, & with his multitude of shippes and souldiours, and supposed that he should finde no power that was able to resist his: became striken with such feare, when he sawe his armye vppon the sea discomfited, The flyinge awaye of He­raclian. that without abyding the battaile, he returned backe, flyinge awaye by sea in a Gally, & so came with shame into Affricke, from whence he departed with so great an armye. But immediatlye after his returne, his co­wardlines beinge vnderstode, the ordinarye souldiours mur­mered at it, The death of Heraclian. and slue him: And Sabinus his sonne in Law and companion (to escape the daunger of deathe) sayled vnto Cō ­stantinople, and there beseched the yonge Emperour Theo­dosius, to obtayne for his offence of his vncle pardon. Where­vppon Theodosius sente him vnto Honorius, Sabinus ba­nished. who at his re­quest was content to graunte him life, notwithstandinge hee condemned him vnto perpetuall exile. In this wyse as you haue harde, The ende of all rebelles. all the tyrantes and rebelles, were by Honorius confounded and destroyed: Who nowe knowinge himselfe to be wholy deliuered from Domestical ennemyes, and also the greatest part of his prouinces, to remaine towards him both in peace and obedience, determined to expell from the Citties of Spayne, Fraunce and Narbone, the barbarous Nations which did possesse the same, and accompted it most expediente to beginne with the Gothes, The Gothes came oute of Scithia and Russia, & yet possessed Spayne. who were the mightiest, & beste practised in feates of armes, and inhabited y part of Spaine aforesayd, nothinge doubtinge but if that they were expulsed, he might with very great facilitye expell all other.

Athaulfus theyr kinge, as one who loued his wyfe Placi­dia most entierelye, greatlye desyred to haue peace with Ho­norius, and did procure it by all meanes possible: whiche be­inge knowen, The death of Athaulfus. and perceyued of his souldiours (who desyred the contrary) was the cause that presentlye they slue him.

[Page] After whose deathe they elected for theyr kinge a stoute Cap­tayne of theyr owne countrye, Segericus chosen kinge of the Gothes was also pre­sentlye slaine by them. named Segericus: And because they suspected y e like of him, as they did of Athaulfus, (which was most true, that he desired to haue peace with Honorius) they siue him also. After the murtheringe of the two kin­ges, they created kinge one Vualius, not doubtinge but that he would be a mortall ennemye vnto the Romaynes, w t whō they desired alwayes to haue warres: they retayned as yet in theyr custodye Placidia the sister of Honorius, wydowe vnto Athaulfus, whom they vsed verye honourablye, and with all respectes of honestye. Vualiꝰ crea­ted kinge of y e Gothes. Vualius takinge vppon him the go­uernmente, was very lothe, (as one that did accompte it ney­ther profitable or necessarye) to warre with Honorius, but being terrifyed with the death of the late .ii. kinges his prede­cessours, as also to content his people, assembled an huge ar­mye of souldiours, & sent them to conquere Affricke, which at that time was in peace & obeyed vnto Honorius. But God in the voyage wroughte miraculouslye for the Emperour, by sending amonge them as they sayled such a terrible tempest, The power of God. that the whole Nauye was almost destroyed. Which mis­happe with the vnderstandinge of Constantius) Honorius Captaynes) cōminge against them, they did greatly asswage the fiercenes of the Gothes: wherevppon Vualius vsed suche pollicye with them, that willinglye and requested there unto by them, he concluded a peace with Honorius, which was vp­pon this condition: Peace made betwene V­ualius & Ho­norius. That Placidia should be restored vnto Ho­norius, and Vualius with his souldiours, should faythfullye ayde and assiste the County Constantius Captayne vnto Ho­norius, to expell out of Spayne the Vandales, the Swyzers, and the Alanes, which then had in theyr possession the greatest parteof the countrye. The accorde beinge finished Vuali­us gaue good assurance and hostages, and Placidia was resto­red: whom afterwarde Honorius gaue for wyfe vnto Con­stantius, Constantius created Cesar and successor vnto Honori­us. in recompence of the manifolde and great victories which he had atchiued, and obtayned in his behalfe, and crea­ted him Caesar, and pronounsinge him his successor. Imme­diatlye after this, Constantius and Vualius the kinge of the [Page 127] Gothes, beganne theyr warre in Spaine against the barba­rous Nations, as hereafter shalbe sheewed. While these things as you haue hard of were a doing, the barbarous peo­ple were become Lords of diuers partes of Spayne, and the Vandales had gotten into their Segniory a great part of Be­thica, From when [...] Bethica toke the name Vā ­dalosia & after Andalosia. which of them was named Vandalosia, and after was called Andalosia. The Alanes and Swyzers occupyed Me­rida, and a great parte of Lucitania, which at this presente is part of Portingale, and in Galitia, and in the kingdome of Li­ons, they possessed also many great prouinces, & had amonge themselues, deuided the countryes by lottes. Constantius the Emperours Captaine, beinge arryued in Spayne, and with him the Gothes did presentlye after his arriuall, enter into battaile against the Alanes, The victorye of Constan­tius. which inhabited neare vnto the cittie of Merida, with whom he fought a most cruell and terrible conflicte, in which the Alanes were vanquished, and the kinge who was called Acall slaine. This victory of Cō ­stantius so feared all the other Nations, that presently wyth all submission and humillitye, they requested peace of him, & sent to entreat and beseche him, that he would graunte them truce, and limit vnto them some one place in Spayne, where they might inhabite and liue. While these affayres had this prosperous successe in Spayne, Honorius wente vnto Con­stantinople, to visite the estates of the Easte, where y e childe Theodosius his nephew gouerned: who now was growē vn­to yeares of discression, & free from the gouernment of tutors. And it chaunced that while he made his abode there, beinge farre from Italye, and Constantius also occupyed wyth the warres of Spaine, Tertallus a Romaine. that a certaine noble and mightye Ro­mayne named Tertallus, of a very aunciente familye, beinge assisted with a greate nomber of the people of Rome and Ita­lye, rebelled and toke on him the title of Emperour, and be­gan to inuade y e Empyre with a great nomber of souldiours: but the frende and allies of Honorius came in battaile a­gainst him, where he was both ouercome and slaine. After whose death, Atalus. audacity and disloyaltye began to enflame mens harts, that an other named Atalus did as the other had done, [Page] naminge himselfe Emperour, also he leuyed a great nomber of people thorowe out all Italye: which riote beinge vnder­stode of Constantius in Spayne, where hee made his abode, after the aforesayde victorye, enforced him to mynister great hope vnto the Alanes, Swyzers, and Vandales, that he would yeld vnto theyr desired peace: for (some thinge to acquiet thē) he published that he would go into Italy to debate thereof w t Honorius, wherevppon he departed out of Spayne, & came into Italye, whither also the Emperour was come, for that he had intelligence of the troubles of Italye in Constantino­ple. The arriualles of Honorius & Constantius being kno­wen of in Rome, the common people arose in great fury, Atalus taken. and apprehended the tyrant Atalus and sente him to Honorius in Rauenna, where was also at that instante Constantius with his wyfe Placidia: and there by the commaundement of Ho­norius, Atalus was bereiued of one of his handes, and then sent in exile vnto Constantinople. This without question was a maruelous example of clemency in Honorius, who re­mayninge in Rauenna, where Constantius Caesar his kinse­man continued, after hee had with sage aduise considered and pondered, the noble actes and great exploytes which he had atchieued, Constantius created of Ho­norius Cesar and compani­on with him in the weste Empyre. and howe beneficiall he had bene vnto the Empe­riall estate, caused him to be called Caesar Augustus, and his companion in the Empyre of the West, which was done at a very solempne feast, with a longe Oration pronounced in the commendation of his honour. There the two Emperours with mutuall consent, to retayne in theyr seruice Vualius the kinge of the Gothes, did geeue and establishe vnto his people the Cittie of Tolosa, which is in the kingedome of Fraunce, with all the prouince adioyninge vnto the same, Aquitaine now called Guasconye. called Aqui­tanie, which they named Vasconia, and nowe is called Guas­conie. The feastes of the coronation of Constantius beinge expyred, Honorius wente to Rome, to pacifye the tumultes which raged in that Cittie, and Constantius the newe Em­perour determined to returne into Spayne, to ende y e warre which he had begunne: which he would with muche honour and greate renowne haue finished, if death had not preuented [Page 128] the noble pretence of this most worthye Captaine, and vali­ante Emperour y t he had deliuered Spayne, What it is to leese a noble Captaine. from the inuasi­on of forraine Nations. His death was vnto Honorius a iust cause of extreame griefe & sorrow: who to supplye his roume instituted for Captayne to go into Spayne, Etius elected captayne of Honorius for Spaine. a famous gentle­man both valiant and actiue, whose name was Etius: he with­out protractinge of time, toke the hoaste which Constantius had collected, and marched towardes Spayne: where pre­sentlye after his arriuall, he conceyued displeasure against y e Alanes, for that they had not elected to gouerne them a king, since they were ouercome by Constantius, but were associa­ted, and confederate with the Swyzers whiche gouerned the countrye of Lisborne. But after they had perfecte vnder­standinge of y e death of Constantius, they returned vnto Merida, recoueringe againe theyr pristinate courages, and forth­wyth began to moue warre against the Cittyes whiche re­mained faythfull vnto the Empyre. When Etius parcey­ued that these Nations with one con [...]ent were comminge a­gainst him, and knowinge his hoaste not of force to encounter with them, refrayned certayne dayes frō geuinge of battaile, to the ende he might thereby encrease his armye, and demi­nishe that of his enemyes, but his pollicy (without iust cause) was of Honorius accompted a cowardly part, and therefore he sente to receiue his charge the Countye Castinus, Castinus. whom he ordayned his Captaine and successour. Castinus seinge the affayres of Spayne to be verye daungerous and ruinous, allowed the counsaile of Etius, and in like maner protracted the warre, vntil Bonifacius who was gouernor of Affricke, came to ayde and [...]uccour him with an expert hoaste of souldi­ours, and then these two armyes beinge ioyned in one, they beganne the warre, and obtayned sundrye notable victoryes against the Barbarians, and procede so prosperouslye, that it was supposed for certaintye, that they woulde within shorte space haue deliuered Spayne from those forraine Nations: Contentiō betwene Boni­face and Cas­tinus for su­perioritye. if through the contencion which arose betwene those two va­liante Captaynes for superiority, there had not followed this inconuenience, that Bonifacius returned vnto his gouern­ment [Page] in Affrica (as Prosper and Paulus Diaconus affirme) whose departure, did greatlye dimynishe and bringe to ruine a great part of the Romaine estates in Spayne. At suche time as these things proceded in this wyse in y e West, Theo­dosius nephewe vnto Honorius and Emperour of the East, beinge (as is sayde) deliuered from tutors, and come vnto the yeares of bearinge rule: Discorde be­twene Theo­dostus & Barrobanus. was in greate displeasure with Bar­robanus the king of Persia, & successor of Isdegeron, because he had requested and admonished him to desiste from persecu­tinge the Christians, which did inhabite his countryes: For Barrobanus would not yelde vnto his demaunde, but rather persecuted them the more, which tyrannye enforced Theodo­sius to sende an armye into those partes, wyth a singuler cap­tayne to gouerne the same called Ardaburus: Who present­lye came to battayle wyth Narsius, y e generall captayne ouer the Persians, and made of them verye greate slaughters, then he iuuaded the whole countrye, maruelouslye wastinge and spoylinge the same. The victorye of the Chri­stians against the Persians and Sara­cines. Also Theodosius sent at that instant an other Captaine, with an army against Alamander the kinge of Saracines, who gaue vnto him a maruelous ouerthrowe, so that he himselselfe escaped with muche difficultye oute of the battaile. Moreouer an other Captaine of y e Romaynes cal­led Arcobiada, ouercame in battaile y e Persians in such sorte, that the honour of the Romaynes excedinglye encreased, and the Persians were enforced to desiste from persecutinge the Christians. The death of Honorius. At this tyme dyed Honorius, after he had raig­ned and gouerned the Empyre xxviii. yeares, for he gouerned two yeares before his father dyed, and xiii. yeares together w t his brother Arcadius, & xiii. yeares after his brothers death. Hee lefte behinde him no children, for by his two wyues the daughters of Stilicone he had no issue: a little before he dyed there arose a discorde betwene him and his sister Placidia, so that he went to Constantinople vnto the Emperour Theo­dosius her nephewe, with her two sonnes whiche shee had by Constantius, whose names were Honorius, & Valentinia­nus who afterward was Emperour. Honorius dyed after the incarnation of Christ .4. hundred and xxvii. yeares.

Theodosius the seconde of that name▪

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MAruailous haue bene the affayres of the empyre, their warres aswel prosperous as vnfortunate, which haue continued in y e Empyre by the space of those .400. yeares (or there aboutes) of which wee haue intreated, as the reader may with small trauaile easelye comprehende.

And althoughe the Empyre at sondrye tymes, hath bene greatlye afflicted and oppressed, and in dan­ger of vtter ruine, yet in thende hither unto it hath bene deli­uered from aduersitye, and recouered her pristinate dignitye and forces. The declin [...]g of the empyre in the secrete counsaile of God. But from this time forward (throughe the se­crete iudgement of God) y e affayres of thempyre proceded not in such order, but rather cōtinually decreased & did loose theyr forces. Albeit at sondrye tymes throughe the worthines of some valiante Emperours and Captaynes, she recouered her pristinate maiestye, and was both honoured and feared, yet she cold neuer attaine vnto her auncient dignitye: for that the same happened verye sildome. But from this presente for­wardes, at diuers times by sundrye accidentes, themperours haue loste both prouinces and Regions, so that in those haue begunne perticuler kingdomes and estates, & by the strength which the Empyre loste, were made other great and mighty kingdomes, and as theyr power and Dominions encreased, so the euentes and chaunces whiche happened were greater: which I cannot reherse, neither if I might will do it, for that [Page] my intent neyther was, nor is to describe a generall Chroni­cle, The intent of the Aucthor. but onlye the liues of the Emperours, as succintlye as I maye. Wherefore with that breuity which I may well vse, I will procede in this my enterprise, writinge onlye the thin­ges of importaunce in the Historyes of the Emperours: And that I may very restrictly finishe my storye, omitting those of other kinges & kingdomes, which in this discourse shal occur vnto mee, vnto other which haue, and do take vppon them a longer treatise. For to prosecute fullye the estate of all Prin­ces, the estate of Religion, the faule of the mightye prelates, the ambitious purposes against God & their Princes, would ryse to an huge and mighty Volume.

Honorius beinge dead, the gouernment of the whole Em­pyre remayned onlye vnto Theodosins his nephewe, who at that instant made his abode in Constantinople. This Em­perour perceyuing that many tumultes endeuored to vsurpe the Empyre of the West, and also that the tumultes of y e bar­barous Nations excedinglye encreased, created Caesar for those prouinces beinge but a child, Valentinian beinge but a childe was made Cesar. his cosyn Valentinian the sonne of Placidia, sister vnto the Emperours Honorius and Arcadius, and wyfe vnto the excellent Captayne and Empe­rour Constantius, by whose wysedome and pollicye, the Em­pyre was so well gouerned, with the ouerthrow of many pui­sant tyrantes: that not longe after the recouerye of Italye, y e yonge Caesar was by the consente of Theodosius, and of the people created Emperour. As longe as these two Empe­rours liued, there were continuallye such greuous and blou­dye warres, kept by the barbarous Nations, as of the Hun­nes, Gothes, Vandales, and other straūge Nations, that the whole world was vexed and boyled in most cruell slaughters, but that which was kept by a people of Germany called Frā ­chi, From whēce the Frenche­men discēded. who toke theyr name (as some affirme) of the Cittye Frā ­conia, excelled all the other, for they perceyuinge, that the Emperiall Captaynes were busyed in the warres againste y e Burgundions and Gothes, and that the Emperour Valenti­nian had his hoast discomfited in Affricke, by a tyrant called Bonifacius, & also that his cosyn Theodosius was occupyed [Page 130] wyth thaffayres of the East, determined to inuade Fraunce, from whence not longe before in the time of the Emperours Honorius and Arcadius, they were expelled by the Vanda­les, Alanes, and Sueuians, and also by a Romayne Captayne named Etius. But now with the helpe of the time beinge be­come mightye, they entered into the prouinces of Sennoni, Aureliesi, & of Paris, of all which in shorte space they became patrones, The first kinge of Fraunce. hauinge vnto theyr Captaine Faramund the sonne of Marcamund, who was the first kinge of the Frenchemen, vnto whom succeded Clodius who also was theyr kinge: So that in processe of time their power grew to be such, that Gal­lia was called of them Fraunce, and at this daye theyr kinge is called the kinge of Fraūce. From whēce the French­men had be­ginninge. Of this Nation of the Frenche men, certaine Frenche Historyes reherse diuers fables, say­inge that they descended from the Troyans, and from a sonne of Hectors called Francus, from whom they deriue theyr name. Other affirme that they obtayned this name by cer­taine Fraunchesse (that is, priuileges and immunites) which they had in the time of Valentinian the first: All whiche are both fayned & vntrue, For Hector had neuer any such sonne, neyther do they descende from the Troyans, neyther is there founde anye mention of more Antiquitye to be made of these Frenchmen, The begin­ninge of the Frenchmen. then from the time of Aurelian themperour, who ouercome them in the yere after thincarnation of Christ 270. or there aboutes, The yeare of Christ. 270. neyther did they obtayne this name in the time of Valentinian, for he was longe after, & they (as I haue sayd) were so called two hundreth yeares before. Not­withstandinge, at that present, there were certaine vnknowē Nations, of whom neyther Caesar, Strabo, Plinni, Corneli­us Tacitus, Pomponius Mela, nor Ptolomie, euer made any mention, because then they had no names, nor were not kno­wen. For if it had bene otherwyse, some one, yea the grea­ter parte of these writers, woulde haue left some memorye of them: When the Frenchmen came into knowledge. Let this suffice therefore that the Frenchemen came into knowledge, in the time of Aurelian or there aboutes. It is also to be considered y t those kinges which in these dayes raigne in Fraunce, haue no righte or interest therevnto, nor [Page] do not descende from that stirpe or familye, for the house of y e kinges of Fraunce hath had diuers alterations. The first, in the yeare of our sauioure Christe. 750. The yeare of Christ. 750. when kinge Childe­ricke was depriued by Zacharie y e Pope, after the kingdome had bene gouerned by the Frankes .330. yeares: Childericke. then was e­lected Pipin the father of Charlemaine, Pipinus. a Germaine borne, so that then the Frankes loste the ryall Scepter, which conti­nued vnto the descendentes of Pippin 238. yeres, which was in the yeare of our Sauiour 990. Capuccio. Then a mightye barron of Fraunce named Iohn Capuccio obtayned the kingdome, vn­to whose successors it remayned, vntill y t for wante of heyres males, it descended lawfullye by mariage vnto the kinges of Englande, which title oure most gratious soueraigne Ladye the Queenes most excellent maiesty enioyeth at this present, and in this accorde, agree all good and true aucthors.

But to returne vnto the Historye, I saye that the French­men entered the prouinces with suche force, that in all theyr attempes, they obtayned most prosperous successe. But the Empyre of Theodosius in the East continued in great quiet­nes and tranquillitye, in respect of that of the Weste, whiche was alwayes afflicted with moste cruell and tumultuous in­uasions of the barbarous Nations, for the resisting of whose furyes Theodosius sent continuallye Captaynes and souldi­ours into Italy. Wherevppon Atlas the kinge of the Go­thes, supposing the Empyre of Constantinople vnfornished of Captaynes and souldiours to defende the same, (not con­tente with the conqueste of Hungarye and manye Citties in Germanye) determined also vppon that occasion to assaulte that Empyre. So that Theodosius was enforced to sende for those Legions which he had sent vnto Cicilia for to ayde Va­lentinian, to defende his Countryes and prouinces from the inuasions of so mightye an ennemye, who had in his ayde and fauour the Turlinges, Tungries, Ostrogothes, and Marco­manes, with diuers other Nations of the North, which most like vnto swarmes of Bees repayred dailye vnto Atlas from all partes, who prepared himselfe to inuade the Empyre of Constantinople, but by reason of a suspition which arose be­tweene [Page 131] him and his brother Beda, and of certaine controuer­sies amonge those kinges which they conducted with them, y e warre proceeded not with suche violence as it did before, al­thoughe they desisted not from spoylinge the whole countrye as they marched. While these troubles continued in this wyse in Fraunce, Italye, Spayne, Cicilie, Germanye, and Constantinople: Scottes the Scottes and Redshankes, or Pictes, most fiercelye inuaded England, which at that time was cal­led Britannye. Wherevppon the Romaynes which at that instante gouerned the Islande (dispayringe of all ayde at the Emperours handes) allured with promises and greate sum­mes of moneye to assist them, Angli, were Saxons whiche were cal­led of the Ro­maynes vnto their ayde. the Saxons called Angli, a no­ble people of Germany, bordering vppon the sea coast. These inuited with moneye, and with the fertilitye of the countrye, sayled wyth theyr kinge Ingist into Britannye, where with the ayde of y e inhabitātes, they both subdued & ouercame their enemyes. But afterward ambition so raigned in theyr har­tes, that they did in the Islande, as the Vandeles had done in Affricke, for within shorte space they became patrones of the whole countrye, and ouer came the inhabitantes, in such wyse that they in the time of Augustus y e Emperour, draue them into Fraunce, where they remayned in that parte, whiche throughe theyr comminge at this presente is called Britan­nye. In this wyse the Empyre loste that Islande, Britannye called of the Angli, An­glia, or Eng­lande. and the kingdome thereof remayned vnto the Saxons who altered y e name of Britannye, and called it Anglia or Englande, which name as yet continueth, althoughe there haue bene in y same diuers alterations, with infinite warres and troubles. Of all which: besides Beda, Polidor Virg. a diligent writer of the af­fayres of England. with diuers other Historiographers, Polidorus Virgilius, y e most diligent Chronicler of our time, hath written a noble and famous Historye. While Theo­dosius was seriouslye busied at Constantinople, in leuyinge of souldiours against Atlas, hee was stryken with the pesti­lence, whereof he dyed within few dayes, after he had gouer­ned the Empyre xlii. yeares, The death of Theodosius. whose death was vnto the whole Empyre occasion of muche griefe and sorrowe, for hee was a mercifull, vertuous, and a most Christian Prince, finallye [Page] there wanted no vertue in him, that was requisite in a moste worthy Emperour, for he was endued with all goodnes, and voyde of all vice. The yeare of Christ .450. He dyed in the yeare after the incarnation of our Sauiour Christ .450.

In his time beganne the heresye of the Nestorians, The heresye of the Nesto­rians. which was introducted by Nestor the heretike, bishoppe of Constā ­tinople, who iudged most peruerslye of the deuinity of Iesus Christ, both God and man, the redeemer of mankinde. This heresye by a generall counsaile helde at Ephesus of 200. bi­shoppes, in the time of Pope Celestine, was condempned to­gether with Nestor, who also was excommunicated: One of the chiefe of this coūsaile, Cirill: was saint Cirill bishoppe of Alex­andria, a most learned doctour in Diuinitye, as his wor­kes at this presente most manifestlye declare. Chrisostome and other flo­rished at this time. Also at this instante flourished S. Chrisostome, Cassian the heremite his Disciple, who wrote a moste holy and learned Epistle against Nestor. There flourished also Sozomen, Socra­tes and Theodoret, with diuers other most learned Deuines *

Valentinian the seconde of that name.

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AFter the death of Theodosius, the whole Empyre remayned onlye vnto Valenti­nian, who at that instant made his abode in the Weste, which was not little afflic­ted with warres, & continuall inuasions of sondry nations. This Emperour cō ­sideringe that the Empyre of the Easte was incessantlye molested by Atlas, marryed his sister Pul­cheria vnto a valiant and worthye auncient Captayne named Martian, whom he created Emperour and gouernour of the East: Whereof after Atlas had vnderstandinge, he desisted from farther attemptinge the conqueste of Constantinople, as a thinge verye difficulte, and of longe trauaile, and depar­ted towardes the West, mindinge to conquere Fraunce and Italy. Against whō Valentinian sente a worthy Captayne named Etius, who ordinarily was his generall in Fraūce, ha­uinge first, bothe he and the Emperour Martian concluded a peace with Gensericke the kinge of the Vandales. This E­tius encombred Atlas verye muche, for with many ouerthro­wes which hee gaue vnto his souldiours, hee made manifeste proues of his excellencye in martiall affayres, and in the ende he vanquished him in a notable battaile▪ and put him to flight. Which victorye caused Valentinian to suspect that Etius eu­deuoured to create himselfe Emperour, and that he practised secretelye with Atlas for the same intent, since that in the for­mer battaile he had not vtterlye destroyed his whole armye▪ [Page] wherefore hee caused him secretelye to be slaine, Etius mur­thered. whose death was the occasion of the ruine of Italye, and of the Empyre of the Weste. For Atlas vnderstandinge of the death of Etius, returned into Atalye, (the which at that instante was peacea­ble enioyed of Valentinian) & assaulted the same, which none of the Emperours endeuored to reskewe or succour, for that they were vnfurnished with such a sufficient armye, as might resist the force of their ennemies. Aquileia be­sieged. Wherefore Atlas besieged the Cittie of Aquileia, and continued the sayd siege iii. yeres, before he wonne the towne: and then after he had committed vnto the sworde all that he founde a liue, Abuileia takē and vtterlye subuerted by Atlas. he caused the Cittie to be destroyed and made plaine with the grounde, not per­mittinge to stand eyther house or place, that might serue for any habitation: Althoughe it was at that instante, the moste noble, and the most richest Cittie (or the seconde) that was in the whole worlde. After the fierce tyrante had destroyed Aquileia, in fewe dayes he conquered manye other noble Cit­ties, as Mantua, Brescia, Cremona, and Bergama, & went vn­to the conquest of Rauenna, whiche for that the Emperours kept there theyr Courtes, was at that instant accompted the most worthyest and famouste Cittye of Italye, it yelded not­withstanding vnto Atlas, without abydinge eyther battaile or assault. From thence hee marched thorowe Tuschanie, not mindinge to staye vntill he came to Rome, w t which Cit­tye he published y t he would deale with it, as he had done with Aquileia. Pope Leo. At that presente was Pope, Leo the first of that name, who at the intercession of Valentinian the Emperour, went against Atlas with many Senators, most humblye be­sechinge him, that he woulde not destroye Rome, but pardon that Cittye. Which dutye of Leo was executed with suche wisedome & eloquence, yea it pleased God to forme his words with suche force, that althoughe Atlas was the most cruell & obstinate Prince that euer was portrayed or Chronicled, yet he was with his Oration so ouercome, that hee did not onlye desiste and leaue his iourneyinge towardes Rome, but also determined to abandon all Italye, Eloquence of great force. and to retourne vnto his auncient seate in Hungary, hauinge first receyued of the Ro­maynes [Page 133] a great summe of money, for the acknowledginge of his Segniorye. The estate of that Empyre through the wic­kednes of the inhabitantes, was in such miserye & extremity, that they durste not denye vnto Atlas that which he demaun­ded, but accompted it a moste happye and fortunate euente, y t they escaped with such facilitye, the daunger of his cruell and tyrannicall determination. After Atlas was returned into Hungarye, he marryed Honoria the sister of Valentinian, & at the feaste of his mariage daye, he ouercharged himselfe w t so muche wyne & meate, y t in the nighte his nature not being of force to supporte so greate a burden, The death of Atlas the ty­rante. there began to issue frō him great abundance of bloud, whereof he dyed in his bedde. Whose death began to restore libertye vnto the Empyre, al­thoughe the Weste part was in a maner vtterlye destroyed, whereby arose the greatnes of the Empyre of the East and of Constantinople. The next yere after the death of Atlas, Va­lentinian was also slaine, The death of Valentinian. by a souldiour named Transill: aswell to reuenge the death of his Captaine named E­tius, as also beinge hyred thereunto by one Maxi­mus whose wyfe Valentinian had enforced. He dyed after he had gouerned the Empyre thir­tene yeares. In the yeare of our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christ. 456.

Martianus.

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IMmediatlye after Valentinian was murthe­red, (as Procopius and Paulus Diaconus, w t sondrye other Aucthors do affirme) Maximus a Cittizen of Rome, Maximus v­surpeth the name of Em­perour. discended of a noble bloud or familye, presently vsurped the name of Em­perour: and became patrone of the Cittye, and of all Italy.

Also to assure his vsurpation, hee practised by diuers mea­nes and subtilties, to take vnto wyfe (although more by force thē through loue) Eudosia, which was but a little before the wyfe of Valentinian, and daughter of Theodosius the yon­ger. Vnto whom after he had her person in possession, thin­kinge thereby to purchase her fauoure, he discouered that he had caused her late husbande Valentinian to be slaine, especi­allye for that he was surprised and ouercome with the loue of her beutye. That confession did little mittigate or asswage the wrathe of Eudosia, Murther. but rather with such force augmented the Ire and hatred which she bare towardes him, that she de­termined by some meane or waye to be reuenged. And suppo­singe that she might not from Constantinople, and from the Emperour Martian haue any ayde, secretelye she wrote vnto Genserick the kinge of y e Vandales, Genserick y e kinge of the Vandales at the intercessi­on of Eudosia commeth into Italye. who reigned in Affricke: whom she most earnestly beseched, that he would vouchsafe to deliuer her out of the handes, and from the custodye of Maxi­mus. Genserick minded not to omit so present an occasion, for that he conceyued he might thereby, eyther become Lord ouer all Italye, or at the least thorowlye ransancke and spoile [Page 134] the same. Wherefore employinge his whole force, hee as­sembled a mightye hoaste, and passed into Italye so puisant, (that most Aucthors affirme) he conducted with him thirtye hundreth thousande souldiours: The ende of [...] murtherer. Against this greate force of Genserick, Maximus was neyther able, nor durst make any resistance: althoughe he assayed euerye waye that mighte be immagined. Wherefore being depriued of all hope, he fledde towardes Rome, but in his iourney hee was slaine by a vali­ante Captaine named Orsus.

After Genserick was arriued in the consines of Italye, y e feare of him was suche in Rome, y t the most part of the noble men did flye & abandon the same. The office of a true pastor. But the deuoute and holy Pope Leo, foreseinge the greate calamitye which was immi­nente vnto the poore Cittye, as a good sheepe harde determi­ned to hasarde his life, for y e defence or safegarde of his weake flocke. And hauiuge intelligence of the extreme crueltye which Gensericke had vsed, towardes the bishoppes of Af­fricke, for that he was infected with the secte of the Arrians, hee went to meete with him before he came to Rome, and re­quested him with all lowlines and sincere humilitye, The Pope humble in ne­cessitye. that for Christes sake, he would mittigate or asswage the furye, and that hee woulde contente himselfe with the praye of the sub­stance, and riches of the Romaynes, and leaue vntouched the ornamentes of the whollye Temples. The cruell tyrante (notwithstandinge this intercession) wente vnto Rome, and entered the same with his whole armye, Gēserick sac­keth Rome. spoylinge & sacking without difference, aswell thinges sacred, as prophane. And after he had continued the spoyle of the Cittye xiiii. dayes, hee departed from thence with infinite riches and prisoners, cary­inge with him Eudosia & her ii. daughters, whom afterward he ledde with him into Affricke. In such wise was Rome, (the heade of the whole worlde, and Emprice ouer all Nati­ons and people) taken and sacked by the Vandales, hauinge beene once before (as is rehersed) spoyled by the Gothes: A maruailous example, sufficient to instructe all men of euerye condition and estate, that they oughte to contempne and ac­compte as nothinge the dignityes, honours, promotions and [Page] Empyres of this world. Naples. From Rome he departed vnto Na­ples and besieged the Cittye, but it was so valiantly defended by the inhabitantes, that he raysed his siege and departed in­to Affricke, laden with treasure and spoyles: where he mar­ryed one of the two daughters of Valentinian, vnto his sonne Trasimond who succeaded him in the estate. This happened in the sixt yeare of the raigne of Martian, and the seconde af­ter the death of Valentinian. After Genserick was departed out of Italy, the principall Senators, & noble men of Rome, immediatlye returned thither, & elected by common consent to be Emperour of Rome, Italy and Sicilia, an auncient Ro­maine both of bloud and yeares named Auitus, Auitus a Ro­maine elected Emperour. which electi­on was approued and confirmed by the Emperour Martian: who conceyued an assured hope, that therby y e Romaine Em­pyre should be maintayned and conserued in the present estate. But these presumptions or suppositions, were wholye di­sturbed by the deathe of the Emperour Martian, The death of Martian. who was poysoned in Constantinople, by the trea­son and practises of Ardibure, and of Aspar his father: which happened in the yere of our Sa­uiour Christ .459. After he had gouerned the Empyre .7. yeares, beinge (as you haue hard) a vertuous & iust Prince, The yeare of Christ. who bath preserued and encrea­sed the Empyre of the Easte.

Leo the first of that name.

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AFter the deathe of Martian, certaine ty­rantes which had bene the occasion of his death, endeuoured by sondrye meanes to vsurpe the Empyre, but their pretences not enioyinge or obtayninge any good or prosperous successe, they created Em­perour Leo, a Gretian: Who in the be­ginninge of his raigne, Leo chosen Emperour. did so worthilye and brauelye behaue himselfe, y t there was not one of his most mightye ennemyes, which had the courage to rebell or moue warre against him. But the Empyre of the Weste, there were both in Italy and Cicilia, marueilous alterations and changes of many Empe­rours, worthye to be compared vnto their auncitors, rather for theyr title and name, then for theyr aucthoritye or continu­ance in the administration. The mightye and puisant Gen­serick kinge of the Vandales, did not desiste from molestinge and spoylinge the Citties of Italye and Cicilia, of whiche I­lande in the ende he became patrone. In the first yeare of the raigne of Leo, The death of Auitus. Auitus dyed at Rome, where as is before mē ­tioned) he ruled: after whose death y e Romaine armye which remayned about Rauenna, did elect and nominate Emperor a worthy captaine named Magioran, Magioran e­lected Empe­rour of Rome vnto which election cō ­sented also the Emperour Leo: He was verye carefull in de­fendinge Italy from inuasion of Genserick, and of other bar­barous nations, and made preparation to saile into Affricke, mindinge to recouer the same, but he colde not bringe his en­terprise vnto any good ende, for y t he was preuented by death [Page] after he had bene Emperour .iii. yeres & certaine monethes, some write that hee dyed of a naturall death, The death of Magioran. other affirme y t he was slaine by y e souldiours which created him Emperor.

In his place was chosen an other mighty Captayne named Seuerianus, Seuerian e­lected Empe­rour. who gaue vnto y e Alanes a maruelous ouerthrow and slue in the conflicte Berigus their kinge, after which vic­torye hee returned vnto Rome where hee dyed, when he had gouerned the Empyre .iiii. yeares. The death of Seuerian. In exchange of whom was receiued & created Emperour, a noble Captaine which was sent by Leo into Italye, to succour and defende the same against the Vandales, named Anthemius, a sonne in lawe vn­to Martian the Emperour the antecessor of Leo. Anthemius elected Em­perour. But there arose presently against him, and vsurped the name of Empe­rour, a Captaine named Geruandus, who was the President and gouernour of the prouince of Narbone, which part onlye of all Fraunce remayned in obedience, at that instante vnto y e Empyre. But Anthemius vsinge expedition and diligence, sente against him his Captaines, who apprehended him, and condempned him vnto perpetuall exile: and in his place to go­uerne the prouince of Narbone, Anthemius sente a singuler frend of his named Belimer: The former rebelliō was scarce­lye thorowlye appeased, when in Rome there arose an other mightye person named Patritius, but he was with like facili­tye ouercome by Anthemius. While these mutations and deathes of Emperours happened in this wise in Italye, the Emperour Leo enioyed quietly Greece and the whole East, with muche honour and worthines: when the valiante Gen­serick kinge of Vandales and of Affricke, seinge the dailye calamities which happened in Italye, determined with that so good an occasion, to make himselfe Lorde ouer Italye, of whose riches he had manye times (to his great contentasion) most happely tasted of. Vppon this resolution therefore he assēbled together as great an armye as he might, both of his Vandales & of the people of Affricke: Which beinge vnder­stode of the Emperour Leo (who very well knew y t Anthe­mius, who gouerned in Italy was not able to withstand Gē ­serick) and that if his estate were ouerthrowne, his mighte [Page 134] not remaine in securitye, especiallye Schiauonia which was neare adioyninge vnto Italye, hee determined therefore to prepare in all that hee mighte against Genserick, and to ayde Anthemius, who at that instant was seriouslye busied, in ma­kinge of prouision for the defence of Italye, and had prepared a singuler armye of shippes to fighte with him vppon the sea.

After Leo had leuyed as greate an hoaste as hee was able, bothe of valiaunte Captaynes and couragious souldiours, Basiliscus y e Captaine of Leo. he ordayned for generall, a very noble man named Basiliscus, who was brother vnto the Empresse his wyfe, and cosin vnto Anthemius. He departed with a most mighty armye from Cōstantinople, and sailed with prosperous winde into Ita­lye, where he ioyned with the nauye of Anthemius, & so coa­sted to ioyne with the armye of Genserick, who at that instant was saylinge with his nauye verye neare vnto the bankes of Italye: So that the .ii. armyes were come thone within the conspect of thother, when Genserick perceyuinge that his en­nemyes were more actiue, and better practised vppon the sea then his souldiours were, began the battaile with feare, not hopinge of any victorye, for he wittinge of the disauauntage, determined to departe out of the battaile, while the Gallyes were busyed to fight, The ouer­throwe of Genserick. thone against thother: and in thende be­gan so to do. Which after his souldiours perceyued, they al­together fledde after him: being pursued and chased by theyr ennemyes, and in this wyse with the losse of his souldiours & of manye shippes, he fledde with shame and reproche into Af­fricke. Basiliscus continued the chase, and landed not xx. mi­les from Carthage (and as Procopius mētioneth) if present­lye he had marched with his armye vnto Carthage, he might without resistance haue taken the same, and also for that Gē ­serick shoulde haue bene enforced (as one banished and forsa­ken) to abandon the countrye, he mighte haue recouered the pristinate segniorye of the whole prouince: for on the other part towardes the Easte, a Captaine named Hera [...]lius (who was sent by Leo the Emperour) had conquered the Cittye of Aripolis, with diuers other townes and fortresses therevnto adioyninge. Wherefore for the wante of sage aduise, or for [Page] that Basiliscus was corrupted with some greate sūme of mo­neye, (as diuers affirme) he ceased the warre, remayninge sa­tisfyed and content with that victorye: & from thence he say­led into Cicilia, mindinge to recouer in that Ilande, the Cit­ties & townes which were possessed of Genserick. While the Captaynes of the Emperour Leo were busied in these af­fayres, Aspar. Aspar together with his sonne Ardibure, fearinge y t through y e great power of Basiliscus, they might not in time to come attaine vnto theyr wished desyre, determined (as it were by rygor or cōpulsion) to enforce the Emperour to create Ar­dibure, The wordes of Aspar vn­to the Empe­rour Leo. Caesar as he promised whē he was made Emperour.

Wherefore Asper (as one that was of greate power and aucthoritye) at this instante requested Leo with such stoute­nes and vehemencye, that hee woulde perfourme and fulfill his promise, that he shaked his Emperiall robe which he did weare, and saide: Leo, thou oughtest to discharge thy pro­mise made vnto mee: for this Vesture with whiche thou arte adorned, An excellente sayinge. ought not to harbor vntruth. The Emperour an­swered, neyther must it susteyne, that any man vse towardes it force or violence. Aspar by these wordes conceyuinge the determination of the Emperour, determined by force of ar­mes to create his sonne Caesar, and began presentlye to leuye an armye. Wherevppon the Emperour with all celeritye, sente for his Captaine Basiliscus, willinge him, (that all his other affayres set a parte) hee woulde with his whole armye come to succour him: Aspar ouer­come by Leo. for before his landinge the Emperour was in a maruelous distresse and daunger, but immediatlye after Basiliscus arriued, he fought against the father and the sonne (who both were very valiante) and in the ende after di­uers conflictes ouercame them, and put them to death at the commaundement of the Emperour. After the ouerthrow of Genserick, Anthemius enioyed a most quiet gouernmente in his Empyre of Italye. But as ther neuer was, so maye there not be founde eyther stabilitye or securitye, in this most troublesome and wretched estate of mans life, for in the chie­feste felicities happen moste extreame calamities: as witnes­seth the sodaine faule and ruine of this Emperour. When [Page 137] Rithiner or Richimer (who as we said) ouercame the Alanes and slue their kinge at Bergamo, Rithiner re­belleth agaīst Anthemius. began (as one altogether vnmindfull of the manifolde promotions & dignities whiche he had receiued) to rebell against his Lord and father in law. And hauinge assembled a maruelous huge nomber of valiant souldiours, he marched into Italye against the Emperour: who not beinge able to resist y e puisance of so mighty an hoast, fortifyed in the best maner that he might the Citty of Rome, hopinge in time to receiue frō Leo some ayde or succour: but his expectation was made frustrate, for Rithimer ouercame al those Captaines, which were sent from Leo to succour An­themius: and in thende slue the Emperour and wonne the Cittye also, Rome y e third time taken & sacked. which he most cruelly ransacked and spoyled, ex­cepte onlye two places which he reserued vnto his proper vse.

In this maner was Rome the thirde time spoyled, after it had sustayned manye trauailes, muche affliction, and infinite rapes: So that by this, as in a myror or most brighte Cri­stall a man may easelye perceiue, that the world cannot geue any felicity, which it doth not in y e ende take againe: Neyther doth it exalt any Citty or Empyre, vnto any highe renoune or dignitye, No kingdome stedfast. but in fine w t extreme miserye & infinite calamityes, he abaseth the same whē God seeth time. Rome once subdued whole world, & bare rule ouer all Nations: Neuerthelesse in processe of time (throughe the deuine prouidence of Almigh­tye God) it was taken and spoyled by those, whom she before had ouercome and brought vnder the yoke: as hath bene al­readye seene in that which is written, & shalbe in that whiche hereafter I shall write. After Rithiner was become Lorde of all Italye (except Rauenna and the streight therevnto ad­ioyninge) with the name and tytle of Emperour: The death of Rithiner. he enioyed the same but .iii. monethes, for then hee dyed of a certaine di­sease, w t which he was maruelouslye tormented. After whose death Olibrio the Captaine of Rauenna, Olibrio crea­ted Emperor. was created Em­perour, he enioyed y e same .iiii. monethes also and then dyed: So that as Rome had lost her former forces and reputacion, so the Emperours enioyed little healthe and short liues. For who so well cōsidereth the History, shall finde that while [Page] Leo gouerned in the East, Man purpo­seth and God disposeth. there raigned with legitimate and illegitimate titles in Italye vi. or vii. Emperours. Imme­diatlye after the death of Olibrio, the Senate hauinge consi­deration of the manyfolde tyrannies and ruines passed, ende­uoured to electe and chose, after a good discusse, and consulta­tion, an Emperour by the suffrages, & consente of the whole estate. But they were preuented by Guandibar a Captayne of Rauenna, who enforced them to create Emperour Gliceri­us, a Senator of Rome. Against whom the Emperour Leo (for that the election was done by force) sent a Captaine na­med Nipole, Nipole. with the name and title of Emperour: hee was so assisted with the Romaines, (which were enforced against theyr willes to serue vnto Glicerius obedience, y t within short space hee resigned his title and dignitye, A prieste. and became againste his will a priest: vnto whom Nipole gaue a bishopprike, and reserued thempyre vnto himselfe, whiche was like to haue beene thoccasion of infinite troubles and warres, if they had not beene appeased by the vertuous and worthye bishoppe E­piphanius. Epiphanius. While Nipole enioyed with great tranquility the estate of Italye, hee had vnderstandinge that Henrye the kinge of the Gothes, who at that instant raigned in Tolosa & in the greatest part of Spayne, made warre against that part of Fraunce, which as yet was vnder the deuotion of the Em­pyre, and had alreadye taken certaine Cittyes, and minded to procede farther. Againste him, Nipole to shewe himselfe mightye, Orestes the Captaine of Nipole. sent a familiar frende of his named Orestes, with a valiante armye of worthye souldiours. Who after hee was departed went vnto Rauenna, where neglectinge his dutye, and allegeance due vnto his Lord, he nominated and created Emperour a sonne of his owne named Augustus, Augustus nominated Emperour in Rauenna. which of y e Romaynes and Historiographers was called (for that he was but a child) Augustulus, and so will we hereafter terme him. After he had so done, he determined to go towardes Rome a­gainst Nipole, who for that he had employed his whole forces in y t armye, was not able to encoūter w t him: Wherfore voyde of all hope to remayne Emperour, he abandoned Rome and fledde vnto Dalmatia, which was vnder the iurisdiction of the [Page 138] Emperour Leo, and so Augustulus was confirmed in Rome with the name of Emperour. But while these euentes hap­pened in this wyse in Italye, The death of Leo. Leo dyed in Constantinople, after he had gouerned the Empyre with honour and reputation 17. yeare, and in the yeare of our sauiour Christe, 476.

Zenonus the first of that name.

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I Supose y e the reader hath had sufficient vnder­standinge, in what estate y e Empyre was foūde to beginne, at the death of the Emperour Leo in Constātinople. Wherefore it shall not be: needefull, that I returne to reherse y e same a­gaine. I say therefore, that as sone as Leo was departed out of this life, his nephewe called also Leo, w tout difficulty was obeyed as Emperour: who after hee had gouerned certaine monethes, wrought an effecte, in my iudgement both rare & merueilous: which was, that of his owne proper consent and good zeale, Leo refuseth the Empyre, and geeueth it vnto his fa­ther Zeno. (reputinge it a thinge very vnseemelye the father to be subiecte and inferior vnto the sonne) hee renounced the Empyre, and gaue it vnto his father Zeno, whom hee crow­ned with his owne handes, and gaue presentlye obedience vn­to him. That fathers in theyr life time, haue resigned their [Page] dignityes & kingdomes vnto theyr sonnes, it is a thinge that we haue both redde and harde, and it seemeth both honest and reasonable: but rarely it hath happened, that anye man hath vnderstode, that the sonne hath depriued himselfe of his owne segniorye, to geue it vnto his father, but rather it hath often chaunced, that the childe hath by force depriued his father of his lyuinge: yea and sondrye times children haue desyred and procured theyr fathers deathes, y t they mighte inherite theyr kingdomes: Wherefore it maye be reported for a rare and miraculous vertue, that there was so great loue & obedience in this sonne. It happened therfore that Zeno was Crow­ned, and sworne Emperour at Constantinople, and his sonne remayned in his former estate. The contrary vnto that, was then seene in Italye, for Orestes had created Emperour his sonne Augustulus, without procuringe or desyringe the Em­pyre, The death of Leo. vnto himselfe. After Leo had surrendred the Empyre vnto his father, he dyed within fewe dayes after, but in what maner his death happened, there is made no mention: but his father began the administration of the Empyre, when in Cal­cedonie the widdowe Empresse, wife vnto Leo the first made her abode: She disdayning that Zeno should be Emperour, for that her husbande did neuer accompt him worthye the ho­nour, induced Basiliscus her brother (who as is saide, ouer­came Genserick in a battaile) to take vppon him the name & title of Emperour. Basiliseus, created Em­perour of Cōstantino­ple. For he being through that notable vic­torye become puisant and mighty, & had in great reputation, did this withoute contradiction, and was receiued & sworne Emperour in Constātinople: which as sone as it was vnder­stode of Zeno, (whether it were throughe cowardise or to a­uoyde the effusion of much bloude) he went vnto Isauria, a ve­rye stronge prouince in Asia the lesse, where he supposed hee might liue in safetye. Whereof Basiliscus became very in­solente, and reioysed excedinglye, reputinge himselfe nowe to be in maruailous securitye, and named presentlye his sonne Marke, The wrathe of God on the proude. Caesar. But his pride and reioysinge continued not longe: for beinge infected with the heresye of the Nestorians, he began to persecute the faythfull Christians, & the Tem­ples: [Page 139] Wherevppon he was so hated of all men, that the Cap­taynes which he sent against Zeno, went against him, and by a generall consent Zeno was restored vnto his Empyre, The death of Basiliscus. and he, his sonne, with Verina his sister were apprehended, and beinge banished they dyed in exile. In this maner was Ze­no restored vnto his Empyre, xviii. monethes after hee had bene depriued: Of whom we will for this instante omitte far­ther to intreate of, and returne to speake of that, which hap­pened vnto Augustulus Emperour in the Weste of Italye: Who seinge that there was none in Italye y t made resistance against him, August [...]iua entereth into league with Genserick. (by the aduise of his father) entered into league and concluded a peace with Genserick kinge of the Vandales in Affricke, who at that instant was verye aged, and of short life. After which league he conceyued a firme securitye, for that Leo was busyed and molested with the warres againste Basiliscus. But his ruine happened from whence it was not suspected: for the Herulians, & the Turiges, a people of which mention is made, that they were in the host of Atlas, the most mightye kinge of the Hunnes, which at that instant, inhabi­ted vppon the ryuer of Danubius in the vttermost confines of Hungarye, elected for theyr Captaine a valiante gentleman of their owne Nation named Odoacre, Odoacre. and determined to go vnto the conquest of Italye, for that they sawe without all or­der or reason it was possessed of the most mightiest, (so it plea­sed God) that Italye, The secrete counsaile of God. which accustomed to sende Captaines vnto the conquest of the whole worlde, shoulde see, that from all partes of the worlde should come people to conquere her.

After Odoacre was arriued in the confines of Italye, Ore­stes the father of Augustlus, with a singuler armye of elect souldiours, which he & his sonne had assembled, went against him: and the .ii. armyes beinge within the conspecte thone of thother, both the Captaynes were desirous to fight, and gaue signes of battaile: But certaine squadrons of Orestes souldi­ours passed vnto Odoacre, which he perceiuinge, and hauing no great confidence or trust in those which remayned, Ti [...]ine at this presente called Pauia. he rety­red with the best order that he might, and marched towardes Ticine, called at this present Pauia, a Cittye of Lumbardye. [Page] Odoacre followed him, so that Orestes not hauinge a suffici­ent armye to encounter with his, permitted himselfe to be be­sieged in that Cittye, where althoughe hee employed and en­deuoured in all that he mighte to defende the same, yet the as­saultes were of suche violence, that it was taken after it had bene defēded certaine dayes by force of armes, & Orestes was taken prisoner. In that Cittie the souldiours of Odoacre vsed moste extreame crueltye, from thence Orestes was ca­ryed vnto Placenza, The death of Orestes. where by the commaundement of Odoa­cre, he was put to death. After this victorye, as the Em­pyre of Augustulus, helde by a weake foundation, and lesse iustice, so all things succeaded in the fauour of Odoacre: who with small difficultye, and little resistance, became patrone of all the Cittyes of Italye, and named himselfe Lord and king of the same. When Augustulus vnderstode that the people drewe whollye vnto Odoacre, he departed from Rauenna, & wente towardes Rome, leauinge of his owne accorde as hee went, the ensignes and Emperiall Vesture: where vppon he abandoned Rome, and fledde away secretely desyring to saue his life, by lyuinge in some simple estate, and so he consumed the remnante of his life in pouerty and miserye, for the Histo­riographers make no more mention of him. Rome beinge abandoned of Augustulus, The death of Augustulus. Odoacre became Lorde ouer the same, and all Italy without resistance which he possessed qui­etlye in prosperitye and peace xiiii. yeares. In this wise as you haue harde, ended with this Augustulus the Empyre of Rome, The time whē the Em­pyre of Rome ended. which enioyed no Emperor afterward by the space of 330. yeres & somewhat more. This happened in y e 1229. yere after it was first built, and in the 529. after Iulius Caesar be­came Lorde thereof: The yeare of Christ. and in the 477. yeare after the byrth of our Sauiour Christ. At this instant in England, a migh­tye barron of the country named Ambrogius, moued warre against the Saxons, but in the ende he was ouercome and en­forced with his Britaines to flye into that part of Fraunce, which at this present is called Britaine, were in those dayes inhabited certaine people caled Veneti, Cenomani, and Tu­roni, by the consent of which inhabitants, and by theyr owne [Page 140] prowes, they inhabited that country, & perseuered in y e same with good successe, so that at this presente theyr name remay­neth, & theyr speache continueth, it is also one of y e principall prouinces of all Fraunce: and there haue gouerned the same many mightye Princes, but at this instant after sondrye alte­rations and chaunces, it appertayneth vnto the possessions of the Frenche kinges. After these alterations, Zeno raigned in Constantinople, and Odoacre in Italye certaine yeares in tranquilitye: so that there happened vnto thempyre no act worthye of memorye. At thende of which, the whele of vnsta­ble fortune turned in such wise, Odoacre de­priued of that which he had gotten. y t Odoacre lost al that, which before he had most wickedly gotten, and that tyrante was de­priued from his vsurped kingdome, by an other tyrant which happened in this manner. Theodorick the sonne of Theo­mir the kinge of Ostrogothes, Theodorick the kinge of y e Gothes. by the consente of Zeno Em­perour of Constantinople, inuaded Italy with a mighty ar­mye of practised souldiours, and pitched his campe vppon the ryuer Sonza not farre from Aquileia, The riuer of Sonza. mindinge there to re­freshe his souldiours: Against whom Odoacre marched with an hoaste of no lesse puisance, and in short space ioyned in bat­taile with his ennemye, which was apprehenced of Theodo­rick with an exceadinge courage, and with no lesse accepted of Odoacre: So that as it were by a mutuall consent of both the Captaynes, their hoastes encountred together. A conflicte be­twene Theo­doricke and Odoacre. That cō ­flicte was fought as valiantlye as euer was any, for the Cap­taynes and souldiours of both partes were moste liuelye, and the one endeuoured to winne honour, a kingdome and fame: the other procured to conserue the same. The battaile conti­nued the most part of the daye, and after many occisions, and muche bloudshed on both partes, The victorye of Theodo­rick. the victorye fell vnto Theo­doricke: and Odoacre was enforced to flye after he had most valiantlye susteyned the fighte. Although Odoacre lost the fielde, yet he abated no parte of his courage, but with all cele­rity assembled an other hoast, and awayted the comminge of Theodorick, not farre from Verona: where was fought an other battaile, with no lesse prowes then was the firste, for in this consisted y e whole hope of Odoacre: but in y e ende Theo­dorick [Page] remayned conquerour also, and Odoacre fledde vnto Rome, Odoacre re­turneth vnto Rauenna. mindinge to defend and keepe that Cittye against his ennemyes: but the Cittizens would not permit him to enter, wherefore he returned vnto Rauenna, which not longe after was besieged of Theodoricke, but it was most valiantlye defended by Odoacre, who continuallye so much greued & mo­lested his ennemyes armye, that the siege endured thre whole yeares, at the ende of which, it was yelded vnto Theodorick vppon condition to haue his life saued, and a part of Italye li­mitted for him and his to inhabite. The death of Odoacre. But that promise or com­position was not afterwarde perfourmed, for both he and his sonne were slaine: such was the ende of the life and Dominiō of Odoacre. After whose death, Theodorick within a very short spare became Lord ouer all Italy, and named himselfe (as Odoacre had done xiiii. yeres before) kinge and Lord ouer the same: The commē ­dation of Theodorick. This kinge was a most vertuous, a most iust, and a most excellent Prince & gouernour, as he was very mighty, so he was both beloued and feared, but aboue all thinges, hee was most prudent and wyse in conseruinge his estate, The parenta­ges of Theo­doricke. yea hee grew to be inuincible by procuringe of parentage with all the kinges, which in those dayes raigned in Europe: For in one instante he marryed with Audefreda daughter vnto the king of Fraunce: and of thre daughters which he had, he gaue one for wife vnto Sigismond kinge of the Burgundians, an other vnto Alaricus kinge of the Visigothes, and of Spaine, And the thirde called Amasulinuta vnto a Prince of Germanye named Eutharicus: and his sister Maufreda, he espoused vnto Honoricus the kinge of Affricke and of the Vandales, who succeaded Genserick: He proceded so pollitickely, that w t all the Princes adioyninge vnto Italy, hee contracted a paren­tage and frendshippe: so that hee enioyed and susteyned the kingdome which he had conquered with honour, and with no lesse dignitye, more then xxx. yeares.

While these affayres succeaded in this wyse in Italy, Ze­no who held in Constantinople the Empyre of the East, had diuers battailes with the Bulgarians, which after the death of Atlas inhabited Germany: he entered through the prouince [Page 141] of Thrace, and did there muche hurte, but shortlye after they returned into their owne countrye. At that presente also in Constantinople there arose a maruaylous fyre, which consu­med a great part of the Cittye. Also Ariadna the wyfe of the Emperour was accused vniustlye of disloyaltye, by Illo the Lord Stuarde of his household: vppon whose accusation Ze­no, (without either iuste proofe, or farther examination) cō ­maunded one of his souldiours to slaye her, whereof shee ha­uinge vnderstandinge fled secretely vnto the house of y e Arche­bishoppe: who (when Zeno the next day, was apparelled w t mourninge attyre, Rashe iudge­ment to be a­uoyded. as though he lamented the death of them­presse) reprehended his rashnes and lightnes very seuerelye, manifestinge vnto him the bounty, faythfulnes, & loyaltye of his wife, and how that was both vntrue and false, which was obiected against her. Finallye he wrought such meanes, that be perswaded him to credite the truth: and reduced them both vnto a perfect vnitye and peace. But the Empresse after shee vnderstode who was her accuser, (being desirous of reuenge) appointed a certaine frende of hers to slaye him: False accu­sors. who assaul­ted the traytor at a sodaine, and thinkinge to haue deuided his head, did onlye cutte of one of the traytors eares, and so he es­caped. After which blemishe beinge ashamed to repayre vn­to the Court, he conspired a great treason, with an other man named Leoncio, Leoncio. who both were in short space slaine by theyr souldiours, and theyr heads presented vnto the Emperour at Constantinople. In this maner was Zeno frō all griefes and trauailes, and liued the remnant of his life in quiet tran­quillitye: althoughe without iust occasion he caused certaine of his chiefe noble men to be put to death. And after he had gouerned the Empyre .xvii. yeares hee dyed in Constanti­nople of an ordinarye deathe. The death of Zeno with diuers of his conditions. It is written that he was some what brutishe, both of nature and countenaunce, and that he would be diuers times ouercome with wyne. Hee dyed in the yeare after the incarnation of Christe .494. ****
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Anastasius the first of that name.

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AFter the death of Zeno, Anastasius was elected, who beinge in fauoure with the Empresse was marryed vnto her, the xl. daye after the exequies of her husbande. He findinge all thinges in quietnes, in y e beginning of his gouernment, wrought manye good woorkes, but hee continued not longe in his well doinge, for beinge infected with the he­resye of Eutichius, Eutiches an heretike. which added a quaternity vnto the deuine Trinitye, he began to be hated and detested both of God and man: and many Nations rebelled against him, against whō hee foughte sondrye battailes, and ouercame diuers rebel­les, but in the ende he was so inuironed and compassed by thē, that he was enforced with dishonour and shame, to purchasse peace with moneye. After which, he went against the Per­sians, and ouercame them in diuers battayles, but in the ende he concluded a truce or peace with them, The Citty of Anagia buite by Anastasi­us. and built a Cittye in Mesopotamia called after his name Anastagia, whiche did not a little discontente the Persians: who, for that they had warre with the Hunnes, durst not breake league with y e Em­perour: So that he consumed the reste of his life with quiet­nes and peace. And finally when he was most voyde of feare, he was slaine with a thunder bolte which fell from Heauen, The yeare of Christ. 510. after he had gouerned the Empyre 27. yeres, and in the yere of our Sauiour Christe .510.

Iustine the first of that name.

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THere succeaded Anastasius in the Em­pyre, Iustine Emopalate, The base pa­rentes and countrye of Iustine. this Iustine was a Thratian, although some affirme that he was of Schiauonia or Dalmatia, borne of verye simple parentes, so that in his childhoode, hee was a keeper of sheepe. Notwithstāding it pleased God to exalt him, that was discended and borne of moste base and vile parentes vnto that most highest seate and dignitye, for by the inspiration of the Deuine power, at xvi. yeares of age, he forsoke that seruile conditiō, and went vnto the warres, min­dinge to passe his whole life in the atchieuinge of martiall ex­ploytes, in which he became so excellente a souldiour, that in short space he was verye much renoumned for his egregious actes, and worthines. Wherevpon hee was by the Empe­rour created a Captaine, & not longe after a Countye, which vocation in those dayes, was accompted a most honourable & highe dignitye: while he was in that estate, it happened Ana­stasius to dye, beinge of a very great age. After whose death whē the noble men endeuoured to create a new Emperour, a certaine Courtier named Amantius, Amantius. which was an Eunuke and chiefe in the Emperours house: The richest man that li­ued in his time, did greatly desyre, and verye muche procure, that there mighte be elected a noble and mightye gentleman named Theocretian, Theocretian who was his especiall frend. And be­cause it was needefull to haue in this behalfe, the ayde of the [Page] souldiours and men of warre, he went vnto Iustine, & offered him a great summe of money, so that he would w t the souldi­ours cōsent, that Theocretiā his frend might be elected Em­perour. Iustine receyued his moneye, and promised to ac­complishe his whole request: but after he had the treasure in his possession, he omitted to entreate for Theocretian, & pro­cured secretely to wynne theyr good willes, for his owne pre­ferment: The pollicye of Iustine. yea he laboured the matter with such pollicye, that when Amantius supposed that the souldiours woulde haue created his frende Emperour, they all with one voyce nomi­nated Iustine: vnto whom they swore presentlye fidelity and obedience, by a common consente both of the Senate & whole hoaste. Amantius perceyuinge that he was deceyued (al­though he durst not for the present refuse to sweare vnto him obedience) yet presentlye after, hee procured the death of the newe Emperour, by conspiringe the same with Theocretiā, and with an other named Andrea, with Missahale, and Ar­dibure, all which were Chamberlaines vnto the Emperour: that they shoulde slaye him, when time and oportunitye ser­ued. But God reueiled theyr treason, which beinge proued, the Emprrour caused to be put to death Amantius, Andrea and Theocretian, and condemned thother vnto perpetuall exile: and for the better establishinge of his Emperiall estate, hee sente for Vatilian vnto the Courte, who rebelled against Anastasius, and created him Consull and generall ouer his men of warre. Notwithstandinge all which, hee (as an in­grate & disloyall subiect) wrought certaine practises against the estate and life of Iustine: The death of Vatilian. For which, after they were kno­wen, hee was by the appointmente of the Emperour slaine in his Pallace, together with Paule and Celerian, which were partakers w t him in the conspiracy. Iustine beinge deliuered by y e death of these traytors from all daungers, & enioyinge y e Empyre wyth muche quietnes: endeuoured to refourme the abuses in Religion. Wherevppon he cōmaunded by his de­crees, Iustine a­gainst the sect of the Arriās throughe out all the East, that none should admitte to receiue into the Churche, for bishoppes or priestes, anye that were infected with the secte of the Arrians: While Iustine [Page 143] was busyed with this good woorke, The death of Trasimonde kinge of the Vandales. Trasimond kinge of the Vandales, which was an Arrian died in Affricke: and his sonne Elderick succeded him in the kingdome, whom he begot by a daughter of the Emperour Valentinian, he was a very good Christian, and reuoked from exile all such bishoppes, & Religious men, as had beene banished by his father. But Theodorick kinge of Italy beinge an Arrian, caused the no­ble men which enuyed his heresye to be slaine, and not content with that crueltye, hauinge remayned vnto that instant a iust and worthy Prince, The death of Pope Iohn. he caused Pope Iohn with diuers other which returned from Constantinople, to be cast into prison, where throughe famishment, with other tormentes they en­ded theyr liues. Which crueltye God with speede reuenged, for the 90. day after they dyed, The death of Theodorick. he was striken with a sodaine death, leauinge for his heyre (in that he had no children of his owne) a nephewe of his, named Athalaricus his sisters sonne being but viii. yeares of age. Also Iustine beinge throughe his yeares vnapte to gouerne the Empyre determined to nominate Caesar, and to adopte for his successor & heyre his nephewe Iustinian, whom presently he associated for his companion in the Empyre, and .iiii. monethes after, hee dyed on a dis­ease which he toke in Constantinople, when he had raigned xi. yeres in the Empyre. He dyed in the yeare af­ter the incarnation of our Sa­uiour Christe 529. (⸫)

Justinian.

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VNto Iustine withoute resistance succea­ded Iustinian, who presentlye began his enterprise against the Persians, vnder y e conducte of a most worthye and valiante Captaine named Belisare: Belisare. He after son­drye euentes of fortune, and variable successe in diuers conflictes ouercame them, although for certaine occasions of importance, he con­cluded a peace with their kinge. After that, there happened in Constantinople a verye cruell, & pernitious ciuill warre, in which Iustinian was very likely to haue receyued his vtter ruine, if by the industrye, and worthines of Bellisare hee had not bene presentlye rescued, and deliuered from that imminēt daunger, although in that battaile were slaine, aboue thirtye thousande persons. After this sedition was appeased, and y e aucthors thereof extremely punished, Belisare went vnto the conquest of Affricke: Gilimer. the cause was, for that Gilimer had by force of armes, & without eyther right or iust title (not onlye rebelled against Ilderick the nephewe of Genserick the kinge of Vandales, Ilderick. and righte heyre vnto that kingdome) but also apprehended him, and made himselfe kinge and Lorde of all Affricke. This thinge did not a little greue Iustinian, for that before hee was elected Emperour, hee had contracted a league and amitye with Ilderick: wherefore after hee had w t letters and Embassadours, exhorted and requested Gilimer, that he would restore his cosyn vnto his kingdome & segniory: [Page 144] and preuailed nothinge with this his demaunde, hee became accensed with indignation, and wrathe against Ildericke, de­termininge by force of armes to recouer the prouinces, Belisar sente by Iustinian vnto Af­fricke. and Citties of Affricke. And hauinge assembled a most puisante armye of worthy and practised souldiours, he ordained for ge­nerall ouer them the inuincible Captaine Bellisare: who af­ter diuers and sondrye victoryes, Belisar in a smal time cō ­querred all Affricke. in the ende dryuinge Gili­mer into the moūtaynes, recouered and subdued all Affricke vnto the Empyre, after it had bene possessed by the Vandales 96. yeares: and then leauinge for generall ouer the whole prouince, Solomon made general of Affricke by Belisar. Salomon. He returned with the kinge & his kinse­folke together, with a greate nomber of men and women pri­soners, and with infinite Iewels and riches that was, with all that which the Vandales in a hundreth yeares before had robbed from Rome, Spayne, & Affricke, with diuers other prouinces. And when he was arriued at Constantinople, the Emperour caused him to be receiued with a triumph, & with all suche ceremonies and pompes, as in the beginninge the olde auncient Romayne Consulles, and afterward the Em­perours vsed, in their triumphes at Rome. * It is necessary (althoughe I abridge the Historye in all y t I maye) that the Historye of Iustinian be set oute full, before that I intreate of manye other Emperours: for that as the time of his go­uernmente was of longe continuance, so the affayres whiche happened were great and notable: Wherefore it shall not be well done, that I omitte without some mention making, the noble and illustruous exploytes of armes, Of what thinges the readers are desirous. which were atchie­ued in his time. For that also I seeme to conceyue, that Readers are only delighted with the readinge of cruell war­res, straunge happes, conquestes, and mutabilitye of king­domes. The Historyes of peaceable Princes, and of happye times withoute warres, are not so contentable: as those in whiche are spoken of murthers, warres, alterations of esta­tes, mutations of kingdomes, singuler victories, vprores, ta­kinge of partes, tumultes, and finally daungerous and great euentes bothe good and euill. See that for these deligh­tes those Bookes of fables are most cōmonlye redde, where­in [Page] are written the slaughters of infinite thousandes, how Cit­ties were ouerthrowne and wonne, with other fayned things altogether vnpossible. To what end Historyes are to be redde. But true Histories are principallye written, and especiallye to be redde, to the ende that by rea­dinge of euill and vicious actes, the readers maye eschue and auoyde the like, and to imitate the vertuous: and that by the variable successe they may learne to be circumspecte, in thad­ministration of such thinges, as in theyr life time shall happē vnto the gouernment. But to returne to the Historye, Beli­sar remayned not longe in Constantinople, for within fewe dayes, he had the charge giuen him by the Emperour, of the conquest of Italye and of Cicilia, against the Gothes & Theo­date, who at that instant was Lord of them bothe: Which en­terprise was reputed of no lesse importance and daunger, then that of Affricke, yea the successe in the ende manifested, that it was more troublesome, by reason of the greate conflictes, and manifolde slaughters, which happened vnto both partes. The original & beginninge of this warre, was in this maner.

As sone as the puisante and terrible kinge Theodoricke dyed, there succeaded in his kingdome (as is before mētioned) Atalaricus his nephew, for that he had no sonne of his owne, who at that instante was but viii. yeares of age. Wherefore his mother Amalasuntha toke vppon her the gouernment of Italy, Amalasuntha toke vpon her the gouern­ment of Ita­lye. which she began to administer, w t singuler wysedome: educatinge and instructinge her sonne, in vertuous behaui­our, and honourable exercises, with applyinge him vnto the studye of good letters and learning. But after a while, there arose bothe discorde and partes takinge betwixte her, and the kinsefolke of the childe: and there grewe a perticuler hatred with her and Theodate the cosyn of Atalaricus. Wherevp­pon, she seinge herselfe in a distresse, surrendred the charge of her sonne, vnto the principall and chiefe of those persons: and abandoninge Rome, wente vnto Rauenna: where she reser­ued continuallye her aucthoritye in the gouernment: but the enmitye did dailye so encrease with her and Theodate (who was exceadinge mighty, and had couertly obtayned the Do­minion of Tuschanie:) that bothe of them procured the fa­uour, [Page 145] and ayde of Iustiniā: and promised vnto him an entrie into Italye. The death of Atalaricus. At that instant dyed the yonge kinge Atalari­cus: for whose death Amalasuntha became not a litle destur­bed, and molested, in that she was a sole woman, and muche hated of many of the Gothes, which were in greatest reputa­tion. But ponderinge in her minde the sequell that mighte happē, she determined to compounde with Theodate, and to create him king of Italy, supposing, y t he receyuing so great a benefite, woulde remaine vnto her a most faythfull frende, but yet she minded to administer the kingdome, and he onlye to enioye the name and tytle of a kinge. Amalasuntha createth Theodate king of Italy She beinge fullye resolued to accomplishe this her determinatiō, began to put it in practise, & in fine, after they had debated the controuer­sye sufficientlye thone with thother, there was concluded a frendshippe and amitie betwixt them, with solempne othes & promises, and he was named kinge of Italye. Wherevppon ioyninge his power with that of Amalasuntha, (which was the greater) he obtayned without difficultye the kingdome, and obedience of al men. Notwithstanding, this counsaile or aduise succeded verye vnfortunate vnto Amalasuntha, for immediatlye after that Theodate sawe himselfe to be Lord and patron ouer all, he began his gouernment not onlye con­trarye to the expectation of Amalasuntha, The death of Amalasūtha. but within fewe dayes (as a most ingrate and periured Prince) caused her to be apprehended, and in the ende most cruelly slaine. Wher­of when Iustinian had vnderstandinge, he became not a litle moued with wrathe and indignation against Theodate: for he alwayes fauoured the partes of Amalasuntha: and there­fore reprehended excedinglye this most cruell and haynous facte. And supposinge that the occasion serued vnto his de­sire, which he had to recouer Italye vnto thempyre: deter­mined withoute protracte of time, to assaile Theodate with open warre, hopinge to conquer the same by force of armes: ordayning for generall ouer this enterprise, Captaine Belli­sare, who at that present was returned a conquerour oute of Affricke. Peter. Iustinian in those dayes had alwayes an Embas­sadour in Italye named Peter, who trauayled very muche, [Page] to conclude an vnitye with Amalasuntha & Theodate, who yelded not a little, for that he greatly feared the displeasure of the Emperour. But while this practise was a determi­ninge, Bellisare arryued in Cicilia with a mightye hoast and huge armye, for that he supposed it a thinge most necessarye first to subdue that Ilande. Wherefore after he had by force conquered the Cittyes Catanaia, Saragosa, and Palermo, which he wanne with great losse of souldiours, within shorte space after he became patrone ouer the whole Ilande, suche was the expeditiō and felicity of Belisar in martiall affayres. And for that his fame was excedingly feared: Theodate ha­uinge consideration of that which happened in Cicilia, fea­ringe his force, concluded with the sayd Peter, certaine coue­nauntes of peace in the which he renounced the tytle whiche he had vnto Cicilia, The conditi­ons with Theodate & Peter. and consented that in Italye, in all the decrees & statutes which should be ordayned or published, y e name of Iustinian shoulde be first placed: Moreouer that he would be bounde to sende vnto him euery yeare a crowne of goulde, in token of subiection, with certaine other thinges, which are written of Procopius. Peter beinge departed w t this aunswere, y e feare which Theodate had did so encrease and disturbe his quietnes, that hee caused to returne againe his Embassadour named Rusticus which he had sente with Peter, and bound him by a solempne othe, that he should not discouer this his seconde resolution, before he perfectlye vn­derstode how Iustinian accepted the first offer: and that thē, if he refused and were not contented with the same, he should make vnto him a promise of all Italye, vpon this condition, that he would lymit and assigne vnto him as muche grounde in Grece, as might suffice for him and his to inhabite in. And therevppon he wrote with his owne hande vnto Iustinian a most noble letter.

After the Emperour had heard the first petition of Theo­date, as a Prince of an inuincible courage, he woulde not ac­cepte the same, wherevpon the Embassadour reueiled vnto him the seconde, in y e which was offered vnto him all Italy: y e contented and reioysed Iustinian excedinglye, for therevpon [Page 146] he rescribed vnto Theodate a most gratious aunswere, with which he sent his Embassadours to conclude the accord, and to enforme Belisar, that hauinge established the affayres of Cicilia, he should passe into Italye, to impadron himselfe of the forces of the same. But the accorde was not concluded for that, before the Embassadours, The victorye of Theodate, which wente vnto them­perour returned, y e Captaynes of Theodate obtayned a sin­guler and notable victorye in Sclauonia: in the whiche were slaine Mundus and Mauritius his sonne, who were Captay­nes vnto Iustinian, so that the Emperiall hoast seemed to be vtterly destroyed. After which victorye Theodate became so proude and haughtie, that he refused, not onlye to accom­plishe the partitye offered: but shewinge himselfe wrathfull with the wordes, which were spoken by y e Emperours Em­bassadours, he caused them to be apprehended, and commit­ted to safe custodye. Also this encreased his bouldnes: for at that instant Belisar was enforced to sayle out of Cicilia in­to Affricke, to succour and rescue Salomon, whom hee had left there as lieue tenant general, for a Captaine of the Em­perours named Extorsa, Extorsa re­belieth in Af­fricke. with the greater parte of the hoast rebelled, and were become patrones of diuers Cittyes, ha­uinge murthered the gouernours and Iustices of the whole prouince. But after the arriuall of Belisar into Affricke, the enterprise proceded with suche a good and happye successe, y t within fewe dayes hee ouercame the rebelles, and corrected most sharpely the Cittyes, reducinge them vnto a quiet and peaceable obedience, then he returned into Cicilia, where he had vnderstanding of the affayres of Italy. What the ob­scurity of the Sunne beto­keneth. Eutropius wri­teth, that in this season, there was seene in the Sunne a signe and marueilous prodigie, y e like whereof hath not bene hard, continuinge the most parte of a whole yeare. Which was, y t the sayd Sunne, yelded as small a lighte as did the Moone, so that, there appeared litle difference or none at all betwene the shyninge of thone, and thother, although her glisteringe were neither kyuered, or hidde by anye cloude or other impe­diment: but without any occasion that appeared, vnto mans iudgement, it continued darckened and with litle lighte all y [Page] season. Which, (as afterward was iudged) portended and betokened the great famyne and want of breade, that happe­ned vniersallye thorowe the whole worlde: and likewyse it prognosticated the warres & prognosticatiō of bloud, which were to be made in Italye.

Iustinian seinge the vnconstancy of Theodate, and being not a litle displeased for the death of his Captaynes and soul­diours in Dalmatia, with the apprehending of his Embassa­dours in Italye: prouided with great wysedome, courage, and disposition of a worthye Prince, vnto both his presente necessities: Constance Captayne for Iustinian in Dalmatia. for he sent into Dalmatia and Slauonia, a valiant Captayne named Constance, who recouered a greate parte of that which was lost, and renued y e warres in those partes. For the affayres of Italye, he commaunded Belisar, that w t all expediton he shoulde enter into the same, with all the po­wer and force that he was able to make. He with his accusto­med celeritye, and courage, (leauinge in the Citties and for­tes of Cicilia sufficiente garisons to defende the same) passed with his hoast, by the streight of Messina into Italye, where he wanne all those Townes & Castels which bordered vpon the sea, not meeting with any power that might disturbe his enterprise, and so he proceded conquering, euen vnto y e Cittie of Naples, for the defence of which Theodate had appointed a great and chosen companye of Gothes, which defended the same most liuelye, so that betwene them there was done ma­ny a notable proofe in feates of armes, but in thende, by force the Cittye was taken and spoyled of the souldiours, The takinge of Naples. with the slaughter of all the Gothes. But the nexte daye after, Beli­sar induced, and perswaded his souldiours w t curteous lan­guage, that they would set a libertye the Cittizens, and re­store vnto them their goodes, with contentinge themselues with the great bootye of their ennemyes, The bountye of Belisar. and not of the Cit­tizens, for he published, that their comming was onlye tore­store Italye vnto libertye. Great was the feare, which the takinge of Naples gaue vnto y e Gothes, for that they thought it vnpossible to be wonne: Wherevpon all the men of grea­test reputation, and Captaynes of Theodate, seinge y e small [Page 147] prouisions, which he made, and vnderstandinge for certain­tye, that Belisar would not satye longe in Naples, for that he determined to marche towardes Rome, assembled and toke counsaile together, in a certaine place adioyninge vnto the Cittye, where after manye discourses they elected for their kinge a valiante and prudent Captayne named Vitige, Vitige elec­ted kinge of y e Gothes. to thende that he should prouide a sufficiente hoast that mighte withstand the forces of Belisar. Which whē Theodate vn­derstode, beinge at y t instant in Rome, doubtinge of his secu­ritie, fledde from the Cittye towardes Rauenna, but he was takē as he iourneyed, & slaine at the appointment of the new king by a Captayne named Ottaro, The death of Theodate. who was sent after him vnto that effecte, his death happened after he had gouerned Italye .iii. yeares.

After the death of Theodate, Vitige called a counsaile, in which it was concluded, for that there was not a sufficient and readye armye at that instant to encounter with Belisar, who drewe towardes Rome: that he should go vnto Rauen­na, where, after he had prepared a sufficiēt hoast of practised souldiours, he should expect and prouoke his ennemyes vnto battaile. Bador lefte Captaine at Rome. After this consultation was finished, hee lefte in Rome a Captaine named Badore, with .iiii. Thousand soul­diours, and hauing exhorted and perswaded the Cittizens to defende theyr Cittye valiantlye, he toke his iourneye towar­des Rauenna. And Belisar leauinge Naples in good order and well furnished with souldiours, marched with his hoast also towardes Rome: whose comminge beinge knowen vn­to the Citizens, they resolued and fullye determined, not to remaine and abyde in the defence of the Cittie, but to open y e gates vnto him, against whom the Gothes, not able to resist, were enforced to departe and leaue the Cittie: Belisar ente­reth into Rome. and it happe­ned that the very same day, in which the Gothes issued forth at one gate, Belisar entered by an other. Who, after he had made a worthye Oration vnto the Senate, and encouraged them vnto the recouerye of their Libertye, began presentlye to reedefye the waules, and thorow out to fortifye the Citty, causing also great prouisiō of victuels to be brought thither, [Page] and the Citties and Townes in y streighte therevnto adioy­ninge to be furnished with garrisons of souldiours.

In this meane whyle Vitige the newe king, who in no re­specte was vile or a coward, omitted not to attempte, or prac­tise euery waye and meane that might make him mightye a­gainst Belisar. The wise­dome & polli­cye of Vitige. And first for his better assurance, he concluded a peace with the kinge of Fraunce, who sent vnto him al his Captaynes and ordinarye souldiours, vnto whiche hee gaue continuall stipendes, and commaunded them to ioyne w t his armye, also from Germany, and diuers other places he pro­cured ayde, and assistance in all that he might. Finallye he so well prouided, that he assembled in Rauenna and in y e ter­ritoryes of the same, a hundred and fiftye thousande souldi­ours on horsebacke and foote, al excellent in feates of armes, the greater part wherof were very well armed. Wyth this hoast hee marched towardes Rome, where Belisar made his abode, not being at that instant of sufficient power, to encoū ­ter in the fieldes with the armye of his ennemye. Wherevpō kinge Vitige not doubtinge of the victory became so insolent and proude, The vanitye of Vitige. that he was onlye vexed to see that Belisar would not flee and abandon Italye, yea he would demaunde as hee iourneyed if Belisar were fleinge awaye, reioysinge infinitly, when it was reported y t he fortifyed Rome, & would there ex­pecte his comminge. But Belisar was minded contrarye to thexpectation of Vitige, for he determined rather to dye, thē with dishonour to abandon that, which hee had so worthilye gotten. But for that he sawe his armye to be farre inferiour vnto that of his ennemyes, he sente for Blessus and Constan­tinus bothe Captaynes, who were appointed to defende the fortes there abouts, that with all speede they should returne vnto Rome with theyr souldiours, where he was with his, so y t after theyr repayre he kept the Cittie both strongly, and well prouided for, with intente to defende the same, and dis­turbe his enemye, The going of Vitige vnto Rome. if he would procede torecouer that, which he had wonne in Campania, Puglia, and Calabria.

Vitige continued his iourney towardes Rome, supposing that against his power Belisar was not able to defende the [Page 148] same: and in his ioyning vnto the Cittie, there happened an accident so notable, so rare, and of such importance, (that al­though I know in the declaration, I must somewhat excede the lymits of breauity, yet I haue thought it both expedient & necessarye to reherse the straunge auenimente) Belisar had procured to be built at a certaine bridge distant a myle from Rome, vpon the ryuer Tyber, two exceding strong Castels, and had left therein certaine garrisons of souldiours, to mo­lest and resist his mightye ennemye: but Vitige being in the night season come vnto this bridge, they which had in charge the defence of the same, were so surprised with terror & feare, that presently they did abandon it, without makinge of anye resistance, so that the same nighte there passed ouer a greate part of the hoast. The next day folowing Belisar not hauing intelligence of this cowardlye parte of his souldiours, issued out of Rome with a thousande chosen horsemen, and rode to­wardes the bridge, to electe and chuse oute some conueniente place where he might best pitche his tentes, or lodginge, and with most aduauntage defende the passage. But as he drew nere vnto the bridge, he mette at a sodaine with the souldi­ours of Vitige, which had in the night passed y e same. Wher­at Belisar became so wrathfull after he perceyued y t his peo­ple had lost the bridge, that with lesse consideration thē was conuenient, he assaulted his enemyes with such violence and force, that there folowed as cruell a fight as might be imagi­ned, in such sorte, that the souldiours of Vitige retyred vnto the whole armye: The worthi­nes of Beli­sar. where Belisar was so greuouslye charged with many troupes of Gothes on horsebacke, that all his, lo­ked for present death, but he in his iorneye behaued himselfe with great prowes, killinge and wounding manye of his en­nemyes, and with such daunger aduenturinge his owne per­son, that the authors which make mention of this conflicte, write that therin he behaued himselfe as a most valiant soul­diour, but not as a prudente & politique Captaine, for he did in suche wyse hazarde his owne person, that in Rome it was supposed, and beleued that he was deade, for certaine of his souldiours which had escaped reported it for a veritye.

[Page] He being at this instant in suche an extremitye, and distresse, seinge manye of his familiars and frendes slaine, and the re­sidue most like to passe that waye, not able any longer to sus­stayne the force of his ennemyes, (of whom there were slaine a thousand) began with his to retyre. But he was pursued and folowed with a great nomber of his ennemyes on horse­backe, Belisar was not permitted to enter into Rome. euen vnto the gates of Rome, which were kept conti­nually shutte, and they which had the custodye would not in any wyse open them for that the ennemyes shoulde not enter in with the Romaynes, and for that vpon the report, they be­leued that Belisar was slaine, no man gaue eare or harkened vnto his voyce. Wherevpon Belisar who had fought y e grea­ter parte of the daye, accosted nighe vnto the walles, and re­ducinge into a square battaile his souldiours, defended him­selfe with fighting against his enemyes, without taking any repaist euen vntill nighte, when he practised and vsed a most boulde enterpryse, both daungerous & desperate. For he as­saulted with suche violence the Gothes, after he had made a cyrcle of his owne souldiours, that his ennemyes beinge de­ceyued with the obscurity of the night, The courage of Belisar. supposed and credited that not they, but a great nomber of freshe Captaynes were issued out of the Cittye and foughte against them, which sus­pecte caused the Gothes to retyre vnto theyr campe, Belisar most fiercelye pursuinge them, vntill that he, finding a place of most aduantage, which was abandoned of the enemyes, returned with all celeritie vnto a gate of Rome, where his voyce beinge knowen he was with all his intromitted & re­ceyued, the nomber being farre inferiour vnto that which he ledde forth with him. In this maner he retyred with safe­tye out of so daungerous an encounter, hauinge his armour perced with manye Dartes, Speares, and strokes of swor­des, of all which there was not one, that touched his skinne, this was reputed & accompted a myracle, in respect of theyr marueilous oppression, & dangerous distresse which he was bestede. The daye folowinge Vitige arryued, & ouercame at one instant the whole companye of Rome, and for that hee was not able throughe the greatnes of the Cittie to besiege [Page 149] it round about, Vitige besie­geth Rome. yet he did inuiron it, by deuiding his hoast in­to sixe campes. And because it woulde be more tedious then necessarye, to reherce the manifolde conflictes and battailes whiche happened in the time of this siege, in that they were both great and marueilous, I will omitte to entreate of any of them. It shall suffice to knowe, that this was one of the most bloudye & perillous oppugnations, that euer happened vnto any Cittye, The time of continuance of the siege. for it continued a whole yere and .ix. dayes, and in y e first vii. monethes of the siege, Vitige & his Gothes which were most liuelye, neuer desisted from battering, and assaultinge the Cittye an euerye part, whereby they both re­ceyued & did very muche hurte. And Belisar wyth hys soul­diours on thother syde, did neuer permitte hys ennemyes to take rest or to be at quiet, but issued oute of the Cittye conti­nually to fight wyth them: in suche wyse, that in theyr skyr­mishes and battayles they slue more then xl. Thousand Go­thes. In which tyme he atchieued marueylous factes aswel by hys dexteritye and prowesse, as by the pollicye, and cyr­cumspect gouernmēt of a most excellent Captayne. Them­perour Iustinian omitted not to send continuallye succour, both of souldiours & victuels vnto Belisar, for he sēt him cer­tayne Captaynes with footemen & horsemen, who conduc­ted w t them all kynds of grayne and other victuels, al which with greate trauayle & daunger were brought vnto Rome. This prouision preuayled not so much, but that they in y e Ci­tye sufferd extreame famyne. Notwythstanding Belisar kept secrete this neede or want, & behaued hymselfe so stoutlye a­gaynst Vitige, A truce con­cluded be­twixt Belisar and Vitige. who at that instante beinge wearye of hys a­bydinge in the fieldes, entreated wyth Belisar a truce, which was concluded for three monethes. But it continued not so longe, for Vitige (procured therevnto by the deceyte & trea­son of certayne of inhabitaunts) requyred that he myghte be permitted to enter and visite the Cittye. Which demaunde renued the warre, and Belisar commaunded one Iohn hys Captayne which was vnder hym generall in the fielde, that he shoulde with most cruel warre inuade y e territorye of Ra­uenna, vnto which he had sent him wyth mo [...] then two thou­sande [Page] horsemen, and certayne other souldiours, supposing y t by afflicting that part, Vitige would rayse the siege & depart from Rome. And it happened that Iohn vsed such dexterity in this enterpryse, that he toke by force of armes the Cittye of Ariminum with diuers other, wherefore Vitige fearing the losse of Rauenna, determyned to rayse the siege, & to reuolt vnto the defence of those partes. But in hys retyre Be­lisar gaue vnto the rerewarde of hys hoast a greate discomū ­ture, and slue manye of hys souldiours. So that wyth greate shame & reproche Vitige returned vnto the siege of Rauen­na, Vitige besie­geth Arimiū. and besieged a longe tyme Ariminum, in whych was the Captayne Iohn. And Belisar, who alwayes was vnwyl­lynge to loose tyme, assembled an armye of souldiours, and hauinge fortifyed the Citty of Naples, departed wyth all ex­pedition towards Rome, & from thence towards Rauenna, beginninge to inuade with terrible warre sondrye partes of Italye. At which present there was come vnto him from Iu­stinian the Emperour, a valiant Captayne with a great nō ­ber of souldiours named Narsete an Eunucke, Narsete an Eunucke. who after­ward was general. Belisar and he ioyned theyr armes toge­ther, and went to reskue and succour Iohn, who at that pre­sent was besieged, but they enforced Vitige to rayse his siege and depart with no small losse of his people. After y t, Gal­lia Cisolpina which at this present is called Lumbardye, & Milan, Bergamo, & Nauarra with manye other Cittyes yel­ded vnto the deuotion of Belisar. Wherefore he sent thyther certayne Captaynes, which fought diuers notable battailes wyth the Gothes, and with Theodorick kinge of Fraunce, who at that instante was in armes, supposinge throughe the dyscord and continuall warre of those Princes, he mighte w t litle labour possesse it himselfe of that Segniorye. Belisar in thende foughte a singuler & notable battayle wyth Vitige, who had in the same all y e power that he was able to assem­ble, or gather. In which (to vse breuitye) Belisar was con­querour, & Vitige fled vnto Rauenna, wher he was besieged many dayes, during which tyme, ther were manye practises practised betwene them, & vnto Belisar was offered the king­dome [Page 150] of Italye. But he continuinge his siege, toke the Cit­tye, The takinge of Vitige. and had Vitige rendred vnto him for prisoner, whereby almost all Italye was broughte in obedience vnto Belisar.

But when the affayres of Italye proceded in this wyse, Iu­stinian (contrarye to that which he ought to haue done) sent for Belisar to go against the Persians, for that he had finished the conquest of Italye: althoughe not longe after there hap­pened great alterations, with infinite discommodityes. For although there remayned in those partes for Captaynes and mynisters in his stede, Iohn, Bessa, Vitale, all which were both valiante & of greate reputacion, yet they were not to be compared vnto him, who in euerye respecte was bothe rare and singuler.

The mightye Captayne Belisar departed oute of Italye, caryinge with him the kinge Vitige prisoner, Belisar re­turneth vnto Constanti­nople. & the Queene his wyfe, with manye of theyr kinsefolke, and principals of y e Gothes. He was receyued into Constantinople with infinit ioye & gladnes, where he was so excedinglye beloued and ho­noured, that al the Citizenes and straūgers went to see him, as a thinge myraculous, geuing great commendations vnto his notable prowes and worthines, which the breuitye of my Historye is not sufficient to contayne. The propor­tion and con­ditions of Belisar. His cōmendation was the more, for that hee was of an amiable and comlye counte­naunce, taule of stature, of a very gentle, and well proportio­nat personage, he was also noble, curteous, fauourable, and endued w t all other vertues.

Not longe after the departinge of Belisar oute of Italye, certayne Cittyes created for theyr kinge Idibald, Idibald. a verye va­liant Captayne & of greate reputacion amonge the Gothes. He became the more mightye thorowe the euill gouernment of the Captaynes, and for certayne taxes which they burthe­ned the Cittyes withall, Euil officers so that after he had assembled toge­ther his people, he elected out of thē an armye of y e most wor­thiest souldiours, and fought and ouercame Vitale in a bat­tayle, so that he became a terror vnto all states. But, for that hee had slaine a nephewe of kinge Vitiges, The death of Idibald. one of hys Guarde did also murther him, after hee had raigned litle [Page] more then one yere. In his place was elected Alari [...]us, who of Paulus Diaconus, and Iordan is called Ararius, hee also was slaine within fiue monethes after his creation, Alaricus kinge of Go­thes. and then they elected & created for kinge Totile, who was the destruc­tion and ruine of Rome, as shalbe manifested, after the occa­sion is reueyled, for whiche Belisar was by Iustinian called out of Italy, which was touched a little before. It happened in this maner. Cosroe kinge of Persia, perceyuing that Be­lisar whom he especially feared was busyed with the affayres of Italy, founde certayne fayned occasions to moue warre a­gainst the Emperiall territoryes, Cosroe. & enteringe into the coun­trye of the Romaynes, he toke by force certayne Cittyes.

Wherevpon Iustinian, who with great wysedome and poli­cye prouided for all partes besydes his ordinarye garisons, sent an armye into the East, appointinge for generall a vali­ante and worthye knight called Scytha, who was ouercome and slaine in the first conflict. Then Iustinian sent thyther an other named Buce, a very expert Gentleman in martiall ex­ploytes, with a nephewe of his called Germanus, and diuers other Captaynes & souldiours, who had with Cosroe most cruell and bloudye conflictes, all which I omitte to entreate But in the ende y e state of the Empyre were not of sufficient power to resist the Persians: for Cosroe proceded cōquering, and leauing Mesopotamia on the right hand, he ouercame Surrey and Gicilia, and wanne many noble Cittyes by force of armes. Whervpon Iustinian conceyuing that there was no man sufficient or able to appease the furye & rage of that warre but Belisar, caused him to depart out of Italy, at such time as he had subdued the same, except only certayne strong Cittyes and Castelles in Lumbardye, in whiche remayned sondry garisons of souldiours with diuers Captaynes of the Gothes. Belisar beinge vpon this occasion departed oute of Italye, and arryued in Constantinople, he was within few dayes after sent into the East against y e mighty Cosroe king of Persia, by whose comminge the Emperiall armye recoue­red his pristinate force, for Belisar renued y e warre with such pollicye and courage, that in all thinges he made a sodaine [Page 151] chaunge. And hauing obtayned certayne victoryes against y e Captaynes of the said kinge (for he himselfe neuer durste en­counter with him in battayle) he recouered a great part of y , which had bene vsurped by the ennemyes: So that the affay­res of the Orient did daily waxe better through the presence & politicke gouernment of Belisar. But in this meane season (which was of two yeares) the affayres and estate of Italye did daily decline, for (as it is before mentioned) after y e king­dome of the Gothes descended vnto Totile, he maintayned y e warre with such courage & circumspecte dealinge, that he o­uerthrew and slue certaine Captaynes of themperour Iusti­nians, whereby the Gothes wonne suche reputacion, that all men out of euery part accosted vnto them, except those onlye which had amonge them the Emperours souldiours. And Totile with his whole armye wente thorow oute all Italye without finding resistance: and besieged the great Cittye of Naples, Naples be­sieged & wa [...] of Totile. (after diuers successes happened both by sea & land) he wanne with certayne other therevnto adioyninge, yea his affayres proceded with suche prosperitye, that it manifestlye appeared, that if presently there were not appointed some re­medye, he woulde possesse himselfe of the whole. Which Iu­stinian verye well perceyuinge, who accompted the losse of Italye to be greater, then that of anye other prouince, com­maunded Belisar to establish the affayres of the Orient in as good order as he might, and to repayre presently vnto him. Who (as one subiect vnto obedience) with expedition accō ­plished themperous commaundemente, and beinge arryued in Constantinople, without makinge any abode there, Iusti­nian sent him into Italye, Belisar arri­ued in Italye with fewe souldiours. in such hast, that he might not cō ­duct with him for want of tyme, more thē 5000. souldiours, supposinge to finde there sufficient people to supplye vnto hys want, also he imagened y t themperours parte was not redu­ced vnto such extremity. But he found in all respectes y e con­trarye: so that his arriual did rather damnifye then profite, for whereas he was desyred, and loked for of his frendes, and feared before of his ennemyes: nowe, for that they sawe him to arriue w t so simple a power, thone parte layed awaye their [Page] weapons and armour, & thother exiled from them all feare. Wherfore in the beginninge the enterprise was both full of trouble and trauaile. The wyse­dome & wor­thines of Be­lisar. But the placinge himselfe in Rauenna, to fortifye and defende the same, within fewe dayes so well e­stablished al thinges, and in such wyse prouided vnto the pre­sent necessity, that although he might not encounter & meete with his eunemyes in the fielde, for that he had so mighty an hoast, yet notwithstanding y e Gothes did rather loose of their Cittyes then recouer or win any from themperour. Which did not a litle molest & greue Totile, wherefore he assembled all the Captaynes and souldiours that he had, and sent part of them vnto Rauenna where Belisar was, and he with all y e remnant of his hoast marched vnto y e Citty of Rome, Totile goeth vnto Rome. which was so simplye furnished with souldiours and victuels, that it seemed, it might not longe defende it selfe. These determi­nations being reueiled vnto Belisar, did not a little afflict and vexe him, who remembring the greate trauayle & daunger y t hee sustayned for the defence thereof, & seinge himselfe not of sufficient power to meete his ennemye in the fielde, wrate in all hast a most rigorous letter vnto Iustinian, requyringe of him souldiours and moneye, The order ta­kē of Belisar to go vnto Rome. & determined to leaue Rauen­na, and to go vnto Rome by sea. Wherefore hee sayled into Dalmatia, and from thence vnto Durazzo where he mette with Captayne Iohn, who conducted with him an hoaste of souldiours sente from themperour, with which he thoughte himselfe able enoughe to fight against the Gothes. But hee iudged it moste necessarye to succour with all celeritye y e Ci­tye of Rome, for he supposed that if Totile should winne the fame, y t then all Italye woulde render it selfe vnto his deuo­tion. Wherfore he resolued to sayle thither by sea & to enter the Cittye by the ryuer Tiber: For the Cittye called Porto which standeth at the mouthe or entrye of the sayd ryuer, ap­pertayned vnto the Emperour, althoughe Ostia which is si­tuate on the contrarye syde was subiect vnto the Gothes, he ordeyned also that Captayne Iohn should crosse the sea, and lande in Calabria & so succour the Cittye by lande.

After this deliberation, Belisar sayled from Rauenna and [Page 152] arriued at the port & mouthe of the sayd ryuer, and not being able by reason of the huge hoaste of Totile to passe by lande, he prepared with muche speede, a great nomber of shippes & Brigantines laden with victuels & souldiours, and so sayled a longe the ryuer. And although Totile kept it, in the most narrowest places attrauersed with chaynes, Belisar pas­seth a long [...] ryuer [...]ber. & a bridge vpon eche syde of which was a Castell, replenished with munition and souldiours appointed to desturbe y e passage: Belisar not­withstanding proceded with his vp y e ryuer, & being arriued at the said bridge, his souldiours fought so valiantly against those which garded y t same, y e they ouercame theyr enemyes, brake the bridge & chey [...]es & passed forwardes. And had pre­sently rescued Rome, & ministred vnto euery thing a prospe­rous auenimēt, if one sinister accident had not disturbed the whole. Belisar had left his wyfe & family (which wyfe he so feruently loued, y t in the most part of hys warres he conduc­ted her wyth hym) in the sayd Porto, which standeth at y e en­trye of the ryuer, wyth souldiours to defende the forte, ha­uing for theyr Captayne a valiante gentleman named Isaac, wyth expresse commaundemente, that he shoulde not in anye wyse issue out at the gates, but should guarde & defende the fortresse. But Isaac vnderstandinge of the victorye whiche Belisar obteined against his enemyes, desyred also to atchiue some singuler exploite, wherefore he issued out of the forte a­gainst the souldiours of Totile, which were appoynted for y e defence of those places▪ & although in the beginning he brake theyr arraye, and enforced them to retyre, yet in the ende hee was vanquished and taken by them. Which was presentlye vnderstode of Belisar by certaine that fled, and the fame went also that his people were taken, The loue of Belisar to his Wyfe. and his wyfe remayned in y e custodye of the ennemyes. Which thing so much greued his hart, that withoute expectinge of other newes, hee returned downe the ryuer, determyning eyther to dye amonge his en­nemyes, or els to deliuer his wife, determyning after he had recouered her to returne in one instante vnto Rome. But whē he arryued at Porto, he founde that the fort was main­teyned and defended by his, & that his wyfe was at libertye, [Page] although the Captaine, remayned captiue: whereat (when he sawe that he was deluded) he was more greuoslye vexed and oppressed, then at the former newes. Moreouer the same nighte in which he arryued at Porto, whether it were throughe ire or griefe, The disease of Belisar. or by some other priuate occasion, hee was assaulted with so feruent an ague, that sodeinlye he fell into a sound abandoned of all sence: so that it was vnpossible for him to ryse out of his bedde, or procede in the enterprice of Rome, for the anguishe of his disease did so encrease, that of­ten times he was at the point of death.

In this meane while, whiche was of many dayes continu­ance, Totile besieged Rome so straitlye that they of the Cit­tye dyed by infinite nombers of famine, Totile taketh Rome. and did eate dogges, cattes, & rattes with other things, which may seeme vnpos­sible. And in thende Totile wanne & toke the same by force, and sent Embassadours vnto Iustinian, offeringe vnto him his seruice & frendship, and that he would restore Rome vnto him, so that he would graunte him peace: vnto whiche if hee would not consent & yelde, be promised and protested vtterly to subuert it, & to moue against him most cruell warres.

Iustinian aunswered, that he had in Italy his Captayne Be­lisar, & that vnto him he remitted the disposinge of all his af­fayres. Totile with this aunswere became so wrathful, that he determined to destroy Rome, The ruine & destruction of Rome. which determination (in an vnhappy hower) he accomplished. For he caused the Capi­toll to be burnt, with the better part of the whole Citty, and ouerthrew the thirde part of the whole Cittye, & ouerthrew the thirde parte of the waules, commaundinge the Citizens vpon paine of death to abandon the same, & to procure an ha­bitation in some other place. In this wise he left Rome bur­ned, destroyed and desert. And went against Iohn, who was the Captayne, Totile becommeth Lorde & patrone of many prouin­ces. which with the souldiours of Iustinian mar­ched thorow Calabria towardes Rome: He was of so vyle & base a courage, that he durst not abyde the comminge of To­tile, but wente vnto Otranto, which is situate in y e vttermost conūnes of Calabria: so that Totile withoute resistance did possesse himselfe of al Calabria, Abruzzo & Lucania, which [Page 153] all had remayned vnto that instante in obedience vnto them­perour. Belisar re­payreth Rome. At this present Belisar recouered his healthe, and enterprised as worthy an exployte as euer he had attempted. For he went & placed himselfe with his souldiours in Rome, mynding to repayre and defend the same, & sent his wyfe vn­to Constantinople. Yea he vsed such diligente expedition in the reedifying of the Cittye, that within a very shorte season he made a Cittye of a desert and vnhabited soyle. The fame wherof beinge published, many cytizens (drawne as it were with y e loue of the country, as also with the true zeale which they bare vnto Belisar) repayred thyther from all places.

This being vnderstode of Totile, he returned at a sodayne by makinge of great iorneyes vnto Rome, which he minded to take together with the Captayne Belisar. But it was defen­ded so valiantly, that Totile was enforced with great losse of his souldiours to depart and rayse the siege.

In this meane season Captaine Iohn had in Calabria and Puglia, receyued & intertayned all the Cittizens which had f [...]ed and were expulsed, & sent them backe againe vnto Rome: whom Belisar placed in theyr Cittye, & hauing made suffici­ent prouision & well fortifyed the same, he left therein sundry garisons of practised souldiours for the defence therof, with a valiant Captayne named Cannon, and departed thence to ioyne wyth Iohn and thother Captaynes, mynding to seeke out Totile, betwene whom there happened diuers euentes, which for breuityes sake I omitte to wryte of.

At this instant for that the king of Persia, renued his war in the Easte, Iustinian was enforced to sende for Belisar, al­though in thende he wente not vnto that enterprise, Belisor sente againe into Italye. for that there was a peace concluded. Whervpon he was sent againe into Italye, where although he obteyned not such good suc­cesse in his attemptes as he had in times passed, yet he neuer receyued eyther shame, reproche, or dishonour, for hee at no time declyned in any point, from that which was conuenient or requisit vnto a most valiant, prudent, & politike Captaine. And finallye, beinge surprised with age, hee returned vnto Constantinople, wherwith quietnes he passed the remnant [Page] of his lyfe. Rome taken by Totile the seconde time. After whose departure Totile returned vnto Rome, & besieged the Cittye, which after a longe season and manifold afflictions of the inhabitantes, as also through the negligence of Iohn which made no expedition in succouring the same, & by treason of certaine which were corrupted with giftes, the cruell barbarian wanne it againe. But in this he did not exercise such tyranny as he vsed in the former, for he permitted no spoyle to be done in the Cittye, but pro­cured and endeuoured to furnish it with inhabitantes, by ge­uinge of great rewardes & large priuileges, vnto all such as would returne & remayne there. He wan afterwardes ma­ny other places, and passed into Cicilia, in which (for that he might not lightly or with smal trauaile conquere the Iland) he lefte .iiii. Captaynes with an armye of souldiours and re­turned into Italye. Of all which within shorte space he had bene patrone, if Narsete a Captayne sente by Iustinian, had not most valiantly resisted, & disturbed this his fortunate suc­cesse. This Narsete was in great reputation & authoritye w t themperour, whereby he became both riche & mightye: Hee arriued in Italye with a mighty hoast, which consisted of di­uers kindes of people, as Hunnes, Erulians and Lumbar­des, whiche at that instante inhabited Hungarye, with son­drye other warlike Nations. He made his iourney a longe the banke of the Adriatike sea, coastinge from Venice vnto Rauenna, although at his entrance into Italy he fought di­uers battayles wyth the Gothes. And after hee had remay­ned certayne dayes in Rauenna, he marched with his armye towardes Rome. But Totile who in no respecte was vyle or fearefull, awayted & expected his comminge with whom he fought a most cruel battaile, in which conflict Totile was slaine, & his hoast vanquished. This victorye opened & mani­fested vnto Narsete, The death of Totile. that the conquest of all Italye consisted of smal trauaile, & litle daunger. Wherevppon he continued his iourney, vntill he came to Rome, which he besieged, & in thende (although it was most valiantly defended by the Go­thes) yet hee wanne the same, & made of them a maruelous slaughter. And departing from thence withoute resistance, [Page 154] he possessed himselfe of all the Cittyes, & Castelles therevn­to adioyninge. After the death of Totile, the Gothes crea­ted for theyr king, Teia kinge of Gothes. a mighty & worthy champiō named Teia, who toke all the treasure which Totile had in Pania, and le­uyed souldiours therewith to resist Narsete: and sent vnto y e Frenchemen for ayde, but they would not in any wyse graūt therevnto. Wherefore Teia seinge that Narsete toke bothe Cittyes & Castels without fightinge for them, departed out of Lumbardye wyth as great an hoast as he was able to pro­uide, and marched towardes Campania, where he determi­ned to meete with Narsete, so that y e two armyes encamped vpon the syde of a ryuer, betwene whom after longe skyrmi­shes was fought a most cruel and bloudy battaile, yea diuers wryters make mention of marueilous actes which the king of the Gothes atchieued with his owne hands. The death of Teia. But in thend he was after a longe & cruel fight, slaine by the souldiours of Narsete, notwithstandinge the battaile continued euen vnto night, without any apparant victorye vnto eyther part. The Gothes reposed that night as quietly as they might, but the morninge folowinge like desperate parsons they renued the battayle, and the Emperial souldiours moued wyth wrath, fought most fiercelye, for y t the Gothes being without a Cap­taine began the fight and defended themselues so obstinatly, this conflict continued also vnto night, when the Gothes sent Embassadours vnto Narsete, The victorye of Narsete. offeringe to abandone all that which they possessed in Italye, vpon condition that he would permit them (without bearing of armour) to liue freelye in y e same. That demaunde was graūted vnto them by Narsete, because he would not anye loner fight with desperate men, as also for y t his souldiours receyued great damage and losse: In this wyse they lost all that which they enioyed in Italy, In what ma­ner the Go­thes lost their name in Ita­lye. & remayned as subiectes and natiues in that country, wherby in short space the Gothes lost theyr name & memory. But the affayres in y t estate obteyned not throughe this victory a pre­sent quietnes: for certayne Captaynes & souldiours whiche remayned in Lumbardye and Piemont, fortifyed themsel­ [...], and hauing ayde out of Fraunce & Burgundye, renued [Page] the warre, which cōtinued a whole yere, in which time were fought diuers & sundry battayles. But in thende Narsete ob­tayned the victorye, & became Lord and Segnior ouer all I­talye. Narsete ex­tinguished i [...] Italye, the name of the Gothes and Ostrogothes And it pleased God, that he should ende and destroy the name of the Gothes and Ostrogothes, in the xviii. yeare after this warre was begunne, and 72. yeare after Theodo­rick first enioyed and possessed the same. But contrary wyse the Visigothes whiche were in Spayne encreased dailye in might, and the name of the Swizzers & Alanes decreased, so that the fame of those Gothes remayned onlye. At this time there raigned in that kingdome, Athanalgidus in great pros­peritye, who gouerned all Spayne .22. yeares.

After the finishing & endinge of these enterprises, Narsete endeuoured in al that he might to reedifye Rome: which for that it was very ruinous, & muche destroyed, & voyde also of inhabitantes, he reduced into farre lesser circuit, gouerning both that, and the whole estate of all Italye with as good or­der, lawes and pollicyes as might be deuised or inuented.

For the which he enioyed the whole gouernment as long as Iustinian liued: who all the time of these warres made hys abode in Constantinople, frō whence he sent prouision, both of men and moneye, not only vnto the affayres of Italye, but also vnto those of the Easte, for that he maintayned an inces­sant warre, & of no lesse danger agaynst Cosroe the kinge of Persia, then against the Gothes in Italy.

There happened in the time of Iustinian besydes y e before specifyed conflictes & conquestes, Earthqua­kes with di­uers other ac­cidents hap­pened in the time of Iusti­nian. marueilous earthquakes, famishmentes with diuers other accidentes of great impor­tance. Notwithstandinge all which he omitted not to haue a regarde and care vnto the preseruation and mainteynance of peace, yea it mighte seeme that he onlye studyed, and respec­ted the same: For he reduced, all the old volumes & decrees of the Emperours, which were so infinite y t scarcelye a man might liue to read them ouer, Lawes ordayned and made by Iustinian. and so variable and contrary, that they seemed a confusion of many lawes repugnante and disagreing thone vnto thother, into a vnitye and succint bre­uitye, excerpting only out of them that which was necessary [Page 155] with adding thereto certaine of his owne inuention. In this maner he abreuiated all the lawes of y e aunciente Maiestra­tes, Iudges and Lawyers, whiche all consisted of .2000. bookes, by reducing them into .50. Bookes called Digestes, and he compounded the .iiii. Bookes of the Institutes, and the lawes and decrees of the Emperours & Caesars whiche were dispersed into manye bookes, Digestes, Institutes, Code, Vo­lume. he reduced into .xii. & na­med the same the Code of Iustinian, hee made also an other booke which hee entyled the Volume, vnto which hee added .iii. bookes of the sayd Code. Moreouer y e Emperour was very curious in making of singuler and sumptuous edifices. And when he was very aged, for that he had no heyre males of his owne, he elected and associated for companiō with him in the Empyre, Iustine his nephewe, sonne vnto one of his daughters. It is written that in his age he was infec­ted with y e heresye of those which affirme that Christ was impatible: With what heresy he was infected. which proceded (as it is supposed) for wante of iudgemente or reason, of whiche he was reuoked frō certaine dayes before he dyed: which was when he had lyued 80. yeres and more, and in y e 39. of his Empyre, and after the incarnation of our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christ .578. ***
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Justine the seconde.

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IVstine, nephewe vnto Iustinian, toke vppon him the gouernment of the Empyre, he was in conditions contrary vnto his grandfather, and also negligente in administratinge & go­uerninge the Empyre, which he permitted to be whollye ruled by Sophia his wyfe. Who in the beginning (to winne the fauour and beneuolence of the people) perswa­ded Iustine, to paye out of the publike treasure the dettes of the poore, which suffered indurance, and were not able with oute theyr vtter vndoinge to recouer their libertye. For this liberall acte, he was a while well thought of with all men. He had moreouer at that instante warre with Hormisda the kinge of Persia, Hormisda. who succeaded Cosroe. But after diuers cō ­flictes, and sondrye victoryes obtayned by the states of them­perours, there was a peace concluded, whereby the affayres of the East were reduced vnto rest and quietnes, and Iustine passed his life voyde of care, delightinge onlye in vyces and wanton pleasures. Of him there are no notable actes to be mentioned of, The affayres of Italye. except certayne aueniments which in this ma­ner chaunced in Italy. After Iustine had raigned .iiii. yea­res, and Narsete gouerned Italy for the Empyre xii yeares, in which tyme he obteyned infinite victoryes of the Gothes, & ruled both wyth sinceritye and pollecye: dyuers malicious, [Page 156] and wicked persons, enuyinge at his great honour, dignity and ryches, which he had gottē in the former warres, wrote certaine accu [...]ations against Narsete vnto Iustine: in whose Court, (as happeneth most commonly in all Courtes) there wanted not that bare him the like hatred, False and slaunderous accusations obiected a­gainst Nar­sete, for which he was by Iustine de­priued from his gouerne­ment. wherfore the accu­sors were hard with such fauour, that Iustine throughe the imbecilitye of reason, and Sophia by her lighte credytinge, were perswaded, that to be most true which was obiected a­gainst hym. And therefore withoute respectinge, or hauinge considerations of the manifold daungers & trauayles, which Narsete susteyned & suffered in the conquest of Italy, they de­termined to depriue hym of his gouernmente, and to autho­ryse another to be Regent ouer the same, which was one of the extremest iniuryes that euer was hard of. Noble actes ought to be rewarded. And Sophia not content wyth this despyte and manifest wronge, did also reproue him in wordes: sayinge, that she would enforce him to spynne woll in Constantinople amonge her maydens, & wyth all expedition there was sent in exchaunge of him a no­ble man named Longine. Which beyng vnderstoode of Nar­sete, whose inuincible courage could not dysgest, so greate a reproche, without disdayne & wrath: sayd, in asmuch as she woulde sende for hym to spynne, hee aduouched vnto her, to weaue such a peece of clothe, No cause ought to moue a mā to warre against his countrye. as she should not verye easelye vndo: which promyse or vowe he accōplished, as shalbe here­after declared. For he, hauing intelligence that Longine was arryued in Italye in the Cittye of Rauenna, fearing to sayle vnto Constantinople, went frō Rome where he made his abode, vnto Naples, in which he was so well thought of, & so intierlye beloued: that there he reputed himselfe to be in most safety. From whence, as one slaundered and become desperate, he did sollicit wyth many letters the Lumbardes, wyth Alboine theyr kinge (who was his very frend, Narsete induceth Albonie to inuade I­talye. and had sent hym souldiours agaynst y e Gothes) that he should leaue Hungarye, and possesse hymselfe of Italye, vnto whyche he would assist him in all that he might, & geue him instructiōs for y e better order taking in atchieuing y same. This attēpt or offer was accepted & receyued both of them and theyr kyng: [Page] Who as some affyrme were called Lūbardes because of their longe beardes: and theyr oryginall and beginninge (as Pau­lus Osorius mentioneth in hys History) was in a certayne I­land, situate in the Germayne sea, named Scandinania: frō whence, for that they were many, and the lande not ample e­noughe to contayne the inhabitantes, (as many other Nor­thren Nations had done) with .ii. Captaynes called Aeione and Thermes, they aduentured to wyn some commodious place to inhabite in, eyther by warre, or otherwyse. And af­ter the deathe of these two Captaynes, Agelmond. they elected a kynge named Agelmond, after whom they created dyuers other kynges, which had sondrye warres & successes wyth the Go­thes, Vandales and manye other Nations, vntill that after longe warres they became Lordes ouer Hungarye, from whence Albonie theyr king had sent souldiours to ayde and succour Narsete against the Gothes. Whereby, this occasi­on grewe, that Narsete sent for him to conquere Italy, vnto which he determined to goo, being allured as wel through y e promises made vnto him of Narsete, as also for that he was informed of the fertility of the soyle, by those which had bene sent of hym vnto the warres of Italye.

Whyle he was mustering of hys people, and making pre­paration for this so waighty an enterpryse, Longine y e new gouernor of Italye, began a newe forme & maner of admini­stration, whiche continued longe after: naminge hymselfe a supreme gouernour, and he appointed vnto euerye Cittye a ruler whom he termed a Duke from whence it is supposed y t that name of honour and dignitye was first deriued: The original and begining of the tytle & dignitye of Dukes. and in Rome hee ordayned a gouernour which was called a Presi­dent. In this maner the authoritye of the Senate, and dig­nitye of the Consulles were altogether lost, & neuer recoue­red there prestinate name and forme, for Narsete and Basill hys companion were the last. After the gouernmente of I­taly was in this maner deuided, Pope Iohn defendeth a traytour a­gainst his prince. and Albonie in a readynes to march thither warde, it happened y t Pope Iohn the third, with the consente of the whole people of Rome, who with a marueylous affectiō honoured Narsete, went vnto Naples, [Page 157] and after many perswasions cōducted him vnto Rom [...], min­ding both to defende him from his ennemyes, and to retayne him in his owne Pallace. Narsete repē ted himselfe of his treasō. Wherevpon Narsete repented y t he had procured Albonie, whō hee perswaded from y e enter­pryse by wryting, & manifesting vnto him the manifold diffi­cultyes which would come in y e same. But he preueyled no­thinge, for Albonie was fullye resolued to procede in that he very well knewe the force or strength that was in Italye, as also the newe gouernment of Longine, & the small care and negligence of Iustine: Wherfore he would not credite Nar­sete, but did rather accelerate his iorney, The death of Narsete, and Pope Iohn. before whose arri­uall Narsete dyed in Rome, where he had hidde a great trea­sure, which afterward was founde, his bodye was conueyed vnto Constantinople, & at that instant there dyed also Pope Iohn, which brought him from Naples.

Albonie at his departing out of Hungary, left the gouer­ment of that prouince vnder the protection and tuition of the Hunnes, which were the remnant of the hoast of the fierce & mighty Atlas, of whom it was called Hungarye: and passed into Italye with 200000. men, which brought with them theyr wyues, childrē & facultyes, he entred first into the pro­uince called Friuli, and without resistance cōquered y e same, ouer which he appointed for gouernour a nephewe of his na­med Sisulphus. Then, for that Longine had fortifyed with garrisons & victuels Rauenna, Padoa, Cremona and Man­tua, with diuers other Cittyes, hee departed from those pla­ces & went vnto Vincenza, & Verona both which yelded vn­to him without resistance. From thence he passed ouer the ri­uer Adda, and marched towardes Milan, whose Citizens at y e perswasions of theyr bishop, as also for that they woulde not be spoyled and slaine, yelded the Cittye vnto his clemen­cye: which example many other followed, for his fame was such and so generall, that all places rendred themselues, ex­cepte those which were fortifyed by Longine, among which, there were on that part wher he cōquered two Cittyes Ver­selli and Pauia, The besse­ging of Pa­uia. which he besieged, but it was so well defen­ded that the siege continued three yeares. At the beginninge [Page] wherof for that he perceyued it would requyre a longe time, hee deuided his hoast, remayninge him selfe at Pauia with a sufficient nomber, and sent the rest to inuade other places of Italye, vnto whom there happened suche good successe, that they became possessors of many Cityes, Townes & Castels. In suche wyse, that from Milan to Bonnonie, there were ve­rye few Cittyes or fortes which were not reduced vnto theyr subiection, within the space of those thre yeares: which pro­uince they enioyed afterward more then 200. yeres and cal­led it Lumbardye, Lumbardye from whence and at what time it was so named. and that name remayneth euen vnto this present. At the ende of .iii. yeres Albonie might easely haue entered Pauia, but he wente vnto Rauenna, where his wyfe Rosimund repayred vnto him, w t al his treasures & Iewels. And while he there made his abode with continual pastimes and feastes, hee was murthered by treason, at the appoint­ment and consente of Rosimund, The death of Albonie. whose father he before had slaine, and at a bankette gaue her to drincke in his skull: for which most tyrannous acte, shee with good reason conspired his death. After Albonie, the Lumbardes elected for their kinge a noble man both of byrth & worthines, Clephi elec­ted kinge of Lumbardes. called Clephi or Cleue, who renued the warre and exercised great cruelty in those Cittyes, which in the prouince of Venice, remayned loyall & in deuotion vnto the Empyre, that caused the Citty of Venice, through the flyinge thither so many worthye gen­tlemen to become so renoumed, as at this present it is one of the most famous Cittyes in the whole worlde. Also in these dayes Iustine the Emperour, who made his abode in Con­stantinople voyde of care, but replenished with vices, was so tormented with the Goute, The death of Iustine. that he dyed with the anguishe & dollour: after he had raigned xi. yeres. But certayne dayes before, at the request of Sophia his wyfe (for that he had no sonne of his owne) hee created Caesar a most excellente Cap­taine named Tiberius, whom he most earnestly intreated to remayne obedient vnto Sophia.

His death happened in the yeare after the incarnatiō of our Sauiour Christ. .579. ¶******
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Tiberius the seconde.

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THe behauiour and conditions of Iustine were such, that his death was bewayled of no man, excepte onlye of his wyfe So­phia, who onlye in his tyme held in her hande, the brydle of the whole gouern­ment, with geeuing order vnto all thin­ges: In which estate the determined to continue, being fullye resolued to take vnto husbande Tibe­rius, The vertu­ous conditi­ons of Tibe­rius. who immediatly after the death of Iustine was created and crowned Emperour. He, for that he was a vertuous, iust, curteous, mercifull & a bountiful Prince, endued with all vertues requisite vnto a Christian Emperour, would not receyue and accepte Sophia for his wyfe, whose conditions were repugnat and contrary vnto all goodnes. Wherevp­pon after he was created Caesar, he distributed great sūmes of moneye vnto the poore, and after his Coronation, he cau­sed to be nominated Empresse a noble Lady named Anasta­gia, Anastagia the wyfe of Ti­berius. with whom he had priuatly contracted a mariage. For whiche, Sophia practised to haue him slaine at his nuptiall feast, determininge to create Emperour Iustinian an other nephewe of Iustines. But it pleased God to defende the good Emperour from this execrable conspiracye, The mercifulnes of Tibe­rius. & to reueyle vn­to him the wickednes of Sophia, vnto whom at her humble submission hee remitted the offence or cryme, and pardoned [Page] also Iustinian who was her confederat in the treason. A horrible murther of Sophia pre­tended. But not longe after, she assayed and attempted the like: for which Tiberius caused her to be apprehended, and depriued frō all her ryches: but (in that he was replenished with clemencye) he permitted her to liue, maintayning and procuringe her to be well entreated & serued with much honour, notwithstan­ding he discharged all her olde seruantes, The mercifulnes of Tibe­rius. and appointed to supplye theyr roumes certaine of his owne familye. He also pardoned Iustinian, for that he perfectlye vnderstoode, that he was entyced and allured therevnto by Sophia: but he not long after was excedingly beloued and exalted by Tiberius, whom as Paulus Diaconus affyrmeth, hee euer after serued with sincere loyaltye. These were the priuate and domesti­call affayres which happened principallye vnto Tiberius. Who as touchinge the vniuersall gouernmente of his Em­pyre, alwayes obserued equity and iustyce, and raigned with infinite worthines. Vnto him obeyed Affricke and all tho­ther prouinces: for that he enioyed the Empyre of Europe & Asia with tranquillitye and quietnes, but the warre in Ita­lye against the Lumbardes, and that in the East with y t Per­sians, did not a litle molest and disturbe him. Yet in Persia he obtayned many victoryes and made greate spoyles, by the worthye procedinges of the valiante and prudente Countye Maurice, who afterwarde was created Emperour.

While the affayres of the Easte proceded in this manner, those of Italye, Clephi kinge of the Lum­bardes. enioyed not the like prosperity: For Clephi the newe kinge of the Lumbardes, inuaded with most cruell warre the Cittyes and Townes, which remayned obediente vnto y e Empyre, his successes were so fortunate, that he dai­lye recouered from the Emperors estates, & being desyrous somewhat to repose his weryed spirites, hee sente his Cap­taynes and souldiours towardes Rome, who with litle tra­uaile wanne the Cittyes therevnto adioyning, and Rome it selfe was by them besieged, and in great daunger of taking. For the Historiographers affyrme, that if Clephi had not so sodainlye dyed, The death of Clephi. he would in shorte space haue bene Lorde and patrone of Rome and Rauenna, the two eyes of Italye. [Page 159] But his determinations were intercepted by death, as those were of other kinges, as mighty or mightyer then he, which death happened vnto him by the treason of his owne subiec­tes. After him y e Lūbardes refused to create any other king, but they elected xxx. of the chiefe among them, or to say more trulye .xxx. tyrantes, Thirtye ty­rantes. which did possesse themselues of xxx. of the chiefest Cittyes in all Italye, euerye of them rulinge his with the territory therevnto belonging as best pleased him, with ayding one another when any warre was kept against thempyre. And for that Tiberius was busyed in the war­res against the Persians, without respectinge the affayres of Italy, or making such prouision as was necessary, the Lum­bardes had the better oportunitye, The king­dome of Na­ples wonne by the Lum­bardes. to extende theyr forces more at large, with conqueringe of Citties and Castelles e­uen vnto Rome & Naples. In whiche warre they vsed suche crueltye, forces and rapines, as the like were neuer hard of, and for that these barbarians were not as then perfect Chri­stians, they robbed and spoyled withoute anye difference, as­well thinges sacred as prophane, and in thende wanne the kingdome of Naples. Moreouer his their happye successe was furthered, The death of Tiberius. in that Tiberius became so extremelye op­pressed with sickenes, that he might not attende vnto the go­uernmente of the Empyre, yea the infirmitye continued so longe that he dyed thereof.

Wherevppon the Romaynes seing the great distresse in­to which they were brought, A truce taken with the Lū ­bardes. by the Lumbardes, intreated a peace, and concluded a truce with them for a certaine season. Vnto the which the Lumbardes graunted throughe this oc­casion, that the kinges of Fraunce (for at that instant there raigned three brethren) had sente had a mightye hoaste againste them, beinge not a little displeased that they were growen vnto so great a power. They yelded therevnto also, for that the Saxons which vnto that present had assisted them, were nowe departed and had left them.

While Tiberius (as is aforesayde) was oppressed with that his infirmitye, he nominated Caesar and his successour, Maurice his sonne in lawe: and presently after, leauinge all [Page] the Empyre whiche he inherited in peace, and tranquillitye, except onlye the estates of Italy, he dyed after he had gouer­ned vii. yeares, and in the yeare after the incarnation of oure Sauiour Christ 585. Whose death was greatly bewayled, and lamented of all sortes of people, aswell for his magnifi­cencye, and liberalitye, as also for his singuler vertues and bountye.

At this present there flourished in Spayne, the holye doc­tour and Prelate Leander Archebishop of Ciuilia, thorowe whose deuine preachinges and godlye exhortations Ricar­do the kinge of Spayne with al thother Gothes, vtter­lye renounced and forsoke the secte of the Arrians. At this instant there flourished also Saint Gre­gorye one of the foure Doctours of the Church, who at y t time wrate the noble Booke of the moralles vpon Iob, and dedicated the same vnto the bishoppe Leander aforesayde. ***
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Mauritius.

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MAuritius by countrye a Cappadocian, maryed Tiberius daughter Constan­tina by name, & ruled in the Empyre of Rome 20. yeares: he was Crowned of the Patriarcke Iohn. This Mauritius was secretarye to Iustine the second, & for his great seruice throughe the per­swasion of Sophia, was made generall of his armye. Who against the Persians most happelye pre­ueyled and ouercame them, Mauritius. & wanne from them Mesopota­mia. The beginninge of this Mauritius gouernmente, was verye fortunate: hee had also in his gouernmente warres a­gainst the Persians, against whom he sent a chiefe Captaine called Philippicus, who marryed Gordia the sister of Mau­ritius. Many calamityes fell to the Romaynes, and also to y e Persians, manye tumultes and seditious vprores on euerye syde: but in the ende the Romaynes preuayled, and became conquerours ouer the Persians, they being wounded with ci­uill warres. The Persians were at rebellion with a tyrante beinge their Prince, called Orimasda: Orimasda. whose eyes they pul­led out of his head. Also Cosroes the sonne of this tyraunte Orimasda, against nature cruellye commaunded his father to be slaine: Althoughe Orimasda was a detestable tyrante, yet the wrath of God for this murther fell vpon Cosroes his sonne, Cosroes. for the murther cōmitted on his father, who for saue­gar [...] of his life, was forced to flye to the Romaynes. So in [Page] this deuision amonge themselues they were ouercome of the Romaynes, by the flyinge awaye of Cosroes to the Romay­nes. Mauritius by this extremitye happeninge to Cosroes, restored him into his kingdome, and the limittes of the Ro­mayne Empyre and of the Persians was appointed. Phocas. This peace continued till the beginninge of the raigne of Phocas.

After this, Mauritius reduced his armye and greate po­wer into Europe, and his great hoast out a [...] Syria, to subdue the great Prince Caganus, Caganus. a noble warriour, a most experte Captaine, and a Prince of great renowne. Before he enter­prised this warre, he made his sonne Theodosius Emperor, beinge crowned of Iohn the Patriarcke, called for his absti­nence Ieiunator. Theodosi­us. Theodosius marryed the daughter of Ger­manus a Senator, the sisters daughter of Mauritius wyfe. Hitherto the estate of Mauritius was most fortunate, but y e estate that folowed was a declaration to all estates, Kingdomes of y e mu­tability and chaunge of kingdomes. Mauritius by pride puf­fed vp, Pride. forgatte God Almightye, cruell, disdai [...]full, suspici­ous: His proude & wicked behauiour, withdrew obedience, loue, and the faythfull hartes of his people. At this instante time hee made warre against ii. mightye Nations, Hungariās. y e Lum­bardes in Italy, and against the Hungarians: yet the Lum­bardes although they through discord had lost many famous townes, yet they were not subdued. The warres against the Hungarians was most cruell, Caganus. Caganus kinge of Hungarye a Prince of great power, an excellente and most couragious warriour: This Caganus was for his noble artes in chiual­rye, much feared of the Romaynes and of manye other noble Princes. Of so great force is a valiant Prince to his coūtry, a terror to many Pinces. This Caganus had warres with y e Turkes: Turkes. the name of y e Turkes was first knowē in the time of this Mauritius. As concerninge the Turkes, I will in­treate of them in the life of Heraclius.

This Prince Caganus possessing a part of the Romaynes, Mauritius marched against him & toke that part from him: Mauritius returned to Constantinople, & there made Pris­cus a noble Captayne liefetenant of his armye: Priscus [...] [Page 161] made warre with Caganus, and y e Romaynes greatly scur­ged by him. Priscus at the commaundemente of Mauritius, sente an Embassadour to entreate of peace, who because hee knew Caganus a proude Prince, contemninge al other Prin­ces, Caganus. a cruell tyrante and withoute the feare of God. He lear­nedly deuised with himselfe an Oration, very eloquent, so ful of perswasions to beate downe the proude stomacke of a ty­rante, that as the Historye telleth: Caganus thoughe moste wicked, not knowing God before time nor himselfe, did with al modestye vse his estate, bridled his tyrannical gouernmēt, and fell into a league with the Romaynes, & deliuered theyr Captaynes. Thus beginneth the Oration of the Romayne Embassadour.

PRISCVS generall of the armye and greate hoast of my Lord and Emperour Mauritius, at the commaundemēt of Mauritius, hath appointed me from so mightye a Prince an Embassadour to y e O Kinge: whose wisedome in Prince­lye affayres, whose nobilitye and expert knowledge in war­like enterprices, whose great Dominion of Princelye estate is bruted to all partes of the worlde. The cause of this Embas­sage. I came not to call to minde in what highe renowne God hath placed thee, neither to entreate vpon thy Princely glory & royall magnifycence, neither of thy puisante force linked and vnited with so manye noble Princes: but by an Embassage to encreate a perpetu­all amitye, to be concluded betwene the Emperour of y e Ro­maynes and thy maiesty. And wheras y e Romayne Princes, haue many times cōfirmed leagues w t diuers Prīces, whose othes and princelye promises in the sacred breast of Princes ought to haue bene inuiolable, yet so chaungeable haue bene theyr conditions, The othe of Princes. theyr league & othe of so smal force & value, that sleight deuises haue dissolued that, which al god lines & iustice did maintayne, the lawe of armes from aunciente ty­mes obserued, and the lawe of nature in all pointes confir­med. The power of God. Such is the brickle holde of ambitious Princes, their othe and promise towards Princes violable: but the power of him who is aboue all Princes, doth not let go vnpunished [Page] such malitious dealing of such Prīces whose actes are wrapped in al mischiefe, The power of God. whose studies are only for the spoyle of o­ther Princes the ruine of kingdomes, and infinite people.

Are ambitious Princes so ignorant, Ambition. that for lofty estate they are blinded aboue all other? who knoweth not that euerye one hath a mixture of pleasure and sorrow folowinge them: yea the noblyest Princes, the richest, the wisest, the most tri­umphante conquerours haue felte it, yea the one followeth consequētly the other. To all mortall creatures the heauēs haue alwayes from aboue their influence and temperatures falling to cōserue & anoye, as theyr vertue & power is limit­ted: yet all chaunces are common as well to Princes as to o­ther mortall creatures, both age and kingdomes haue their flourishinge times appointed, and the mightye Dominions haue had a beddered state and douleful faule. Seing ther­fore that Princes are wrapped in the same mortal shape and corruptible earthly mould with other creatures: The estate of Princes. the earth, the ayre, the heauens, are without the reache of Princes to be gouerned, the great floudes and mightye streames do not passe theyr bondes and limittes by God appointed. Such is the estate of Princes, the hande of God gouerneth them, for­ceth & compelleth them, he exalteth & who can pull downe? he subuerteth and who exalteth? The pr [...]seruatiō of a prince in god onlye. No kingdome can saue a Prince, no power can defende him, when God refuseth the Scepter and throne of anye kingdome: In those dayes who loked for, or hoped of the pitifull and dolefull ende of y t most noble, Caesar. wyse and valiante conquerour Iulius Caesar? or the o­uerthrowe of that noble Pompeie? Pompeie. If wysedome nor gra­uitye coulde saue Cato, Cato. neither manye conquestes preserue from so pitifull an ende Scipio: Scipio. Nor Ptolomeus displeasing God, Ptolomeus. auoyde his wrathe: If Alexander the greate fallinge from God, Alexander. and by pride puffed to fansye in his proud corrup­tible bodye a godhead, was at a sodaine by the power of God subuerted in Babilon: his kingdome rapted & catched into the hands of many ambitious gouernours, and they seueral­ly in kingdomes and Dominions mightye, by cruell warres destroyed & quight rased out from memorye of noble fame.

[Page 162] What may other ambitious Prīces loke for, who knowe not God? Lyon. The Lyon beinge most fearce & by terrible voyce and countenannce subduinge the courage of all other, yet he ones snared is a praye to the meanest foules: A small edge toole ouerthroweth sodainly the mighty Ceders of Libanus, Olyphant. and the strōgest okes & Firre trees of Parnassus. The migh­tye Olyphant being bounde, is of no force: neyther the cru­ell Tygers can preuayle, beinge ouermatched by subtill pol­licye: Stonye rockes haue bene wasted wyth a small issue of water droppes, Iron of all metle strongest, is quight consu­med with ruste: thinges of most strengthe are vtterlye ouer­throwne by the weekest. Olyphant. The stronge Olyphante that by power is able to throwe downe mightye thinges, This was proued at Muscouia. is tamed with the sight of a Ramme, or trembleth at the grunting of a suckinge pigge. Raueninge grypes, are by a secrete ope­ration of nature killed with odor of oyntmentes: Serpentes. And Ser­pētes by touching an oke bough dyeth: Adamant stone. The Adamant stone by a small head of garlicke, leeseth his power and strengthe of drawing. In suche sorte be the secrete euentes in things naturall, waye these examples, and consider the doubtfull state of the Romaynes, The fall of kingdomes. and in them consider thine owne flou­ryshing estate. The Romaynes sometime Lordes of all the world, yet haue they lost diuers times theyr greate Segnio­rye: What shoulde I speake of the runnagate Gothes, Gothes. the beggerlye Scythians, Scithians. the spoylinge Vandales, beinge at the first feared of no Prince, Vandales. no accompt made eyther of their va­liantnes or power, beinge a fielde and sauage people, with­out all honour & dexteritye of martiall feates: yet they haue driuen the mightyes Princes, both of Asia and Europe oute of their Dominions, Princelye seates and territoryes.

Rome the head of all the world ofte [...] taken, Rome often taken. spoyled & de­stroyed, as by Alaricus kinge of the Gothes in the time of Honorius: Of Gensericke kinge of the Vandales in the time of Martian: Of Totile in the time of Iustinian and Narsete. Also consider these moste valiante conquerours, who for a time preueyled and plagued vniustly without title or lawe of armes other Princes, scurging them with all calamityes of [Page] war: The secrete counsaile of God. yet they throwen downe frō theyr glorye, their conque­stes and large victoryes, were in the ende by a mightyer force subdued and vtterlye vanquished. Troye. Loftye Troye is fallen, & Priamus with many ambitious Princes brought to desolati­on, the Greekes vniustlye vexinge the Troyans, Greekes. were also brought to confusion: The Thebanes entring into Platea w t ­out lawe of armes vniustly, were destroyed and ouerthrowē in their hostill enterprises. The Emperour Mauritius see­keth not a league of peace with thee because he feareth thee, The cause of Mauritius league. but because the concorde of so mighty a Prince, is a terror to other forraine Nations, thy amitye a defence, thy counte­nance a Bulwarcke to the Romaynes, The amitye of Princes a bulwarcke to eche other. and y e Romaynes to thee. The Romaynes know thou art mightye, and yet they haue seene thee weeke, and manye hazardes of battels haue followed thee:for sake not amitye offered, but foresee wysely the sodaine cracke or vnfortunate happe of shippewracke that may follow. Neuer proude Prince prospered, neyther tyran­tes haue enioyed a sure perpetuall foundation of kingdome: wee know thy beginning, and thy glorye and renowne, ther­of with great admiration we do beholde, but thy ende who knoweth? Proud Nicanor is fallen, Antiochus, Zerzes for all his infinite hoast, fled away cowardlye, and dyed at home vngloriouslye. Caligula, Nero, Domitian, wicked tyrantes not knowing God, neyther regarded iustice, was at a sodaine ouerwhelmed in all theyr glorye w t Dioclesian, with Silla & Marius. Who was more mighty then Nabuchodonosar? and yet the Historye sayth he fell and liued as a beast vii. yea­res, caste oute of kingdome: let the faule of proude Princes teach the to gouerne. Who so knoweth himselfe, is not ig­norāt to know god, for he knoweth God y t knoweth himselfe, & it is y e chiefest point of wysedom, any mā to know himselfe: Enter into a league perpetual with the Romaynes, & know thou hast a frende most mightye, redye to defende thee, & so a league confirmed deliuer our noble Captaynes and other.

* The fame of Sesostris is knowē to all Princes, Sesostris. who was a Prince of great glory & of large Dominions, yet by a wit­tye Oration and perswasion was mollifyed, and released and [Page 163] set at libertye the .iiii. great Princes beinge with him in cap­tiuity. Sesostris was one of the prowdest Princes that anye Chronicle or Historye maketh mention of, yet in the ende by an Embassage perswaded. This Sesostris was accustomed when he woulde seeme to all his people most glorious, to be caryed abrode in his moste glorious Chariot, Sesostris his Chariot. whiche was layed on with most pure and fine goulde, adorned and beuti­fyed with the richest stones that might be founde: this Cha­riot was driuen with the handes of .iiii. kinges, being in this proude Princes thraldome and captiuitye. One of the Cap­tiue kinges being in this toyling slauerye thus occupyed, did continually beholde the wheele of the chariot turninge: A tyrante. Se­sostris the proude and beastly tyrante, not knowing God, dis­dainfullye asked why the captiue kinge did continuallye be­holde the turninge of the wheele? The captiue kinges Ora­tion. The captiue kinge most wisely aunswered: (I being a kinge, and sometime in great renowne both for my kingdome and people, though nowe in thy thraldome and miserable captiuitye) do daily behold and wonder at this my state with the rest, and do deepelye consi­der the power of God in all Princes, to throw downe and ex­alte as he only listeth. Gods secrete iudgement. I do dailye behold the wheele of thy Chariot turning, y t part of the wheele which is now hiest, so­dainly is lowest descended & fallē: We were ones in Prince­ly seates aloft exalted, and now with the lowest and meanest abiects abased and throwne downe, the vpper parte of oure wheele of glorye is cast downe that was sometime aloft. And thy wheele aloft standeth which when the mighty God wil, maye faule. Kingdomes Kingdomes haue no staye, nor time of continu­ance, whiche whē God apointeth they faule when he pulleth downe, & who ryseth not when he exalteth? & in this our mi­serable estate & slauerye: Know thy selfe O king, & vse vs as it becommeth kinges. Sesostris mo­lifyed with y e captiue kinge talke. Sesostris moued with this talke of the kinge, being so full of wysedome, and with so feareful an admonion of his estate, was sodainly striken with feare, and forthwith became humble, lowlye and modeste, and set at li­bertye the .iiii. captiue kinges.

[Page] *⁎* The Historye sayth, that Caganus was so much moues with this Oratiō, and specially with this one notable exam­ple of the kinges, Ambition. that he entered in league with the Romay­nes, and deliuered all the Romaine Captaynes. Vpon this for a time, peace and tranquilitye was maintayned betwene them, but sodainlye broken, eche one feared the power of the other.

Sic nescia virtus stare loco,
Lucanus. 1. Lib.
Solus (que) pudor non vincere bello.
A sentence meete for the ambitious.

The Captaynes of Mauritius murthered .30. thousande of the Hungarians and Slauonians, Warre. the ennemyes toke of the Romaynes .12. thousande by the treason of a Thratian who was in the hoast of Mauritius. Treason. Caganus kinge of Hunga­rye in his hostill enterprise threwe downe the temples of the Christians, and threw out of y e graues the bodyes of the holy Martyrs: the wrath of God in all this his cruelty fell vpon Caganus, a great pestilence fel on his armye, and in a maner destroyed the whole nomber. The power of God a­gainst tyran­tes. God also destroyed at a sodaine vii. of his sonnes with the pestilence in one daye, the plague droue him home to his countrye. The wrath of God molifyed him, wherevppon he sent letters to Mauritius that he would sende him his Captaynes home, if he woulde sende but fore­uery one a peece of goulde. Thus y e power of God tameth, bridleth & bringeth downe tyrantes, The power of god against tyrantes and persecuters. he alone cutteth of their purposes, and maketh them to know that ther is a mightier to scurge them: Not as mans will is, or purpose, but as the secrete counsaile of God shall determine and dispose: by whō the mighty states of the world are disposed ruled and gouer­ned, the proude brought lowe, the humble exalted, mightye kingdomes translated. So God beinge most mighty ruleth at commaundemēt all thinges, the deuill can do nothing but what God permitteth him to do: Deuils at the commaunde­ment of God. So euil men against God & Christian Religion, tormentinge Christians, and by paynes thinking to subdue them, and being of lesse force then deuils: they haue theyr limittes and bonds appointed, that they shal [Page 164] not passe. And this is a great cōfort to all Christians y t feare God, not to be dismayde in the troubles of this worlde, for y e least finger of God will at a sodaine ouerthrowe an infinite nōber of Senacheribes, A great com­fort to all Christians. Mahomets, Iulianus, or Antiochꝰ. This Cosroes a cruell ennemye to all Christians, was dri­uen home with manye plagues, and in the ende slaine of his owne sonne as the Historye sheweth. Cosroe slaine of his owne sonne.

Mauritius being a cruell Prince not regarding the Chri­stians being in captiuity, woulde not geue moneye out of his treasure to redeeme them, for y e which afterward the wrath of God fell on his kingdome, and hee was murthered of one whom he loued entyrelye. Caganus beinge wrathe that Mauritius did not redeeme his Christians, A slaughter of Christians hee caused all the Christians to be put to death, with diuers kindes of tormen­tes. In the armye diuers conspiracyes were wrought, also Petrus y e brother of Mauritius being a chiefe Captaine pol­led the men of war of theyr wages. Petrus. By the hardened hart of Mauritius towardes the Christiās who in his quarel fought so couragiously, was so much hated that on Christmas daye he entringe the Temple, was almost stoned to death. He be­came without cause suspicious fearing euery man, for he put in prison a Duke called Philippicus that maryed his sister, suspecting y t he sought to depose him, Germanus. also Germanus to whō his wyues sister was maryed, would haue put him in prison: Also his owne sonne Theodosius he suspected of the like. Mauritius feared the more these thinges because of straung things that happened and dreames vnto him: There appea­red a blasing starre like a sworde, and a certaine monke rūne with a sword drawne to the Emperours Image, and crying oute: Imperatorem ferro periturum. Mauritius himselfe dreamed y t he was geuen to be murthered of Phocas, wher­vpon he broughte Philippicus oute of prison (as one he durst trust most) and he asked of him: Qualis sit Phocas? Philip­picus aunswered: Centurio ambitiosus sed timidus. He is sayth he, an ambitious Centurion but feareful: Then Mau­ritius aunswered againe: Si timidus est, homicida est. The feareful man not by manhode, but by murther finisheth his [Page] purpose. Mauritius was brought to great contempt in the armye, and diuers conspiracyes wrought to put him downe: the men of warre aboute Istrus chose Phocas, a barbarous bloudye Thratian to be Emperour. This Phocas being cho­sen Emperour, made hast to Constātinople, & there he was Crowned in the Subberbes by Cyprian the Patriarke.

Mauritius beinge at Calcedon for griefe of minde & trou­ble fell sicke, being thither fledde with his wyfe and childrē: but Phocas this tyraunt commaunded him to be killed, with Phocas diuers other rascolles, who by themperours fauour came vp and conspired with Phocas to destroy in his sighte, Mauritius two yongest sonnes, who killed afterward his .3. daughters, then their mother Constantina the daughter of Tiberius the Emperour before, Mauritius behelde y e death of his daughters with great pacience, A lamentable end of a Prince. but when he sawe his wyfe put to deathe, he vttered these wordes confessinge his owne faultes: O Lord thou art iuste and thy iudgementes are righte. Last of all Mauritius had his heade cutte of, & so the bodyes were layed vpon the shore, to be loked at of the people, whiche were afterwarde buryed of an Eunucke of Mauritius. Theodosius who was afore of Mauritius his father commaunded to flee to the Persians was taken & mur­thered at the commaundement of Phocas. He put to deathe Germanus the father in lawe of Theodosius, and Theodo­sius wyfe also, A detestable tyrante. and then afterwarde he killed all the frendes of Mauritius. Greate was the wrathe of God on Mauritius (as all Historyes do note) for not redeeminge the Christians which beinge taken in his warres, was in thraldome with an infidell Prince: No money ought to be spared to redeme our Christian brethren, if money may redeeme them, and ful charitable, through all Christēdome almost money is collec­ted to set at liberty Christians, the ende of Mauritius was in this sort and that most miserable.

This was done in the .4366. yeares after the beginninge of the worlde. Of Rome .1355. Of Christ. 604.

Phocas.

[figure]

PHocas a base Centurion and a Thracian in y e seditious vprore was created an Emperour. He murtheringe his maister and kinge Mau­ritius of whom he was brought vp, this Pho­cas gouerned vii. yeares, he was Crowned at Constantinople of the patriarcke Ciriacus. Assone as Mauritius was slaine, A tyrante. immediatly he exercised crueltye against his frends: After he was placed in the Empe­rial seate without all nobility, as by bloudye practises he ob­tayned the same, so he exercised himselfe to the destruction of the Romaines with all crueltye tormenting them, geuen o­uer to all abhomination. He toke awaye other mens wyues from their husbands: he made much of wicked persons: He wasted the Romayne Empyre of their riches and treasures: he liued at Rome in all beastly dronkennes, and suffered the Romaine Empyre to be spoyled of the Persians, of the Hun­nes, and of Caganus kinge of Hungarye whō I spake of be­fore. The wrathe of God fell vpon this murtherer, and all that hoast & power of men which was y e ouerthrow of Mau­ritius and priuye to his death. For Cosroes in .ii. great bat­tailes made slaughter of the Romaynes infinitlye, and y e rest he ledde away captiues. This Cosroes wanne from the Ro­maynes Hierusalem, and murthered there a greate nomber of Christiās, he possessed the Dominion of Cyria & destroyed manye Princes.

Phocas thorow his ill life came in hatred, not onlye of the [Page] Romaynes, but also of al other Princes: y e murther of Mau­ritius committed by Phocas was not forgotten. Priscus who in the time of Mauritius was one of his chiefe Captaynes, & also a Duke & sonne in law to Phocas: also Heraclius Presi­dēt in Affrica whose wyfe Phocas had taken away, all these conspyred against Phocas to destroy him. This was y e effect of their purpose, that at one time Priscus shoulde bringe his hoast of Thracians to Constātinople, & Heraclius his hoast out of Affrica to Constātinople also, Photius with another part to set vpon Phocas in his Pallace, wher small resistāce was made, these entring y e Emperours house, toke Phocas & brought him to Heraclius y e sonne of Heracliona who was then generall of the partes in Assyria. Immediatly the men of warre cut of his legges and armes, and cutte of his priui­ties, and last of all his head. This was the ende of that ty­rant, who before murthered the Emperour Mauritius, hys wyfe, his children, his kinsfolke and frendes, and plagued w t all calamyes the Romaynes: God neuer leaueth vnpunished any murther committed, Murther. & most of all he scourgeth the blou­dye factes of those who seekes to destroy theyr owne king or Prince, and be domesticall vipers to theyr owne countrye.

This is that Phocas that first made the bishoppe of Rome, supreame heade aboue all other bishopes: a godlye founda­tion of superioritye, grounded and vpholded by so wicked a tyrant, and as a tyrante gaue that title of superiority, so they like bloudye tyrantes against Princes, do houlde and defend theyr superiority, not as humble Prelates in sincere doctrine and veretye, but by sworde and armour keepe it, subduinge Princes, & make them prostratinge to worship them, kissing theyr feete. Gregory did ones discōmende this Phocas ther­in, as it appeareth: for Mauritius made y e Patriarke of Cō ­stātinople chiefe bishop, which brought cōtentiō vp betwene the bishops of Rome & of Constantinople for the superiori­tye. Oicoumeni­cos chiefe o­uer the house of God. The bishop of Constantinople named himselfe Oicou­menicon, the bishop of all the whole world, for so this word Oicoumenicon signifyeth. But as the Romaynes were ne­uer Lordes ouer all the world, so theyr ambitious Prelates [Page 166] neuer Oicoumenicoi, for then had they beene ouer all the world the head. But they beinge most ambitious, haue got­ten so vaine a title to them: whiche vaine title Gregorye in those dayes reprehended as a moste ambitious title in these woordes. O wicked tymes, O detestable conditions, the world on euery syde is set a fyre with warres, the Christians are murthered of the worshippers of Idolles, Cittyes are ouerthrowne of barbarous Nations, and the Christians spoyled: And yet for all this the Prelates do as it were with lea­pinge ioye reioyce all, at the vni­uersall calmityes, and w t pro­phane title do vaunte themselues.

* This was done in the yeare of the worlde, foure Thousande three hundreth seuentye thre: And after the first building of Rome, one Thou­sande three hundreth sixtye one: And in the yeare of our Lorde and Saui­our Iesus Christ. 612. ¶****
***¶

Heraclius.

HERACLIVS y e sonne of Heracliona (who was President of Affrica, at what time as Phocas was killed.) Hee was borne of a noble house: Immediatlye by the Senate and men of warre was made Emperour, he gouerned .xxx. yeres. His gouernmente was famous in two thin­ges, the one was fortunate, the ouerthrowe of Cosroe kinge of Persia: the other estate full of calamitye, to al mankinde. For in his tyme rose the beginninge of that beastlye Maho­met his kingdome, Mahomet. of the which it shalbe intreated orderlye.

** Heraclius makinge peace with Caganus, by his Em­bassadors he made peace also with Cosroe, who at that time had spoyled Hierusalem, and possessed Cyria, and had mur­thered 90. Thousande of Christians, at that time as the Ie­wes had bought many Christiās to kill them. Cosroe made aunswere that he woulde not cease his warres vntill hee had broughte to passe y t his God of Persia might be worshipped, & the inuocation of that God quight abolished Qui dictur ciu­cifixus, that is sayd to be crucifyed. Cosroe the proude king was puffed vp with pride, for his great successe in the time of Phocas. Heraclius was in greate distresse by meanes y t his Captaynes was false to him, Treason. Heraclius the more wyllingly fought because not for kingdomes sake only, but for defence of Christes Church his quarell was attempted. I godly qua­rell to warre. Heraclius therefore styrred vp by the helpe of God, ledde his hoast into [Page 167] Cyria to Azotum, from Azotum whence Cosroe fled. He­raclius foughte with the hoast of Cosroe, God ouer­throweth the persecutors of his saints. who beinge driuen to flight: Cosroe was oppressed w t great calamitye at home, where w t his great pryde & blasphemy was punished. Cosroe made his seconde sonne successor after him called Mardaces, displacing his eldest son Syroe: Mardaces. vpon this the elder sonne Sy­roe toke his father Cosroe, Syroe. & killed his brother Mardaces in y e sight of his father, Cosroe kille [...] after y t he murthered his father Cosroe. By this meanes Syroe obteyned the kingdome, and because he woulde be safe he made peace with Heraclius, restoringe home his captiues, amonge whom was Zacharias the Pa­triarcke of Hierusalem. Zacharias. Also Heraclius restored his capti­ues, & receyued Cyria & Hierusalem, this greate warres cō ­tinued 6. yeares: Heraclius returninge from these warres, entred Byzance sittinge in a Chariot withoute ornaments, (which had bene meete for a triumphinge Prince) and open­ly gaue thankes to the sonne of God for this great victory. The wrathe of God vpon blasphemers. And trulye the vengeance of God for the blasphemye of Cos­roe, as of Senacherib, Nichanor, Antiochus, and Iulianus and such like, is worthy of perpetuall memorye.

In the time of this Heraclius the dreadfull chaunge of all mankinde, at a sodaine was made by reason that the doctrine of Mahomet was spredde abrode. This doctrine of Maho­met the Arabians did first embrace, The Arabiās first embraced Mahomets doctrine. who neuer obeyed king­domes or lawes lawfully appointed: for y e Arabians eyther did exercise robbīg of ech other at home, or els of their owne voluntary wil abroade, many of them haue serued vnder the baner of other Princes for wages. Mahomet wrote a lawe meete for this licentious people, Mahomets lawes. desyrous of libertye, & man by the enlarging of liberty his power. Mahomet was borne in Arabia as many do write, and first of all ioyned to him the hoast of the Saracenes, The first be­ginninge of y e Saracenes. wherevppon afterwarde mention is made of the hoast of the Saracenes. I thinke it good to shew how the Saracenes first came: It is manifest by y e holy Pro­phete Moyses, Ismaell. that the ofspringe of Ismaell who descended from Agar, did possesse Arabia, Agra. therof the Cittye Agra hath his name of Agar the mother of Ismaell, Agrei and theyr people [Page] Agrei, who in the first booke of Paralepomenon y e .5. Chap­ter are called Agareni, where the limittes of Galaad are shewed, Agareni. that name Agareni is in the 92. Psalme. In that same conntrye where it is certaine that Agareni were, Pto­lomeus placeth the Saracenes: And the name of y e Saracenes is in the Historye of Zenobia, in the victoryes of Aurelianus Emperour of Rome. It is to be thoughte that that people called Agareni, had rather be named Saraceni of Sara, be­cause it is more glory for them to vaunt that they be borne of Sara, then of her handmaide Agar. Mahomet afterward by mention of this glorious name did confirme & strengthē his hoast: Cryinge out that the promyse of the kingdome of the world, did appertaine vnto them only geuē vnto the posteri­tye of Abraham, The Procla­mation of Mahomet to his people. because they were y e sonnes of Sara.

The hoast of the Saracenes were vnder the banner of He­raclius, in warres against the Persians, & because they were withoute their wages, they trayterouslye fledde from Hrea­clius. Some Historyes write that they were contumeliously vsed at y e Treasurers hands of Heraclius, in y t they sayd they had not money sufficient to pay to the Romaine souldiours, and to the Greekes, and much lesse to satisfy such a nomber of dogges as they were. These Arabians were theeues and liued by spoyle, as the Tartars do. The power that fledde from Heraclius of the Saracenes, did spoyle manye townes neare to Damascus. Also many spoyling wretches beinge furthered of Mahomet, for Mahomet maryed a riche wife, and by his riches and large giftes, broughte to passe that his men of warre, w t giftes should heare him, & to constitute him theyr Captayne, & that theyr campe might be the stronger, there were taken away al controuersyes in Religion. Ma­homet set forth to them a newe forme of doctrine, & sayde he had talked with God, thereby thinkinge to encrease his po­wer. The beginninge of Mahomets kingdomes is put in the .623. yeare after Christe: After Mahomet succeaded A­miras his sonne in law, who toke Damascus and made it his Princely seate, after this he toke Gasan, and Hierusalem hee besieged .ii. yeares. The thyrde after Mahomet, was A­humar, [Page 168] who possessed a great part of Assyria, & helde in Do­miniō Egipt. Then Muhauias the 4. king after Mahomet, toke Cesaria & Palestina .ii. yeares besieged, and ouercom­minge Orimasda the sonne of Cosroe, he added Persia to the kingdome of the Saracenes, and made them keepe Maho­mets lawes, which the Persians obserue at this daye. So w t ­in 30. yeres the Saracenes possessed Arabia, Palestina, Phe­nitia, Syria, Egipte and Persia. After this they possessed all Affrica, and by litle and litle they wente forwarde into Asia, and largely did set oute the lawe of Mahomet in theyr Empyre: althoughe amonge them were greate tumultes and sedition, and deuision of kingdomes followed them as in al other kingdomes: Yet the Princes of the Saracenes called Sultany, had theyr chiefe Dominion in Syria, Egipt, Affri­ca, and a great part of Asia about 400. yeares, vntill a king of the Saracenes who ruled Persia, broughte the Turkes a­gainst Babilon. Who by litle & litle receyuinge the lawe of Mahomet, they driue out of the kingdom of Persia the Sara­sen king, in the time of Cōstantine Monomachus or of Cō ­radus the Frenche man not longe before the setting forth of Godfride with his power & hoast into Palestine. It is true y t the Nation of the Turkes is signifyed vnder y e name of Gog and Magogge, the which Esechïel the Prophete sayth to be a people Northwarde, in the .18. Chapter and .19. It ap­peareth by the Prophete Daniell, that he speaketh of the Sa­racenes kingdome, when he foresheweth the destruction of y e .iiii. Monarchies: The destruc­tion of the .4. Monarchyes Sayinge that suche a kingdome shoulde come, y t which should set forth a newe doctrine blasphemous against God, and make warre against the saintes, who be y e Christians. The doctrine of Mahomet. This agreeth manifestlye with the kingdome of the Saracines or Turkes, for they haue a blasphemous Doc­trine, denyinge Christe to come in the fleshe, and many other abhominable heresies defacing Christ and his Doctrine.

This doctrine the Iewes receyued and many other mo: In theyr Alcaran it is written that y e holy man Sargius & other Iewes, haue sate in counsayle and set out a certaine vniuer­sall doctrine, which the Turkes at this daye do hold of Ma­homets [Page] faith. Sargius an heriticall Muncke. This Sergius an heretical Muncke vnlearned fayninge himselfe to be inspeared of God, came into Russia, and spredde many heresies there, and manye iudeicall Ceri­monyes foolishe and abhominable, Russia. which I will sette oute at large in a booke of the Moscouiticall kingdome. He ly­eth buryed at the Monasterye of Troites, called otherwayes the Monastery of Sargius: by whō the Moscouites say many myracles haue ben wrought, by his holy meditatiō & prayers fountaynes of waters hane beene spronge vppe, where there hath bene none to be founde. And they say and it is beleued, that the bodye of Sargius neuer putrifyeth, and it is a great point of Religion so to beleue: All men may see the shape of a bodye vnder a clothe, but no man so boulde to search it, for that were abhominable heresye, to doubte or not to beleeue what is tolde them of Sargius.

They saye by this myracle, A maruelous potte. there is a potte boylinge with meate, and no man bringeth eyther water, fyre, or meate, & yet the potte dailye boyleth & feedeth infinite persons, and so continueth. I marueile there is so many miserable parsons that dye for hunger, & so greate a myraculous potte.

I my selfe haue bene at that Monasterye where this Ser­gius lyeth buryed: And of this wryteth also an Embassadour called Sigismundus, sente from Ferdinando to Basilius this greate Emperours father, that ruleth nowe ouer so manye kingdomes.

Mahomet to bring men vnto his law, sayth y t the kingdome of y e vniuersal world, is promised vnto his Nation, because it is descended from Sara, and that it is to be kept by force of ar­mes, & all Nations to be compelled to obeye the law of Ma­homet, or els to dye or liue in seruitude: who soeuer speaketh against any thinge in the Alcaran to dye. He doth permitte a man to marrye as many wyues as he will, and to make de­uorce at his owne pleasure, he punisheth homicide and thefte as the law of Moyses did, to make a distinction of his people from other Nations. He hath appointed certaine iudeicall Ceremonyes, as washinge of all theyr body to be cleane frō sinne: Washing of all the body the Moscouites vse, in y e hot [Page 169] houses or stoues sweating out their sinnes, or els they stande without the Church doore: And shauinge all partes of their bodyes the Turkes, Tartars & Persians do vse. The law of Mahomet obserueth Cyrcumcision to confirme a perswasiō of a kingdome promised to the posteritye of Sara. The Sab­both day on y e saterday with the Turkes and Musco­uites. Theyr son­daye is there the sixt daye of the weeke, euerye daye they are commaunded by their Alcaran to praye .5. times, he geueth leaue to eate the fleshe of all beastes, fishe or foule, yet he ex­cepteth swynes fleshe: To those that doth obserue this law, he promiseth victory & riches in this life, and after this life to be in the ioyes of Paradyce, and most happy is he that dyeth in the quarell of Mahomet. With many other blasphemous pointes of Religion. It is manifest that the doctrine of Ma­homet is of latter time after the Apostles doctrine, more thē 500. yeres: therefore it is impossible the Church of Maho­met to be of God, in that he doth reiect the writinges of the Apostels and Prophetes. This kingdome of the Saracenes rose at the first, prophesyed by Daniell of .iii. hornes y t were plucked from the Romaynes Monarchy, which was Syria, Egipt, and Affrica. This is that Antichrist y t denyeth Christ to come in the flesh. He that honoureth not y e father, honou­reth not the sonne, this is life euerlasting that they should ac­knowledge the true God, and whom thou hast sent Iesus to be Christ. Who so denyeth the sonne, hath not the father, no man commeth to y e father, but by the sonne. He that doth not beleue, is alreadye condempned: because he doth not beleue in the onlye begotten sonne of God. Who so doth not beleue the sonne shall not see life, but the wrathe of God remayneth vpon him. No other foūdation can be layd, than that which is layd already, which is IESVS CHRIST. Thus muche as concerninge Mahomet and his doctrine, nowe to the storye of Heraclius.

Fabia Eudoxia was the first wyfe of Heraclius, by whom he begat Constantine the yonger, whose ofspring for a time enioyed y e Empyre, although his mother in lawe went about to kill him with poyson, that she might bring the Empyre to her sonne, borne in vnlawfull mariage. For Heraclius after [Page] the death of his wyfe Fabia, he marryed his brothers daugh­ter called Martina: of whō Heraclionas was borne, his mo­ther to make him Emperour, poysoned Constantine her husbandes sonne the sixt monthe after he raigned. Pyrrhus the Patriarcke did further this pretence, who hated Con­stantine beinge of a good Religion: Good Reli­gion hated of the wicked. their bloudye conspira­cye brought thē a like ende, as God alwayes punisheth blou­dye factes. So on them fell the wrath of God, for Martina & her sonne Heraclionas gouerned not fully two yeres, for the Senate apprehended them, and cutte out the Empresse ton­gue: A iust reward of murther. least by witty perswasions she might allure the people. Heraclionas her sonne had his nosetrelles cut of, & they were both exiled into Capadocia, and there dyed in prison: Pyr­rhus the Patriarcke beinge giltye of the facte fledde, & in flying was taken & killed. Thus y t wrath of God fell vpon this horrible murtherer, she murthe­ring her sonne in lawe: Her bloudy purposes for ambition sone dissolued, and thereby the incest mariage punished, for she maryed her vncle. And the holy Patriarcke was accordinge to his bloudye fact rewarded.

This was done in the yere of the world .4684. The yeare of Rome .1396. And in the yeare of Christe .644. ¶****
***¶

Constantinus the yonger.

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HEraclius otherwyse called Constanti­nus the yonger, from his first byrth was Crowned of his father Emperour. This Constantinus begat of Gregorie the daughter of Niceta who was a Se­natour, Constans the nexte Emperour in succession. This Constātinus by his stepmother Martina was poysoned y e first yere of his raigne. This Martina his stepmother vsurped with Heracliona, be­inge. .10. yeares of age the Empyre, and by a conspiracye of the Court, two yeares not fully passed, they were taken and set into banishment. They cutte out the tongue of Martina, least that by her eloquente talke (wherewith she much excel­led) she might perswade the people. They cut of the nose of Heracliona her sonne, and then they chose Constans Empe­rour, withoute the choise of the men of warre, which before that time was sildome seene.

Constance the thirde.

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COnstance the sonne of Constantine the yō ­ger, the nephewe of Heraclius (Martina be­ing banished with her sonne) was made Emperour of the Senate. He gouerned 27. yea­res, hee was vnfortunate in his enterprises against the Saracenes: At home he killed his brother Theodotius, and fauouringe the heresye of those who was called Monothelete: An heresye. Hee putte to death certaine godly men rebukinge this errour. At his commaundement Theodorus Caliopa by disceate and gyle, toke Martine by­shoppe and sent him into Thracia, and there Marten the by­shoppe dyed with hunger and filthe of prison.

The kingdome of the Saracenes greatly encreased, for frō the beginninge of the kingdome of Mahomet, which began in the 623. yeares, vnto that present yeare of Christe .6 [...]5. and the xiii. yeare of Constance, that they sending theyr Na­uye from Phenicia, did spoyle the sea coastes of Asia. Con­stance the .13. yeare of his raigne, was ouercome in a bat­taile foughte in Licia by Muthauia a chiefe Captayne of the Saracenes, and also the Saracenes spoyled the Roodes. Constance at the lengthe came into Italye, and was ouer come of the Lumbardes in battaile, with whom hee toke truce, & the Citty of Rome being spoyled by them: he returned into Sy­cilia, where this vnfortunate Emperour being in a Bathe, was strangled. After he had raigned 27. yeares. And in the yeare of the worlde .4932. Of Rome .1423. And of our Lord and Sauiour Christ. .670.

Constantinus Barbatus.

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THis man began to raigne at what time as his father made him Emperour, be­fore he ledde his hoast into Italy, and at that time he was Crowned. He raigned 17. yeares, he was more fortunate then his father. In his dayes a great manye of Saracenes, came euen to the waules of Byzance, from thence repulsed, they possessed Chisicum: there they remayned .7. yeres, and oftentimes made warres against Constantinople, A subtile pol­licye. Vntill such time as wilde fyre was deuised of Calinicus, which fyre cōsumed the Saracenes ship­pes vnder the water, by which slaughter the reste were com­pelled to flye awaye. At Malia where contrarye windes do make oftentimes whirlewindes, The wrath of God. the reste of theyr Nauyes were destroyed by rockes, and the reste were drowned in the Sea. There dyed of the Saracenes as good as 3000. Their chiefe Captayne Muthauia sought peace at the Romaynes hands, and peace was made for .30. yeares. After this the Bulgarians began to be knowen, which be in Misia y e lower whiche had theyr name of the floude Volga, Volga. whose heade and fountaine ryseth not farre from Liuonia in the marishe groundes of it, so some do write. But it is certaine that the heade of Volga ryseth out of the marryshe grounds of Belo­sero, Belosero signifyeth as muche in the Russe tongue, as Albus Lacus: that is a white lake, and passeth from thence by the Cittye Iaroslaue, a Cittye with a Castel in it, which [Page] is in ruine. The floude Volga is as broade as twyse y e Tha­mes at London, in that place manye goodlye streames enter into it. Volga. By Volga they passe to the Mare Caspium towards the East it runninge, & so to the Mare Caspium: frō thence to Persia. At what time the Bulgarians ouercame the Ro­mayne hoast, the Emperour made peace with them, & gaue vnto them Missia the lower: which at this day is called Bul­garia. In the xii. yeare of this Constantine, which was in the yeare of Christe .681. A Sinod was assembled at Con­stantinople: this was called the .vi. Sinod in the whiche it was desputed against the heresyes of Samosatenus. Constā ­tine the Emperour dyed peaceablye, makinge peace in the Empyre of the Easte, and in the Church. The yere of the worlde. .4649. The yeare after the first buildinge of Rome. 1440. And after the incarnation of our Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christ .687. ¶***
**¶

Justinianus the seconde.

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IVstinianus the sonne of Constantinus Bar­batus, was made Emperour after his father. He gouerned .10. yeares before he was driuen into exile: after that beinge restored he raig­ned .6. yeares. This Prince was the laste of Heraclius stocke, a man vnquiet, cruel and vnfortunate, ma­nye calamityes fell on him by two of his Courte, that were sycophants and flatterers, who toke vpon them great authoritye, and did manye mischieues thereby. As in the time of Theodosius the yonger: Eutropius whō for his mischieues they called Gorgone. One of the sycophants in the Courte of Iustinianus, was a Moncke called Theodosius, to whom by reason that he had so great authority, they called him ge­nerall: the other was called Stephane y e Emperours Cha­plene, who gouerned al things as touching Religion: Who as it seemeth was of to muche credite with the Emperour, when he durst beate the old Empresse. These two euil per­sons exercised crueltye against the chiefe Dukes and Cap­taynes, they kept Leontius a Duke .ii. yeres in prison: who escaping out of prison (the Patriarcke helping him) he was made Emperoure, hee cutte of the Nosethrelles from Iusti­nian, and sente him to Chirsonesus. Theodosius and Ste­phen his two sycophants of the Courte beinge bounde with fetters, were drawne throughe the Cittye, and afterwarde buryed. This Leontius gouerned not aboue thre yeares, for Tiberius Apsimarus returning with his hoast out of Affri­ca, [Page] beinge driuen backe of the Saracenes: and sayd Leontius was by a conspiracye made Emperour of the hoast. He cau­sed Leontius Noosetrelles to be cut of, and put in a Mona­stery to be a Moncke. He sent his brother Heraclius into Cy­ria against the Saracenes, who for a time repulsed them. He gouerued 7. yeares.

Iustinian before mentioned, returned beinge ayded of the Bulgarians: who commaunded Leontius and Apsimarus, to be ledde bounde thorowe the market, and trade vpon their neckes, they lying prostrate at his feete, and then immediat­lye cutte of theyr heades. He pulled out the eyes of Callini­cus the Patriarke: he hanged vppe Heraclius the brother of Apsimarus. At what time as he sent his Nauye against Chirson the hoast made Philippicus Bardanes Emperour who made hast to Constantinople, and toke Iustinian and his sonne Tiberius and killed them, takinge them from a Santuarye place: So thre Em­perours in a short space were killed. This was done in the yeare of the worlde .4675. Of Rome. 1466. Of our Sauiour Christ .713. ❧ ❧ ❧

Philippicus Bardanes.

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PHilippicus Bardanes being made Emperour of the armye, which forsaked Iustinian: Hee helde his gouernment 2▪ yeres, he put downe Images in the Temples He ouerthrewe the decrees of the 6. Sinode, & defended his opini­on against Monotheletas, but by the coūsaile of Artemius his Secretarye, his eyes put out was cast into prison. In y e yeare of the world. 4677. Of Rome 1468. Of our Sauiour Christ .715.

Artemius, otherwyse called Anastasius.

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WHo was named the second, helde his Empyre one yeare and .iii. monethes. He was learned & was chiefe of all the secretaryes of y e Em­pyre, and beinge desyrous of concorde in the Church, he repressed those that would ouer­throwe the sixt Sinode. In all his warres vnfortunate, for [Page] his menne of warre corrupted with the seditious vprore of the Emperours before, and greued to be put from their old licentiousnes, they made Theodotius Adramittenus Em­perour, who hauing Artemius put from his kingdome, and afterwarde included in a Monasterye. He gouerned but one yeare, and willinglye gaue place to Leo Isaurus: but Arte­mius after a fewe yeres gathering an hoast out of Bulgaria, wente about to recouer his Empyre, but he beinge brought to Leo was murthered. In the yeare of the world .4680. The yeare of Rome .1471. And of Christ .718.

Leo the thirde.

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LEO the thyrde of that name before, na­med Isaurus Conon, and gouerned the Alanes afterwarde being sente of Arte­mius against the Saracenes, assone as he harde that Theodosius was made Em­perour against Artemius, (he although hee woulde defende Artemius) came to Nicomedia, and taking the sonne of Theodosius, made a co­uenant with his father to geue place in kingdome. So Leo Isaurus cōmaunded his chiefe Captaynes & hoast to sweare, he gouerned 25. yeres. The time of this Leo Isaurus is wor­thy most consideratiō, for in his time was that great warres [Page 174] of the Saracenes, and there they shall see how sone the power and mighte of the Sarcenes increased. The Saracenes were driuen out of Fraunce by the happy victory of Carolus Mar­tellus, Duke of Brabantia: This Carolus Martellus was grandfather of Charles the great who was Emperour. And thus consider the cruell Mahomet began to raigne in y e 623. yeare after Christ, from that time to the beginninge of Leo Isaurus, that is to the yeare of Christ .718. are yeares 105. In this space Mahomet & his successors which are cal­led Saraceni & Agareni, obtayned Araba, Palestina, Syria, Persia, Egipt and Affrica. They passed out of Affrica into Spaine, where they held gouernment 10. yeares: then into Fraunce 3. hundreth thousand and 70. of the Saracenes rus­shed in euen vnto Turonum, into other places they passed as into the lesser Asia, they besieged Byzance, Constantinus Barbatus raigninge: this was done in the yeare of our Sa-Christ. 674. From Byzance repelled, they returned with a great hoast in the time of Leo Isaurus .40. yeares after, to y e beginninge of this Emperours raigne. Then againe two yeares they besieged Constantinople, Magasda being theyr chiefe Captayne, but the Almightye God ouerthrew them, for their hoast perished with famine and pestilence, the nauye of shippes with lightining from Heauen were drowned and burned: and thus they were driuen backe in theyr enterpri­ses, least they should obtayne the lesse Asia & Byzance. But great warres were moued in Fraunce by them, first Abira­mus a kinge brought a greate multitude of Saracenes to the nomber of 30000. men. Eudo Lord of Aquitania brought him in against the Frenchemen, the Saracenes spoyled Bur­dogala, takinge it by force of armes, and euen to Turonum a great nomber of Christians being murthered, as they pas­sed: At this time Italye and Fraunce were in greate perill. Then Carolus Martellus keepinge his warres in Fraunce & Frisia, A Christen quarell to de­fende Chris­tendome. he being y e chiefe staye of Fraunce, brought in a great power against the Saracenes. This Carolus Martellus, re­quired of Eudon that he would not thus see y e name of Chri­stians to be ouerthrowen, and gaue him Christian exhortaci­on, [Page] that leauinge the secte of the Saracenes, hee woulde come himselfe with the hoast of the Frenchemen. The battaile ioy­ned, thorow the power of Almighty God, the hoast of Caro­lus Martellus had the victory, & all y t multitude of Saracenes was murthered, & Abiramus their king lay deade in y e field. Although y e Saracenes toke this foyle yet they ceased not as yet, for sone after eut of Spayne, two great hoastes of y e Sa­racenes rushed into Fraunce, trustinge to the ayde of the Vi­sogothes in Aquitani, and those that were in Fraunce.

Athinius king of the Saracenes with a great power and na­uye of shippes, inuaded the partes of Narbone in Fraunce, & toke Auinionem at a sodaine and made it their strong holde: then Carolus Martellus deliuered that frō their hands, and expelled the Saracenes a great nomber of them, with Athi­nius their kinge, who fled into his shippes with a great part of his souldiours, and was brought to Narbone. Assone as Carolous Martellꝰ did besiege this Citty, Amoreus another kinge of y e Saracenes to helpe those that were besieged, came out of Spayne: then Carolus Martellus making hast least y e power of the ennemyes should ioyne, in the valleye neare to Narbone by the floude Burie, he had a great battaile with y e Saracenes, and in the same battaile Amoreus their king be­ing slaine, the armye amazed with y e death of theyr king, the whole hoast was partly killed of them. The death of Amo­reus beinge knowen, and the spoyle of his armye, Athinius fledde from Narbone with his power, & robbing in the Isles neare to Liguria, & so be went into Spayne. Carolus Mar­tellus ouerthrew Naroena, least afterward the Visogothes of it should rayse new warres. By these calamityes and foy­les, y e Saracenes were quight vanquished, who hoped to haue enioyed both Fraunce and Italy: after this they helde them selues within the compasse of the mountaynes of Pirineus. by this calamity Fraunce & Italye was saued from y e spoyle, and also that wicked Doctrine and blasphemous religion of Mahomet, was quighte in those places extinguished. No warres was more profitable then these, nor more necessarye then to defende so many bodyes of Citizens, and families of [Page 175] of Christiās, and from such blasphemous people & doctrine. These be the most causes why noble men wore armour: and herevpon the kinge of Spayne called Alphonsus in his ban­ner hath a portured Pelican woundinge her owne brest, and with her bloud nourishing her yong ones w t this title: Pro­lege & pro grege. As who should say, A Prince ought to vē ­ture his life, for y e defence of godly lawes and for his people: These are the .ii principall pointes of warres. This victorye was profitable to Spayne, because manye Christians that came of the Gothes helde the rough and baren places of the mountaynes of Pireni, Cantabria and Asturia, they goinge forwarde by litle and litle vanquishing the Saracenes, and at the length recouered Spayne, so of that remnant of the Go­thes is descended the progenye of the last kinges of Spayne: from the which Charles the fifte Emperour of that name, by the mother syde is come. God by his mighty power raysed vp Carolus Martellus to this mightye warre. He preuayled much against y e Saracenes being in nomber infinite: Where God defendeth, the coward chaseth away the strong & migh­tye, the foole the wyse, no pollicye preuayleth where God ge­ueth the victorye, and where as God disposeth a kingdome or state, the deuise & counsel, and pollicye of the wicked are caught to theyr owne destruction of the wicked.

This Carolus Martellus was of a noble bloud in Fraūce, and neare to the Princes of that lande: he was Duke of Bra­bant, God diuerslye saued him from many perilles, who be­inge but tender of yeares, by his mother beinge a steppemo­ther was put in prisō at Colleine, her name was VVoldru­da, his father Pipinus then at that time beinge dead, yet frō that bloudye purposes he by the power of God escaped.

This Carolus Martellus obteyninge his fathers dignity, vanquished the Frisians, and after that hee ouercame Eudon in Aquitania: After this God blessing him in his victoryes, the Princes and chiefe gouernours of Fraunce, gaue vnto him the kingdome of Fraunce which he would not receiue, being content with his fathers dignitye. After this he van­quished quight y e Saracenes that came into Fraunce: in these [Page] warres he had y e ayde of kinge Lutbrande a kinge of y e Lum­bardes, and Lanfryde a Duke of the Almanes, of Odille Duke of Bauaria. The name & authoritye of Carolus Mar­tellus was so great, y t at what time as this Lutbrande king of the Lumbardes did besiege the Citty of Rome, and the bi­shoppe of Rome in this extremitye sought for ayde, then Ca­rolus Martellus only by an Embassage, broughte to passe y t the Lumbards should depart frō the siege, and to make peace with the bishop of Rome. This Carolus Martellus gouer­ned in his fathers estate and seate 26. yeares, hee dyed in the yeare of Christ .741. The 11. of the Kalends of Nouember, not longe before the death of the Emperour Leo Isaurus: He was buryed among the kinges of Fraunce, in Saint Denis Churche, and vpon his Tombe was put this Epitaphe.

Ille Brabantinus Dux, primus in orbe triumphans,
Malleus in mundo, specialis Christicolarum:
Dux Dominus (que) Ducū, Regum quo (que) Rex fore spernit,
Non vult regnare, sed regibus Imperat ipse.

Thus muche of the Saracenes, and of the victoryes of Ca­rolus Martellus, whiche actes are necessarye to be knowen: the Saracenes beinge expelled from Byzance, Leo Isaurus made an edict by the which he put downe all Images in Tē ­ples, and for that facte hee was called Eiconomacus, and so Gregorye the thyrde of that name, shotte out against him his thundringe boultes of excommunication, and letted tribute to be payed to him in Italy. At this time began a contract or league, betwene the Bishop of Rome and the French­mē: the Frenchemen flourished not only in power, but also in vertue and godlynes, therefore defence was sought at theyr hands so oft.

The yeare of the worlde .4740. Of Rome .1475. And after the in­carnation of our Lorde and Sa­uiour Iesus Christ .742. ¶? ☞▪ ¶

Constantinus the v.

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COnstantinus Copronimus the sonne of Leo I­saurus, was crowned in the life of his father, by Germanus the Patriarcke, he gouerned 35. yeares. Hee was called Copronimus because beinge an infant new borne, and in Baptizing did defyle the water with the filthye excremē ­tes of his body. Copros in Greeke signi [...]yeth Stercus.

This Constantinus was more vehement then his father in puttinge downe Images (& for that cause was Artabas­dus made Emperour against him, by the consente of the Pa­triarcke, and of the nobilitye.) But this Constantinus after two yeares, toke Ardabasdus and put out his eyes, and also of his two children: he gaue commaundement to beate y e Pa­triarcke with whippes, & to set him on an Asse with his face turned to the tayle, and to hold the tayle in his hande, and so to be caryed about. The like punishmēt is vsed in Moscouia to ryde on a Bulles backe.

This Emperour made great warres against the Bulgariās, at the length after his crueltye sheewed, he dyed of sicknes: In the dayes of this Emperour, the estate of the Vicegerē ­tes in Italye ceased, and Pipinus the sonne of Carolus Mar­tellus was made king of Fraunce, in the yeare of Christ .751. Some Historyes note, that by the authoritye of Zacharias bishoppe of Rome, the nobles of Fraunce beinge made free of theyr othe and alegiance toward kinge Hildericke, depo­sed him and put him in a Monastery. Bonifacius Crowned Pipinus kinge of Fraunce at Suessiane: after this Pipinus [Page] was called for into Italye twyse, against Astulphus king of the Lumbards. In both these expeditions the great vertue of Pipinus appeared, and vsed the Lumbardes curteouslye, and made so gentle a peace, that he set in quietnes the kingdome of the Lumbardes not possessing one foote of their countrye, he vsed the more fauour because of Lutbrande a kinge of the Lumbardes, with whom he was brought vp. In this first warres against the Lumbards, he compelled Astulphus be­inge besieged at Ticima, to promise to keepe peace geeuinge pledges, and Pipinus beinge content with the promise he re­turned into Fraunce: But the fearcenes of Astulphus was more and more increased, not molifyed. For after the re­turne of Pipinus, Astulphus (against his leage & couenant) made newe warres, and with a great power went to Rome and besieged it three monethes. And as sone as kinge Pipi­nus came into Italye, Astulphus not able to encounter with Pipinus, left y e siege of Rome, fearing his owne kingdom of Lumbardye: and although Pipinus might haue vanquished Astulphus out of his kingdome, yet he full of all humanity, willed him to obserue the conditions of peace, and to be con­tent with his fathers kingdome, and to leaue of the siege of Rome & from Italye. Pipinus not credeting the fayre pro­mises of y e Lumbardes, taryed in Italye vntill suche time as Astulphus had brought backe his power from Rome and o­ther Citties. At what time as Pipinus departed out of Ita­lye, he ledde his power and greate hoast against the Saxons, and the Bauarians, but Tassillo kinge of Bauaria withoute fight, entred into amitye with Pipinus, who commaunded him to kepe his kingdome (for he was the sisters sonne of Pi­pinus.) The Saxons beinge ouercome, peace was so graun­ted, that beinge contente with their owne, they shoulde take nothing from the kingdome of Fraunce, and to liue w t their owne lawes: The [...] Parliamente in Fraunce. Why a Par­lament is or­dayned. Onlye this tribute they shoulde paye yearelye to the Frenchmen .300. barde horse meete for the warres.

Of this Pipinus was the Parliamente first ordayned in Fraunce, the which for the wysedome of the Iudges & wor­thie counsellers, gathered from all partes of the Dominiō [Page 177] for pollicye in geuinge orders, a care vniuersall of all esta­tes, for ordayning any statutes and decrees, in reuoking any enormities fallinge vppon anye common wealthe, Cittye or Towne, for the sauegard of the Prince & his estate, it passeth all assembles. These chiefe pointes of nobility was in Pipi­nus very heroycall: He moued onlye iuste warres, vpon iust occasions, in victoryes he retayned iustice and modestye, and set forth lawes very profitable to the common wealth. These were the chiefe matters which were in y e Weste, in the time of this Copronimus. Also, in the East out of the mouth or Porte of the Mare Caspiū, the Turkes rushed into the lande of Colchis and in to Armenia, where they fought w t the Sara­cenes. In the time of Mauritius the Turkes fought with the Persians, but they were ouerthrowne of the Persians, and therefore theyr first inuasion is not so famous as the seconde time. In this time the force of the Saracenes power was most mighty, which happened in the dayes of this Coproni­mus and Pipinus. The mountaynes of the Mare Caspiū are neare to Iberia, where nowe are founde out manye riche mynes of metall: By this Sea Caspium the Englishe Mar­chantes passe with their aduentures into Persia, from [...]ar [...] ­slaue & so vppon Volga on the freshe water two Thousande myle of Russia myles, and so they passe to Casane, which y e great Emperour of Russia hath at this day in his owne pos­session, it was the chiefe Citty of the Tartars, from thence to Astrachan whereof the Emperour of Russia calleth himselfe greate Emperour of Astracan & Emperour of Casane. At Astrachani a great filthy stincke is of fish that is there takē, by which corruption the ayre is much infected, & many straū ­gers passinge thereby are killed with ill ayre. It is called Caspium of an Hebrue worde Kesephe which signifyeth sil­uer, of the which the places by are plentious of such mynes: So that most noble wryter Philippe Melancton wryteth.

At what time as the Turkes toke a way the kingdome frō the Saracenes. it shalbe declared afterward.

The yeare of the worlde .4739. Of Rome. 1530. Of Christ .777.

Leo the fourth.

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LEO the sonne of Constantinus Copro­nimus, succeaded his father in the Em­pyre, hee gouerned fiue yeares, hee was Crowned of the Patriarcke in his fa­thers life. His father marryed him to a wyfe called Irene, an Athinian borne: This Leo the fourthe, followed his fa­ther in putting downe Images. He sent in his time an army into Syria, which did rather styrre vp the Saracenes, then re­presse them. Not longe after Irene made peace with the Sa­racenes, promisinge them tribute: Leo the .4. caused in his life time, his sonne Constantine to be Crowned of the Pa­triarcke, a fewe dayes after Leo dyed the .4. daye of Nouē ­ber. The yeare of the worlde .4744. Of Rome .1535. Of Christ .782.

Irene with her sonne Constantinus.

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IRENE with her yonge sonne Constantine, gouerned the Empyre .10. yeares, after this theyr domesticall discord brought vpon them great confusion. The first part of the gouern­mente of this Irene was verye quiet, in the .7. yeare of her gouernmente, a Sinode was assembled at Nice, which was the .7. Sinode: In this Sinode a decree was sit v­pō to restore Images (but that was not done without great tumulte. At what time as the Bishoppes and Doctours sate in the Temple of Byzance to speake their minde of this matter, disalowing Images, a multitude of souldiours was of Irene appointed to enter in and breake vppe the Sinode by force of armes, Images. because they in that assemble & Sinode, would not allowe Images. This Sinode was afterward reduced to Nicia by the sute of the bishoppe of Rome, and he made an edicte that Images should be restored againe. There was a certaine Eunucke of y e Empresse, Aetius by name, who go­uerned chiefely in all matters of counsell in the Courte, who perswaded Irene to marrye with a kinsemā of his, who was Presidente of Thracia: and perswaded her that this Presi­dent should come with his power to remoue and appease all seditiō, (this Presidēt sent for) all armour was taken away from the Citizenes, and many caryed awaye in shippes, and sent into Islands for to liue in seruitude. After this her sonne Constantine beinge .xx. yeares of age, toke vpon him the go­uernment, and remoued certaine counsellers about his mo­ther: [Page] then she with her company stryred vp part of the hoast to sweare, not to admitte her sonne to be Emperour, but the Armenians detested this vniuste acte, and sware vnto her sonne to stand to him their true Lord and Emperour, which example afterward y e other folowed. Yet herein ceased not y e traynes layde for her sonne. When Constantine had raig­ned 7. yeares, his mother gathered an occasion because her sonne, did put away his wyfe and closed her in a Monastery, and maryed another, she sent certaine men to take her sonne, they apprehending him put out his eyes, of which griefes he dyed immediatly. Then Irene (her sonne beinge dead) raig­ned .iii. yeare, in this three yeares space, cruell bloudy war­res were committed by her, and for her cruelty shewed vpon her sonne, & against his vncle: and also Italye was in great distresse needinge ayde against the Lumbardes, and theyr se­ditious tumultes, Also at Rome the high bishoppe by sedi­tion was apprehended and whipped. Herevpon Charles for his great iustice and manye other singuler vertues, when as before also Italye had tasted of the iustice & modesty of Caro­lus Martellus his grandefather, & Pipinus his father: here­vpon the gouernmente of Italye was committed to Charles the greate, and hereby there was a godlye vnitye of Italye, Germanye and Fraunce.

Now the Emperours of Greece ceasinge in gouernment of the Empyre, of y e which nomber, most haue bene tyran­tes, and the last of the Emperours by Domesticall dis­corde haue broughte in the Turkes, and now follo­weth the actes of the Germaynes, whose do­inges were godly to Italye and Germany, and the ruine that after fel, was by the discord of the Romishe bishoppes and Emperours, and theyr po­wer, strenghte and fortitude, by discorde waxed feeble. ❧ ❧ ❧

Nicephorus.

NIcephorus possessed the Empyre of the Easte, and made peace with Carolus Magnus. He was Crowned of Leo y e bishoppe, he kepinge the league y t was made with Charles, agreed of betwene Irene and Charles: Whiche was that Apulia, Calabria, Cicilia and Italye should be Charles, & the Venicians should liue of theyr owne lawes free. This Prince was most couetous, he had manye ouerthrowes of the Bulgarians, and was killed of them w t his whole power, the ix. yeare of his raigne: he making first his sonne Stauratius Emperour in y battel, his sonne being woūded in the saide battaile, returned to Constantinople, who also the thirde monthe after he gouerned, was deposed of Michaell Curopalates and put in a Monastery.

Michaell Curopalates.

THis Michael Curopalates maryed Pro­copia y e sister of Stauratius. This Empe­rour made a league w t Charles y e greate that Charles should gouerne the West, and the East to be in his gouernmente. He had warres against the Bulgarians and ouercame them, but at the lengthe he was ouercome at a Cittye called Adrianopolis: and hea­ring that Leo an Armenian did vsurpe, he went into a Mo­nasterye and became a Moncke, rulinge his Empyre but .ii. yeares.

Charles the great, the first Emperour of the West.

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THe godly orders in gouer­mente, Godlye or­ders. where people liue in obedience both towardes God and their Prince, are manifest tokens of the greate good­nes of God, to maintaine society in life: without lawes the life would be brute­tishe and beastly, seruitude and myserye to al estates, and in steede of lawful Princes and gouerners, tyrantes, homicides, destroyers of common wealthes, & ke­pinge no lawes, they would subuert al good orders, neyther knowing God nor obeying nature. Lawes. Godly lawes and iudge­mentes are the waightes and ballanes of God, to directour life. For lawes, societe maintayned by wedlocke, distincti­on of possessions, lands and goods, contracte [...], Maiestrates, iudgement, punishmēt for sinne, are the eui [...] testimonyes of the wysedome, goodnes and iustice of God, & of his pre­sence in mankinde. Tyrannye. Where tyrannye is, it is a scourge for the sinne of the people, and for sinne God chaūgeth kingdom and Princes oft, Godlye Prī ­ces. it is a singuler benefite of God where godly Princes succeade. For excepte God do keepe the Cittye, in vaine doth the watch kepe it, God translateth y e kingdomes, and stablisheth them, great alteration and channge fel about the time of Charles y e great. God shewed his heauy wrathe vpon the Empyre of the Easte, also vpon al other Nations, [Page 180] for there arose vp in the Easte, the blasphemous and wicked kingdome of the Saracenes, by the which the true Church of Christ was wasted and destroyed: the true Religion of God extinguished, seruitude to Christians, many famous Citties and goodly common wealthes ouerthrowen, but the greate mercyes of God was a stay vnto them & to al Christians. In good time God raysed this mighty Prince Charles y e great, who profited y e posterity w t his orders after his age 300. yea­res, vnto y e raigne of Henry the 4. In this Henries time by y e mischieues of the bishops, and theyr ambitious conditions, the Empyre fell into great decaye: and although betwene y e successors of Charles ciuill warres arose, Charles. yet of that Charles great good wealth rose, and quietnes. Lodouicus. As also by these. Lo­douicus pius, Arnolphus Ottones. Arnolphus Ottones, Henry of Bambridge, Conradus the Frenchman, and Henry. the. 3. All these did greatlye aduaunce Italye, Germanye, Pannonia, and all o­ther Regiōs, these were called of God in heauy state of time, for God rayseth good gouernours to be a defence for the peo­ple. As Octauius Augustus, Vespasianus, Titus, Nerua, Constantine the great, and Theodocius. Desiderius a king of the Lumbardes made greate warres in Italye at those dayes (and possessed manye great Citties) of the which some partayned to the Emperour, & some to y e Church of Rome. At Rome also much tumulte rose thorowe ambitious Pre­lates. The Emperours of the East had smal regard to I­talye or Rome, herevpon the Weste part oppressed with ca­lamityes: God raysed that noble Prince Charles the great, who toke Desiderius the kinge of the Lumbardes, and toke his kingdome from him. This Charles was called Charles the great for his noble actes: as Pompeie the great, Alexā ­der the greate. Carolus Martellus was grandfather of this Charles the great, his father was Pipinus kinge of Fraūce, his mothers name was Birtha daughter of Heraclius, Em­perour of Constantinople, crowned by Leo the bishoppe of Rome. Pipinus their father dying, left his kingdom to these two sonnes, Charlemaine and Charles the great. But this Charles the great, (his brother Charlemaine dying y e third [Page] yeare after he began to raigne) he was Lord only of Fraūce and kinge, he was excellently brought vp in the Greeke and latiue tongue, for Petrus Pisanus an excellent learned man was his teacher. This Charles the great learned at Paris, & there Alcoinus an Englishe man famouslye well learned, Charles ex­cellently learned. taught him Logicke, and the doctrine of Christe. This Al­coinus was the Scholer of Bede that greate learned man of Englande. Alcoinus made a briefe shorte booke of the doc­trine of the Churche, Alcoinus. which remayneth at this daye: by the which it appeareth that he followed y e doctrine of S. Austen. Some do write y t Charles the greate ledde with the perswa­tion and counsell of Alcoinus, did make the Vniuersitye of Parris: but it is written that the Vniuersitye of Tisina, was set vp by Charles: Paris. in diuers partes of Fraūce he did set forth learning, and gaue great stipendes, he was excusite in y e Ma­thematicall Sciences, in Astronomye, and in the motion of the Celestiall Planets, he profited so y t he was able to write an Ephemerides, all this he learned of Alcoinus y e Englishe man. He occupyed himselfe muche in reading of Saint Au­stines workes: wherby it appeareth y t he had the true know­ledge of the sayth in Christ, the storye sayth that he was a ve­rye godly Prince, whereby his vertue gaue him to be a myr­ror to all Princes. He had many great warres against y e Sax­ons and the Hunnes, for at what time as his father Pipinus dyed, which was in the eyghte Kalendes of October, in the yere of Christ 768 He deuided his fathers kingdome with his brother Charlemaine, Charlemaine had his Princelye seate at Svvesion, & Charles the great abode at VVormes. The first warres that he toke in hande, was against those of Aquitania, left of his father Pipinus vnfinished, wher a rem­nant of the Gothes remayned, seekinge by tumulte to make an vprore, a Duke of Aquitania called Hunodus, styrringe them to rebelliō. This Duke of Aquitania not able to beare the force of Charles the great, fledde vnto Lupus a Duke of Vasconia, to whom hee sente Embassadours to deliuer the Duke of Aquitania: Lupus Duke of Vasconia deliuered him, and yelded himselfe to Charles sonne, after this his bro­ther [Page 181] Charlemaine dyed, in the yeare of Christ .771. Whose wyfe called Berta by the counsell of Adomarus, fled into I­talye. Desiderius king of the Lumbardes, either for hatred or feare of Charles the greate, which thinge styrred vp Desi­derius to great hope, being before desirous of that Cittye of Rome, and of the Empyre in Italye, after the putting away of y e Vicegerents of kings. And he feared also the Frenchmē whose league with the Romaynes, was suspected of him to be a hurt to his estate, in time he thought to bringe to passe y t the sonnes of Charlemaine, should be made kings of Fraūce of the bishoppe of Rome. If that might be brought to passe, he hoped that eyther the Frenchmē would of their owne wil depart from him, or ciuill warres betwene them should we­ken the power of Fraunce. He ouercame the Saxons, on euerye syde peace beinge settled, hee returned into Fraūce makinge his sonne Lodouicus, partaker of the kingdome with him. He dyed at Aquis­grane, in the .5. kalendes of Februarye, in the .71. yeare of his age. Of his gouernment 14. yeares, and the yeare of Christ .816. ¶**
**¶

Lodouicus Pius, the first of that name.

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LOdouicus alone remayned aliue of y e children of Charles, after his father, who as sone as he vnderstode of the death of his father, he retur­ned oute of Aquitania, and loke vpon him the gouernment at Aquisgrane. He was called w t this holy name Pius, Lodouicus a superstitious Price. a Religiosa superstitio­ne, not hauinge y e perfite knowledge of God, nor of any pure Religion, but as y e Religion went in those dayes he was coū ­ted Religious: for he encreased the worshipping of Idolles and Images, and set vp manye obseruations of Monkrye, & of that sole Monastical life. This Lodouicus was farre in­feriour to his father, bothe in wysedome and vertue, his au­thority also began to be contemned. He was a cruell Prince against all godlye lawes, Cruelty in a Prince. wherevppon hee was hated of the noble peares: What crueltye did he vse against his brothers sonne, called Bernardus kinge of Italye? and against his kinsefolke? The counsell of a stepmo­ther. also towardes his owne sonnes, thorow the sub­till purposes of their stepmother? Wherevppon ciuill war­res rose betwene this Lodouicus and his owne sonnes. This Lodouicus had first to wyfe Irmengardin y e daughter of In­gramus a Duke, of whom he begat iii. sonnes Lotharius, Pi­pinus, & Lodouicus: this his first wyfe dyed .ii. yeares before hee came to enioye the Empyre, then hee maryed Iudeth the daughter of Guelphus the first Earle of Altofordensis, in y e country of Sweuia: she was the sister of Conradus & Rodul­phꝰ Princes, of her he begat Carolus Caluus. This Lodoui- [Page 182] before he was Emperour, did valiātly vse himselfe especial­lye against the Saracenes in Spaine: Assone as he was Em­perour, he created Lotharius his eldest sonne kinge, and hee made Pipinus kinge of Aquitania, and Lodouicus his yon­gest sonne he retayned with him, but he made him king of I­talye. The aduauncemente of Lodouicus to y e Dominion of Italye, moued Bernardus who was before kinge of Italye, to make warre against his vncle the Emperour Lodouicus Pius. The Emperour at that time was in warre against the kinge of Denmarcke, and to restraine him from the en­tringe of Italye, and from the kingdome of Fraunce. This Bernardus thorowe the perswasion of certaine flatte­rers, was perswaded that y e Dominion of Italy was proper to him, and not to Lodouicus: thē Lodouicus Pius, his warres being ended in Denmarcke, entred with a great and ter­rible hoast into Italye, by whose comming many of those y t were considerates with Bernardus fledde awaye, Bernar­dus beinge forsaken of his men of [...] his body to y e Emperour his vnckle, with his sonne Pipinus, and his [...] nephewes Bernardus, Pipinus, and [...]. The Em­perour, sente this Bernardus vnto Germanye, and was con­demned to dye at Aquisgrane, but he was pardoned hauing his eyes put out, he was put into a M [...]asterye, in the which with greate pensiuenes dyed: this acte was done of the Em­perour Lodouicus Pius, in the yeare of Christe .818. This great crueltye did withdrawe the mindes of many from the Emperour Lodouicus, so incon [...]inentlye after the deathe of Bernardus kinge of Italye, the Emperour made Lothari­us his sonne kinge of Italye, and also Emperour, hee gaue him to wyfe Irnengardis▪ the daughter of one Hughte, hee made him Emperour by the byshop of Rome called Pastha­lis. The nobles of the Empyre did ha [...]e Lodouicus, and espe­ciallye the bishoppes, because he was ruled by his wyfe, and with her counsell the gouernment was ruled, wholye to the deminishinge of the estate of the Empyre. Herevpon the nobles and bishoppes vnder a [...]lloure and outwarde shewe of deuillishe practises of their stepmother, they moued them [Page] against thier father & to depose him. A conspiracy against the Emperour. The beginninge of this conspiracie [...] as in Fraunce, wrought w t Pipinus his sonnes but this conspiracye was sone extinguished, because at that time his sonnes had not mette with their power, but after­warde they ren [...]ed theyr former conspiracy against theyr fa­ther, who beinge driuen to suche an extremetye▪ that he was compelled to yelde himselfe to his sonnes, and was forced to putte awaye theyr stepin other [...] Lodouicus the [...] sonne of this Emperour, The ouer­throw of the Emperour by his sonnes. put his father into a Monasterye at S [...]ession, the .19. yeare of the raigne of this Lodouicus: He sente his brother Charles into Brumia to a Monasterye in Lotharingia: Hee sente his stepmother into an other Mo­nasterye in Italye called Derton. Of all these mischieues done and conspired agaynst the Emperour, the chiefe au­thors were the bishoppes: but the heauy wrathe of God cea­sed not, but that the children of y e father [...] of his venge­aunce. Vngratious children. The other brethren hauing compassion of this great calamitye and misery that fell to theyr father, they made pe­tition with a great nomber of the nobles of Germanye, that they woulde restore theyr father deposed into his Empyre a­gaine. Lotharius Lotharius. beinge vnwillinge to set vpon his father a­gaine, fledde into Fraunce, and moued warre to let the pur­poses of his brethren: but in the ende he being forsakē of all his men, did request pardon of his father and obtayned it.

So by this meanes Lodouicus Lodouicus. came to be Emperour a­gaine, a yeare after his deposinge, who forgaue his sonnes theyr offences: then he reuoked from banishmente his wyfe who ruled her husbande, and made his sonne Charles kinge of Neustria, Neustria. which is Celtic [...] Gallia, & Lugdunensis Gallia. Sone after this, Pipinus his seconde sonne dyed, and lefte behinde him two sonnes Carolus and Pipinus. Pipinus. Pipinus did seeke to possesse the kingdome of Aquitania. Lodouicus af­terward againe made warres against his father, whom his father mette at Moguntia, and there was reconciled to Lo­douicus: The death of Lodouicus. and there Lodouicus dyed, the 10. of the Kalendes of Iune, in the yeare of Christe .840. In the yeare of the [Page 183] world .4802. Of his raigne 27. Of this life 64. He was bu­ryed in the Cittye called Metensis neare to his stepmother Hildegarde.

Lotharius the first.

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LOdouicus Pius being deade, ciuil warres be­gan amonge his sonnes, Ciuil warre. with so great bloud­shedde, with the slaughter of so manye noble peares: that by the great destruction & longe continuance of the warres, the whole power of Fraunce and strength was in vtter decaye, there were consumed by those warres more then a hundreth Thousande in one conflicte. Lotharius obtayning the Em­pyre by lawfull title of succession, Lotharius worketh in­iurioslye a­gainst hys brethren. and being appointed of his father to enioye the Empyre: he would compell his brethrē to his appointment, that Lodouicus shoulde gouerne Baua­ria, and Charles to possesse Aquitania, & to be contente with his appointment, & thereby to chalenge no parte of the Em­pyre more, and to obey him as Emperour. The brethrene beinge vppon iust cause greued in y t they were put from their iust inheritaunce, continentlye in armour they made warre againste their brother Lotharius, and draue him to [...]lighte in Gallia Lugdinensi, at a towne called Fontannedū, and his hoast almost vtterlye slaine. Greate calamityes hath fallen [Page] on Fraunce by ciuill warres through ambitious gouernors: So God for the iniquitye of men pulleth downe kingdomes, spoyleth countryes, and translateth the seates of Princes. This warre was foughte in the yeare of Christ .841. the .7. kalendes of Iulye.

So in all countryes ciuill discention pulleth downe y e migh­tyest Dominions, as of Fraūce, Italy, Germany, Spaine, Polonia, Grece and Persia, yea all countryes hath felte the plague thereof as the historyes sheweth: So of Scotlande, deuision from time to time, & ciuill cōmotion, haue wrought many mischieues. A certaine learned man of Germanye na­med Caspar Peucerus, writeth a notable thinge oute of the Historyes of Scotlande: as followeth.

Scotia crebra ex caedibus intestinis interregna ha­buit, donec post atroces & tragicos multorum Ty­rannorum interitus, Lib. 5. Chronicarum. regnum nutans ad Stuardam domum Danicae originis deuenit Cúm enim per an­nos mille septingentos & amplius, Reges numerent ex veris annalibus cētum & quin (que) ex his, quinqua­ginta aut in bellis cecidisse, aut insidijs procerū cru­deliter interemptos esse reperimus.

Scotlande hath oftentimes lackte their kinges, by ciuill warres, vntill after manye cruell and tragicall faules and death of many tyrantes, the kingdome fell to the house of the Stewardes, (whose stocke first rose frō the Danes.) For whē as by the space of a thousande yeares seuen hundreth & more, they recken theyr kinges out of theyr owne true historyes, to be in nomber an hundreth & fiue, and of those 100. & fiue, 50. of them was either killed in y e warres, or els at home cruel­lye murthered by the mischieuous factes of the noble men.

And now to our storye againe. Lotharius retyring came to [Page 184] Aquisgrane, and there leuyed vp a newe power, with whō also his brethren met the 17. of the kalends of April: the yere following the souldiours of Lotharius beinge broughte into great feare thorow the great calamitye that fell to them be­fore, they forsoke Lotharius the Emperour. But Lotharius as a most valiante Captayne, not hauinge his witte to seeke, neyther amased with these two ouerthrowes, did so quiet himselfe: but deepely consideringe the sinister state of Prin­ces happeninge in warres, gathered his men of warre toge­ther, and pitchinge his tentes at Maliscone a Cittye of Bur­gundia, and thither came his brethren to fighte with him. But the noble peares of the Empyre was as lettes and sti­klers betwene them, by whose counsaile, a conclusion was made to make a Tetrarchia, that is, the Empyre to be deui­ded into iiii. partes: that Lodouicus should rule Germany, Fraunce to be in Charles handes, Lotharius to enioy Italye with the Empyre, and to possesse a part of Germanye which lyeth betwene Rhene and Mosella floudes, and Pipinus the sonne of Pipinus to gouerne Aquitania. This agremēt was concluded at Verodunum, and proclaymed there in y e .843. yere of Christe. Lotharius after this cōclusion, made his son Lodouicus partaker with him in y e Empyre, and w t a great hoast sent him into Italy against y e Saracenes. In this parti­tiō of the states of thempyre, y t part y t was geuen to Londoui­cus, was y e Dominion of the East, and y t which Charles pos­sessed was the kingdome of y e West, to make a distinction frō that which Lotharius had in gouerment. By this ciuil discē ­tion the brethren beinge thus occupyed and wekened, other forreine Nations glad of such occasion offered to them, ray­sed an army against these countryes: In Saxone also warre was moued of the seruauntes and slaues of the countrye, but that warre was sone repressed. The Normanes entred by a nauye of shippes, into certaine coastes of Fraunce, & through the country destroying and spoyling al partes as they went, euen to the Citty of Paris. King Charles not able to match them, with infinite summes of money, willed them to depart out of his countrye. This people did first inuade Fraunce in [Page] the time of Lodouicus the first, & afterward possessed a great part of it. The Bohemians rose against Lodouicus Sorabi Marcomanni, yea for all the troubles and inuasion of so ma­ny forrayne ennemyes, the deadlye hatred of these brethren, many times braste oute against themselues. Lothariꝰ threatned to warre on his brother Charles, because Geselbartus a chiefe gouernour vnder Charles, had taken away his daughter secretelye, but by the wysedome of Lodouicus it was pa­cifyed, & al sides contented. By this discord of the brethren, forreine Nations being styrred vp, and infidels also by false treasōs of ambitious heads were broughte in, with a greate scourge to the Christians: this great inuasiō ceased not vntil the gouernmēt of y e Saxon Princes, The happye comminge of the Saxon Princes. out of whō God raysed mightye worthye Princes, that set vppe againe the Empyre decayed. Lotharius perceyuinge that the Bishoppes and ambitious clargye did enclyne themselues to y e Emperours of Grece, and that they did priuilye conspyre to betake vnto them the Cittye of Rome, A conspiracy of the clergye of Rome a­gainst them­perour. he wente to Rome in the yeare of Christ 854. and put to death the chiefe doers in that conspi­racye, appointinge newe Maiestrates more surely ordering the states thereof. Thus Lotharius returninge out of Ita­ly parted to his three sonnes the Empyre: he gaue Italye to his sonne Lodouicus and the Empyre: to Charles, Gallia Narbonensus: Lotharius deposeth him­selfe. & to Lotharius, Lotharingia. The fa­ther of them being in conscience pricked for his euil committed against his father Lodouicus Pius, gaue ouer himselfe from the Empyre, and wente into a Monasterye called Brumia in the yeare of Christ .855. The next yeare followinge he dyed, the thyrde of the kalendes of October.

Lodouicus the seconde.

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AFter the death of the Emperour Lotha­rius who against his father made warre, and therevpon by his euill conscience & cruel dealing tormented in minde, gaue ouer his gouernmente, and dyed into a Monasterye. This Lodouicus the se­conde of that name, succeded by the wil of his father: Of what force is ambition to moue the sonnes to seeke the fathers deathe for kingdomes sake? surelye the state of kingdomes is verye brickle, and the seate subiecte to many calamityes, the priuate state (though meanest) in most safetye. Therefore the godly Princes haue no small cares, and men of greate authoritye, no small charge by whose no­ble coūsayle, the whole body of the cōmon wealth is in safe­tie. After y e deathe of Lotharius Italye was neuer in quiet, vntill the comminge of Otho: So God scurged the succes­sion of those Princes, that so vnnaturally did depose their fa­ther, many vsurpinge to depose eche other, manye tumultes began, Seditious men haue an ill ende. and many seditious vprores attempted, but all came to an ill ende. This Lodouicus the eldest sonne of Lotha­rius before, as sone as he was chosen of his father into y e pos­session of the Empyre: he descended downe into Italye with a greate power to driue the Saracenes from thence, and espe­cially Exagro beneuentano. He warred nobly & valiātly, w t moste fortunate successe againste those, chiefelye ayded of his brother Lotharius, but their armye was almost consumed [Page] with the rottē pestilence & other diseases. Lodouicus depar­ting frō thence commended the defence of Italy, to Adalgi­sius a Lumbarde Prince of Salerne: but this false Lumbard committed to so great a charge, intised with great promises of the Grekes, he fledde trayterously to the Grekes, yelding ouer to them these townes of Saminū, Campania and Lu­cania. Lodouicus seeking to reuenge himselfe of this treasō, returned againe into Italy, & by his valiant prowesse wannē againe his townes being lost, he wan Capua by longe siege, and they in the ende yelded themselues. Yet he was for all this, snared with manye traiterous wyles, wherevppon Lo­douicus was compelled to sweare to this false Lumbarde, y t he should remitte and forgeue this trayterous acte commit­ted by him: but his holy father the Pope absolued him from that othe that he might lawfullye breake the same. Where­vpon this Lumbarde Adalgisius beinge Prince of Salerne, fearing Lodouicus crueltye, and the Popes absolution to be not sufficiente, fledde into the Isles called Corsica. But Lo­douicus cruelly tormented those that were confederate with him in that treason: al thinges set in peace & quietnes in I­talye, he dyed at the length at Millen, in the yeare of Christe 874. after he had ruled 19. yeres. This Prince Lodouicus excelled in learning, in godlynes, humanitye, liberalitye, in profound witte, singuler dexteritye, and in wyse counsel at a sodaine not to seeke, furthwith to determine vpon anye matter, which is a rare gift & a great blessing of God: And they are in respect of other most noble for counsell, and in the affayres of the common wealth *⁎* most fortunate. *⁎* ¶ [...]

Carolus Caluus,

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THis Emperour Lodouicus being dead without any heire male, nexte after him succeaded Carolus Caluus, the sonne of Lodouicus y e superstitious, borne of his second wyfe Iudeth. As sone as he hard of the death of Lodouicus, he marched into Italye that he might bring againe the Empyre (then in succession to the Germaynes) to y e han­des of the Frenchmen. The purpose of this Emperour cer­tainlye knowne to Lodouicus Germanicus, he sent with ce­leritye his two sonnes Charlemaine & Charles, who was al­so called Carolus Crassus, to mete his brother Carolus Cal­uus, & to cut of that pretenced purpose toward thēpyre. But the two sonnes of Lodouicus Germanicus, eyther by greate giftes wonne of Carouls Caluus, or afrayde to enter against their vnckle Carolus Caluus by reason of his great hoost, re­turned to their father without any warre moued. Thus Ca­rolus Caluus wente to Rotme withoute resistance, and there was made Emperour the eyght Kalendes of Ianuary, in y e yere of Christ 875. Carolus Caluus placed in the Empyre, sodainly his brother did seeke to make himselfe strong, with the frendship of other mighty Princes, and league of them, by whose force and ayde, he might more strongly possesse the Empyre: He exalted diuers noble men to higher dignitye of estate, as to Boson he gaue the Dukedome of Italy, and im­mediatly he created him kinge or chiefe President of y whole [Page] [...] [Page 186] [...] [Page] prouince. He made Berēgarius & Guido, being noble men of Rome,, and descended from an auncient race of Lumbards: One of them hee made Duke of Foroiuliensium, the other Ducem Spoletanorum, and to y e other he gaue offices, reue­newes & dignityes to make them faythful to him, & through the amitye of so mighty persons, to be a terror to his brother and his cōfederates. But vaine is the purpose of mā where God blesseth not the state, and counsell is no counsell, where God refuseth the estate: No leagues are fortunate, neyther the purpose of Princes haue any good successe, that seeke the defacing of good to set vp euill, and by vniust title, frendship or amitye of the mightiest rulers for kingdomes sake, be fo­lowers of Iulius Caesar. Si violatū est ius, regnandi causa violatū est. If right & rule be to be brokē, let it be broken for kingdomes sake, otherwise let godlines & iustice be main­tayned. The great mischieuousnes of these Princes & theyr bloudy ambitious purposes not regarding God nor righte, was y e vtter ouerthrow of the stocke of Charles y e great & al­most vtterlye rooted them out. By this confedrature or a­mity, Italy was wrapped with seditious vprores, and ther­by cut of from the Princes of Germanye and Fraunce: and after manye cruell warres and bloudye ende of manye noble Princes and peares, the Frenchmen were ouercome, and y e Germaynes againe recouered their former estate loste, & be­came againe mighty. But the stoutnes & bouldnes of Char­les at the length was cut of from the Empyre, and the king­dome of Fraunce, and those that Charles sent into Italye a­gainste his ennemyes for his Empyre, put theyr Lorde oute from that possession, and entred thereon themselues.

This Carolus Caluus returninge into Fraunce, and beinge certifyed of y e death of his brother Lodouicus Germanicus, forthwith hee made warres on his brothers sonnes, for to take frō them their fathers kingdome, he went against them with a greate hoast, but Carolus Caluus was put to flighte, and recouered of him those Dominions that he loste.

This Carolus Caluus was punished of God for his iniuri­ous [Page 187] dealinge towarde other, for his myserable couetousnes, for his ambition and warres moued withoute iust title, this warre was foughte the .8. of the Ides of October, the yeare of Christ 876.

In the meane time Charlemaine comming with his bro­ther Charles, marched into Italye with theyr power, y e Em­perour mette these, but he was forced to retyre, and escaped with much difficulty, he fledde to Mantua, & dyed of a laske: but it was not withoute the suspicion of poysoninge, by a Iewe called Sedechias who was his Phisition, Sidechias. and in greate estimatiō with him: He was a couetous Prince, proude, am­bitious, a great boaster, w tall vanity vaine glorious, he dyed the yeare of Christ .878. Of the world .4840. After he had gouerned Fraunce 36. yeare. and the Empyre two yeares. His sonnes would haue caryed his body into Fraunce, there to be buryed, but they coulde not for stincke of his Carcas, wherevpon they were compelled to burye it at Vercelles, & 7. yeares after takinge his body vp againe, they caryed it in­to Fraunce. This Emperour had two wyues, the first was called Richildis the sister of Boson: the seconde was named Hirmendruda, of her he begat .4. sonnes and .1. daughter.

Lodouicus Balbus sonne to this Lodouicus, Pope Iohn gaue to him afterward in Fraūce the title of the Empyre: & Lotharius who dyed before his father, and Charles Duke of Aquitania, & Charlemaine Duke of y prouince: this Char­les Duke of Aquitania in wrastling with one Albinus, dyed his backe beinge broken: Charlemaine being cōpelled of his father to be a Moncke, he leauinge y e Monasticall life, (was altogether accordinge to his proper studye and instruction a warriour. Charle­maine) His father with much chiding would haue driuē him to that Monasticall life, but he would not: at the length his father put out his eyes and cast him in prison. He would haue made him a blind Moncke, but he thoughte ease and li­bertye would haue got him frends, to reduce him to his for­mer state, Then was Lodouicus only lyuinge.

This Carolus Caluus warred on the Norman [...], by y e ayde of VVelechindus the Saxon: this VVelechindus came of y e [Page] progenye of that noble VVelechindus, with whō Charles y e great had warres. Carolus Caluus made this VVelechin­dus chiefe gouernour ouer Gallia Lugdunensis: Of this VVelechindus, y e kings of Fraūce are thought to descende. Carolus Caluus made Rupertꝰ VVelechindꝰ sonne, chiefe Captayne of his greate hoaste in Italye, againste the Nor­manes who also dyed in warres. Otto the sonne of Ruper­tus by the permission of Arnulphus came to the kingdome of Fraunce, when as Carolus Simplex for yonge age, was not meete to gouerne: Of the brother of Ot­tou, Hugo the great Earle of Paris was borne, to whom by the sister of greate Otto Hugo, Capetus kinge of Fraunce was borne, the firste stocke of the kinges of Fraunce that nowe is and * gouerneth. * (⁂)

Lodouicus the thirde.

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AS sone as the deathe of Carolus Caluus was knowē to be true, the nobles of Rome & esta­tes of the Empyre did incline themselues to the choyse of the empyre, for Carolus Crassus who with his brother Charlemaine possessed Italye: but Pope Iohn bishoppe of Rome at that time, withstode it for he fauoured more the Frenchemē. But this holy and spirituall Pope, Pope Iohn was taken mouing sedi­tion and styrred an vprore againste the estates, but some of his frends in pitition to y e estates, intreated for his libertye: but he beinge set at libertye, trayterouslye fledde awaye into Fraūce to Lewes the kinge, of whom he was with all honor receyued and honoured for so holye a Prelate. The Pope for his good entertayninge & honourable receyuing, rewarded him with y e title of y e Emperour. This Lodouicus w t the Po­pes graunte and his power and mighte, became Empe­rour contrarye to the will of the nobilitye: this Lo­douicus gouerned but two yeares, he dyed in the warres attempted against Bernardus in y e marches of Italye, in the Ides of Aprill, the yeare of Christ .878. of the world 4842.

Carolus the yonger, or Crassus

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CArolus the sonne of Lodouicus [...]ermani­cus, who receyued of Charlemaine Italye, and of the other Lodouicus the kingdome of Germany by heritage. This Carolus Cras­sus with very fortunate successe, expelled the Saracenes oute of Italye, at that time as he was made Emperour of Pope Iohu [...]. Within .iiii. yeares space, the Empyre of the West had this Emperour y e third, whereby great alteration fell: and a great wekeninge to the estates. Alteration of kingdomes. So sodaine chaunges are not happening withoute y e great wrath of God, and manifest calamityes to the vniuer­sall estate. Xenophon wrote of the noble estate of common wealthes of the Lacedemonians & of y e Athenians, thus he sayth. Omnes mutationes rerumpublicarum lethales. All chaunges of common wealthes are deadlye. Also the ofte chaunge of gouernours, pulleth downe the state of coūtries: for because commonly Nouus Rexnoua lex, A newe kinge new lawes. Most happye are they that enioye the vertuous Prince: It is a manifest token of the wrath of God, the often alteration of the state of Princes. At what time as Carolus Crassus had expelled the Saracenes oute of Italye, he retur­ned into Germanye, he helde at that time the gouernment of Fraunce in his handes, The oft alte­ratiō of Prī ­ces. because Lodouicus Balbus had lefte Carolus Simplex borne after his death. The Normans en­tred by force into the countrye of Atribatum, hauing admit­ted Godfride & Sigefride for theyr Captaynes: then Caro­lus [Page 189] seeking to ayde the people inuaded of their enemyes, but his enterprises not prosperinge, he made peace with them, & gaue in mariage to Sigefride, a fayre Ladye called Gis [...]la, y e daughter of Lotharius his vnckle, and gaue for her Dowrye Frisia. But y e Normanes did not so cease, but with another Captaine called Rollo, they inuaded Neustria, but Carolus also made a league with them, and graunted them that they should haue that part of Neustria, which lyeth from y e floude Epta to the Britaynes & there endeth, it is closed in with the Frenche Ocean Sea, whose head Cittye is Rotomagū. Of these new inhabitours Normandy toke his name, which be­fore was called Neustria. To this Rollo being Christened, another name was geuen Rupertus. Carolus Simplex gaue his daughter to him in mariage: Frō this king in long suc­cessiō descended y e Dukes of Normandye. Carolus Crassus throughe his misfortune in warre, and throughe his euill leages with his enemyes, came in hatred & contempte with his owne people, sickenes also brought him lowe, wherby & with care of minde, he was not of righte minde, and left his kingdome. In his steade Arnolphus the sonne of Charlemaine was elected. This Carolus Crassus was brought to great miserye, not hauinge sufficiente to liue, he dyed afterward in a po [...] towne of Sweuia, in the Ides of Ianuary. The yeare of the world .4850.

When he had raigned .7. yeares, and in yeare of our Sauiour Christ .888. ¶ [...]

Arnolphus.

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THen Arnolphus the sonne of Charle­maine was created Emperour, & sub­dued the Normanes, who being geuen to great couetouslle neglected no meanes to catch to him his spoyle or pray, he gouerned xii. yeres & dyed of lyce: after him, y e maiestye of the Empyre fell to y e Germaynes which for the space of 100. yeares continued w t the Frenchemen. Arnolphus beinge deade, Italye and all the states thereof would haue Beringarius, by descent a Lū ­barde to be Emperour, but the Germaynes and Frenchmē would haue to enioy the Emperiall seate, Lodouicus y e sonne of Arnolphus, who gouerned vi. yeares: to whom also Cō ­radus Duke of Austria put in place raygned vii. yeares. So he had his successor Henry the first, y e sonne of Otho Duke of Saxone for xviii. yeares: By the ambition of these Princes, manye detestable vprores & seditious tumultes rose almost [Page 190] 60. yeres, frō the death of Arnolphus to Otho the first. In this sort the Italians vexed with daily inuasion of barbarous Nations, not willing to leaue y e auncient regimēt, lawes, & glory of estate, they created Beringarius Foroniliensē a no­ble mā of great renowne & a noble warriour to be Emperor.

This Beringarius ouerthrewe at Verona, Lodouicus the sonne of Arnolphus and put oute his eyes, he draue the Pā ­nonians out of Italy with moneye, he killed Guido a Duke. After he had gouerned foure yeares, Beringarius the second succeaded him, who after the thirde yeare was driuen out of his countrye of Rodolphus kinge of Burgundye: this Ro­dolphe raygned .iii. yeares, and was driuen out of his king­dome by Hugo a Duke: this Hugo gouerned .x. yeares and dyed, leauinge behinde him Lotharius his sonne, who dyed after he had gouerned .ii. yeares: after whom Beringarius y e third sent for into Italy, with his sonne Adelbertus gouer­ned it xi. yeares, who vsed himselfe with all tyrannye, & ther­fore Otho a Saxon was sent for. This Otho draue oute of Italye the father Beringarius and his sonne. Great calami­tyes fell to all Europe by the oft chaunge of Princes, whiche happened throughe the ambition of vsurpinge Princes who knew not God, and it is a signe of the great wrath of God to haue oft the chaunge of Princes, and most of all when tyrantes succeade the vertuous Princes, who be fa­thers of Christes Church rulinge with good law and discipline. ¶:¶

Otho the first.

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OTHO the first sonne of Henrye aforesayde king, this Otho was sent for to throw downe Beringarius the thirde of that name: this Be­ringarius was a wicked Prince, and a tyrant to the Romaynes. Pope Agapetus was very willinge of his comminge: this Otho came with .50000. men of warre, and draue out of Italye Beringarius with his sonne, but he gaue to them by his liberality a part of Fraūce to dwel in. But after this both Beringarius and his sonne re­belled and ouercame them: this Otho deposed Iohn the bi­shop of Rome from his seate, and put Leo in his place. This Otho deposed Bodeslaus king of Boemia frō his kingdome, because he killed his owne brother, he was a Prince of great iustice, indued with all singuler vertues, so to administer iu­stice against a murtherer, and it was with all le [...]itye to de­pose him only of kingdome, that deserued death for murther.

This Otho ouerthrewe the Rānonians wastinge and spoy­linge Italy, and in that conflicte .iii. kinges was taken of the Germaynes and hanged vp. This Emperour Otho dyed af­ter that he had gouerned 30. yeres, he was buryed at Mag­denburge a Cittye of Saxonie, beinge a noble Prince, lear­ned and an excellent warriour

Otho the seconde.

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OTHO the seconde, the sonne of Otho and Adel­hida, who was before the wyfe of Lotharius king of Fraunce, he was Crowned in his fathers life: This Otho restored Nicephorus Emperour of Constantinople (beinge put oute of his kingdome) into it a­gaine, and marryed Theophania his sister. After this he vā ­quished Henrye Duke of Bauaria, & made warres againste Lotharius kinge of Fraunce: At this time also the Sarace­nes entered into Calabria, but Otho with an armye of soul­diours went against them, who being ouerthrowen and put to flight, narrowlye escaped in a litle boate and came to Rome. Sone after this he dyed there, and was buryed in S. Peters Chappel af­ter he had raigned .xi. yeares, leauinge behind him Otho his sonne and 7. daughters.

Otho the thirde.

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IMmediatlye after the deathe of Otho the .2. Otho the thirde (being his sonne) was crea­ted Emperour of the Princes of Germanye at Rome: who as sone as he was Crowned, made Bruno a Saxon bishoppe of Rome, and that Pope was called Gregorye the sixte. At what time as Otho toke his iourney into Saxonie, this Gregory was de­posed from his Papacye, of Iohn that vsurped: but Otho full of wrath, The ambitiō of the Ro­mishe By­shops. with a greate power entered Italye and toke Rome, and put to deathe Crescentius the author of this sedi­tion, hee put oute the Popes eyes that vsurped, and restored Gregorye againe. And at this day an order remayneth that 6. Princes of Germanye should chose the Emperour .3. Ec­clesiasticall 3. Laye or secular, and the kinge of Bohemia is the seuenth, who is appointed an Vmpeare to breake of all discention in election if any ryse. This Otho when he had ruled xix. yeares dyed at Rome, not without suspition of poyson, & was caryed into Germany: his wiues name was Marye, the daughter of the king of Ara­gon, a woman geuen to all beastlynes, and vntemperance of life. ¶ ⸫ ¶

Henrye the seconde.

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DVke of Bauaria, the nephewe of Otho the first by his brother the firste kinge of the Germay­nes of that name, who was chosen Emperour of the states of Italy & Germanye. He brought Stephen kinge of Pannonia to be Christened, and to him hee gaue his sister in marryage, mouinge him a­gainst the Saracenes. This Prince gaue himselfe frō al war­res, and whollye was geuen vppe to all Religion and godly life: his wyues name was Cunigunga, whom hee loued en­tierlye, with whom he liued godly, and they were buryed to gether at Bambrige. He gouerned but .8. yeares.

Conradus the Frencheman.

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THe nobles of Italye being at discention at the death of Henry, there was apause and ceasing of anye Emperour to be chosen: but .iii. yea­res were not fullye passed, or that Conradus was chosen, borne of the daughter of Otto the [Page] first, from whom a certaine parte of Italye departed, wher­vppon hee entred Millen with a greate power and besieged it, but by the entreating of Duke Lutebrande, and y e admo­nition of the bishoppe of Collen, hee ceased from the spoile of Millen. He had fortunate warres against the Panno­nians who in this rebellion ayded y e Italians: This Cōradus subdued Burgūdie, he gouerned xv. yeres & then dyed, & was buryed at Spyres, his wyues name was Gisa the daughter of a Prince of Vandalia, of whom he begat Henry the seconde whom he Crowned king before his death.

Henrye the thirde.

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THe sonne of Conradus the Frenchmā, this Henrye assone as he had receyued his charge of the Empyre, by the con­sente of the Princes, he made Vldricus kinge of Bohemia tributary to him: he restored Peter cast out frō his kingdom of the Hungarians to it againe. In the time of this Emperour, great diuision rose at Rome about y e bishoppes, who straue to be Popes, Gregorye, Siluester and Benedicke, y e which y e Emperour draue away as vsurpers, and made the bishoppe of Bambrige Pope, whom he named Clement the second. He compelled y e Romaynes by an othe [Page 193] that they should not at anye time chose the Pope. After this he fortifyed Capua with munitiō, then he returned into Ger­many, he dyed the 18. yeare of his raigne, and was buried at Spyres. His wyues name was Agnes y e daughter of VVil­liam Duke of Aquitania.

Henrye the fourth.

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HEnrye the fourth, the sonne of Henry y e .iii. this Henrye was cursed of the Pope, and therefore of manye Historiographers he is called an enne­mye of y e Church: this Henrye began his raigne in the yeare of Christe .1507. The state of this Henrye is worthy deepe consideratiō ▪ who greatly withstode the tyranny of the ambitious Prelates, and as much as laye in him defended the state of the Empyre, beinge cursed of the Pope, who by treason was ouerthrowne into the Popes hā ­des. This Henrye was but .7. yeares of age when he began to raigne, his father gaue y e education of him to his mother, and the gouernmente of the Empyre to Conradus a noble Sweuiā. For .v. yeares space his mother gouerned very wise­lye, this Henrye throughe the treason of Conradus, had his mother taken from him, & she fledde for sauegard into a Mo­nasterye: then this Henry went into Saxonie, (the bishoppe of Cole [...], and Eccebertus a noble man of Saxonye mouinge [Page] him thereto.) This Emperour was accursed of the Pope, because he had geuē Ecclesiasticall dignityes, which y e Pope woulde haue had in his owne handes to geue: Manye Histo­ryes write that he was a vertuous Prince, well learned, & of a good witte, yet the thundering boultes of the Pope, ceased not against him, and styrred vp also his frendes to enuye at his estate. The bodye of this Henry being buryed, the Pope caused it to be taken vp, but at the last it was vuryed at Spy­res in the Monumentes of his auncestours.

Henrye the v.

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HEnrye the v. the sonne of Henrye the fourth, follo­wed the steppes of his father in withstandinge the tyrannye of the Pope, and Paschalis the bishoppe woulde not suffer him to enter into the Cittye of Rome. But the yong Prince not bearing the proude bishop­pes attempte, hee callinge himselfe Seruus seruorum Dei, The seruaunt of the seruauntes of God. Then he brought y e Pope into his iurisdiction, and toke his Crowne from him, then the Emperour returned into Germanye: by this sedi­tious Pope, great tumultes rose in Italye, wherevppon the thirde time y e Emperour entered into Italye, and put out of the Cittye of Rome Gelasius the Pope. After this he retur­ned into Germanye, and after he had gouerned xv. yeares he dyed and was buryed at Spyres amonge his auncestours.

Lotharius the seconde.

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LOtharius the second was a Duke of Saxonie, this Lotharius was made Emperour by sub­till pollicye of the Bishoppe of Magunce, hee made his first warres against y e Bohemians, but he had euill successe, and in the ende peace was concluded betwene them. The .7. yeare of his raigne, Innocentius the 2. was driuen out of Rome in­to Fraunce of a bishoppe that vsurped. The Emperour Lo­tharius to restore him againe to that pontifical seate, went to Rome and draue the vsurpinge bishop out of Rome to Apulia with other of his faction. These affayres be­inge ended, he in his iourneye was taken with a Feuer wherof he dyed, his bodye was ca­ryed into Germanye, & there buryed in a Monasterye of his name, af­ter he had gouerned .xi. yeares.

Conradus the thirde.

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COnradus the thirde Duke of Bauaria, the nephew of Henrye the fourth by his daugh­ter, he was made Emperour by y e consente of the Princes of Germanye, he had greate warres with the Saracenes in Asia, y e which warres the Historyes note, that Lewes the Frenche kinge, and kinge Richarde kinge of Englande did take in hande, but they returned withoute anye notable acte done. Conradus after these warres returned into Germa­nye, and dyed without all glorye or renowne, the xv. yeare of his gouernment, and was buried at Bambrige in Germany.

Fredericke the first.

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FRedericke y e first called Oinobarbus because he had a redde bearde, hee was by countrye a Sweuian, his fathers name was Fredericke y e brother of Conradus a king. This Emperor Fredericke was indued with al Princely qua­lityes both of minde and bodye, of noble courage, a notable & expert warriour, all felicitye followed him, much he had to do with the Popes of Rome, and with Alexander y e Pope, placing in his roume Octauius a bishoppe. He made warres against Millen and ouerthrewe it to the grounde, hee chased Pope Alexander oute of Rome, but at the length he was almost ouerthrowē of the Milla­ners: not long after this there was a league or amitye concluded betwene the Emperour & the Pope, then the Emperour toke his iourneye into Syria, & in the passage ouer a riuer was drowned, the 37. yeare of his raigne.

Henrye the sixte.

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HEnrye the sixte, the sonne of Fredericke Barbarossa the kinge of Sicile before, he maryed Constantia a holy Nunne, the daughter of Rogerus Northman. This Henrye (his father beinge deade) was made Emperour of Clement the third, vpon a condition to put out of his king­dome Tancrede a bastarde out of Sycile, because the Pope chalenged that title. The Emperour ouerthrew Tancrede, he toke Naples & spoyled it, he killed two daughters of Tā ­crede vnmaryed: Some Historiographers write that a greate plague rose, and draue the Emperour away from Sycile, but Tancrede being put to flighte, he obtayned the country of Sycile. The Em­perour dyed of sickenes, when he had ru­led eyghte yeares, he lefte behinde him his sonne Fredericke borne of Constantia.

Philippus.

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PHilippus the sonne of Fredericke Barbarossa the brothere of kinge Henrye, this Philippus was chosen Emperour, the greater parte of the Princes being willing thereto, but Pope Innocentius the .3. did chose Otho a Saxon, whose auncestours did before time defende & vpholde that pontificall seate. By this discorde they brake out to warres, the kinge of Englande gaue ayde to Otho, & the Frenche kinge to Philippus: but in the ende Otho was driuen oute of all, and Philippus enioyed the seate, but the Pope was much against it. Philippus raygned 9. yeares, & was murthered of one Otto a Countye Palatine: then ru­led in his seate Otho the fourth of that name, who before en­tierlye beloued of the Pope, and was vnder the curse of the Pope, & in his place there was placed Fredericke the second, At the length he dyed the 4. yeare of his raigne.

Rodulphus. Adolphus.

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ROdulphus a Countye of Hasburge was chosē Emperour, but before he was chosen, euē frō the death of Fredericke till .22. yeares after, there was no Emperour chosen, such discen­tion rose on euery syde, no man bearinge an o­thers state. This Rodulphus killed Othoca­rus kinge of Bohemia, he burned one that woulde haue par­swaded the people that hee was Frederick the seconde, and manye beleued it because hee was so like to Fredericke, as in England the like hath bene done of diuers which haue geuē out themselues to be y e king. This false vsurper Fredericke vsurped in Sweuia, this Emperour gouerned xviii. yeares, & was buryed at Spyres. The Countye of Nason succeaded him, who was chosen by y e nobles, but they annoyed with his beastly life, and ambitiō of this Adulphus, they chose in his place Albertus Duke of Austria: then Adulphus raysed a power against this Duke, but he was slaine in his enterprise ruling but viii▪ yeares.

Albertus the first. Henrye the vii.

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ALbertus the first, the sonne of Rodulphus the Emperour, by the consent of the Princes and of Bonifacius the Pope was Crowned Em­perour. The Pope was moued therto for en­uye he bare to the seate of Princes, and be­cause he mighte thereby worke his malitious and detestable minde against Philippe the Frenche kinge. This Emperour to gratifye the Popes minde, went with a great power against the kinge of Fraunce, but in passinge o­uer y e floud of Rhene was killed of Iohn his brothers sonne, after that he had ruled x. yeares. The Emperour his bro­ther neglected him, because he was a yong gentlemā of gret actiuitye, of excellent learning, of rare vertues (yet fearing him) would not suffer him to enioy his dignitye & reuenues, neither gaue vnto him any thing. The Emperour being thus slaine Henry of Lucenbrige a County, succeaded in the Em­pyre: the bishoppes was willing thereto, because the Prin­ces and states of Italy holped the bishop, and he would glad­lye shewe and vtter his bloudye purpose by the Emperour. This Emperour ouerthrewe y e people of Millen, he entered Rome after he was [...], but he was driuē oute of it, he had great warres against the Saracenes, but in the ende a ho­lye Dominicke Fryer poysoned him in the Sacramente: The practise of Romishe Prelates. A holy practise of Prelates to poyson Princes, it sheweth how farre they be from the Doctrine of the Gospell, from humi­litye and obedience towardes Princes. The Gospel teacheth [Page] them to obeye Princes euen to the death: but it is the fruites of the Romishe Catholickes to vtter their woluishe fayth by murther. K. Iohn. Kinge Iohn kinge of Englande (as the Historyes sheweth) was poisoned by a Monke, with diuers other exam­ples to manifest their tyrannye, which I will omitte because it is manifest: and it hath bene an oulde purpose of Romishe prelates by murther (against the lawe of God and nature) to further theyr deuilishe purposes.

Lodouicus.

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LOdouicus Duke of Bauaria, and Frede­ricke Duke of Austria, both were cho­sen Emperours, the states of Italy and Germany were deuided in the election: wherevpon neither of them would geue place, but for the space of 8. yeares, they made warres one against the other, to y e great ruine of all Italy & Germany, many seditious vprores and commotions boulstered by them, the slaughter of many noble yeares, the decay of many noble houses, & the death of many valiāt Captaynes, this is the fruites of seditiō, of cruel commotions, & of ambitious heads. At the length the Duke [Page 198] of Austria being killed, the Duke of Bauaria was a sole Em­perour: He entered Italye with a mightye power, but the bishoppe of Rome beinge not his frende, shotte oute against him his thundringe boultes of cursinge and excommunica­tion, but the Emperour little estemed his cursing God bles­singe him, and entered Rome the bishoppe not able to with­stand him, & was Crowned there of Stephanus Columnius, So little the curse of the Pope preuayled. And in this place it geeueth me occasion to write of a certaine curse which the Metrapolitan of Mosconia did curse the Emperour withal, as followeth.

⁂ The Emperour of Russia who is Emperour of Casane and great Emperour of Astracā, on a time was cursed of the Metropolitan of Moscouia, and the Emperour hearing of his curse, The Metro­politan of Moscouia. sente to the Bishoppe which cursed him, a greate stone in a platter, tauntingly saying: blesse the from famyne for I haue cursed thee. The holye bishop aunswered againe, bishoppes loue not to eate stones? the Emperour answered, nor Emperours to be cursed. But sayth the Emperour thou shalt feele not onlye what is the wrath of a Prince by so hard a stonye penaunce, but also thou shalte feele for all thy curse, that my power is without the reach of thy curse. The bishop fearing the Emperours threateninge, fledde to a poore Mo­nasterye, but he was taken, and by the waye he gaue to oure Ladye his Pall and his bishoppes roabe, to Petronilla his hatte, and to S. Michol (whom we call Nicholas) his staffe. And I saw this Metropolitan (as many more Englishe mē did to) haue a great Iron chayne about his necke, and caryed on a [...]ledde most vyle to behold, which was neuer seene afore in Moscouia: for the chiefe bishop there, is counted a Saint and father of the Emperour. After this & diuers other tor­mentes, the Emperour caused him to be torne a sonder with fierce horse: This was done in the yeare of Christ .1569. at what time as I serued with the Emperour of Moscouia.

Lodouicus made Corbarius Pope, and deposed the other [Page] bishoppe, and placed in all the Citties Maiestrates that ac­knowledged obedience to him being their Emperour. He dyed the 32. yeare of his raigne, he was a most noble Prince endued with all Princelye qualityes.

Charles the fourth.

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CHarles the fourth a Bohemian, whose father was Iohn, a Countye of Lucenburge, he was chosen Emperour and enioyed it against Ed­warde kinge of Englande elected, and against Gunter Earle of Suarlzenburge. This Charles was brought vp in learning, & in the knowledge of the chiefe languages: He made the vniuersitye of Prage, & adorned it with most sumptuous buildinges. He neglec­ted the maiestye of the Romayne Empyre, geuinge himselfe whollye from the care of it, the Pope cursed him out of Italye. He gouerned 32. yeares, then his sonne Venceslaus by a common counsell was elected Emperour. ¶ [...]

Venceslaus.

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VEnceslaus the sonne of Charles the fourthe, was vnlike to his father, & graund father in martial pollicies, who through slouthfulnes let the Em­pyre faule into ruine: hee was taken of his bro­ther sigifmundus and deposed, and in his steede was chosen Rupertus the Earle Palatine of Rhene, he dyed the .22. of his raigne. Rupertus Duke of Bauaria in fighte against Galiatius, was driuen out of the field, he went to the Venetians and to the people of Trydent, and was honoura­bly receyued of them. After this he returned into Germa­nye, and gaue himselfe to peace and Religion: hee dyed the x. yeare of his raigne, leauinge the state of the Florentines in great peril.

Sigismundus.

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SIgismundus the sonne of Charles the fourth, in all Princely glorye most excellent, of goodlye & taule personage, with all princely qualityes in­dued: a godlye Prince, excellent in al noble lan­guages. He excelled in the copuousnes of the la­tine tongue: and much blamed the Germaynes that they ha­ted the lattine tongue. He marryed Marye the daughter of a kinge of Hungary, and obtayned Bohemia of the king her father: he was often ouerthrowen of the Turkes and Bohe­mians, he put to death 32. noble mē of Pannonia beheading them. At y e last he was taken and in the custodye of a Ladye whose husbande he put to death, but with great difficulty he was deliuered: He toke awaye the contention of ambi­tious Prelates at Rome, and draue three bishoppes from their seates. Hee had a seconde wyfe and dyed the 27. yeere of his raigne. He was buryed at Alba in Hungarye. ¶****
***¶

Albertus.

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ALbertus Duke of Austria, the sonne in lawe of this Sigismundus before, kinge of Bohemia and Hungarye: Assone as he was Emperour he subdued the Nor­manes, and the people of Sweuia, also y e Pooles he brought them within his bō ­des & limittes, he broughte vnder y e fac­tions in Bohemia, he had warres w t the Turkes, but he pre­uayled not against them, he dyed of a bloudy Flixe, and was buryed with his father in lawe Sigismundus, rulinge but two yeares. The Empyre was in great calamitye by him, he left his wyfe Elizabeth the daughter of Sigismundus (afore named great with childe, who bare him Ledislaus kinge after his death. ¶ [...]

Fredericke the thirde,

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FRedericke y e third, Duke of Austria who go­uerned his Empyre with so great wisedome, that for the space of 53. yeares continuallye so longe as he gouerned, the state was vpholded with all prosperity and quietnes. He ceased manye seditious tumultes in Austria, he deliuered his sonne Maximilian frō y e Flemminges, & was Crowned at Rome of Pope Nicholas with his wyfe Leonora daughter to the king of Lusitania, who with his wife returned to Naples to greete his kinseman Alphōsus Then he returned into Germanye, makinge a foolishe vowe that hee would go to Rome on pilgrimage in poore habite, then after y t he returned into Ger­manye, and dyed the 79. yeare of his age.

Maximilian.

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MAximilian the sonne of Fredericke the thirde, borne of his wyfe Leonora, in y e life of his father the gouernment of the Empyre was committed to him. This Maximilian entering into Burgundie wher he marryed Marye y e daughter of Duke Charles, by whō he had y e Duke­dome of Burgundie: Mathewe king of Pannonia being dead he obtayned to himselfe his kingdom. This Maximilian was a noble Prince, Germanye was ge­uen all to warres in his time, yet this Prince was most desi­rous of peace, till iust & good occasion moued him thereto. He was of beautifull countenaunce, of goodly stature, brode shouldered, he was so much geuen to hunting, that neyther heate nor colde, coulde kepe him from that pastyme. He was excellent in all languages, a patrone of all learninge, This was his excellent sayinge of those that were learned. Eos se amare quos natura alios ante stare voluit: Those hee ought to loue, whom nature had made to passe other. He was a Prince indued w t all humanitye, & wisedome, in pros­peritye and aduersity all one, neyther proude in the one, nor cast downe in the other. He gouerned .33. yeares, and dyed with the griefe of all men, for his vertues so much beloued.

The most victorious Emperour Charles the fifte.

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CHarles the fift the sonne of Philippe, which Philippe was Archeduke of Austria, and y e sonne of Maximiliā & Marye: Of this Phi­lip was borne these two noble Prīces, as al writers do wryte them, Duo preclarissima orbis lumina, Carolꝰ Q. & Ferdinādus. The mother of this Charles & Fernandus, was Ioane queene of Castill: Of this Ioane, Philip begat also .4. daughters, y t is Leonora, Isabella, Marye & Katherine all these his daugh­ters were marryed to kinges: Leonora was marryed to y e king of Lusitania, Isabella to y e king of Fraūce called Fraū ­cis, at what time as he was deliuered home from Charles y e fifte, kinge Frauncis beinge in his captiuitye. Marye was marryed to the king of Dacia, Katherine to the king of Hū ­garye, their father was buryed at Burges in Castile, the yere of our Lord and Sauiour .1506. Charles the fifte succea­ded his grandfather Maximilian, by the election of all the estates: These cōmendations y e Germaynes geue vnto him.

Carolo Q. praeter fortunae & animi dotes, maximae bellorum & pacis ac­cessere felicitates, vtpote, qui tot insulas subegit, tot regulos aut bello perdomuit, aut etiam potestati subiecit quo regnante res maiorum mo­numentis inauditae obtigerunt.

[Page 201] To Charles the fifte not onlye all felicitye followed, both for fortune and the minde, but also in peace and warre he trium­phed ouer all his ennemyes, for manye Cittyes and Ilandes he brought to his subiectiō, & manye Princes and kinges he brought to his obeysance, as no Emperour more.

This Charles the fifte, vnto whom for valiante actes, maye worthily be attributed y e syrname of Magnus, in that it may be truly affyrmed, that y e vertues of this Prince were so ma­nifolde, & his qualityes so rare, that neyther the deuine elo­quēce of Cicero, nor y e graue Copie of Demosthenes, might suffice with due honour to celebrate him. And as vnpossible it is fully to describe his who [...]e conquestes and victoryes, as it is to reduce the Ocean into a litle Vessell. Wherefore al­though the burthen of this enterprise be most greate, for his noble actes fully to be spokē of: wher vpon there may happen vnto me y e like as chaunced vnto a certaine Ingrauer, who hauinge taken vpon him to set forth an Image in some stone of Porfrey or white Marble, and althoughe his workeman­shippe therein was not very perfect, yet it was much regar­ded and behelde for the raritye of the substance, and not for y e excellencye of the workemanshippe. Euen so the subiecte of him on euery syde, of whom I haue taken vpon mee to write of, is such, that of it selfe it maye very much supplye vnto the imbecilitye of my vnderstanding, and basenes of style: being encouraged therefore with these occasions to enter freely vn­der this burden, I haue thoughte it necessarye to repete the Original of the house of Austria, a familye certainly, by fate ascribed vnto Emperours. The first frō whom this most famous house had beginninge, was Leopold (syrnamed the worthye) who was created Marques of Austria, by Charles the greate, which was in the time when the Hungarians o­uercame the countrye of Germanye: but in the ende beinge ouercome of Charlemaine, The first name of Marquesses, and why they wer so called. they were prosecuted by him vn­to Buda, where first began the name of Marquesses for such noble men, vnto whom were assigned frontiers of countryes to defende, against the incursions and inuasions of the enne­myes, were named Marquesses.

[Page] After Leopold, Leopolde. succeaded Henrye the first of that name & se­cond Marques of Austria (syrnamed y e rebell) because long time he refused to obey vnto y e Romaine Empyre. Henrye. [...]. Vnto Hē ­rye succeaded Albert (syrnamed the victorious) for his mani­folde victoryes. Albert. Heruestus succeaded Albert (syrnamed the valiant.) Leopold the seconde (syrnamed the beutifull) suc­ceaded Heruestus. Heruestus. Vnto Leopold the seconde, succeaded Leopold the thirde (syrnamed the godlye) who for the god­lye deedes which he wrought, Leopolde. 2 was canonized and registred in the nomber of saintes. Vnto him succeaded Leopold the fourth (syrnamed the bountifull) for the liberalitye which he vsed. Leopolde. 3 Vnto Leopold succeaded Henrye, who of Fredericke y e Emperour was created Duke of Austria, Leopolde .4▪ which was in the yeare after the incarnation of our Sauiour Christ .1361.

Vnto Henrye succeaded Leopold the fifte syrnamed the ver­tuous, Henrye. for his manifolde good qualityes: this was y e second Duke of Austria and the first of Stiria. Leopolde. 5 Vnto him succeaded Dukes of Austria and Stiria, two brethren, Fredericke the firste syrnamed the Catholicke, Fredericke .1. and Leopold the sixte cal­led the glorious, who ouerliued his brother and gouerned prosperously both Duches. Vnto him succeaded Fredericke the seconde syrnamed the warlicke, Leopolde. 6 who was the last Duke of Austria and Stiria. He dyinge w tout any heyre, Margaret who was the sister of Fredericke, Fredericke .2. & ones wyfe vnto Henrye the king of the Romaynes, the sonne of the Emperour Fre­dericke the seconde: being now a wydowe and without hey­res by her husbande, Margaret. returned into Austria as sole heyre.

There was also an other Lady named Gertruda, Gertrude. daughter of Henry Duke of Medling (who was also brother vnto the saide Fredericke) she was geuen by him in mariage vnto La­dislao Duke of Morauia, w t whō she liued scarsely xviii. mo­nethes but he dyed, and after she was maryed vnto Herman the Marques of Bada, by whom she bare a sonne named Fre­dericke, vnto y e which withoute question had descended both the estates, if he had not bene beheaded at Naples. This Ger­truda after she had bene wydowe .iiii. yeares, returned into Austria, vnto whom was assigned to inhabite the forte and [Page 202] Castell called Medling, & vnto Margarete was geuē Hiem­burg. After Frederickes death, the treasure which was in the Castell of Starchemburg, was deuided into thre partes, one part was geuē vnto Margaret, an other vnto Gertrude, who had two sonnes Theodoricke and Albert, and the third was distributed amonge the sisters of the sayde Fredericke. After this there grewe a great discord amonge the Barons for the electiō of a gouernour, since there remayned no heyre male vnto Fredericke, of which discord to entreate of apper­tayneth nothing vnto my purpose. It sufficeth to vnderstāde that after the Empyre of Rome had long time bene destitute of a kinge, Rodulphe the Countye of Hasburge was elected kinge of the Romaynes, who gaue the Duchye of Austria vnto his eldest sonne: by whiche meanes it descended vnto this most glorious family of Hapsburg, in the which it hath continued the space of 260. and mo yeares, & hath broughte forth nyne Emperours, which are. The sayde Rodulphe, Albert the first, Fredericke the first, Alberte the second, Fre­dericke the seconde, Maximilian, Charles the fifte of whom we nowe write of, Ferdinando his brother, & Maximiliā y t raygneth. The begin­ninge of the the house of Austria. This (as most approued Authors affyrme) was y e Originall of the house of Austria. Charles the fifte was the sonne of Philippe king of Spayne, sonne to Maximilian the Emperour, and of Queene Ioane who was daughter vnto kinge Ferdinand the Chatholicke, he was borne in Gaunte a noble Cittye of Flaunders, verye famous by y e byrth of this mightye Prince. But here the better to satisfye the Reader, I haue thought it necessarye to entreate of his Petegree, by a more higher descent. Charles the sifte, kinge of Fraūce (syrnamed the wise) gaue vnto Philippe his yonger brother, The stocke of Charles the fifte. the Duchie of Burgundy: this Philip toke to wyfe a daugh­ter of Lodouickes the Countye of Flaunders, who was his onlye heyre & was called Margaret, Philippe. by whom he had a sonne whose name was Philippe, Charles. this Philippe had a sonne who was called Charles (syrnamed the warriour) who beinge slaine before the Cittye of Nance, Marye. lefte Marye his daughter sole heyre vnto manye large Countryes, who marryed with [Page] Maximilian sonne vnto the Emperour Fredericke y e third, Maximiliā, Philippe. and bare by him Philip, who had vnto wyfe Ioane the daughter of Ferdinand kinge of Spayne, Ioane. vnto whom she bare two sonnes, Ferdinande Charles. Charles and Ferdinand, which Queene Ioane being great with childe remoued vnto Gaunt where she was deli­uered of Charles, Ferdinand. as you haue harde before. Ferdinand his grandfather by the mother, was kinge of Aragonie and Ci­cilia, and had to wyfe Elizabeth the daughter and heyre of Iohn the seconde, kinge of Spayne, who afterward conque­red the kingdome of Naples: He begat [...]e of Elizabeth these children, Iohn, Isabell, Ioane, Marye & Katherine. Iohn and Isabell, dyinge withoute issue, the kingdome descended (according to the lawes of Spayne) vnto Ioane the seconde sister: by this meane therefore all the segnioryes whiche be­longed vnto the Duke of Burgundye, (who vndoubtedlye was a verye mightye Prince) and all the kingdomes whiche kinge Ferdinand possessed, descended vnto this Charles the sonne of Ioane: in the deuiding of which enheritance, all the Duchie of Austria was obtayned by his brother Ferdinand. Charles was borne vppon S. Mathias daye, which was the xxiiii. of Februarye .1500. Philippe his father dyed he be­inge but a childe of vi. yeare olde, but his grandfather Ferdi­nand liued after him tenne yeares, and continuallye duringe his life, tendered his nephewe with a fatherly affection, and procured to haue him brought vp in learninge and most ver­tuous exercises, who when he was of xvi yeares of age, say­led into Spayne, where hee was receyued with great ioye & gladnes: For the Spaniards more then anye other Natiō, are enclined to loue their Prince, and for this they did the more honour Charles, for that they conceyued to be in him great prowesse, and that their name through him woulde be much exalted. It is certaine that at the first diuers of the Barons and chiefe of the kingedome, would not accept him for their Kinge, but as a Prince, for that they supposed they should very much iniurye their queene Ioane, if they should do anye thinge against the Testamente of the worthye kinge her father. About this there arose great tumultes, but in y e [Page 203] but in the ende all thinges were acquieted by accepting him for gouernour together with her in the kingdome: Charles beinge receyued vnto the administration of Spayne, in the yeare of Christe .1517. He remayned there two yeares, in which time hee exercised himselfe, not in childishe pastimes, but in all those affayres which belonge to a most sage & pru­dente gouernour. And (a thinge to be wondered at) in that little space he so attayned vnto the conditions and behauiour of y t people, that he seemed to be borne, nourished & broughte vp amonge the Spaniardes, and yet he neuer abased in any respect the state of a kinge, for with his maiestye, humanitye was so vnited, that with difficulty it might be discerned whe­ther in him was the greater: Vnto the proude he was a ter­rour, and vnto the humble curteous, which made him to be both loued and feared of all men. Rare vertues in a Prince. These vertuous of his be­inge published thorowout all Europe, so much preuayled, y t after the death of Maximilian, the Electours chose him for Emperour when he was but .xix. yeares of age: the whiche electiō was esteemed the worthier, in y t Frauncis the French king was his competitor in the same, who had in his fauour Pope Leo the x. It is reported that Charles vnderstanding the Frenche kinge to seeke after the Emperiall dignitye, doubtinge that there mighte throughe this emulation aryse some discord, certifyed him that he also sought after y e same: Vnto whom the French kinge aunswered, that it displeased him no more, then if they were both riualles in louing of one woman. After Charles was chosen Emperour, he sent the report thereof into Spayne by Fredericke the Countye Pa­latine, who for his newes was most welcome vnto the Spa­niardes: but he ordayned certaine in his absence to gouerne the kingdome, as Adrian the Cardinall, and Charles Ceu­rus a Flemminge, instructor vnto the Emperour in feates of armes, which ruled Spayne with such tyrannye, that w t ­in short space it was altogether in Armes, vnto the vniuersal discommoditye & hurte of the whole prouince. Vpon which occasion the Frenche kinge (a Prince of great worthines) ve­rye well perceyuinge that if the Emperour were not in tyme [Page] preuented, he would in short space grow vnto such strength & power, as y t he might be a great terrour both vnto Fraūce, & al other Princes neare vnto him adioyning. He had in remē ­brance the folly of Pompeie, The small discretion of Pompeie. who permitted Caesar to grow vnto suche power and force, y t hee was not able (when after he woulde abate his might) but in processe of time throughe his negligence was by him vāquished, & by those he trusted, most shamefullye slaine. Wherevppon by this tumulte in Spayne, the Frenche kinge toke oportunitye to inuade the kingdome of Nauarra: but as the rebelles were sone ouer­come by Don Ignico Velosco y e great Cōstable of Spaine, and by Henrye the Admirall, euen so by those Captaynes y e Frenchmē were destroyed and vanquished. At this present the Emperour passed into Germany, where he was ioyfully receyued, and in the yeare after the Incarnation of Christe .1520. in the Citty of Aquisgrane, he was solemply Crow­ned Emperour with the siluer Crowne: for it is an auncient custome, that all Emperours should be Crowned at iii. fon­drye places, with thre diuers Crownes. I haue thoughte it necessary therefore in this place, The order obserued of y e Electors in chusinge the Emperour. to describe y e order which the electors obserue in theyr creation. Charles kinge of Bo­hemia and fourth Emperour, in the yeare 1306. ordayned for the same a certaine lawe, the which is commonlye called the Bull of gould. The principal points of which are these: First, vpon the certaine reporte of the Emperours death, y e Archbishop of Mense is bounde, as sone as he shall haue vn­derstandinge thereof, to certifye the rest of the electors, and to cyte them to meete together within y e space of thre mone­thes in the Citty of Franckeforde, there to elect a new Em­perour: & that they which cannot at the day appointed come themselues, do sende theyr deputyes with full commission & authoritye. Yea if it should happen the Archebishoppe to be necligent in accomplishinge the same, yet they notwithstan­ding are bounde to meete there within that terme, and none of them to enter into the Citty accompanyed with more then two hundreth horses, amonge which there must be, but .50. [Page 204] men of Armes: and he that doth not appeare himselfe nor by his deputye is for that present depriued of his Electorshippe. The first pe­naltye. Moreouer the Maiestrates of Franckforde, are bounde to permitte them to enioye all Fraunchesses and libertyes: & not to suffer during the dyet, anye other person to enter into Franckeforde, besyde the electors and theyr familyes. After they be all assembled, they haue seruice solemplye celebrated for them in S. Bartlemewes, where, in their prayers they pray vnto God, that in the present election he wil vouchsafe to endue them w t his grace, and to illuminate theyr hartes w t his holye spirite, that they maye chuse a good and vertuous Emperour. The othe. After this they sweare, y t in the election they will worke nothinge neyther for fauour, rewarde, condition or promise. In fyne they come to consultation, from whence they may not depart, vntill they haue chosen the Emperour: for if it happen that they conclude not within the space of one monethe, The seconde penaltye. then all kinde of victuels are taken from them, excepte onlye breade and water. And as touchinge the elec­tion, he that is chosen by most voyces, enioyeth as much pri­uiledge, as if they had all consented to the same. The Electi­on beinge in this maner as you harde ended, The othe of y e Emperour. and the Empe­rour created, he is sworne to establishe all the electors priui­ledges, with al such rightes as appertayne to theyr dignity, liberty, and immunityes. I pretermit for breuitye diuers o­ther cōditions, which to write would make a large volume.

* At this time Martin Luthar, did moste feruentlye and learnedly enueighe against the Popes vsurped supremecye, and his erronius traditions.

The Emperour considering how that Frauncis y e Frenche kinge attempted the conquest of the kingdome of Nauarra, and vnderstandinge that the sayde kinge was in Arde, there to meete with the kinge of Englande, to conclude with him a league and peace: supposed y t if the Frenche kinge mighte obtayne anye such league of amitye at the kinge of Englan­des hands, (whose valiant courage he verye well knew was inferiour to no Prince that euer liued, and whose power (as bothe Fraunce and Scotlande can testifye) was inuincible: [Page] might be vnto his attemptes very preiudicial, or to say more trulye an vtter subuersion. Wherefore after hee had polli­ticklye consulted vpon these ambiguityes: Immediatly vp­pon king Henryes returne into England, the Emperour w t all speede possible, sayled thither also, where the king recey­ued him very royallye, with whom the Emperour so much preuayled, that in the ende the kinge (for y t he was his kinse­man) ioyned with him in league: Henrye the eyght a terror to Princes. Such was the mighte and worthines of this most triumphante Prince, that these, two of the most mightyest Kinges that haue of long continuance raigned in Europe, omitted no occasions that mighte be de­uised, to procure his fauour and frendshippe.

After the death of Lewes the French kinge, Frauncis dis­cending from the royall familye of the Valesi succeded him: who hauinge a minde desposed to attempte waightye affay­res, determined the conquest of Milane: and hauinge in re­dines a warlicke hoast of worthye souldiours, prepared be­fore of king Lewes for the same intente, without protracting of tyme, marched forward with his armye, which was of .8. Thousand men of armes, euery one of which ledde with him thre horses: viii. thousande light horsemen, & twentye Thou­sande footemen, amonge these were .x. thousande Almanes verye valiaunte and hardye souldiours, with .xx. ensignes of Ghiunie men, Gascoynes & Biscalines, with these Nations he marched into Italye by secrete, & vnused bye wayes: for at the perswasion of Triuultius he passed ouer the the Alpes of Argentera, Prospero Colonna taken prisoner by y e Frenchmen. with such celerity and sylence, that vnawares Prospero Colonna, who then was at Villa Franca, with 5. hundred men of Armes and light horsemen, was with all his taken prisoner. This Colonna and the Cardinall Sadunese were y e Popes generalles ouer his armyes. After the Frēch mē had fought diuers times w t the souldiours of the Pope, & of the Sforzeschi, by a Cittye appertayninge vnto the Du­chie of Millen, they fought also twyce with twentye Thou­sande Suizzers verye valiantlye, and in the ende after they had with doubtful successe continued y e battaile the space of xvi. houres, the Suizzers were by the French horsemen put [Page 205] out of order and so vanquished. There were slaine in two bat­tayles, aboue ix. Thousande Suizzers, besydes as manye mo which were wounded, the other that escaped fledde thorowe Millen, and so returned into their owne countrye. After the Milaners had receyued this great ouerthrowe, Millen in the Frenche kin­ges handes. being aban­doned of the Suizzers, they opened y e gates vnto king Fraū ­cis, who victoriouslye entered Millen. The Duke whereof Maximilian Sforza fledde into the Castell, which for feare yelded it vnto the Frenche kinge: vpon this condition, that the king should pay him yearely during his life, xxxv. Thou­sande Crownes, and that he as longe as he liued, should ne­uer depart out of Fraunce, withoute lycence obtayned of the sayde kinge. In this maner as you haue harde Millen be­came subiecte vnto the Frenche kinge: presentlye after this he went vnto Bonnonie, wher he met with Pope Leo, with whom he entered into a league of frendshippe, Carniual we call it shroue­tyde. and after hee had passed the Carniuall in solace and pleasure, he returned into Fraunce, and for a fewe yeares enioyed quietly that mi­serable and vnfortunate estate.

After the death of the Catholicke king, before y e going of Charles into Spaine, A truce taken betweene the Emperour & the Frenche kinge at Noion. he made a truce by his Embassadors with kinge Frauncis at Noion in Burgundye, rather of ne­cessitye enforced thereto, then moued by good wyll: for hee mighte neither safelye nor spedelye haue made his iourneye, not hauing the frendship of this stoute and mightye prince: The conditions of which accorde were these. First, that the Emperour should restore Nauarra vnto y e sonne of kinge Iohn, if the arbitrators whiche were to determyne the con­trouersye, would iudge it reasonable: Moreouer y t he should paye euery yeare vnto king Fraunces, an hundred Thousand Ducates for the kingdome of Naples, to thende it might ap­peare that he had some right to the clayme thereof.

This accorde beinge concluded by a Prince of .xvi. yeares of age, could not be of much force, for the tribute was neuer payde: although in the behofe of the Frenche kinge, it was diuers times demaunded. Charles who possessed the king­dome of Naples lawfullye as his inheritaunce by his grand­father [Page] [...] [Page 205] [...] [Page] Ferdinand, thought it a discredite to paye tribute for his owne, for he well knewe that in so doinge he should haue abased his lawfull title: Moreouer hee esteemed it a greate dishonour that the Frenche kinge shoulde enioye the state of Millen, which was tributarye vnto the Empyre, withoute hauinge any iuste title or clayme thereto: Also the beinge of the Frenche men in Italye, caused him to doubte of the safe enioyinge of the kingdome of Naples. Wherefore after con­sultation had vppon these differences, hee fullye determined and disposed himselfe to reuenge the iniuries offered him by the Frenchmen, and with all speede to driue them out of Ita­lye. Hee appointed as generall in this enterpryse Prospero Colonna, and Fraunces Daualo Marques of Pescara, hee made generall ouer the footemen. The Frenche kinge not ignorant of the Emperours determination, sent into Italye an armye of souldiours, wherof a great part were Suizzers, ouer whom was Captayne Monsignor de Lotrecco, who marching with great celeritye out of Fraunce, drewe neare vnto the same bridge ouer y e which Prospero Colonna had passed to go vnto Cremona: So that the two hoastes incoū ­tred as it were face to face at Rebecco. The Captaynes of y e Suizzers, being desyrous to ioyne battayle wyth theyr enne­myes▪ desyred Lotrecco that he would graunt them lysence to geeue the charge vpon the Emperours armye: And also Francesco Maria Duke of Vrbine, a wyse & valiant Prince who then was in the Venitian Campe, affyrmed by good ar­guments that the conflicte would haue bene vnto them most prosperous. But Lotrecco (no man wittinge the occasion) woulde not by anye perswations, condiscende therevnto, al­thoughe euerye man affyrmed that Colonna had encamped his armye imprudentlye, Great wyse­dome in the encamping of an armye. and in a place of greate disauaun­tage, which opinion he himselfe verifyed shortlye after, by re­tyringe with his armye into a more safe and better defenced grounde: and in the ende verye politickelye passed wyth his armye ouer y e ryuer Adda in certayne small boates Whose passage Lesen a Captayne of the Frenche kinges resisted all that he might, for he well perceyued that passage to importe [Page 206] verye muche, but he preuayled little with this his attempt, wherefore he retyred with all speede vnto Millen. When y e Marques of Pescara marched with y e footemen, ouer which he was generall, towardes the Cittye also: The Spaniar­des approching neare vnto the Towne, and vewinge euerye place diligentlye, founde a secrete enterye into the same by a Posterne gate, who not omitting the present occasion which fortune as smyling offered vnto them, passed with force tho­row the trenches neare vnto which Lotrecco was encamped in the Suburbes: Millen taken of the Empe­rours souldi­ours. & assaultinge the Frenche and Venitian souldiours at vnawares gaue them a marueilous greate o­uerthrowe, and toke prisoner Signior Theodoro Triuultio generall o [...]er the Venitians, who at that present was vnar­med, An ouer­throwe of Frenchmen. as one that loked not for anye such assault. The Mille­ners who greatly fauoured the parties of Sforza, and might not well support the greate pride and cruelty of the French­men, at midnighte opened vnto the Emperours armye the gates of the Cittye, and receyued him with great ioye.

Lotrecco at this instant (althoughe no man pursued him) w t the Frenchmen at Armes fledde vnto Cremona, whiche at length he obtayned, and attempting in vaine the conquest of Pauia, incamped at Sesto, mindinge to assault Millen. But he founde in a redines Prospero Colonna and Sforza, who with great affection was followed of the Milleners: The French­men & Suiz­zers are van­quished. where­fore he went vnto Bicocca, where a battaile was foughte, in which the Frenchemen were ouercome, and a great nomber of them and of the Suizzers slaine, and in this conflicte was slaine Albart Peter their Captaine. Pope Leo as it was thought kil­led w t poyson. After this fortunate suc­cesse the Emperours souldiours wanne Lod [...], Piccightone and Alexandria. At this time dyed Pope Leo, who as it was suspected) was murthered by empoysonmēt: Adrian the 6. created Pope Vnto him succeded Adrian the sixte.

At this present the Marques of Pescara toke the Citty of Geane, The Citty of Geane taken by the Mar­ques of Pes­cara. whiche he permitted to be sacked of the souldiours. Adrian the Pope entered Rome at such time as the misera­ble Cittye of the Rhodes (so muche celebrated of aunciente wryters, beinge a securitye vnto all Christendome, of mar­ueylous [Page] force) was after a longe siege, The Citty of Rhodes takē by the Tur­kes. wonne by Soliman the Emperour of the Turkes, a most deadlye ennemye vnto all Christians, & yelded vnto him vpon certayne conditions by Monsignor Litidaine, the chiefe gouernour there for the Christians.

And now the Emperour to gratifye the Milleners, inues­ted Fraunces Sforza with the Duchie of Millen, and also concluded a league with the Pope, for the defence and con­seruation of the Duchye vnto the sayde Sforza: into whiche league entered the Venetians, who esteemed this the onlye meane to restore Italye vnto libertye. Notwithstandinge this league, & the manifolde ouerthrowes which the French men had sustayned, yet no chaunce that mghte happen, was able to withdraw the inuincible minde of king Fraunces, frō the conquest of Millen: Wherefore with all speede he prepa­red a mightye hoast of .32. Thousand footemen, The seconde comminge of kinge Fraū ­ces into Ita­ly to conquere Millen. among whō were xii. Thousande Suizzers, and of .xii. Thousande horse­men. But the Duke of Burbon Constable of Fraunce, did somewhat staye the Frenche kinges hastye comminge into Italye, for Madame Aluigia the kinges mother seemed by force wrongfully to take from the sayde Duke certayne Ca­stelles which appertayned of right vnto his Duchie: where­of he complayned vnto y e kinge, of whom hee receyued so dis­couragious and aunsweare, No cause ought to moue a man against his countrye. that he was moued beinge much iniured to conceaue displeasure against him with desyre of reuenge, which desyre in the ende toke effecte: And nowe y e kinge for diuers considerations, thought it necessary to haue his companye, but the Duke (otherwyse mindinge) fayned himselfe to be sicke, & was visited of the king, who sayd y t in any wyse he should go with him vnto the cōquest of Millen. Vnto whom the Duke (to satisfye him for the present) aun­swered that he was contente. But after the kinges depar­ture, he vsed this subtiltye to escape: and hauing sent before the army certayne of his family with a Horse litter, in which were his Ensignes and Armour, al men supposing him like­wyse tobe in the same, secretelye with a small companye of horsemen he roode into Burgundie, a countrye of the Empe­rours, [Page 207] in which he leuyed x. Thousand footemen, minding to assault Fraunce presentlye after y kinge shoulde be departed thēce, as he had decreed with the Emperour longe before: by the working of Adrian Baureno, who was sent vnto him to debate of this enterprise, in the habite of a marchaunte. After the Duke had molested the countrye of Fraunce with those Duchmen, atchieuing no exploite worthy of memory, he departed into Italy: In whose place the French king au­thorised Vvill [...]ā Gofferius his Admiral, who greatly damp­nifyed y e Emperours hoast. The death of Prosper [...] Colonna. At this present Prospero Co­lonna dyed, to supplye whose charge was appointed Char­les Lanoia the Viceroy of Naples. Gofferius entringe into Italye with the armye aforesayde, draue from the ryuer Ti­cine the Emperiall hoastes, and pitched his tentes not farre from Millen, & determined to besiege y e same: whose power the Emperours Captaynes not able to resist in y e fielde, w t ­drewe themselues into the Cittye, which they afterwarde perceyuinge to be weake and slenderlye furnished of victual­les, forsoke it also, and returned vnto the defence of certayne other fortes and Castelles. These Captaynes were scarlye departed the Cittye by the gate called Porta Romana, bu [...] the Frenchmen who conceyued hope of victory, by celeritye entered into the same Cittye, by the gate whiche goeth vnto Vercelli. The souldiours would haue sacked the Cittye but the kinge who was replenished with clemencye and mercye, would not in any wyse permit them. After the Frenchmen were entered Millen, Anthony Lodia a most famous Cap­tayne toke vpon him the defence of Pauia, and the Marques of Pescara with the Spanish footemen marched vnto Lodi: and Don Charles Lauonia, with Fraunces Sforza went vn­to Cremona, and the Duke of Burbon being gone into Ger­manye to leuye souldiours. While these things were thus a doing, king Fraunces was doubtfull, whether it were bet­ter to assault Lodi, or to cut of y e Duchmen before they came to Pauia: but in the ende after longe deliberation his sinister fortune enduced him to marche vnto Pauia, at suche time as the Duke of Burbon was returned out of Germanye, with [Page] a great supplye of that countrey souldiours, and the kinge hauing sent a greate parte of his armye vnto the conquest of Naples, beinge abandoned also of 7000. Grisones, was en­forced with that companye which was left him, to ioyne bat­tayle with the Emperours souldiours. In which confliete y e Marques of Pescara Lanoia, & the Duke of Burbon so vex­ed the Frenchmen, An ouer­throwe of Frenchmē. that in the ende they gaue them a greate ouerthrow: Which the couragious kinge perceyuinge, en­tred with his horsemē into the battaile, and fought most va­liantlye, not omittinge anye dutye that mighte appertayne vnto a most valiante Captayne, or worthye souldiour. But in this conflicte the kinge at one instante receiued three mis­fortunes: the first, y e Duke of Alonson with foure hundred fledde awaye: secondly Anthonye Leua with his souldiours issued oute of Pauia, who at the first entrye into the battaile put to flight two Thousande Italians: and thirdlye with an inuincible courage, set vppon the Suizzers and brake theyr arraye. The king also had behind him the Duchemē whose force he was notable to resiste because they kept theyr order, and were stronglye enbattailed, and the Spaniardes did so assaulte him on euerye syde, that in the ende his armye was whollye discomfited and vanquished, and hee himselfe taken prisoner by Lanoia, The French­kinge taken prisoner. who entertayned him curteouslye, ho­nouring him with all dutye appertayninge vnto so puisant a Prince. Some write that the Duke of Burbon first appre­hended him, willing him to render himselfe prisoner vnto y e Emperour: A worthye aunsweare of a Prince. vnto whom the kinge aunswered that he would not yelde vnto a traytour. There were slayne in this blou­dye conflicte, aboue viii. Thousande Frenchemen, besydes .xx. of the noblest Pieres in all Fraunce: there were taken prisoners of noble men besyde the kinge. The kinge of Na­uarra, the bastarde of Sauoy, y e Popes Legate, Monsignor Memoransi, Monsignor de Florenge, the Lorde Lescu, the Lorde of Buonauille, y e Lorde of San Polo, Viconte Galeaz­zo, Fredericke of Bozzolo, the Prince of Lorene, Monsig­nor de Brion, Monsignor Dobeguino, Fraunces the bro­ther of the Marques of Saluzzo, with manye other Barons [Page 208] and gentlemē. Of the Emperours souldiours were slaine a­bout 700. This conflicte happened vpon S. Math [...]as daye, which was the day of the byrth & Coronatiō of y e Emperour. A rare vertue in a Prince, for after reporte was broughte to him of this great victorye, & taking of the French kinge pri­soner, he shewed not any signe or token of ioye: but rather cō ­sidering the vnstablenes of fortune, & infinite calamityes pro­per vnto the estate of mans life, he desyred secretelye in hart for euer to liue in peace, rendring prayse vnto the bounty of y e Almighty God, y t had opened so present a waye, for the quiet establishment of y e estates of Italy, which he greatly desyred. Whervpon by letters directed from him vnto Don Charles Lanoia, he exhorted the kinge with patience to embrace this vnfortunate accident, vnto y e like wherof all men are subiect: and to be conducted vnto Piccighitone, where (thoughe his cruell fate had in one instant deiected him frō so high & migh­ty estate & dignity, y t he was become a prisoner vnto his enne­mye, with greate losse and death of his people) he sheewed a singuler fortitude, & an incomperable temperance of minde: for he was neuer seene to vtter or manifest in his talke or coū ­tenaunce any alteration, eyther by myrth or sorrow, neyther did there at any time sighe procede frō him: also he would w t such sobrietye, & skil entreate of that cōflict, as he gaue great cause of admiration vnto such noble men as hard him, of his singuler iudgement in the same. He only lamented y e vilenes of the Suizzers, who in the beginning fought so valiantly, & now the victorye being in their handes, fledde so cowardlye. Not long after, Lanoia by order & appointment trāsported the French king (because the Emperour woulde not in anye wyse see him) into Spaine, King Fraū ­ces caryed un­to Spayne. and placed him in Madrid with a sufficient garison, for the safe custodye of his person: where he continuinge prisoner, voyde of all hope to receyue any cur­tesye or fauour at themperours hands, in y e ende by thought taking and pensiuenes, became very sicke: whom in that ex­tremitye the Emperour at the earnest sute of diuers his fa­miliars, & in moste curteous wyse promised to restore him w t al speede vnto libertye. Neyther did he protracte the time in [Page] accomplishing his promyse, King Fraun­cis deliuered out of prison. for vpon these conditions he was shortly after redeemed. First, that he shoulde dispossesse him whollye of Italy & Burgundye, & that when the Emperour should repayre into Italye to be Crowned, the kinge shoulde sende at his proper costes & charges to garde his person, sixe Thousand footemen, 600. men of Armes, & as manye Ar­chers w t Crosseboweson horsebacke, vnto al which the king should pay wages for sixe monethes: And for the sure perfor­mance of these cōditions, he shoulde cause to be deliuered for hostages, of his thre sonnes, y e two eldest Frauncis & Henry: and y t not performing the conditions he should come & restore him selfe prisoner againe: Also to thende that this league & agrement might be of y e greater force, the kinge should take vnto wyfe Helenor his sister, who was left wydow by Ema­nuell y e king of Portingale, by whō if he should haue childrē, themperour promised to inuest them with y e Duchie of Bur­gundie. Charles the fift maryed Isabell daughter vn­to the king of Portingale. These conditions being ended & condiscended vnto, the kinge was set at liberty, & returned into Fraunce. Not long after themperour marryed Isabel sister vnto Iohn king of Portingale, & daughter of y e foresayd Emanuel, & contrary wyse he gaue for wyfe vnto y e sayd king, Madam Katherine his sister. Through this league betwene themperour and y e French kinge, a greate suspition was conceyued by manye, that they had coniured y e destructiō of diuers Princes: wher­vpon, Pope Clement, the king of Englande, and the Vene­tians renued theyr former league, vnto theyr mutuall securi­tye. Frauncis Maria Duke of Vrbine Captayne of the Veneti­ans. And the Venetians presently moued warre for the deli­uery of Sforza besieged in the Castell of Millen, ouer whom was generall in y e enterprise, Frauncis Maria Duke of Vr­bine, who w t great courage toke Lodi: wher he attended the cōming of 4000. Suizzers, which had bene leuyed by y e offi­cers of kinge Fraūcis. The Armye also of Pope Clemente, which was conducted by Signior Gionaū de Medici ioyned vnto his: Segnior Gi­onaum de Medici Cap­tayne of the Popes soul­diours. at suche time as Sforza with his souldiours in the Castell of Millen was driuen vnto such extremitye through want of victuels, y t secretelye he caused to be signifyed vnto y e Duke of Vrbine, that w tout presente supplye of victuels, hee [Page 209] was not able to abyde the siege any longer. Wherefore the Duke together w t Gionaum de Medici, hauing in theyr cō ­pany .15000. footemē, & 2000. horsemē, marched towards Millen & encamped at Porta Romana, wherethey gaue cer­tayne couragious assaultes: but finding verye stronge resi­stāce, they desisted frō making farther attempt for y t present, minding to attempt y e cōming of y e Suizzers, who now were passed the Alpes. Wherfore vpon this resolutiō they retyred with both theyr Armyes vnto Marignano, w t intent to ioyne with the Suizzers, but by reason of theyr carryages, theyr enterprises was so slow, that the souldiours of Sforza which were besieged in the Castell, not being able any lōger to sup­port theyr extreme famyne, sente Giacomo Philippo Socco vnto the Duke of Burbon, to signify y t Duke Sforza would yeld the Castell vpon reasonable conditions. The Duke as one that desyred nothinge more, Frauncis Sforza yel­deth the Ca­stell of Millē vnto y e Duke or Burbon. graunted that he should de­part fre w t all his, & promised also to geue him Coma, which when afterward he woulde haue possessed, the Spaniardes which were therein refused to part thence: sayinge, that al­though the Citty was geuing vnto him, yet it was not so cō ­discended y e they should leaue it. Sforza perceyuing him to be deluded, went vnto y e armye of the league, not cōplayning of themperour, but reportīg y t he was deceyued & iniured of his officers. At this time Don Vgo Moncada was arriued in Naples w t a fresh supply of souldiours, which he brought out of Spaine, who mindīg to remoue y e Pope frō the league cō ­cluded against themperour w t the Princes of Italye, Cardinall Colonna ran­sacketh the Popes Pal­lace. induced Cardinal Colonna to make warre against him, who beinge destitute of souldiours for his defence, fled into the Castell of S. Angelo, where he was so straightly enclosed, y t he had vic­tuels scarcely for thre dayes. Cardinall Colonna being very wrathful towardes him in the behalfe of themperour, w tout resistance of anye sacked the Popes Pallace: & woulde haue passed farther, if Moncada who was the occasiō of this, had not otherwise perswaded him. Whervpon a truce was con­cluded betwene him, & the Pope for 4. Monethes, with con­dition that y e Popes souldiours should retyre frō the territo­rye [Page] of Millen, vnto the other syde of the ryuer Po: & hauing receyued pledges for the performance of the same, he depar­ted from Rome, at such tyme as Don Charles of Lanoia be­inge returned out of Spayne w t an armye of Spanishe foote­mē, encountred with y e Popes armye at the riuer of Lauoro, where after long fight, he was ouercome and put to flighte. After which conflict a peace was entreated of, which in the ende was concluded betwene themperour & the Pope, vpō this condition: That Don Charles of Lanoia should cause to returne & desist from farther proceding the Duke of Burbō, who was reported to march towards Rome, with intent to sacke the same. Don Charles met with y e Duke, but he pre­uayled nothing, for he said y t his souldiours (who were with­out money) would not in any wise be withdrawē frō the rich pray of that Citty: except y e Pope to auoyde that inconueni­ence, would geue him to pay his souldiours .4. hūdred thou­sand Crownes. Of which aunsweare Don Charles certify­ing y e Pope, he seemed in countenance nothing to accompt or regarde the same, but y e Duke of Burbon cōtinuinge his ior­neye came to Ronciglon, which presently he ransacked, and frō thence he went vnto the Suburbes of Rome: when the Pope (who imprudētly had dismissed his souldiours) w tdrew himselfe with a great nomber of his Cardinalles, into y e Ca­stell of S. Angelo, othersome recoueringe themselues for feare into other strong places, so y t Rome was with smal re­sistance easelye taken. But at the assault thereof, the Duke of Burbon was slaine with an Hargabuse, The death of the Duke of Burbon. so that the souldi­ours being withoute a chiefe ruler, sacked the same, exerci­sing therein sondry kindes of extreme crueltye, and y e Pope who was straighty besieged in the Castell, Rome taken and sacked. & not well furni­shed with victuels, was enforced to entreate for his libertye: for the obtaynment wherof, he destributed for a pray among the souldiours .400000. Crownes. At this instant Don Charles who concluded the peace dyed, & in his place succe­ded Don Vgo Dimōcada, in whō the Pope hauing no great affiance, the morning followinge, vnaccompanyed of any in the habite of a seruinge man, he mounted vpon a good horse [Page 210] and departed oute of the Castell, from whence he rode vnto Oruielo. This taking of Rome was occasion that the kinge of Englande, the Frenche kinge, the Pope, and the Vene­tians, renued their league against the Emperour: Where­vpon the Frenchmen wanne Geane, and besieged Naples. At this instante the Emperour was in Spayne, who vnder­standing that against the estate of Millen and his kingdome of Naples, was moued a most terrible warre, beinge at that instant destitute of money, did by singuler pollicye very wel prouide, both for the defence of the Duchie, and sauegard of the kingdome: And being very wrathfull against y e French kinge, for that he had broken his fayth and promise made vn­to him at Madrid, Charles the fi [...]te chalen­geth the com­bate of the French king. did challeng the combat of him, and sente him the defyance by one of his Haroldes: vnto whom was geuen no audience, but diuers and sondrye skoofes. About this instant Phillipine Doria gaue a notable ouerthrowe by fight vpon the Sea, vnto the Emperours Nauye, in which were slaine seuen hundreth souldiours, the greatest nomber whereof was Spaniardes, together with Moncada, and di­uers other valiant Captaines, and Signior Ascauio Colon­na, with the Marques of Guasto were takē prisoners. Not longe after this conflict, Andrea Doria not satisfyed by the Frenche kinge for the good and faythfull seruice which hee had done vnto him, reuulted vnto the seruice of the Empe­rour, and caused Geane to rebell against him. At this pre­sent beinge in the yeare of Christ .1528. when the French­men besieged Naples, y e whole armye almost was destroyed by an vnknowen disease, which rose amonge the souldiours, and Lotrecco their Captayne dyed also at that instante: the yeare following the Frenchmen were whollye driuen out of Italye, which caused the Frenche kinge to conclude a peace with the Emperour, which was determined in Cambrai by Madam Aluigia the kinges mother, and Madam Margaret Aunte vnto the Emperour and daughter of Maximilian: y e accorde was, that the kinge for the raunsome of his sonnes, shoulde paye vnto the Emperour two Millions of goulde, & should cause al the souldiours to depart which as yet remay­ned [Page] in Calauria and Puglia. The ouer­throwe of the Turkes. At this instant Ferdinand the Emperours brother, gaue a great ouerthrow vnto the Tur­kes. And in the yeare of Christ 1530. the 24. of Februarye, which was S. Mathias daye, The Chro­nation of the Emperour at Bononie. so much fortunate vnto Char­les, hee was by Pope Clement Crowned Emperour at Bo­nonie with a Crowne of goulde, and an other of Iron: For tenne yeares before (as you haue hard) he was Crowned w t the siluer Crowne at Aquisgrane, The signify­cation of the iii. Crownes which signifyeth y e king­dome of Germanye: that of Iron which was accustomed to be receyued in Monza nye vnto Millen, betokeneth y e king­dome of Lumbardye: the Crowne of gould representeth the Empyre of Rome. At this Coronation by the request of the Pope, Frauncis Sforza vppon a certayne composition, was by themperour restored vnto the Duchie of Millen: also the Emperour at the instance of this Neronius Pope, and Sedi­tuis Cateline conquered Florence, and reduced that noble & famous common wealth into a priuate estate, geuinge it vn­to Alexander de Medici the Popes nephewe (who was pre­sently created Duke thereof) and to his posteritye for euer.

At this present there arose a great discorde amonge y e Prin­ces of Germanye, concerning the reformation of the abuses in Religion, for Fredericke the Duke of Saxonie, and Phi­lippe the Langraue of Hessa, with diuers other, refused a­nye lōger to obeye vnto the false, & erronious traditions of y e bishoppe of Rome: wherevppon was ordayned a dyet by the Pope, whose person was represented by Cardinall Campa­gio, but nothinge worthye rehersall, was concluded in the same. In this yeare Mulemanse kinge of Tunnis dyed, who left behind him two sonnes, Mulerosetto who was the elder, and Muleasem: Mulirosetto for that he was the el­der was Crowned kinge, but Muleasem by the ayde of cer­tayne of his frendes, moued warre against his brother, and in the ende draue him oute of Tunnis. Wherevpon, Muli­rosetto hauing intelligence that Soliman was at that instāt in Germanye, went vnto him, and besieched his ayde for the recouerye of his kingdome: vnto which demaunde y e Turke consented presentlye, and sent with him Barbarossa into Af­frica, [Page 211] supposinge by that meane, to make himselfe patrone of that Segniorie: this warre (as after you shall heare) passed in such sort, Soliman the second time enterpriseth the conquest of Vienna. that themperour in proper person was enforced to sayle into Affricke. But at this present I will continue y e History of Vienna. The Turke to reuenge the ouerthrow whiche kinge Ferdinand gaue him, assembled an huge hoast of .200000. souldiours, or as many affyrme of .300000. with the which on S. Iohn Baptist daye he entered Hunga­rye, deuidinge many troupes of horsemen in sondrye partes of the countrye, ouer whō was generall Abraim Bassa, who caused to be made in one instant, manye Bridges ouer Sana: For leauinge the ryuer Danubius on the right hand, he mar­ched directlye vnto Stiria, a prouince verye plentious of all kinde of victuels. The Emperour hauinge vnderstanding of these doinges, he caused all the Spaniardes which were aboute Florence to repayre into Germanye, with a greate parte of the Italian footemen conducted by the Marques of Guasto, whiche were in nomber aboute fyftene Thousande chosen footemen, after whose comminge there repayred vn­to the Emperour also Don Ferrāte Gonzaga, who brought with him two Thousand Italian horsemen, amonge which, besydes those of the Duke of Ferrara, there were manye knightes and gentlemen who serued of their owne accorde, desyringe to wynne honour in so noble an enterpryse. The Pope also sent thither Hippolitus a Cardinall of the fami­lye called Medici, with diuers other knights and gentlemē, together with a great somme of moneye, to leuye in Hunga­rye viii. Thousand souldiours: vnto this enterprise also ther resorted the most part of the noblest gentlemē of all Germa­nye: so that all these assembles, amounted vnto .90000. footemen, Solimā fea­reth to ioyne battayle with the Empe­rour. and thirtye thousande horsemen, all which when they came vnto Vienna, were deuided into three armyes, & awayted the comminge of the Turkes, for the rumor went y t Soliman woulde bidde them battaile. Who, althoughe hee had sent his defiance vnto Ferdinand and the Emperour, yet continuallye he discosted from Vienna: which cowardlynes of him so muche encouraged the Christians, that not a little they contemned the base courages of the infidells, especially [Page] that they were farre greater in nomber then the Christians. But Soliman not mindinge to returne withoute the atchie­uing of some notable enterprise, Michalo­glie. sent Michaloglie Captaine ouer the aduenturers with .15. Thousande horsemen, to o­uerrunne the Countrye, who was encountred first with the Palsgraue, whose Ordinaunce afflicted him not a little: and in the retyre Lodouico Lodrone, made a second spoyle of his souldiours, and y e residue were slaine by y e Hungarians, who set vpon them at vnawares, so that verye fewe of them esca­ped. Vppon which discomfiture the Turke fearing his vtter ruine, Soliman fly­eth from the attempte of Vienna. desisted from the attempt of Vienna, and w t all speede retyred ouer the ryuer Mura, ouerthrowinge the Bridges alwayes as he wente, fearinge continuallye that the Empe­rour was at his backe. It is written that he ledde with him for slaues .30. Thousande Christians, besydes a greate nom­ber which he slue in diuers places. After the runninge away of the Turke, the Emperour returned into Italye, leauing with his brother Ferdinand a sufficient supply of souldiours for the defence of the Countrye: and at Bononie Pope Cle­ment met with him, where was concluded a peace betwene them for sixe monethes. Immediatlye after which conclusiō hee sayled into Spayne, where hee had vnderstandinge that Mendoza was in Cerene besieged of the Turkes: againste whom he sent Andrea Doria, who rescued the Citty and put the Turkes to flighte, at which time also the More of Alex­andria, a Captayne of Solimans was vanquished vppon the Sea, by Girolamo Canale Admirall ouer the Venetiā Na­uye. At this present Pope Clement, who continuallye en­ueyed the prosperous estate of this noble Emperour, hauing a minde onlye bente vnto wrathe and reuenge, procured the obtaynment of a most firme & sure frēdship with the French kinge, by geuing in mariage vnto Henrye his second sonne, Katherine the daughter of Lorenzo de Medici, which Hen­rye by the death of his elder brother, was afterwarde king, and his wyfe Katherine Queene. This meetinge and newe parentage betwene the Pope and kinge Frauncis, nothinge contented the Emperour, who conceyued small securitye to [Page 212] remayne in the vnconstant Pope, and lesse assurance of peace in the French kinge. Also at this instant Philippe the Lan­graue of Hesla, The Lan­graue ende­uoureth to molest the state of Lum­bardye. for diuers iniuryes which he alleged he had receyued of the Emperour, being (as it is supposed) ayded & supported by kinge Frauncis, beganne to disturbe thestate of Lumbardye. Wherefore the Emperour doubting the Lā ­graues forces, the Popes vnconstancy, & the Frenche kings dissimulation, like a polliticke Prince, prouided sufficient re­payres agaynst the deuises of his enemyes: for as before time hee had promysed in maryage Margaret his daughter vnto Alexander Duke of Florence, so the better to establishe his seate in Italye, hee gaue Christerna the daughter of Chri­sterne kinge of Dacia, and of Isabell his sister for wyfe, vnto Frauncis Sforza Duke of Millen, which he did aswell to re­moue all suspition of depriuing the Sforzeschi at anye time of the Duchie of Millen: as also to gratifye the Venetians whom he alwayes knew verye desirous of the libertye of I­talye: Also he gaue vnto the Duke of Vrbine, the Duchie of Sora, and vnto Doria Melfi, and longe before he was assu­red of the faythe & frendship of the Duke of Ferrara, for the sentence which hee pronounced agaynst the Pope (in his be­halfe) vpon the Cittyes of Modena and Reggio: Moreouer he allured vnto him Fredericke the Duke of Mantua (vnto whom he gaue that title) by promisinge him the Marchesat of Monferrate, which afterwarde he gaue vnto him.

At this time Barbarossa who was sente of Soliman into Affricke, established Mulirosetto in the kingdome of Tun­nis, by conquering of Muleasen, & forcifyed Goletto, which is the keye of that prouince (beinge a most stronge forte, by reason of the manifolde marishes which inuiron the same) w t a great nomber of Moores for the safe keeping thereof.

While these thinges in this wyse proceded, The death of Pope Cle­ment. Pope Clemēt who pretended in hart muche euill agaynst the Emperour, was preuented by death when he had raigned xi. yeares, and in his place was created Alexander Farnese, called Paule the thirde. At the time of whose creation the Emperour had intelligence, that Barbarossa had driuen Muleasen oute of [Page] Affrica, in such sort y t the whole countrye became as it were tributorye to the Turke. Wherefore he by the ayde of the Pope, the king of Portingale, and diuers other Princes, ga­thered a Nauye of two hūdreth sayle & passed into Affricke, whose comminge did not a little disturbe the tranquillitye of Barbarossa: Neuerthelesse with a stout and valiant courage he prepared all thinges necessary, for the defence of y t Golet­to, distante from Tunnis .xii. myles, nye vnto which the in­cursion of the Sea, hath made a poole, in such wyse, that by reason of the lownes of the water, there is no passage from thence vnto Tunnis, but by a little canall or streame. The Emperour after he was arryued within the cōspectt of Go­letto, caused the Nauye to lye at Ancar, and certaine souldi­ours to land by little boates, who with theyr Hargabushes draue awaye the Moores which defended the Sea banckes: then the Emperour caused Trenches to be made, and plan­ted the Artillery about the Tower to batter the same, The takinge of Goletto. which after diuers skyrmishes and assaultes, made both by Sea & lande, was taken with a marueylous occision of those which were within the same, so that fewe escaped, for they whiche lept into the poole were slaine with Hargabushes & pykes. After Barbarossa had vnderstandinge of the taking of Golet­to, although he was greatly terrifyed thereat, yet like a pol­liticke and valiant Captayne, he comforted his souldiours: sayinge, that he doubted not, but that in shorte space, by the ayde of the Arabians, he shoulde be reuenged of the receyued damages, and also of force to expell his ennemyes out of Af­frica. Muleasen (who as you haue harde) was by Barba­rossa deposed from the kingdome, repayred vnto the Empe­rour, humblye beseechinge him that he woulde restore him vnto it againe: the Emperour accepted his comminge, and gaue him a verye frendlye countenance, promisynge to ac­complishe his request. But while he was busyed in repay­ringe for the siege of Goletto, and in furnishinge the same w t munition and Armour, Barbarossa with twentye thousand horsemen, of Arabians and Moores, amonge whom were a great nomber of Archers and Gunners, sodainlye assaulted [Page 213] his armye in such sort, that he was enforced to ioyne battaile with them, in which encounter the Spanishe horsemen not able to support the force of the Arabians, were cōstrayned to retyre vnto their ensignes: which y e Emperour perceyuing, (like a most worthye Captayne, and most valiant souldiour voyde of all feare) with the men of Armes so stoutely char­ged them, The worthy­nes of Char­les the fifte. that he compelled the enemyes to leaue theyr Ar­tillery behinde them, and to commit themselues vnto flight. After this glorious victorye (althoughe the Emperour was not a little diswaded) yet he continued his enterprise, deter­mininge to driue Barbarossa out of Affricke, and to deliuer from bondage manye Christians which were in Tunnis: towardes the which hee marched presentlye with his whole hoast, and beinge come neare vnto the Cittye, as much as he mighte hee prouoked his ennemyes (who were in the Sub­burbes) vnto battayle. But Barbarossa not a little terrifyed by his late ouerthrowe, refused the offer, and through his in­estimable choler, fel into such a frensye, that he caused all the Christian captiues, to be bound with two chaynes, and to be put into the Castell of Tunnis which hee woulde haue ouer­throwen with Gunnepouder, if when he was consultinge w t the Maiestrates, what order was best to be obserued for the defence of the Cittye, certayne which detested his cursed and dampnable intente, had not secretelye set them at libertye by vnlosinge theyr bandes, and geuing them sufficient weapon and armour, with the which they might defende the Castell against Barbarossa, whereof as sone as they had obtayned y e full possessiō, they made with a Standarde a certayne signe by the which they signifyed that they would yeld the same vn­to the Emperour. Barbarossa vnderstandinge of the losse of the Castell, endeuoured by fayre wordes and large promi­ses to get the same againe, Barbarossa flieth toward Bona. but he preuayled nothinge, wher­vppon dispayringe to winne anye good successe, hee fled with vii. Thousande Turkes towardes Bona, which in time past was called Hippona, where he had caused to wayte in a re­dynes, to serue him if occasion so requyred .xiiii. Gallyes and certayne Foystes. The Emperour hauing certayne intel­ligence [Page] of the worthye acte of the Captiues, and of the flight of Barbarossa, marched immediatlye with his armye vnto y e walles of the Cittye, against whom came the Maiestrates & proferred him the keyes of the same, promisinge to become his obediente and faythfull subiectes. Wherefore hee com­maunded that no hurt should be done vnto the Cittye, but y e souldiours which entered in at other gates, of whom y e chiefe were Duchemen, did thorowly spoyle the same: the Empe­rour made verye muche of the slaues which were in the Ca­stell, who were in nomber more then .vi. Thousande, and to euery one of them he gaue moneye, and promised them ship­pes and prouisiō, necessary to conducte them into their owne country. This happye successe had y e enterprise of Affricke.

Then the Emperour accordinge to his promyse, restored Muleasen vnto his kingdome, vpon this conditiō, that yeare lye for a tribute, he should sende him a cast of Faulcons, and sixe Barbarye horses, that he should alwayes be ennemye vn­to the Turkes, a frende vnto the Christians, and at the deuo­tion of the Empyre. After this as a most triumphant con­querour (or another Alexander,) he departed frō Affricke into Cycilia, from thence to Reggio and so to Naples, where he had vnderstandinge that Frauncis Sforza Duke of Mil­len was dead, The death of Frauncis Sforza Duke of Millen. and that the Frenche kinge renued the clayme and tytle whiche he had vnto that estate: and also that in his absence by Philippe Sciabotto his Admyrall, he had taken, burned, and destroyed diuers Cittyes, Townes and Castel­les in Piemont, appertayning vnto the Duke of Sauoye. These doinges of the Frenche kinge so muche displeased the Emperour, that the winter beinge passed, hee iourneyed vn­to Rome, where he was receiued of Paule the thirde, and of the whole Cittye with great solemnitye and pompe: & there in the presence of the Pope and many other noble men, with a verye excellent Oration he bewayled the great vntruth of the Frenche kinge, and rehersed vnto them the manifold in­iuries, which the kinges of that Nation had alwayes vsed against the house of Austria, with reprouinge also the kinge for breakinge the accorde which was made at Madrid, pro­testing [Page 214] y t he had obserued and performed any of those vowes whiche he promised beinge his prisoner, for the recouery of his libertie: and y t in his absence he had vexed Piemont with most cruell warres, wherfore he concluded, that althoughe he had most iuste occasions, to moue war againste the kinge and to assaile his kingdome, yet to auoyd th'effusion of chry­stian bloud, The Empe­rour offereth to fighte the combat with the Frenche kinge, at Ra­pier & Dag­ger. he profered to finishe and end all controuersies, vppon condition that he would fight the combat with him at the Rapier and Dagger. The French embassadors which were presēt, would haue answered in their maisters behalfe but the Pope would not permit them, who endeuored with curteous talke to mittigate the wrath of the Emperour, but he litle preuailed, for presētly after his departure frō Rome: in Prouenza he assembled an huge hoste of horsemen & foote­men: ouer which footemen was captayne the Marquyse of Guasto, Don Hernā ­do Duke of Alua. ouer the men of armes the Duke of Alua, and ouer the light horsemen Don Ferrante Gonzaga: in this hoste as most authours affirme were .50. thousand footmen, and .30 thousand horsemen: with this royall army the Emperour entered Prouence which he found abandoned, but his nauie ouer which was general prince Doria alwayes folowed him to supply vnto the want of all such cōmodities as were nede­full for his host, for the Frenchemen to endamage their ene­mies had consumed with fyre, their owne corne and all other prouision, for which doing the kynge released them of their ordinary taxes for ten yeares. At Bregiola the French horse men in a conflict were vanquished by the imperiall horsemen as they marched vncircumspectly in a playne, and diuers of their captaines taken prisonners: A great nom­ber of them­perours ar­my destroyed with sicknes. not long after whiche en­counter there happened so mortall a plague in th'emperors army, that 18000. of his souldiers dyed, wheruppon he re: tyred into Geane: but while he was in Prouence the french King had prepared an hoste of .40. thousand souldiers for y e recouery of Geane, vnto whiche city his captaines gaue a fresh assaulte, but Augustin Spinola who valyauntly defen­ded the same and gaue thē the repulse, that they reysed theyr campe and returned into Piemont, where they ioyned wyth [Page] the residue of the french captaines: and not long after Kyng Frauncis entred Flaunders, where hee toke Edine a verye strong cytie whē he had besieged the same 50. dayes: wher­vppon the Flemings with all spede gathred an army, & nere vnto Turwin they gaue the Frenchmen a great ouerthrow: but while these euents happened in Flaunders and Piemont: An ouer­throwe of Frenchmen. Soliman began to make war against the Venetians, so that both by sea and land he greatly endamaged the territories of the christians, without any resistaunce made against him, by reason of the continuall discord betwene the Emperour and the Frence King: wherfore the Pope hauing present occasi­on for that a truce was taken betwene these two mighty prin­ces for 6. moneths, sent to perswade with them his embassa­dours, who so much preuailed that in the end they consented to meete at Nizza where also y e Pope mynded to be present, who so vehemently in his talke exhorted them vnto peace, w t manifesting vnto them the greate ruine that otherwyse was lyke to ensue vnto all Christendome through their contenti­on, that in the ende a truce was taken & peace concluded be­tweene them for ten yeares. After this accorde the Empe­roure passinge throughe Fraunce returned into Flaunders, Where the citizens of Gaunt refused to pay their taxes, and had expelled y e Emperours officers, but they not able to de­fend the cytie against his power rendred it vnto his maiestie, who after he had vnto th' example of all other greuouslye pu­nished the principalles and chief authours of this rebellion, caused a Castell to be built in the city, to remoue from them all hope of rebelling that myght happen in tyme to come.

The amytie concluded betwene the Emperour & the french King continued not long, The Castell of Gaunte builded. for Kynge Frauncis sent embassa­dours vnto the Emperoure to requyre him that vnto the ac­corde he would inuest his sonne with the Duchy of Milaine, vnto which demaund the Emperour would not in any wyse consent, wheruppon the Kinge became verye wrathfull and conuerted his good wyll into extreme hatred, and encoura­ged William Duke of Cleueland to rebell against the Em­perour, vnto whome he consented the rather for that Charls [Page 215] denyed to inuest the sayde Duke with the Duchie of Gelder­land, The Duke of Cleue rebel­leth against themperour. which he claymed by the right and title of his mother. Wherefore the Emperour (who at this instante was vppon sondrye occasions departed oute of Flaunders into Germa­nye) hauing intelligence of the French kinges practises, not prouided of a sufficient armye, signifyed vnto him that he in­tended to geue the kingdome of Flaūders vnto his sonne the Duke of Orlians: vnto which promise the kinge for diuers considerations geuing no credite, continued his former pre­paration for the warres, being thereto the more incensed for that his Embassadours verye valiante, Rincone and Cae­sar Fregoso were slaine not farre from Pauia, by an ambush of Spaniardes contrary to the lawes and order taken in the truce. But whyle these thinges thus proceded, the Barons and commons of Spayne (who in the Emperours warre a­gainst the Turke, would not contribute anye summe of mo­neye,) beinge nowe greatlye vexed by the kinge of Algiers, proffered vnto him by their owne consent and accord, that he would (vnto the benefit of all Spayne) make warre against thenfidels, to ayde him with as much moneye as shoulde suf­fice for the maintaynance of the same. Thenterprise of the Empe­rour against the king of Algerie. Wherevppon them­peror whose chiefe desyre was to suppresse infidels willingly accepted thenterprise, & leauing in the cōfines which border vpon the French king, sufficient garrisons of souldiours for the safe keping of the same, he iorneyed with all speede into Italye, and after hee had in Millen prepared all thinges ne­cessarye for that warre, he wente vnto Luca where the Pope met with him, who endeuoured by all meanes possible, to re­nue the vnitye which was before concluded betweene him & the French kinge: but he nothing preuayled, for themperor openlye declared that he woulde not in anye wyse surrender the state of Millen vnto the Frenchmen, whom he knewe to be so vnsatiable that hauinge that, they woulde endeuour by all meanes to depriue him of all other his segnoryes in I­talye: Also he sayde it greatlye displeased him, that hee who bare the tytle of the most Christen king, shoulde be in league with the Turke, by occasion whereof there ensued daylye no [Page] small damages vnto the Christians. The Pope not able to bring to effecte that which he desyred returned vnto Rome, and the Emperour the beginninge of October with .xxxvi. Gallyes, The Ilands Baleariche. sayled vnto Corsica, hauing sent his shippes before vnto the Ilandes Baleariche, from Corsica hee sayled vnto Bonifacio, and from thence vnto a Cittye of Sardinia called Larghera: A calfe borne with two heades. where, the same night in which he was arriued, a Cowe brought forthe a Calfe with two heades, which was brought vnto the Emperour to be seene, by him that oughte the Cowe. From thence hee sayled towardes the Ilande Minoreca, but being marueilously afflicted with tempestes, he arryued with much daunger at the Porte Mahone: Porte Ma­hone. from whence he sayled vnto Maiorica, where he founde Don Fer­rante Gonzaga Viceroye of Cicilia, in a readines with .vii. Gallyes of that Countrye, and .50. greate Italian shippes, which together with those that the Emperour had, made in nomber a hundred and fiftye: from thence themperour say­led vnto Algeris, which he besieged in .3. places, deuidinge his people beinge of .iii. Nations into .iii. companyes: The Spaniardes were encamped vpon the sydes of the hylles, o­uer whom was Captayne Don Ferrante: The Duchemen at the foote of the hilles neare vnto Themperours pauilion, and the Italians (ouer whom was generall Camillo Co­lōna) were encamped in the plaine neare vnto the Sea syde: So that the Emperour nothing doubted the takinge of the Cittye, but while hee expected the comminge of the victuels with other prouision from the shippes, sodainlye from Hea­uen there fell a terrible raigne, which continued thre whole dayes withoute ceasinge, together with such a tempestuous winde, that it drowned manye of the Shippes and Gallyes which laye at Anker, and the miserable souldiours whiche swamme towardes the lande to saue themselues, were most cruelly slayne by the Turkes, and Arabians, and his souldi­ours by standing so long time in the water without victuels became so faynt, and weake, that ther seemed but shadowes of men, they were so bereft of all courage: throughe whiche mishappes the Emperour was enforced to rayse his siege, & [Page 216] in those shyps whiche he had left him to embarke his souldy­ers, A most noble act of a prince for whose safegarde he caused a greate number of verye fayre gennets to be drowned, preferring the lyues of these fe­ble souldiers, before the preseruation of such excellent races. An example most worthy to be remembred at this present of most nobles, who contrary to the example of this most noble Emperour are not ashamed for a litle vayne pleasure which they conceiue, to accompt much more of the flying of a byrde or running of a dog or horse, Our christiā brethrē ought to be cherished then of manye poore christians, whome by Gods precepts they are bound to cherishe. Yea so vncharitable are their lyues, & brutish y e doings, of y e coue­tous y t most lyke vnto prophane Epicures, they study only to make thē selues happy in this trāsitory world, in which they thinke alwayes to remayne, for if they thoughte of any other to come, they woulde not as they do, continually keepe their gates shut, their eares closed vnto the cry of the port, whose cause no doubt God the most iust iudge, will in the end accor­ding to his vnfallible promise reuenge vnto their vtter con­fusion, and subuertion of the ruinous securitye whiche they buylde vpon. But to returne to the historye, as the Empe­rour was the fyrst that landed, so was he fyrst that entred in to shyp, after whose entrye, the mariners launched and say­led towards Spaygne, (but by occasion of tempest which se­perated the nauie) some were driuen vnto Cicilia, other vn­to Geane, but the Emperour with much trauaile landed in Carthaginia in Spayne: suche was the miserable ende of y e enterprise of Africa, The affaires of princes, troblous. which as it was a discomfiture vnto all christians, so it was especially vnto the Emperour. At this present the Dolphin not expecting y e Emperours returne, with a mighty hoste besieged Persegnano, but not being able to win the same, he raysed his siege and departed: at whiche tyme Charles Duke of Orliance toke in the cōfines of Lux­enberge many townes and castels, and in the ende the cytye it selfe, Laundersey taken by the Frenchmen. but afterward it was recouered agayne by the Em­perours souldiers: the nexte springe after this, the Frenche King tooke Laundersey a city not far distāt from Cambrai: and Monsignior Vandosme was sent by the sayde King in­to [Page] the countrey of Artois where he tooke by compositiō Tur­nay, and also wanne Mentarole, also Monsignior Lange who was gouernour for the King in Piemont, wan Chie­rasco and possessed Verolenge, Pinauolo, Sanigliano, Mō ­calier and Turine, & the emperiall captains were patrones of Fossano, Chieri, Alba and Vercelli, with dyuers other places. Moreouer the French King, who wholy desired to molest and endamage the Emperour, induced the Duke of Cleues when the Emperour was sayled vnto Algeris to leuy certaine souldiers against him whiche he willinglye dyd, not mynding to manifest his pretence vnto the worlde, vntyll he might vnderstand newes of the Emperours estate whose correction he greatly feared, for when it was reported the Em­perour with all his nauye to be drowned hee much reioyced, and refused to defer the assaulting of Anwarpe, after which he had so long thirsted, wherfore he assembled his souldiers, and with his armye marched towardes Eburone, desyringe the citizens of passage thorowe the same, saying that he was going to conduct home his wyfe, daughter vnto the King of Nauarra. But the Eburones denied his demaund, sayinge that they would not permit any to passe thorow the citye into the country of the Emperours enemie with suche an armed company: The Duke of Cleues assal­teth Anwarp The Antuerpians vnderstanding the pretence of the Duke sent againste him seuen thousand Flemings, but they were repulsed by the Cleueners. Roshemio a valiaūt captaine, generall for y e duke of Cleues entred Brabant spoy­linge the countrey as he went, againste whome was sent the prince of Orenge, Roshemio captaine of y e Cleueners. who in a conflict was put to flight, and so retired into Anwerp: which cytie Roshemio afterward be­sieged, but it was so valiauntlye defended that he raysed his siege, and marched towardes Fraunce thorowe Flaunders, where he tooke many cyties and townes, and meruailouslye endamaged the whole country. At which tyme the French King also to the end he might the more molest and debilitate the proud forces, A deuelishe practise of a christian king renued his league with the Turke, whom he exhorted & perswaded to inuade the frontiers of Spaigne, which he did with th' effusion of much christian bloud and no [Page 217] benefite vnto the Kinge: moreouer the Frenchmen attemp­tinge to wynne Cuni, were couragiouslye repelled by the Spaniardes, and the Imperiall souldiers tooke Carigna­no, a place of great force adioyning nye vnto Turine, which as hereafter you shall reade caused y e warres to become more cruell then they were at any tyme before. But whyle these warres continued these mighty princes, the Duke of Saxo­nie, and the Langraue of Hessa depriued the Marquise of Brunswick of his estate: and the King of Englād for diuers iniuries done vnto him by the french King renued his league with the Emperour, who not willing to detract tyme passed out of Barcelona into Gean with .40. gallyes, and certayne greate shyps which conducted twelue thousand Spaniards and seuen hundred horses: from thence he went vnto Busetto wher he was exhorted by y e Pope (who wayted his cōming) vnto peace with the French King, but he beinge desirous of reuenge would not in any wyse condiscend therunto: and frō thence he departed thorow Germany with an incredible de­syre to ioyne battaile with the Duke of Cleueland: at which instāt y e nauie of Barbarossa appeared at Cistia which great­lye feared the Pope, The Turke concludeth a peace with Ferdinand. but without doinge of hurt it departed towardes Prouenza and Soliman returned into Hungary, when after he had taken Alba Reale, and obteyned Strigonia he concluded a truce with king Ferdinand. The Emperour continuing his iorney came vnto a stronge cytie of the Duke of Cleuelāds called Dura, which was defēded by a valyaūt Captaine named Flattes, Flattes with a garrisō of worthy souldiers, this citye the Emperour assaulted, and in the ende when af­ter great occasion and losse of th' assaulters he had taken the same, the souldiers most cruelly committed all they found a lyue to the swoord, and after the ransackinge consumed the whole cytie with fyre. The Emperour folowing his good Fortune, went vnto the Cyties neare adioyninge whiche beinge terrified by Bura, Duraburnt by thēperors souldirs. did of their owne accorde open their gates vnto him. The Duke not a lyttle feared by the winnynge of so strong a Citty, determined to commytte his whole state and life vnto the Emperours clemency, who [Page] at lengthe throughe intercession and longe sute made by the Marquise of Brunswicke and the Prince of Orange in his behalfe, he was permitted in safetye to repayre to the Em­perours presence, of whome after humble submissyon he ob­tayned pardon vppon certaine reasonable conditions: And not longe after the Emperour procured him to renounce the mariage of the Kinge of Nauarras daughter whome he had not as yet espoused, and to take vnto wife a daughter of king Ferdinandes his brother: he pardoned also Rossenio, retei­ninge both him and his hoste vnto his seruyce, with whyche myghtye armye, together wyth the ayde that was sent hym by the Kynge of Englande, he marched towardes Picardie, endamagiuge very greately the French territoryes: mynd­inge before he would attempt any newe enterpryse, to reco­uer againe the countrey of Luxenburge, especially Laund­ersey, a Cittye of a greate force, whiche althoughe at that in­stant was well garded wyth valyaunt Captaines, souldiers and a good companye of lighte horsemen, yet it was by hym battered with greate ordynaunce in one instante at three sun­dry places, but the strength of the walles was such that the battry little hurted: the siege continuing notwithstandinge Kinge Frauncis came thither with a greate power, whoe greatly desyring to vittel the Cittye, sente before his armye Monsignior Brisack, and Decarso wyth certaine troupes of horsemē to prouoke y e enemies vnto battayle, betwene whō there began a lyuely cōflict, at which instant y e french kinge (hauing caused to be ladē certain carts w t victuals appeared as though he would also enter into battaile, The Frenche King vitai­leth Launder sey. but not omitting the present oportunitye, by mayne force he pearced thorow y e enemyes, making a notable slaughter of the resistantes, and so vittayled the Cittye, furnishing also the same with freshe souldiours, and taking from thence the olde with their Cap­tayne Landa who was hurt, in exchaunge of whom he placed Varminio a most worthye souldiour: And the next day fol­lowinge hee wente vnto Cambrai, by which time the Empe­rour was ioyned with his armye, vnto whom the Frenche kinge profered battaile, which offer he willingly accepted & [Page 218] prepared his hoast to fighte, but the Frenche kinge not min­ding as he spake, Tee Frenche king after hee had proferred battall flyeth into Fraūce. departed with his armye, and so returned into Fraunce. Vpon whose departure the Emperour by reason the sharpe winter, went into Flaunders mindinge the Springe followinge, (by the ayde of the king of Eng­lande) to renue his warres against the sayde kinge: who al­thoughe he had intelligence of the great preparation which the Emperour and the kinge of England made for the inua­sion of his country, omitted not to prouide for his affayres in Piemont: but sent thither an armye of .xx. Thousande soul­diours, ouer whō was generall Monsignor d' Angie, who with small resistance recouered certayne Townes & Castels which the Frenchmen a litle before had loste, and remayned in the field as a cōquerour, (for the Marques of Guasto was gone vnto Millen to leuie souldiours) and brought the Cit­tye of Carignano vnto suche extremitye, that Pirro Colon­na who was in the same not being able to encounter with his power, was enforced to awaite y e comming of the Marques, who making hast to vittell the sayd Cittye, was encountred by Monsignor d' Angie, and after long fight ouercome and put to flighte, & with that nomber of souldiours which was left him, he recouered Hasti, being sore wounded. It is writ­ten that in this battaile were slaine of the Emperours soul­diours .10. Thousande, and of the Frenche .4. Thousande.

At this present Amida the sonne of Muleasen (whom the Emperour had restored as you haue harde vnto his king­dome) draue his father out of y e Realme, who flying againe vnto themperour for ayde, receyued letters that hee shoulde staye for his comminge at Naples, but he vnderstanding that his sonne was become Lorde of the whole kingdome, leuied with such money as he had left him, An vnnatu­rall acte of a sonne. certaine Italian souldi­ours, and sayled into Affricke where in a conflicte he was o­uercome, and taken by his sonne, and afterward by him most cruelly depriued of his eyes: The king of Tu [...]me was depriued of his eyes by his sonne. for which acte Amida fearing the displeasure of themperour, laboured to conclude a peace with the gouernour of Goletto, who knowing the minde of the Emperour not to be greatly greued with his facte, wil­linglye [Page] agreed to his demaunde. At which instant while y e Emperour and the kinge of Englande, were seriouslye oc­cupyed, in prouiding of all such necessaryes as were expedi­ent for the maintaynance of warre agaynst the French king, at Rome certaine noble men with the French Cardinalles, leuyed souldiours to fight in king Fraūcis quarrel, & diuers other noble men of the same Cittye, with the Duche Car­dinalles, hauing money sente from the Viceroye of Naples, leuyed a power likewyse in y e Emperours behalfe, betwene which two companyes happened diuers successes. But the Frenche men which were in Piemont and Lumbardye be­came so mightye and terrible to theyr ennemyes, y t the Mil­leners had forsaken theyr Citty for feare, if Cosmo Duke of Florence had not at the verye instante sent .2000. footemen to defende them against their ennemyes. Notwithstanding Pirro Colonna yelded vppon certaine conditions the Cittye of Carignano vnto the Frenche men, who of king Frauncis was entreated with muche curtesye, and requested with ho­nourable entertainment of the sayde kinge to serue him, A worthy ex­ample of a saythful sub­iect towards his Prince. but be would not in anye wyse condiscende thereto, for which cō ­stante fidelitye towardes his Prince, the kinge highlye com­mended him, and with riche rewards licensed him to depart, and returne vnto themperour. Who, hauing acquieted the tumultes of the Duke of Cleueland, and the Realme of Hū ­garye not molested by the Turkes, proceded in his determi­nation together with the kinge of Englande, who at that in­stant was arriued in Picardye: where, not mindinge to con­sume time in vaine withoute the atchieuinge of some notable exploite worthye of memorye, Bolloigne wonne by the kinge of Englande. besieged Bolloigne the strong Mayden towne of Fraunce, which after hee had battered in sondrye places (to the greate destruction of the Boloigners) was yelded to his mercye, who in proper parson entered the same: setting at libertye all that were there, and lycensinge them to depart with bagge and baggage. And themperour in marchinge toward Paris, The Prince of Orenge flame. besieged Sandesir, at the assault whereof Landa the Frenche Captayne was slaine, and like­wyse the Prince of Orenge, who serued the Emperour: but [Page 219] notwithstanding his death, he continued thassaulte in suche wyse, that no succour appearing, Sanserra the Captaine yel­ded the same vnto the Emperours mercye: at which time y e French king was come w t his armye vnto the ryuer Marne, where on the contrarye syde the Emperour was encamped with his boaste, who desyred greatlye if he mighte, to ioyne battaile with the French king. Kinge Henry the eighte, a terror to all Fraunce. The winning of Bolloigne brought such terror vnto the Frenche Nation, that the Pa­risians, thinkinge theyr kinge to be taken prisoner and van­quished, embarked their treasure, and sayled downe the ry­uer Seane towardes Normandye: but hauinge vnderstan­dinge of the contrarye, they returned vnto the Cittye.

While these two couragious Princes with their mightye hoastes thone against thother, certayne respectes mutuallye moued them to conclude a peace, especially the French king, who verye well comprehended that if he should loase the vic­torye in that battayle, all Fraūce would become subiect vn­to the Emperour and the kinge of Englande: wherefore (by the Deuine operation) when it was least looked for, a peace was concluded betweene them vppon these conditions, that the Emperour shoulde geue in marriage vnto y e Duke of Or­lians, his daughter which he had in Spaine, and Flaunders for her Dowrye: and that the Frenche kinge should marrye a daughter of king Ferdinandes his brother, with whom he woulde geue the Duchie of Millen for a Dowrye: to resolue vpon which waighty causes, the Emperour requested a yea­res deliberation. Moreouer it was condiscended that after the maryage shoulde be solemnized (vnto which the Duchie of Millen shoulde be geuen for Dowrye) yet themperour to keepe in his possession the fortes of the same, and of Cremo­na vntill they should haue borne vnto them a child, and that then vpon the deliuerye of these fortes, the kinge shoulde re­store vnto the Duke of Sauoye, all the Townes and Castel­les which hee had taken from him in Piemont: and finallye that eyther to other should restore al such Citties and Tow­nes, which in the confines of Flaunders they had gotten the one from the other, since the truce taken at Nizza.

[Page] At this present a great nomber of the Princes of Germa­nye and free Citties of the same, kept a Dyet in Smalkaldia a Cittye appertayninge vnto the Duke of Saxonie, for the reformation of Religion: the chiefe where of were the Lan­graue of Hessa, and the Duke of Saxonie, which two Priui­ces for diuers iniuryes done by the Duke of Brunswicke a­gaynst the Citty of Coslaria (which was one of the confede­rates) expelled him oute of his Duchie, and in the ende toke him prisoner. This doinge moued the Emperour vnto wrath, and therevpon sent vnto the Langraue, willing him to set at libertye the sayd Duke, and to restore him vnto his Duchie, which the Langraue did not onlye refuse to accom­plishe, but also beinge furnished with a mightye Armye of his owne, and of the confederates, marched against the Em­perour, sayinge that he mynded not to restore that which he had gotten by Conquest: this aunsweare muche greued the Emperour, insomuche that with as muche celeritye as hee might, beinge not a little ayded and prouoked therevnto by the Pope, he leuyed a huge power, intendinge as sone as the season of the yere serued, to make warre against the Princes of Germanye. The death of Henry the .8. king of Eng­lande. At this present dyed Henrye the eight king of Englande, leauing to inherite the kingdome, Prince Ed­warde his sonne, & in Marche the same yeare dyed also Fraū ­cis the Frenche kinge: The death of king Fraun­cis kinge of Fraunce. but to returne vnto the affayres of Germanie. The Emperour to iustifye his attempte, cyted the Duke of Saxonie and the Langraue, to appeare at a dyet at Ratisbone, but neyther of them woulde come, wherefore he depriued the Duke of Saxonie of his Electorshippe, and pronounced against him and the Langraue, a banishment or perpetuall exile out of the Empyre, geuing for a praye their Dominions vnto such as woulde by any meane occupye the same. At the fame of the Emperours preparation for this warre, certayne Princes and free Cittyes ignorante of his pretence, beganne greatly to feare his sodaine tempest: The cause was, that the Emperour alwayes before that instant, accustomed vnto the preparation of anye warre, to requeste theyr ayde and counsayle: wherevppon manye Cittyes seate [Page 220] vnto him their Embassadours, aswel to vnderstand his mea­ninge, as also to siguifye theyr prompe readines to serue in his affayres. The Empe­rours aun­sweare vnto the Embassa­dours. Vnto whom the Emperour gaue great than­kes, for their large offers and good wil: saying, that for this enterprise he had no neede of their ayde, since that he minded but to correcte certaine personnes, which rebelled against y e Empyre: and that therefore hee had geeuen them no vnder­standing of his determinatiō, for that he reserued their ayedes vnto affayres of greater importance, and so dismissed them. The Princes nothinge impaled with themperours condem­nation, and Edict pronounced against them, continued their enterprise, and gathered to withstand his violence an Armye of 80. Thousand footemen, and of 15. Thousande horsemen, with a hundreth Peeces of Artillerye 6000. Miners, 300. boates for bridges, and .800. Cartes for y e caryages of shot and munitiō, vnto which were appointed. 8000. horses, wel furnished with all sortes of Artificers that were needefull. This maye be accompted one of the greatest hostes that euer was amonge Christians: wherevpon the Langraue percey­uiug a present signe of victory to be offered by fortune, deter­mined not to omitte the same, but sente presentlye vnto the Duke of Saxonie, willing him in any wyse to send his horse­men vnto him, that he mighte at vnawares assayle y e Empe­rour, who as then was not prouided of souldiours for his de­fence, (which if he had done withoute question he had driuen themperour out of Germanye) but the Duke voyde of rea­son deferred the tyme, and neglected the wise aduertisement of the Langraue, sendinge a letter vnto themperour, which signifyed that where they vnderstode his maiestye, determi­ned to correcte certaine rebelles, they desyred to knowe who they were that they might serue him in the same warre, and that if hee prepared his armye against them, they nothinge doubted but that they woulde both iustlye and honourablye aunsweare him. The Emperour aunswered that hee was not come into Germanye of his owne accorde, but called by them, & that he was not minded to moue anye warre against anye, but rather to chastice such as shoulde seeme to disturbe [Page] the quiet estate of the countrye: After which answeare, they thoughte it necessarye not to protracte longer time, where­fore they remoued theyr hoaste towardes Ratisbone where the Emperour was, supposing that if they might winne that Citty, the warre would be quight ended. But in their mar­chinge intelligence was geuen them, that Albert Marques of Brandeburg was entered the Cittye with the horsemen, and that daylye the nomber encreased with all sortes of soul­diours, they vnderstode also that xii. Thousande footemen, & sixe hundreth horsemen, were now arryued in those borders, which two occasions remoued the Princes from continuing ther iorneye vnto Ratisbone, to endeuor and studye to kepe and defend the straights, & fortes by which these souldiours shoulde passe: but theyr deuises toke no effect, for whereas y e Langraue had taken Tonauert, and marched to Lanzuotto, mindinge also to occupye the same, he was preuented by the Emperour, who not longe before was entered into the sayd Cittye, beinge onlye accōpanyed with .2000. Duche foote­men, and .300. Spaniardes, vnto whom shortly after came 5000. Duche souldiours on foote, and 2000. horsemen.

Wherefore the Princes perceyuing theyr intentes to be­come frustrate, prouoked the Duke of Bauaria to ayde them in theyr enterprise: vnto whom he aunswered, that the Em­perour was his Soueraine, Subiectes ought to obey the commaū ­dement of the Prince, and not to rebell. and that therefore he might not denye vnto him enterance into his Dominion, yet he promi­sed vnto them, that in y t warre he would remayne a Newter without offendinge eyther partye. This aunsweare muche troubled the Princes, who knowing the power of y e Duke, were lothe in theyr talke to displease him: and now they vn­derstandinge that the Italian armye was approched verye neare, minded to set vpon the fame but they were preuented, for the Emperour fearinge y e same, aduertised Segnior Gio­ua Baptist Sauelli Captayne ouer the Romayne horsemen, that with all celeritye he should repayre with his armye vn­to Lanzuotto: which commaundemente he accomplished w t all expedition, and so deceyued the deuise of the ennemyes, wherefore they remayned in the territoryes of Inghilstatte, [Page 221] for defence of which Cittye (because it was of greate impor­tance for that warre) the Emperour sente to safegarde it, a Captayne with two hundreth Italian Hargabusyers, and fyue hundreth Duchemen. And now the Emperours sup­plies beinge assembled together with those of his confedera­tes and allies, he marched towards Inghilstatte neare vnto which the armyes as it were mette together: where y e Lan­graue not mindinge to loose time, sent the defyance vnto the Emperour and prouoked him vnto battaile, which defiance for diuers causes the Emperour would not accepte, for as he verye well knewe the nomber of his ennemyes to be muche superiour vnto his, so he iudged that within short space theyr power woulde not a litle decrease, The greate wysedome of Charles the fifte. wherefore he resouled to keepe them at a baye, and to passe the time with skirmishes: which continued vnto the .xxi. of Nouēber. When the Lan­graue perceyuinge daylye the victuels and souldiours of the Emperour to encrease, and his to deminishe, and also that while he consumed the time in vaine in the field, by thinking to ouercome the Emperour, he together with other, loste at home their owne countryes: he raysed his campe, (thempe­rours armye not witting thereof) and in the night marched manye myles, not staying till he came to Haiden, God ouer­throweth re­belles. where he dismissed his power, euerye one repayringe vnto his owne countrye.

Themperour seinge his ennemyes departed, and no resi­stance to remayne, lysenced the Countye of Bura to departe with his souldiours, at which instant the Countye Palatine repayred vnto him, in moste humble wyse yeldinge himselfe vnto his mercye, of whom hee obtayned fauoure for his diso­bedience. And althoughe this season was most colde, yet the Emperour not minding to omitte the present oportunity of­fred vnto him by fortune, sent parte of his hoast to winne cer­tayne Cittyes and Castelles of the Langraues there adioy­ning, The Duke of Verten­berg submit­teth himselfe to the Empe­rour. and the Duke of Alua likewyse with an other parte of the armye, man most of the country of Vertenberg, y e Duke whereof (as the Countye Palatine had done) humbled him­selfe vnto the Emperour, of whom he obtayned pardon vpō [Page] condition that he should paye vnto the Emperour 2. hundred▪ Thousand Florens of Golde, in consideration of the expen­ces made in that warre, with diuers other couenauntes.

In like maner Vlmes and Augusta yelded vnto the Empe­rour, with certayne other free Cittyes, euery one payinge a summe of moneye to sustaine the charge of that warre: and althoughe the sharpenes of the season did dailye encrease, yet the Emperour would not desist from persecuting the Duke of Saxonie and Langraue as chiefe of this rebellion. But while he abode at Vlmes to refresh his souldiours, there re­payred vnto him Monsignor de Bura, who practised to make an accorde betwene him and the Langraue, but he would in no wyse geue eare vnto his sute: and at that instante hee re­ceyued newes, that Duke Maurice was in a readynes to en­ter into battayle with the Duke of Saxonie, but immediat­lye after hee had vnderstanding howe the Duke had not on­lye caused Maurice to retyre, but also had recouered all such Cittyes as the sayde Duke Maurice had wonne in y e behalfe of his brother Ferdinand the kinge of the Romaynes, with a great parte of his owne Segnoryes. Wherefore thempe­rour sente Signior Pirro Colonna, Marques Albert taken prisoner. and Marques Albert to molest the territoryes of the sayde Duchye, but Albert was with a great nomber of his taken prisoner by an ambushmēt made of Saxons: wherfore themperour resolued to go him­selfe to tonquere that Duchie, and therevpon sent his armye towards Norinberg, for he being sore vexed with the goute, stayed at Nerling, but within short space recoueringe he de­parted thence, and ioyninge his armye w t his brothers, they made in nomber x. Thousande horsemen and viii. Thousand footemen, with this hoast they entered Saxonie, bearing a­waye all that they found without resistance, and as Conque­rours they came vnto the Ryuer Albi, on the farther syde of which within a fewe myles the Duke was encamped, & had sente a nomber of souldiours vnto the ryuer to prohibite the Emperours passage. This ryuer was .8. foote deepe and .300. broade, which made it very difficult to be waded ouer, but fortune was so fauourable vnto the Emperour, that in [Page 222] this necessity a countryman declared vnto him the foorde, so that he and his brother with all their armye passed easely o­uer the same and entring into battaile with the Saxons, after longe fight he ouercame them and tooke prisoner the Duke who was a litle hurt, and his eldest sonne who was also hurt escaped by flight: in this battaile were slayne about .5000. Saxons, and of the Emperours souldiers but .300. The Duke was presented prisoner vnto y e Emperour by the coun­tye Hippolitus: The Duke of Saxony takē prisoner. who after he was broughte before the Em­perour, alighted not from his horse but putting of onely his hat, sayde, most myghty and mercifull Caesar, I am youre prisoner, The wordes of the duke of Saxonie to y e Emperour. and as a prisoner I praye you deale with me: vnto whome the Emperour aunswered, that he woulde intreate him as he had deserued and that he called him to late Caesar: these wordes the Emperour spake because the Duke in hys letters directed vnto him entituled thē vnto Charles of Gaūt not accomptinge him as Emperoure, not louge after the Duke was by y e Emperours Iudges cōdemned vnto death, but he as a most mercifull prince, A mercifull Prince. graunted him lyfe, vppon certain condicions, of which one was, that he should remaine prisoner during Th'emperours pleasure, who vsed exceding greate liberality vnto Sibilla a Lady of hauty courage wyfe vnto the sayde Duke. At this instant also, the Bohemians (who were in league with the Duke) being not a little ter­rified with these euents, humbly beseched y e Emperour that he would reconcile thē vnto his brother Ferdinand the kyng of the Romaines: of whome they receiued aunsweres booth of hope, and doubt. The Langraue destitute of all ayde, as­sayed to winne the fauour of the Emperour, by the meanes of the Marquise of Brādēburg, and of Maurice his sonne in lawe: who with earnest sute obteyned his pardon, vpon cō ­dicion that he woulde present him selfe, and in humble wyse beseche the same: The Conit [...] Albert of Mas [...]t and Tunberson, [...] of the duke of Saxone. but the Langraue by nature very stout, refused in such a lowly manner to submit him selfe, harbo­ring as yet a certaine vaine hope to be ayded by diuers of the confederates, who not longe after deceiued hys expectation for they dismissed their souldyers, and to procure quyetnesse [Page] returned into their countries. Wherevpon the Langraue of his owne accord now offered to do that with manye other condicions, wherunto before at the request of his frendes he woulde in no wyse condiscend: but Charles vnderstandinge that he was ready to demaund pardon and to yeld vnto all o­ther conditions, shewed him selfe not so tractable as he had done before, notwithstanding in the end as it were ouercome with the importunate sute of y e Langraues frendes, he graū ­ted so that he would come vnto his presence, & with humble submission demaunde pardon, he woulde not onely receyue him into fauour but also remit vnto him all offences whiche he had committed, also reuoke his edict pronounced against him, moreouer hee promised to pardon his rebellion, wyth deliueringe him from perpetuall imprisonment, and from all other punishement as well of hys substance as of his per­son. The Langraue hauinge sufficient assurance for the per­formance of these conditions, presented himselfe vnto them­peroure humblye demaundinge pardon vppon his knees, of whome he was receiued into fauour, but whē after the Ger­maine fashion he offered him his hand, the Emperour would not receyue it, but wylled hym to repayre vnto the Duke of Alua, with whom he supped merylie, but at night when he thoughte to be dismissed hee was reteyned by the Duke, not without great feare vnto the Langraue, and much maruaile vnto the electours, whoe beinge troubled in mynde quieted them selues for the present, in that they perceyued the Em­perour mynded to keepe hym in prison, vntill all the condici­ons were obserued, which were cōteined in y e cōditiōs writtē. This was the ende of the long warre whiche the Emperour had with the Langraue and the Duke of Saxonie, whome without question he had neuer in this wise brought vnto sub­iection, God ouer­throweth re­belles. if they had not bene betrayed by certayne of their fei­ned confederates, in whome they reposed greate confidence and credit. The Emperour hauinge with prosperous suc­cesse finished the warres in Germanie passed into Sueuia couducting with him the two Princes as prisoners, he cary­ed with him also greate abundaunce of Artilerye whiche hee [Page 223] tooke from his enemies, parte wherof he sent into Spaine, parte into Milaine, and the rest vnto the kingedome of Na­ples. Ferdinand. The Kinge of the Romaines also by the industrye of the Marquise of Marignano, and Augusto the brother of Maurice, broughte the Bohemians vnto his obedyence and subiection. While the Emperour made his abode in Au­gusta, Lubeck, Bremia, and Bransuice submitted them selues vnto hym payinge for their libertye .200000. Crownes, many other free Cityes yelded themselues vnto the Emperoure raunsominge them selues with sommes of money, but the Dukes of Luneburg desiring themperours fauour did not obteyne it, for that their ambassadours vtte­red words of greate arrogancie: The [...]. It is moste true that in the cittye of Augusta the souldiers of Madrucci, being greeued for not hauing the paies which were promised them, commē ­ced a mutine, and beinge most insolent went to besiege the Emperour being in his owne pallace, who presently caused their due to be payde and the authors of the treason to be punished: also after the Emperour had appeased certayne tumults which were lyke to haue happened in that cittye a­bout religion, he iorneyed vnto Spires where he procured a reformation & establishment for religion, Fortune. but Fortune whose propertie is to be mutable, and then especiallye when leaste cause of doubt is offered, seemed at this instant as it were to reuoke her fauourable smilinges whiche she had of so longe tyme continued towardes the Emperour, for where as hee thought he had ended all troubles, he was at a sodain wrap­ped in greater trauayles then euer at any other time, for af­ter the death of King Frauncis, Henry his sonne succeded in the kingdome, who (as Hannibal againste the Romaines) hauyng from hys chyldehoode hated the Emperour, [...] of Fraunce. imme­diatly after he was plated in his fathers seate determined to moue war against him, wherfore hauing well prouyded for the defence of the frontiers of Picardie, and sent diuers cap­taynes and souldyers into Scotlande to ayde them in their warres againste the Englishemen, he went into Piemont, as well to furnyshe their forts and cities there with all kinde [Page] of municion & other necessaries, as also to conclude a league with the Pope and Suizzers. Vnto the Emperoure who was moste vigilant, the practises of the French King coulde not be hidden, although he endeuoured by all meanes possy­ble to conceile the same. Bura. Wheruppon he sent into Englāde the Countie Bura to confirme with that Kinge the League which he had with the Kinge his father: and vsinge the lyke artes of dissymulation with the Frenche Kynge, as he knewe the Frenche Kinge dyd vse to practyse towardes him, to renue susspition did write vnto him, that hee shoulde not maruaile at the going of the Countie into England, for that it was vppon certaine occasions of his owne pryuate af­fayres, moreouer y t he entended (yf by him there were made no brech) to continue the peace whiche he made with Kynge Frauncis, with all frendshyppe and brotherlye loue. These wordes the King accompted as feyned, and suspectinge con­trarye effects procured with more expedition to renue wyth the Suizzers the league which was concluded with them by Kynge Frauncis his father. This league did not a litle dys­please the Emperour, who perceiued to what end their con­federacy tended, as also for that he had determined to chast­ice certaine free citties whiche were in armes for the refor­macion of religion: from which attempt he was reuoked by this newe league of the Pope, the French King, & the Suiz­zers, with diuers other princes: wherefore while tyme and occasion serued, he sent into Spayne for King Philippe his sonne by Maximilian his Nephew, who in Valiadohe ma­ried Marie the Emperours eldest daughter, and was left in Spayne to supplye the roume of Kinge Phillip: who in the moneth of Nouember arriued at Geane, and passed from thence by easye iorneyes vnto Brussels where he was looked for by the Emperour his father: The death of Paule the 3. the tenth daye of Nouem­ber which was in anno. 1549 dyed Pope Paule the thyrd: for whose successour was created Giouan Maria, called Iu­lius the thirde, Iulius the 3. created Pope who presentlye established Octauio Farnese in the Duchy of Parma, and Piacenza, and sent him foorth­with [Page 224] vnto the same, but Piacenza was kepte vnto the Em­perours behalfe by Don Ferrante Gonzaga, in whom Duke Octauio reposed little confidence, Duke Octa­uio marryed the base daugher of y e Emperour Charles. althoughe hee had marryed the Emperours base daughter, wherefore both thone and thother were stronglye guarded, for the bet­ter assurance of their mutuall securitye. At this presente Dragut Rasis a famous Corsale occupyed the Citty Affri­ca, which is a Cittye both riche and mightye, and standeth vpon an arme of the Mediterraneū Sea: from whence Dra­gut toastinge the Seas, did greatlye endamage the Christi­ans, and induced no smal feare vnto Cicilia and diuers other Ilandes thereunto adioyning. Wherefore the Emperour to repulse the furye of this tyrannous infidel, determined to winne from him that Cittye, and appoynted general ouer y e enterpryse Gian de Vega Viceroy of Cicilia, he sent thither Prince Doria with his Nauye, accompanyed with manye o­ther shippes full of Spaniardes and Italians, thither went also Don Pietro Viceroye of Naples, with the Gallyes of y e kingdome: these valiant Captaynes besieged the Citty, and in thend toke it with small losse of Christians, for there were not slayne aboue fiftye. Dragut fledde from thence with 6. Gallyes and .xiiii. Galliottes vnto Zerbi, from whence hee wrote vnto Soliman of the iniury done vnto him by the Em­perour: who therevpon sente verye threatninge letters vnto kinge Ferdinand. At this present through the ayde which the Frenche kinge gaue vnto Duke Octauio, to mayntayne hym in the state of Parma, or rather as some thincke, to im­padron himselfe therof: there arose sodaine warres betwene the Emperour and the Frenche kinge, in sondrye places, as well by Sea as lande, for while Giouan Baptista the Popes nephewe, and Don Ferrante (who credited the truce which was taken betwene themperour and the kinge,) had caused certayne Garrisons of souldiours to repayre vnto him out of Piemont, which were left there for y e defence of diuers Cit­tyes and Castelles: to be siege Parma, into which entered a great nomber of French Captaynes and souldiours. Mō ­signor Brisack generall in Piemont for the Frenche kinge, [Page] mindyng to reuolte the warre from Parma, caused certayne companies of souldiours at sondrye tymes to repayre se­cretely vnto him oute of Fraunce, with whom at a sodayne hee assaulted Cheri, and wanne it with diuers other fortes of importance. And vppon the Sea the Prior of Capua generall for the French kinge, vnderstandinge that Prince Doria, was departed from Geane, to conducte into Italye (by the Emperours appoyntment) Maximilian the king of Boheme with the Queene his wyfe, determined to encoun­ter wyth them, and vppon the sodayne to assaulte them: but Doria although he had .v. Gailyes more in nomber then the Prior had, durste not meete with hym, but retyred backe a­gaine for feare, wherevppon the Prior chased him a whole daye, and being not able to ouertake him, returned vnto the Porte of Tolone, and not long after departed for the seruice of the Frenche kinge, and went to serue wyth the knightes of the Rhodes.

The siege of Parma and Mirandola hauing long tyme cō ­tinued vnto a smal effecte, and little cōmoditye of the Pope, who now beinge wearye with the great charges and expen­ses which daily aryse by the maintaynance of warre, conclu­ded a peace wyth the French king, after the death of hys ne­phew who dyed at the siege of Mirandola, and so raysed both sieges: from whence the Marques of Marighano departed with his souldiours to succour Piemont: (but here omitting certaine euentes which happened betweene themperour and the Frenche kinge) I saye that the warre ceased betweene them. Notwithstandinge Henrye to procure the encrease of his owne forces, and to deminishe those of the Emperours: caused many Princes both of Italye and Germanye, to ma­nifest theyr hatred against him (which vnto that time had re­mayned verye secrete & not knowen:) For hee entered into league wyth diuers Germayne Princes, who nowe were in Armes against the Emperour, for controuersies in matters of Religion: amonge whom was Maurice who had bene in­uested by the Emperour of the Duchye of Saxonie, Duke Iohn beinge depriued of the same, together with his Elec­torshippe [Page 225] when he was taken prisoner. This Maurice was most fiercelye incensed with wrathe agaynst the Emperour, for y t he would not dismisse the Langraue who was his lonne in sawe, Mauryce in­senced wyth wrath a­gainst them­perour. frō imprisonment, since he had long before obserued and performed al the Articles contayned in the Capitolatiō of the accord. Wherfore he estemed y t he was both mocked & deceyued by themperour, and therefore omittinge his obe­dience and dutye which he ought vnto him being his Lorde, and pricked forwarde by other who for matters in Religion hated the Emperour: he determined to moue warre against him, and therevpon ioyned wyth the Duke of Saxons sonne, the sonnes of the Langraue, & certayne other Princes theyr confederates, to endamage him all the wayes they mighte: All these entered into a league wyth the French kinge, who as one that desyred nothing so greatlye, gaue them vnto this effecte 400000. Crownes, vpon condition that they should disburse amonge them euerye moneth 100000. Crawnes, with which, together with that which other woulde contri­bute, they should maintayne cōtinually in the fielde an hoast of 20. Thousande footemen, 8. Thousande horsemen, and of 2. Thousande men of Armes: Moreouer he promised that at what time the Emperour shoulde come against them with an armye, he would be in a readines with an hoast to succour them. The Emperour at the concludinge of this league was in Ispruck, who not thinking that th'ennemyes coulde in any short space haue gathered so puisant an hoast, vsed no expedition in prouidinge of souldiours, but continued there: eyther mindinge to see vnto what ende this prouision would tende or els (beinge vppon such a sodaine vnprouided of suffi­cient power to resist the force of so mighty ennemyes) to pro­cure meaenes to mittigate the wrath of Maurice, which cau­sed certayne to suspect (althoughe withoute cause as hereaf­ter will appeare) that Maurice had wyth the Emperour cō ­spired the deathe of the Frenche kinge, whiche opinion was most folish and vaine: For Maurice at a sodaine w t his Army marched vnto Augusta, takinge by the waye Vlmes, from thence he wente towardes Ispruck, intendinge there to ap­prehend [Page] the Emperour: who hauing intelligence of his cō ­minge sent certayne souldiers to defend the streighte (a pas­sage very strong and of greate importance) but the souldiers of Maurice came against it with such force that they toke it: the Emperour disapointed of his purpose, departed frō Is­pruck in the night by torch lighte when it rayned without a­ny company except those of his court, & certaine other which garded his person together with the embassadours vnto Vi­lacco, Themperour is cōstrayned to flye vnto Villocco. a Castell in the confines of Friuli, belonging vnto the auncient patrimony of the house of Austria: a thing certain to be lamented at, that so victorious an Emperour, shoulde in the night when it rayned retyre with such hast into so sim­ple a place, with his court disordered, and the greater parte on foote for want of horses, being chased of his owne vassall, and subiect vnto y e Empyre, whom a litle before he had exal­ted vnto that estate and dignitye: Maurice came y very same night vnto Ispruck in which he departed where he staid not, but followed the Emperour, whome when he coulde not o­uer take returned vnto Ispruck, where hee spoiled all suche goodes as appertained vnto straungers, withoute endama­ginge any of the cittizens. The Segniorie of Venis vnder­standing of the Emperours being at Vilacco, sent immedy­ately to visite him, presenting them selues very honorablye, and with much curtesye profering to pleasure him any waye they might. Vnto whome the Emperour rendered moste harty thankes, hauinge his mynde wholye bent to reuenge this iniury of Maurice, notwithstanding his determination (the tyme so requyringe) he sent Kinge Ferdiuand to fall to some accorde with Maurice, but he obteined nothing, for the Protestants would not in any wyse accept the conditions of­fered, for that the Emperour to mainteine the Popes cere­monies had so cruelly delt with them in the last warre: and therfore proceded as conquerours in reuenginge vppon the Papistes, the iniuries which of late by them they had recey­ued, The death of Mauryce. but in the end in a conflict with the Duke of Brunswick this Maurice was so hurte that within three dayes after hee dyed, whose deathe was rather a hurte then a profitte [Page 226] [...]inge of the Emperoures affayres: the cause of thys warre chiefly being for the long deteyninge of the Langraue priso­ner contrarye to the Emperours promise. The death of the Duke of Saxonye. At this present Iohn y e Duke of Saxonie dyed, who although he were set at liberty by themperour before time, yet willingly he folowed the courte, whose children he receiued into fauour & inuested them w t the Duchie of their father, & determining also to set the Langraue at lyberty, he sent into Flaūders vnto Quene Marie his sister that she should delyuer the Langraue out of prison, which the captaine of the Castell would not permitte to be done, The Lāgraue set at liberty. for that the Emperour had not sente vnto him by a secret token which was betwene them, of which in the end he aduertised the Queene, and then he was set at liberty.

At this tyme the people of Sienna beynge muche abused by Don Diego, Don Diego. who gouerned the same for th'emperour, prac­tised with the French King for their liberty, who fauouring their sute, sent thither the countie Pitilian, and the countie Fiori with .5000. souldiers, which of the Sieneses were in­tromitted the citty, and the Spaniardes vppon certaine cō ­ditions were content to render the cittadell, which Don Di­ego had built, for that the cittizens promised faithfully to re­mayne and abyde at the deuotion of the Emperour, protest­inge that they had not done this as rebelles against him, but to recouer their libertie, which they had lost by the tyrannie of Don Diego, while these euents happened in Sienna, the French Kinge moued warre freshly against the Emperour in Flaunders. Whereuppon the Emperour sent the Mar­quise of Mariniano with diuers other captaines into Germamnie to leuie souldiers, vnto whome repayred at Ispruck, many captaines of Spaniardes and Italians, with a great number of Duchmen, moreouer he induced Marquyse Al­bert who at that tyme serued the French king with .14000. footemen and certaine horsemen to renounce his seruice, Subiectes ought to obey their prince. and to reuolt vnto him who was his naturall Lord whiche in the ende he obteined. The Emperour beinge at this instante in Augusta altered his determination from going into Flaun­ders, and resolued to passe into Fraunce against the Kinge, [Page] thorowe the Duchy of Loreine: of which resolution y e Mar­quise Albert hauing vnderstanding marched before him vn­to the citty of Mettes a mightty and popolous cittye in y t ter­ritorie of Loreine, The descrip­tion of Met­tes. standing in a playne not much distant frō the Alpes, from which the riuer of Mosella descēdeth which ouer runneth the fieldes, and deuideth itselfe into two braū ­ches, the bigger of which compasseth for a little space parte of the cittye, and then entringe into the same, maketh as yt were two Islandes. The other in lyke maner makinge as it were without the cittye a little Islande, doth after approche more nere and formeth an other Island betweene two brid­ges, the one called Zistro, and the other Dismore, both the one and the other of which bridges hath seuen arches.

This citty for a greate somme of money was once made fre, but after it came into the possession of the Frenche Kynge.

In it there was at this presente the Duke of Guise with ma­ny souldiers of Frenchemen and Italians, who issued out a­gainst the Marquise with greate force, and skirmished day­ly with the Duchmen. But not long after the Emperoure with a mighty hoste came and made present battry against y e same, The Empe­rour batte­reth Mettes. which was couragiouslye defended by the Duke: and by reason of the sharpenes of winter, which that yeare in all partes of Europe was very extreame, for a great number of the Emperours souldiers and horses died with colde, so that not being able to support any lenger the contagious seasone in the ende of December he departed from thence especially for that he vnderstoode the French King had taken by Mon­segnior of Vandosme, Edine a citty in Flaunders of greate importaunce, which he determined all other affayres set a­parte, The Empe­rour battreth Mettes. to recouer the next springe following. But at his de­parture from Mettes, hauing in mynde the affayres of Sien­na, he wrate vnto Don Pietro of Toledo, viceroy of Naples, that he shoulde with speede prepare a sufficient hoste, and go his owne person to make warre againste that cittye, whiche commaundement hee accomplished with all expedition, and being come vnto Frorence, where he should haue ioyned his power with that of the Dukes, he dyed, but the warre was [Page 227] afterwarde mainteined by the Emperoure and the Duke a­gainst the Frenchmen with variable successe, and in the end Storza vnaduisedly comming to battaile with the Marquise of Mariniano, The Mar­quise Mariniano, ouercō ­meth Pietro Storza and taketh Siēna receiued a greate ouerthrowe, & he him selfe wounded in one of his thighes. Then the Marquise caused the cittye to be assaulted, but he could not that waye winne it wherfore he continued his siege, and at length had it vppon sondry conditions, of the which neuer any one was obserued At this instant the Emperoure was encamped before Edine with a very braue hoste, and ceased not to batter and assaulte the towne most liuely both night and day, vntill he had got­ten y e same, where was slaine Duke Horatio, who was ther for the French King, D. Horatio. and dyuers noble gentlemen French­men and Italians taken prisoners, among whome was Me­moransi the Constables sonne of Fraunce: this citty & Tir­win which afterwarde the Emperoure also tooke, he caused to be ouerthrowen, and plained with the grounde, because he woulde be no more molested with them. This yeare be­fore the winninge of Sienna dyed Charles y e Duke of Sauoy, vnto whose sonne Filibert the Emperoure gaue the countrye of Hasti: and who at this present (through the accord which after happened betwene the Emperour & the french Kyng) enioyeth againe his whole Duchye of Sauoy. The deeth of Edwarde king of Eng­lande. There dyed also in this yeare Edwarde Kinge of Englande: and Marie the daughter of King Henrie the eyght by Madame Katha­rine, daughter to the catholike king was crowned Queene: which Mary afterward was maried in England to Phillip kinge of Spaine her owne cosin, Quene Ma­rye maryeth Phillip kinge of Spaine. sonne vnto the Emperour, which mariage was made legittimate by y e Popes dispēsa­tion. And in the yeare .1555. dyed Pope Iulius the third, vnto whome succeded Marcellus the 2. who died y e .20. daye after his creatiō: The death of Iulius the .3 Marcellus y e second. & Paulus quartus of y e house of Carassa was created Pope, whose lyfe was such y t al mē wished his death especially y e Romaines who more thē all other tasted of hys Neronious wickednes. Paulus y e .4. created bi­shop of Rome. Thēperour who at this presēt was in Flaūders sore greued w t the gout, & diuers other infirmi­ties, being ouercom w t the continual wars, & great troubles [Page] vnto which empires are subiect, Themperour determineth to forsake his gouernmente of all his e­states. resolued to w tdraw himselfe frō y e cares of this world, vnto a quiet & peaceable lyfe w tout bearing any lenger gouerment ouer anye estate whiche cer­tainlye no man is able to do, but that the two contrarye passions desire, and feare, in altringe our myndes, do di­sturbe our whole quietnes: it is saide y t he was determined so to do viii. yeares before: The like is redde of the thempe­rour Diocletian, who forsakinge the Romaine Empyre, w t ­drew himselfe vnto Salona a Citty of Dalmatia his coūtry, where he continued his dayes in labouringe & makinge of a litle Garden wyth his owne hands, reputing himselfe more blessed in that estate, then whē he enioyed the Empyre of the whole world: So was Octauius minded to forsake his king­dome. Themperour sendeth for kinge Philip out of Eng­lande, and re­signeth vnto him all his estates. The Emperour desyring to bring to effect this his de­termination, sent for Kinge Phillip his sonne who at that in­stant was in Englande, and resigned vnto him by open De­cree the kingdome of Naples, Flaunders, Burgundye, the estate of Millen, with all other his Segnioryes: And y t next yeare following he resigned likewyse vnto kinge Ferdinand his brother, the .24. of Februarye in the yere of Christ 1557. which was the daye of his Natiuitye, the whole Empyre: & in August following beinge in Gaunt, The Empe­rour resig­neth the Em­pyre vnto kinge Ferdi­nand his bro­ther. he lysenced to depart all the Embassadours that were with him, and all his offi­cers, Princes & Captaynes, saying vnto them that he should haue no more neede of theyr seruice. Moreouer he rendered infinite thanckes vnto the Maiestrates that were present, for theyr loyalty and faythfulnes, which they had alwayes vsed towardes him, recommending vnto them Phillip his sonne: and hauinge finished these wordes he ascended into a Litter, and was carryed vnto a certayne Castell called Asueda, where the 14. of September he entered into a shippe, which was prepared for his voyage with y e two Quenes his sisters, and after he had blessed his sonne w t geuing him many godly exhortacions, he toke of him his last farewell, & therewith y e sayles beinge hoysed, he sayled towardes Spayne, being ac­companyed wyth .70. Gallyes, for the safegarde of his per­son, in which countrye it is sayde he had bene vii. tymes, the [Page 228] first whē he was xvii. yeares of age, Of the Em­perours arri­ual at Lared, and of the words which he spake the [...]e. y e secōd whē he was xxii. the thirde .xxiii. the fourth .xxxvi. the fift xxxviii. the sixte .xli. and this seuenth whiche was the laste, when he was .lvi. yeares olde: and being arryued at the Porte of Lared a Cit­tye in Biskay, thither repayred to receyue him the great Cō ­stable with all the Barons of Spayne: who as soone as hee landed, kneeled downe vppon the Sea bancke, where after he had rendred his moste humble thanckes vnto Almightye God for his arriuall, in that it had pleased his goodnes to bringe him safe vnto the lande and people which he moste lo­ued, and by whom next vnder God he had aspyred vnto so ma­nye highe degrees of honour, and receyued infinite victoryes and triumphes: He spake these wordes, O my most desyred mother, GOD preserue thee, naked I came out of my mo­thers wombe, and naked I returne vnto thee, as vnto ano­ther mother of myne, Themperour was carred to Valiadolit and in recompence of the manifold be­nefites which I haue receyued of thee, (not being able to re­warde the with anye thinge) I geeue thee this my simple bo­dye, and these my simple boones: which wordes being ended with the effusion of many teares, he curteously saluted those noble men which were come to honoure him, and then was caryed in a Litter vnto Vagliadolit, Themperour at S. Iustus withdraweth himselfe from all cōpanion into a Mona­sterye of Monckes of thorder of S. Hierome. where the infant Char­les his nephew made his abode: there he remayned 2. dayes, not in a sumptuous Pallace, but in a priuate house, where he exhorted the infant to feare God, and to follow in vertue his auncestours: From thence he was caryed vnto a certayne Valleye somewhat pleasant, wherunto towards the South adioyned certaine hilles, this place he had chosen to consume that remnaunt of tyme, which God should geue him to liue, the name of it is S. Iustus, distant .7. myles from Piacenza in the prouince of Estremadure: In it also was a Monasterye of Monckes, of the order of S. Hierome, with whom them­perour intendinge to make his abode as longe as he lyued, he lysenced to depart the two Queenes his sisters, with all y e residue of his familiars, retayning onlye to attende his per­son, but .xii. men wyth a horse which he verye seldome occu­pyed. There he dispenced the houres continually in prayer, [Page] and in hearing Deuine seruice, in suche wyse that his whole thoughtes and wordes were onlye of God: with this De­uine and spirituall exercises, he continued vnto Anno 1558. the xxi. of September, in which he feeling his tyme to draw neare, prepared himselfe most willingly vnto death, and lif­ting his eyes vnmouablye vnto heauen sayde these wordes.

O Lord God my redemer, I render vnto thy deuine Ma­iestye most harty thanckes, for the manifold benefites which thou of thy goodues hast vouchsaued to bestowe vppon mee, as in making me Lord and ruler ouer so many kingdomes, and likewise for thy holy protectiō, which thou hast alwayes preserued mee: But aboue all thinges for this my last ende, which by the lighte of thy grace I sawe two yeares since, by contemninge of this transitorye and vaine worlde, and clea­uing vnto the sure ladder, The perfitte wape to hea­uen. by which I trust to come to raigne with thee in Heauen, which is the passion of thy deare sonne Iesus Christ. After that he sayd: O most merciful father, I most humblye besiech thee, that thou wilt forgeeue mee all my offences, and washe cleane with thy innocent bloud, this my sinfull soule, as yet bathed and defyled with bloude, who haue caused the bloude of manye Thousandes of thy creatu­res to be shedde, Anotable lesson for all men to learne to auoyde sinne, and to contemne this worlde. throughe the vaine follye of these false Do­minions, and transitorye wordlye felicityes: Receyue my soule O heauenly father into the armes of thy mercy. These wordes beinge ended he sayde: Into thy handes O Lorde I commende my spirite, and therewyth closing his eyes, as thoughe he had fallen into a sweete and pleasante sleepe, he passed (as it is to be iudged) out of this most myserable worlde into a most blessed, without making of any passion or alte­ration of countenance or coullour. This was the death of this most victorious and inuincible Emperour CHAR­LES the fifte.

Ferdinandus.

BY the prouidence of Almightye God, y e Maiestye of y e Romayne Empyre, hath continued .260. yeares and more, in the moste noble house and royall familye of Hapsburge, and hath brought forth ly­nallye .9. Emperours. Rodulphe Coū ­tye of Hapsburge was elected kinge of the Romaynes, at what time a longe season, the Empyre of Rome was destitute of a kinge (who as it is sheewed before) gaue the Duchie of Austria vnto his eldest sonne: By this meanes it descended vnto this royall and most Princelye fa­milye of Hapsburge, from that honse .9. Emperours haue spronge forth to gouerne this Empyre. The first Emperour was Rodulphe y e first Countye of Hapsburge, the seconde was Albarte the first, Fredericke the first the thirde Empe­rour of his house, the fourth was Albarte the seconde, then the fifte Fredericke the seconde, the .6. was Maximilian, y e seuenth was Charles the fifte, then the eyght was Ferdinan­dus, of whom I nowe entreate of.

This Ferdinandus was the brother of Charles the fifte, y e sonne of Philippe Archeduke of Austria. The perfite descēt of that noble house, is fully set forth in the life of his brother Charles the fifte, and howe it hath continued in that royall familye of Hapsburge, of the which house this Ferdinandus was the eyght Emperour, and Maximilian the 9. that now gouerneth. This Ferdinandus was the sonne of Ioane [Page] [...] [Page 229] [...] [Page] Queene of Castile, whose petegree is on euery syde set forth also in the life of the foresaid Charles, which orderly successiō to recyte were tedions. It is a great blessing of God, a king­dome or Empyre, to continue so longe in one familye they beinge godly Princes: great be the commendations of this Ferdinandus, whose noble actes if I according to his merits should fully set forth, it would ryse to a great huge Volume.

This Ferdinandus was in the time of Charles the fifte his brother, kinge of the Romaynes, he was a greate comforte, staye, protection, and safegarde vnder God, to all Christen­dome, against the Turke. This Ferdinandus God by his mighty power blessed in many prosperous victoryes, & in a smal power (in cōparison of the Turke Soliman his power) was made a conquerour ouer the Turke. After many ouer­throwes, y e Turke seking by a great power to conquere Hū ­garye & Vienna: God marueilouslye prospered & preserued him, & gaue to him w t his brother Charles the victory. This Ferdinandus was a Prince of great clemencye, wyth al cur­teous humanity endued, of fewe wordes, of life most tempe­rate and godlye, a louer of learninge, studious by al meanes to preserue peace and concorde in Europe amonge Christen Princes. Soliman the Turke was ouer throwē of this Fer­dinandus, aboute the yeare of Christe .1529. Soliman to re­uenge the great slaughter which he caughte by Ferdinādus, gathered an hoast of 200000. souldiours, but as some au­thors write, of. 300000. and with this greate armye hee entered Hungarye, but that great hoast was almost quight ouerthrowen, the Palsegraue entering the one syde of them, and the Hungarians on another, wyth diuers other noble & valiante personages, these valiant Captaynes on euery syde so assaulted them, that they gaue them a marueylous great ouerthrow and put them to flighte. An other time also this Ferdinandus gaue the Turkes a great ouerthrow at Malta, he beinge then Emperour: as concerninge more at large of him I will write, as sone as I gette the perfit declaration of his whole life, but this sufficeth to shewe that he was a rare, wyse godlye and victorious Prince.

[Page 230] This Ferdinandus left behinde him his sonne Maximilian, who nowe with all glorye gouerneth, and with the mightye hande of God vpholde is against the Turke, who accordinge to the office of a carefull Prince, hath a diligent eye to y e pre­seruation of Christendome, wyth other godlye Princes.

God graunte that all wee Christians maye walke in the feare of God, to loue and dreade him, to obeye our Princesse, to whom by dutye we are bounde to be subiect, in holye con­seruation of life, to shewe the frutes of Christians in mutual loue and charitye one towardes another, charitye being the badge of a Christian: For by charitye we abyde in God and God in vs, Loue beinge the fulfillinge of the Lawe and Pro­phetes, whereby the detestable ennemyes of God, seinge the good workes of Christians, and so holy fruites of that most holye woorde, maye be made to become Christians, and to glorifye our Heauenlye father. Concord and vnitye among Christians, ouerthroweth the detestable ennemyes of God: God graunt that the Princes of Christendome may embrace that Christian loue, & so lincke themselues in one vnity, that the infidels may not seeke by the contention and disagreing of Christian Princes, an occasion to do mischiefes: For by the contention and disagreinge of Christen Princes, the deuill & his seeke to establishe their kingdome. God graunt all con­tention to cease amonge Christians, and in the loue of God to be vnited, by which loue neyther the fleshe, the world, nor the deuill, shal be able to hurt vs: by this holye vnitye wee shalbe the children of God, and God wil be on our syde, and if God be on our syde, wee neede not to care who shalbe against vs, let vs therfore humble our selues be­fore God, wee beinge most wretched and miserable, w tout Gods helpe, & put our slues vnder him, by whose protectiō wee are defended, vphol­ded, and deliuered. ¶****
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The ende of the lyues of all the Emperours.

Faultes escaped in the printinge.

In the Epistle Dedicatory the first syde, read egraegiam for egaergiā.

An Folio .11. reade De emptionibus, for Do omitionibus.

In Folio .12. reade periodos, for periodo.

FINIS.

Imprinted at London in Fletestreate neare to Saint Dunstones Churche, by Thomas Marshe. ¶****
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Anno Domini. .1571.

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