A SERMON PREACHED AT The Consecration of the right Reverend Father in God Barnaby Potter D D. and L. Bishop of Carlisle, At Ely House in Holbourne March 15. 1628.

By Christopher Potter D. D. Provost of Queenes Colledge in Oxford.

Hereunto is added an Advertise­ment touching the History of the Quarrels of Pope Paul 5 with the Vene­tians; Penned in Italian by F. Paul, and done into English by the former Author.

LONDON, Printed for Iohn Clarke, and are to be sold at his shop under St. Peters Church in Cornehill. 1629.

REVERENDO IN Christo Patri Ac Domino D. Barnabae Potter S. Th. D. Episcopo Carleo­lensi, Praesvli Sanctitatis Et Ervditionis Fama Clarissimo, Cha­rissimo Pa­trveli,

Christophorvs Potter Hanc Concionem Svm­mi Amoris Et Ob­servantiae Tenve Pignvs Et Tes­seram L. M. Q. D. D.

A Sermon preached at the Consecration of the Right Reve­rend Father in God Barnaby Rotter D. D. and L. Bishop of Carlisle.

Ioh. 21. v. 17. ‘Iesus said unto him, Feed my sheepe.’

THe words perhaps may not unfitly be termed, The Con­secration of S. Peter into his Apostle­ship: or more properly, the re­newing of his Commission, which by denying his Master he had foully defaced and forfeited. [Page 2] The Text in it selfe is very cleare, the sense obvious and easie; no word, no phrase obscure or am­biguous. S. Peter had three times denied his Lord, and forsworne him: which in such a prime A­postle, such a confident Professor, so great a zelote, (Though all should denie thee, yet will not I,) was a sin very shamefull, damnable, and scandelous. But our Lord is infi­nite in compassions, and no sinne is unpardonable to a penitent, and S. Peter had seriously and sadly re­pented; Hee wept bitterly: and I doubt not his heart ble [...] fast as his eyes. Therefore the Lord lookes upon him with mercy; not onely pardons his fault, but ad­mits him againe into his favour, and here by a publique solemne [Page 3] act restores him againe to that de­gree and dignity from which hee was falne.

But before his admission, his Master thinkes meet to exa­mine him, and the more to ob­lige him to his service, he first re­quires him to give satisfaction for the scandall which hee had given, and as hee had thrice renounced him, so thrice againe to protest his ardent affection and love un­to him. Saint Peters fall had ta­ken downe his pride, and taught him the vanity and feeblenesle of a strong presumption. Hee now answers his Master with no lesse zeale, but with more modestie. Christ askes him, I ovest thou mee more then these? A galling questi­on, secretly and sweetly taxing his [Page 4] former confidence. Peter under­stands him, and humbly replyes, Lord thou knowest all things, thou knowest that I love thee. I dare say my love is true and sincere, I dare not say it is strong and steddie, lest a second slip confute and be­tray me. And having thrice re­peated this protestation (and so often recanted his former deny­all) our Lord honors him a new with his ancient charge, puts him againe in his commission, and for his comfort here thrice repeats it: If thou lovest me, (and as thou lovest me,) Feed my I ambes feed my sheepe, feed my sheepe. [...]o, I commend to thy care and custody (together with the rest of thy brethren) that which I have most deare and pre­cious, my Sheepe, my people, my [Page 5] Church: and therefore see thou looke well to thy duty, be faith­full in thine office, with all care and conscience, with all diligence and discretion, with all wisdome and fidelitie; labour effectually to plant and propagate my Gospell, to inlarge my Kingdome, to win and gather soules unto me; helpe to cherish and nourish them by wholsome doctrine, by a holy and exemplarie life, by good disci­pline. For loe, have not I called thee to this charge? and art not thou a Pastor? and are not they sheepe? and my sheepe, not thine owne? all pressing arguments to move thee to hate and abandon all carnall corrupt affections, am­bition, covetousness, vaine-glory, tyranny in this holy worke, and [Page 6] with a constant cheerfulnesse to attend my service and thy Mini­stery. Iesus said unto him, feed my Sheepe.

Iesus said unto Peter, but how? To Peter in particular, or as Prince of the rest? exclusively and pri­vatively to all the other Apostles? No: the solemnity of this three­fold repetition seemes peculiar to Peter, as a salve to his threefold abjuration; but sure the charge is generall to all the Apostles, and their dignity and duty in all re­gards equall: & though our Lord here speake onely to Saint Peter, yet he meanes it not to S. Peter onely. For in the former Chap. the same Commission which here he repeats to Peter, as his par­ticular case required, he gives pro­miscuously [Page 7] and indifferently to all the Apostles, and to all their law­full Successours, Bishops and Pa­stors: As my Father sent mee so send Ioh 20. 21, 23. I you:—Whose soever sinnes ye remit they are remitted & whose ye retain.—And elsewhere in more large and ample termes, a little before he left the world; Goe into all the world, Mat. 28. 19 Mar. 16. 15 teach all Nations, Preach the Gospel to every creature;—delivering the same power and office which here in other words hee delivers to Saint Peter, Feed my sheepe.

This is the plaine and proper and native meaning of the words; and thus the ancient Catholike Church for many ages, without seruple or question, made this and no other construction of my Text. For those worthies of the [Page 8] Primitive times were wont to bring onely learning and a good conscience to the expounding of Scripture, laying aside all passion and priuate interest; and they were content to take such a sense as the holy Text offered, not da­ring to bring or make a new sense of their owne, such as might suit w th their desire or fantasie. But the following Ages lost by degrees first conscience, then learning, and at length all modesty.

The first Bishops of Rome for many yeares, good soules, thought more of their Martyrdome then of any Monarchy. They truly succee­ded Peter, in his holinesse, in his fidelity, in his humility; and re­ceiued this precept from Christ our Master plainly, as he intended it, [Page 9] and with an honest simple mind accordingly applied themselves to feed his sheepe.

After a while, when the warme favour of the times had some­what kindled their hopes and ambition, though they began to nourish great and boundlesse thoughts, and had an itching de­sire to inlarge their fringes; yet at first they were reasonably mode­rate in their pretensions: partly out of their owne ingenuity (for they lost not all shame at once;) and partly by reason of that stout and free opposition which upon any attempt or invasion, they found in the Easterne and Africane Churches, which began quickly to be jealous of Romes growing greatnesse. They claimed onely a [Page 10] precedency or a primacy, not any su­premacy, a primacy of order, or at most of honour, not of power, among their Brethren, not over them: Some contestations they had with Bishops, none with Emperors. For they medled yet onely with the keyes, not with the swords; and confessed all the power they had or challenged, to be meerely purely spirituall, for the conduct and benefit of soules: nothing at all directly or indirect­ly temporall. And to fortifie all this claime, whatsoever it was, they were content to found it up­on the majestie of their Sea, being the peerlesse Imperiall Citie, upon the Charters and Patents of Prin­ces, upon the pietie and sound faith of their Predecessors, upon [Page 11] the generall and just consent of Christendome, which had as­signed them a prime place among other Patriarches, in all Synods and Assemblies. But their fore­heads were yet too soft to plead any Scriptures for their pretensi­ons, or to derive their primacy from divine institution. They be­ganne indeed to lay too violent hands, and to put upon the racke those passages, Tues Petrus and Dabo tibi claves, and this, Pasce oves in my Text: but it was feat­fully and with reluctation of con­science, with no purpose, or with no hope to wring from them those horrible consequences, which in succeeding times they were forced to countenance.

But when once the Prince of [Page 12] darknesse had overwhelmed all Europe with a blacke night of fatall ignorance, when he had ba­nished all good letters, learning, and languages, when hee had si­lenced the Scriptures, and hood­winkt the world; then his work of darknesse went on apace, and the mystery of iniquity was quickly advanced to that formidable height, which at this day we see and lament. Then began his Vi­car at Rome to Pope it in earnest, and [...], to appeare in his colours, in his triple Crowne, his two keyes in the one hand, his two swords in the other, and who but He? He must now be saluted Head and Spouse of the Church universall, a See M. [...]d [...]l a­gainst Wades­worth, cap. 4. p. 77 &c Vice-God upon earth, his judgement is in­fallible, [Page 13] his jurisdiction infinite, and his Monarchy boundlesse, inclosing all Churches and King­domes: all Bishops are but his Curates, and all Kings his vassals; and in few words, all Nations must worship this Idoll. For of him was meant that in Ieremie, Gens & regnum quod non servierit Ier. 27. illi, eradicabitur, The people or nation that will not serve him must be rooted out. And good reason; for he is Dominus Deus noster Papa; [...], no more a mortall. And the bet­ter to set out this Pageant unto the people, not onely some shapes and shadowes of old Fathers and Councils; but the Scripture it selfe, our Lord Christ, and S. Peter are brought upon the stage, and [Page 14] forced to doe reverence unto the Pope. For since Hildebrand and Boniface 8. this Papall Monarchy is no longer a likely opinion, or a disputable probleme, or an anci­ent tradition or prescription; but tis now an indubitable article of the Creed, a fundamentall point of religion, nay Bell. [...] de R P. Summa rei Christi­anae, the onely necessary truth; and Subesse Rom. Pontifici est de neces­sitate salutis, Whosoever beleeves not in Iesus Christ, and in the Pope, cannot be saved.

That our poore Forefathers in the times of ignorance, should be abused and amased with these holy frauds, we wonder not, but we pitie them rather. For alas, though they wanted not eies, yet they wanted light to discover [Page 15] these impostures and tromperies. But it exceeds all marvell, that yet at this day in this age of light and learning, these horrible Paradoxes should be still obtruded upon the Christian World: and (which exceeds all impietie) the Scripture it selfe abused to guild this Idoll, to colour this monstrous domi­nation of the Pope, and so the God of truth, the word of truth constrained to countenance a thicke and palpable lie. For you know how Baronius, Bellarmine, and the rest of that bran, now plead for this Monarchie, not any longer out of the Decretall E­pistles, or Constantines donation, (old Knights of the Post that were wont to depose for the Pope;) but out of the sacred Tables of holy [Page 16] Writ. Wherein though there bee not one word or [...]llable, to or fro, [...] nec vola nec vestigiū, of the Pope or his power, ( [...]ave onely as hee is Antichrist:) yet these men with rare wit and skill have observed many new Myste­ries in the New Testament, and plainly (a thing unknowne to all former generations) see the Pope in many passages of the Text, which I dare sweare the holy E­uangelists and Apostles never saw nor intended.

They discourse with much learning, of S. Peter and of his prerogatives: how our Lord ap­pointed him soveraigne Bishop of the Catholique Church, and left him his Lieutenant upon earth; planting in him a transcen­dent [Page 17] supereminent power of bin­ding, losing, feeding, &c. which power other Bishops have not immediately from Christ, but from S. Peter and by his delega­tion. Well, grant all this to be as true as it is all false: but what fol­lowes? Iam dic [...]osthume de tribus capellis; Whats all this to the Pope? Why, yes; S. [...]eter was Bishop of Rome, and there he died, and bequeathed all this soveraignty, all these priviledges to the Bishops of Rome his Successors. So then; they talke much of S. Peter, but they meane the Pope. Gregory Nazianzene quotes a witty pro­verbe out of Herodotus, which fits our purpose; Vestem hanc Histi­aeus Orat. 2. [...]. n [...] ­mero 4. quidèm consuit, induit autèm Ari­stagoras: Peter must make this [Page 18] coat, but the Pope must weare it. As he in the Orator extolled elo­quence to the heavens, that him­selfe might bee advanced with it; so here, all these praises of S. Peter are intended for the Pope: the bu­sinesse is his, though Peter must beare the name. Here is nothing sowne or reaped, I wis, for Pe­ter, unlesse onely this, He that li­ved and died a poore Apostle, is after his death crowned a Mo­narch; but the Crowne fits the Popes head better then his, and tis therefore set upon him onely by way of ceremony, and hee comes in onely as a mute person upon the stage, to make roome for the Pope, and solemnly to lead him in by the hand. And here all the passages betweene [Page 19] Christ and Peter, all the words of the one, all the actions of the o­ther are examined with a curious scrupulosity, and all at length by the helpe of two or three syllo­gismes make clearly for the Popes advantage.

I need not tell you what good stuffe these good wits have ex­tracted out of those other words, Dabo tibi claves, and Oravi pro te, Petre: not to goe farre, my Text is a most memorable example of their singular wit and dexteritie in abusing of Scripture. Mirth is unseasonable in discourses of mo­ment; and for a Christian to laugh at blasphemy is to approve it: it beseemes him much better to lament it with teares of bloud. My Text, I confesse, is very rich [Page 20] and plentifull in the sense, and (as by and by we shall see) will rea­dily offer us much excellent mat­ter of Christian meditation and discourse. But the collections which they of the Popes side have drawne from hence, are such and so frivolous, that they are much more capable to move the spleene (if the gravitie of the matter per­mitted) then the judgement; and are more properly confuted with a smile, then with any strength of reason.

Here is one word in the Text pasce which the Cardinall Bel­larmine hath so extended between his teeth, that it hath a belly as large and fruitfull as the Trojane horse, including whole armies of arguments for the Pope. The [Page 21] Pope can desire nothing which this word will not give him. He pretends to be a King as well as a Bishop, and sayes his temporall po­wer is as wide and broad as his spirituall. And tis true, sayes Bel­larmine, for Christ said to S. Peter, Pasce, id est, Regio more impera; play the Rex. In the ancient Church when any heresie distur­bed the publique truth and peace, a grave assembly of Bishops was called, and the Booke of God fairly laid open in the midst, and out of it were all doubts determi­ned. Now, Scriptures and Coun­cills are needlesse: for the Pope claimes to be supreame Iudge of all Controversies. And Lib. 4. de Rom. P. cap. 1. Bellar­mine thinkes the claime to be well grounded upon this pasce in my [Page 22] Text. And tis a great wonder, the Pope was never thought in­fallible in his judgement, till this last Age, since this Ibid. c. 3. pasce implies that also so clearly. And if the Heretiques doe not beleeve that he hath power to make new Ar­ticles of Faith, and when they cry shame upon Pope Pius the 4. for adding twelve new Articles to the old Apostles Creed; tis because they are ignorant and know not what pasce signifies. Briefly, this one word containes more matter then al the Bible besides: it works miracles, and makes the Pope om­nipotent; gives him all power not onely in heaven and earth, but (where God hath nothing to doe) in Purgatorie. For if you aske, by what authoritie he takes [Page 23] upon him to pardon sinnes and soules after death, to give or sell the Saints merits, to dispense with oathes, to depose Kings and dis­pose of their kingdomes, or if he list, to murther them:—If you looke into the Popes Lexicon, you shall find that pasce expressely de­notes all this authoritie, and in­ables him to be not only a Prince, or a Pastor, or a Bishop, but even a Butcher.

Well: the repetition of these horrid fantasies shall bee their re­futation. Iustin Martyr saith well, [...], a grosse errour ever caries its Iustin. M. [...]. owne conviction in its forehead. I am sorie I have spent so much of my time and of your patience in mo­ving this dunghill. But these [Page 24] weeds and thorns lay in my way, and I must needs cleare my pas­sage. I dismisle the Popes flatterers with my pitie and my prayers, and say no more but this: If they had any feare of God, any shame of men, any reverence to Anti­quitie, any feeling or care of con­science; they would not dare thus profanely and leudly to dally with Scriptures, or presume so to colour or cover their doctrine of devils under the name of God.

Thus farre I have digressed to follow the Theeves that would steale away the sense of my Text: for so Gregory Nazianzene wittily sayes of Heretiques, that they are [...]. Orat. 3 6. [...]ive de T [...]e­ol. 4. And now that wee have done with the corrupt Glosse, we [Page 25] may goe forward, by Gods assi­stance, with the Text.

It containes, as we have said, the renewing of Peters commis­sion; wherein the parts or points observable are two; First the au­thoritie of it, Iesus said unto him: Secondly, the matter or summary of it, Feed my sheepe. Our Lord first calls and inables him to his office, then directs him in it. First he gives him power to execute his charge, Iesus said unto him; second­ly, he gives him instructions how to execute it, Feed my sheepe. Of both these in order, very briefly.

For the first: Peter takes not upon himselfe the honor of the Apostleship, till he was called by Christ his Lord and God, as were the rest of his fellowes. In that [Page 26] calling of the Apostles, some things were personall and peculi­ar to themselves, others generall, concerning all their lawfull Suc­cessors, Bishops and Pastors. The Apostles had an immediate voca­tion from Christ in person: our calling is not of men, but tis by men: theirs neither of men nor by men. They had an universall mission, an unlimited jurisdicti­on, an infallible assistance of the Spirit, the gift of tongues and mi­racles. All these were priviledges extraordinarie, and passed with their persons. But the warrant and worke of this Commission generally and equally belongs to all us, as well as to all them: None may usurpe the charge of a Bi­shop or a Pastor, till Iesus say unto [Page 27] him, Feed my sheepe. And hence we learne two leslons of great im­portance and consideration.

1. The Author of all lawfull 1 vocation to the holy Ministerie, is onely Christ the Lord. Onely Christ, exclusively to all men, not to the two other Persons in the glorious Trinity, which all equal­ly concur to this externall worke. God the Father hath placed in the Church, 1 Cor. 12. 28. Apostles, Prophets, Tea­chers, Pastors, &c. And God the Act. 20. 28. holy Ghost ordained the Bishops at Ephesus; and elsewhere, Act. 1 3. 2. Separate me Paul and Barnabas for the worke whereunto I have called them. For it belongs onely to the Mat. 9. 38. Lord of the harvest to send forth labourers into his harvest: and who should appoint Mat. 24. 45. Stewards over the House, but he [Page 28] who is Master of the House, Fa­ther of the family?

This consideration must first helpe to animate our feeblenesse, and add unto us an edge and cou­rage against all the difficulties and discouragements, which we shall meet in our holy calling. Everie good Minister must looke to bee Theologus crucis, not Theologus glo­riae: when hee enters upon this warfare, hee may not dreame of an easie or lazie life, to passe his time in pompe or pleasure, like the glorious Clergie of Rome: but he must prepare to play the man, and fight it out, not onely with absurd and unreasonable men, but even with beasts, as Paul did at Ephesus, yea with devills. And therefore he must buckle himselfe [Page 29] to his worke, and know that hee must eate his bread, if not with the sweating of his browes, yet (which is much sorer) with the beating of his braines. Wherefore S. Paul wanting a word able to expresse the grievous paines of our Ministery, sets it forth in two, both very sore and heavie ones: Our calling is 1 Thess. 2. 9 and 2 Thess. 3. 8 [...], a labor, a travaile; a tiring labour, a mise­rable travaile; a labour like that of reapers, a travaile like that of mothers. And hence in Scripture are Ministers so often compared to Souldiers, Shepheards, Husband­men, Nurses,—all callings of little ease: and sure the pastorall toyle in the cure of soules is no lesse then was Gen. 31. 40. Iacobs in the keeping of Labans sheepe, exposed to an in­finity [Page 30] of sorrowes, vexations, slanders, contradictions.— Who then is sufficient for these things? why, in all this our comfort may be, that it is Christ the Lord who hath called us to this office; tis He that hath put us upon this ser­vice, and sure he that is oneris au­tor, will be adjutor operis, now that he hath brought us into the field, he will not forsake us: we have his promise, Loc, I am with you al­wayes to the end of the world: his grace shall be sufficient for us. Wee fight his battels, and therefore we need not feare the successe. Luke 21. 15. Hee will give us a mouth and wisedome, a­gainst which none of our adversaries shall be able to resist: and his bles­sing shall make the Gospel in our mouthes the arme of the Lord, [Page 31] the power of God unto salvation. His Iud. 6. blessing onely; for as when the Host of Midian was discomfited with a few pitchers and lampes, and the walls of Iericho demoli­shed with the sound of Rammes hornes; the power of the worke was in the first Agent, not in the weake unlikely instrument; so here, we have nothing wherein or whereof to glory, but our in­firmities, all our sufficiency is of God; and tis by our Captaine Christ that we are more then Con­querours.

Againe, seeing it is Christ who hath put us in this Commission, and sends us upon his errand; this must quicken us to a sollici­tous care, a constant diligence and vigilance in our holy vocation. [Page 32] Wee shall one day bee called to a strict account for all the soules which God hath put under our charge, and woe be to us, if any of them perish through our tre­cherie or negligence. They shall dye in their sinnes, but their blood shall be required at our hands, and wee shal hear that terrible voice, Quin­tili Vare redde legiones, Tu Pastor, tu Episcope redde animas,] Give an account of thy Stewardship; where are my sheepe which I comman­ded thee to feed? Lib. 6 de Sa [...]rd. cap. 1. S. Iohn Chryso­stome professes that the continuall feare and fright of that rigorous account put him into a continuall trembling agonie. But it wrought strangely upon Orat. 1. Gr. Nazianzene, it wasted his marrow, and dryed up his bones, and consumed his [Page 33] spirits, and in conclusion hee ap­prehended it so deepely, that after he had worthily laboured in three Bishoprickes successively (the last being that of Constantinople,) but not with such comfort and suc­cesse as hee desired, by reason of those turbulent factious times like these of ours: Orat. 32. at length he quit­ted all his honors and dignities, and retired himselfe into a private life, where he might more safely injoy God and himselfe. A faire patterne for us, reuerend Fathers and Brethren, to lay our charge to heart, and keepe well our watch over soules, that we may give up our accounts with joy and not with griefe: for that will be pernicious to us. But we shall touch againe perhaps on this point anone, if [Page 34] the time give leave.

2. S. Peter here doth not in­trude 2 himselfe into this Commis­sion, he assumes not this holy ser­vice til Christ his Master call him. First he is appointed and authori­zed, first takes his warrant, then falls to his worke. For every Mi­nister of the Gospell must have his power and placing from hea­ven, and he is no lawfull messen­ger of God who is not called and sent by God and the Church. Some fanaticall spirits, vagrant roving carriers, new prophets, will needs bee wandring in the Church without their pasport; new illuminates, lately dropt out of heaven, [...] as Orat. 29. &c. Na­zian: faith of their fellowes; [...], yesterday dolts, [Page 35] to day Doctors; for they have all learning by revelation. They must needs be running, though they know not why or whither, when none sends them, like 2 Sam. 18. 22. A­himaaz, and at length, like him, they can tell no tidings. No won­der. For Rom. 10. 15. how can they preach that are not sent? and these are they of whom God speakes in Ieremy, Ier. 23. 21 I have not sent these Prophets, and yet they runne. But so farre is the Lord from accepting or appro­ving the service which these vo­luntaries will needs force upon him, that he hath punished no sin more severely and exemplarily then this sacrilegious and saucie intrusion. K. 2 Chron. 26. 18. Vzziah for putting his hand to the incense, and usur­ping upon the Priests office, was [Page 36] suddenly smitten with leprosie; and 2 Sam. 6. 6 Vzzah struck dead in a mo­ment for but touching the Arke, as before him 50000 Bethshemites for but looking into it. A holy vocation is necessary to a holy function. Iesus Christ himselfe submitted himselfe to this rule; He preached not till he was so­lemnly ordained by a voice from heaven, he tooke not upon him­selfe the honour, till his Father called him.

Now the calling necessary to every lawfull Pastor at this day, is twofold; one inward from God, the other outward by the Church.

The inward calling is that wher­by God touches the heart of a man with a holy desire to conse­crate himselfe to the service of his [Page 37] House, and inables him by his grace to edifie his Church by word and worke. The princi­pall evidences of this calling are two. 1. The testimony of a mans conscience, that he enters not into holy Orders for any carnall by­respect, but onely or chiefly to ho­nour God by his labours. And 2. a tollerable competent measure of learning, piety, zeale, discreti­on, wisedome, eloquence, and such other gifts requisite for the discharge of so high an office. Gods sending and gifting goe still together. He is not wont to send unto his people any headlesse or heartlesse Messengers; His calling either findes us or makes us fit for his service. A Minister grossely ignorant, or scandalously profane [Page 38] goes upon his owne errand, hee may be sure God never sent him; He never imployes such unwor­thie Ambassadors. And here how many amongst us abuse them­selves, and mistake a rash pre­sumption for true zeale? How many undertake the holy Mini­sterie upon unholy and corrupt ends and motives? Some to set out their plumes before the peo­ple, and to fill the gazing gaping multitude with an admiration of their empty eloquence: meere a­nimalia gloriae, as De anima cap. 1. Tertullian spea­keth of such, Apolog. c 46. fame negotiatores, and as Orat 27. Nazianzen, [...], men that hunt applause, and like feathers lifted up farre above themselves by the breath of the people. Some to satisfie their am­bition; [Page 39] for tis not the [...], but the [...], the dignity, not the duty which they affect. Some (too many) pretending to be Physiti­ans of the soule, intend indeed to cure their owne povertie or neces­sitie; as if the Church should be a refuge for needy persons, or a sanctuary for malefactors. Many that cannot thrive in any other course of life, when they are dri­ven to their last hopes and extre­mities, at last shift themselves into the coat and calling of Ministers, and he that knowes himselfe un­fit in any other imployment to serve men, yet thinkes himselfe fit enough to serve God in this sa­cred calling. All these intruders and mercenaries shall bee sure to faile of their hopes, and shall one [Page 40] day receive other kinde of wages then they did expect.

Now besides this inward cal­ling which serves onely to settle our owne conscience; it is need­full that the Church doe external­ly call and install us by some pub­lique solemnitie, before we may adventure upon the exercise of this holy function. After grave and due examination of our life and learning, if the Church of God do approve us, if by the hands of such as are in authoritie shee ordaine and admit us; then may we law­fully and safely enter upon this holy charge, not otherwise.

Now here all our Reformed Churches are a [...]fronted by the Romish faction, and proudly challenged, just as the Priests of [Page 41] old challenged our Master Christ, Mat. 21. 23. Whence have you authority to teach? and who gave you this authority? They aske, where is our lawfull vocation? where our orderly un­interrupted succesion from the A­postles? and blush not to affirme (which is one of their unwritten traditions, M. [...] letters, cap. 11. and as true as Lucians true Histories, or their Homilies out of the Legend) that our Bi­shops in the beginning of Queen Elizabeths reigne, consecrated themselves, one another, contrary to all Canons of the ancient Church; and thence inferre, that all our after-ordinations are pure nullities, that we have no Mini­sters, no Faith, no Gospell, no Sacra­ments. Thus of old, when Ieremy and Ezechiel went about to repair [Page 42] the ruines of the Church, and to purge the worship of God from unsufferable corruptions and abu­ses, the Priests of Israel and Iudah resisted, called for their warrant, and pretended themselves onely to be the Temple of the Lord, and that the Law of God could not depart from them. But for answer to our Adversaries, we need not say that our first Reformers had an extraordinary calling from God: we constantly affirme, that those worthy Ministers who in the age of our Fathers first beganne this glorious worke of Reformation, had that same ordinary vocation and succession whereof our ad­versaries vaunt so much. But that vocation which the Romish Priests abused to the dishonour of God, [Page 43] and the suppressing of his truth, our Reformers (according to their dutie and conscience) used for the reestablishing of pure doctrine. Thus Wiclif, Hus, Luther, Zuin­glius, Oecolampadius, Bucer, Martyr, &c. the first purgers of the Church frō Roman superstition & tyran­ny, were al created & ordained by the Church of Rome it selfe, Priests or Doctors of Divinitie, by an ordinary, usuall, publique vo­cation, and that with a solemne adjuration, that they should duly and diligently teach the truth of God in his Church according to his word. And thus in our Church of England the consecra­tion of every Bishop hath beene still solemnly and canonically per­formed by three other Bishops at [Page 44] the least, as hath beene confessed by Cudsemi­us in viv [...] effigie Se­ctae Calvi­nist. cap. 11. some Papists, and Fr Ma­son de Mi­nister. Ang proved against the lies and slanders of others out of publique and au­thenticall records. Now then, we demand of our Adversaries; Hath the Church of Rome any lawfull ordinary vocation, or hath shee none? If she have none her selfe, why is shee so scrupulous to en­quire of ours? If shee have any; our Ministers had the same, being all at first called and ordained by her. For howsoever the Church of Rome hath adulterated and ob­scured her Catholique verities with intolerable superadditaments; yet hath shee still notwithstanding power to conferre a lawfull vo­cation. It is the consenting judge­ment both of Con [...]il Nic. 1. Can. 8. Codex can. Eccl. Af [...]ic. can 68. H [...]eron di [...]l. adv. Luciferian. Aug tract [...]. in Iohan. & cont. E­pist Parm. l. 2. c. 13 Synod. 7. act. 1. Antiquitie and of [Page 45] the late M [...]g. Sent. lio. 4. dist. 25. & ibi DD. S [...]hol. A­qui [...] Suppl. qu. 38. art. 2 [...]llar▪ de Sacr. in gen l. 1. c. 26 Romane Doctors, that heresie it selfe may infect but can­not annull ordinations, and that Clerkes ordained by hereticall Bishops are sufficiently in holy Orders, and may not bee re-ordai­ned For whosoever bee the in­strument, the principall Author of our holy charge is Christ the Lord; upon him alone original­ly it depends, and from him may be conveyed by polluted hands, as the cleare water of a fountaine may passe through a filthy pipe or chanell, and though it be vitiated in the passage, yet tis not abolish­ed. And therefore that wee may retort this crimination upon the Adversarie, albeit we confesse our Vocation to bee derived to us by the mediation of the Church of [Page 46] Rome, (not by her authority) yet we both avouch our vocation to be holy and lawfull, and chal­lenge theirs to be sacrilegious. For in the Romane Priesthood are confusedly intermingled things holy and profane; it is partly a Rose, partly a Nettle; it consists of a double power, one sacred, to absolve sinners by the Ministery of reconciliation, which we em­brace and retaine; the other im­pious to sacrifice againe Christ Iesus in the Masse, which we re­ject and abominate. So then the Rose we plucke, and leave them the Nettle; whatsoever they deli­ver in the name and by the com­mission of Iesus Christ, we hum­bly receive it and use it to his glo­rie: but for that which is autho­rized [Page 47] onely by the Popes warrant and institution, wee leave it to them who are his servants, and love to weare his liveries. BUt in this question (as in others) our Opposers are long since victi & triumphati, reduced to a perpetuall silence, by the learned labours of our Worthies, M. Francis De Minist Anglican. Mason for our Church, and for the for­raigne Churches, by the noble De Eccles. cap ult. Mornay, De [...]egit. vōc. Minist. Sadeel, and De la vo­ca ion des P [...]steurs. Peter Mou­lin, in a just Treatise of this ar­gument.

But being now upon this dis­course of vocation, I may not wave this faire occasion, to note the rare and exemplary calling (Sinè ambitu, more majorum,) of that Reverend man, whose Conse­cration gives occasion to this [Page 48] meeting. But because what I now speake of him, must be spoken to him; neither his modesty, nor mine permits mee to say much. Onely thus much I cannot for­beare: Our deare Soveraigne, his gracious Master, hath honoured not Him so much, as Himselfe and the Age, in the freedome of his noble and unexpected choice. And that elogie which Nazian­zene gives to S. Basil, truly and Orat. 20. properly fits our Bishop; he was promoted, [...], he did not steale or shuffle him­selfe into the chaire, hee did not invade it, the honour sought and followed him, and (though hee acknowledge a deepe obligation to many great and honourable [Page 49] Friends, yet) hee owes it to no thing, to no man, but to God and the King. And thus shall it bee done to all them which truly ho­nour God and the King; God and the King without doubt will honour them.

Thus at length we have done with the first part of the Text, the authority of Peters commis­sion, Iesus said unto him; the next now followes, expressing the matter or sum of it, Feed my sheepe. A rich and copious argument, wherein it were easie to be end­lesse. But because the time which remaines is not long, I will bee short, and with a light foot slip over this boundlesse field, where­in otherwise if I durst presume, I could desire to expatiate.

[Page 50] In the words our Lord imposes a necessity upō al his holy servants and officers, and requires their constant continuall care in the in­struction of his people, by sound doctrine and a holy life. The charge is given in metaphoricall termes, and the metaphor is very proper and significant; Feed my sheepe. Every word caries the weight of an argument, and im­plies a pressing motive to this du­tie. The words are three, so are the arguments. The first taken from the quality of the Minister; Thou art a Pastor of the People, therefore feed them: The second from the qualitie of the People, they are Sheepe, therefore feed them: The third from their rela­tion to Christ, they are my sheepe, [Page 51] not thine, and therefore as thou wilt answer me feed them.

For the first, the Embleme and image of a Shepheard sets out to the life all the sweet and gracious qua­lities, the tendernesse, providence, innocence, benignitie, fidelitie, prudence, diligence, &c. that should be in every good Gover­nour. Therefore no Metaphor more emphaticall, none so fre­quent in all good Authors, holy and profane, throughout the bo­dy of Scriptures, as this. There we finde God himselfe often ter­med a Psa [...]. 1. Pastor, and Christ our Lord, the Ioh. 10. 14 good Pastor, the 1 Pet. 5. 4. chiefe Pastor, all Kings and Prophets are Pastors: and for us of the Mini­sterie, we may say as they to Pha­raoh, Gen. 46. [...]4 We are all Pastors from our [Page 52] youth; we and our Fathers, and all our Tribe. What are the dut [...]es of a good and wise Pastor, we may collect from that description of a wicked and foolish Pastor in the Prophet Zechar. Zech. 11. 16. Ezech. 34. Loe, saith God, I will raise up a Shepheard in the land, who shall not visit those that be lost, neither shall seeke the lambes, nor beale that that is broken, nor feed that which standeth still; but he shall eate the flesh of the fat, and teare their clawes in pieces. Woe to the Idoll Shepheard that leaveth the flocke. To doe the contrary to all this, is to doe the part of a good Pa­stor. One word in my Text im­plies all, Feed. Shortly, the prin­cipall Vid. Naz Orat. 7. cares of a good Shepheard are three; which accordingly re­quire three principall vertues; [Page 53] first valour to keep off the thiefe, the Wolfe, the Fox, and all rave­nous beasts. Secondly, wisdome, to keepe all his flocke within the pale of good order; and if any un­ruly disorderly Ramme will bee ranging, to curbe and call him in with his whistle if he can, or if not, with his crooke. Thirdly, fidelity, to provide his lambs and sheepe of wholsome convenient pasture.

These same cares and vertues, in proportion, are required in all spirituall Pastors, specially and e­minently in every good Bishop.

1. Such as professedly or se­cretly corrupt the true doctrine of godlinesse, bringing in either pro­fane novelties, or destroying opi­nions; they are Theeves, Wolves, 2 Tim. 2. 16 2 Pet. 2. 1. [Page 54] Foxes, and must be opposed, con­vinced, confounded, by the va­lour and learning of the Bishop. But especially if hee love his Ma­ster or his flocke, let him beware of that Monster, compounded of a Wolfe and a Fox, that brand and boutefeu of all Churches and Kingdomes, the Iesuite. A thing that was never of Gods making, created onely by the Pope: and yet though he owes his being to the Pope, (and the Pope againe reciprocally his being now to him,) and would seeme to honor him whose name hee leudly as­sumes, yet the truth is (as that pru­dent French Cardinall d'Ossat, wel Epistre 8. a Mons Villi­vey. observing the maximes of the Iesu­itical Cabale, & their practises, long since rightly defined him) A Iesuite [Page 55] (some few excepted) is one that neither beleeves in Iesus Christ, nor in the Pope.

2. Such as walke disorderly, and are scandalous in their evill life, likely to taint all the flocke with the contagio [...] of their bad example; these the Bishops wise­dome and authoritie must either reclaime by sweet words of ad­monition if he can, or otherwise represse them by the sharpe edge of Ecclesiasticall censures. And it were perhaps to be wished that the spirituall sword were both more tenderly used in some cases, and more severely in others, more blunted against some offendors, and better edged against others.

But 3. the prime care and ver­tue of a good Bishop is faithfully [Page 56] and fruitfully to dispense the word of life, the doctrine of sal­vation to his people; and to live himselfe the life which he com­mends: that so he may be an ab­solute paterne of pietie, and his life a cleare commentary upon his doctrine. This I call his prime care and vertue; for tis this which our Lord principally intends in this charge to Peter and all Pa­stors, Feed my sheepe: and there­fore here wee will insist a little. This care requires, as I have said, 1. wholsome doctrine; 2. a holy life. Of either a few words.

By wholsome doctrine I meane not any vaine jangling about un­profitable questions, not any nice or curious speculations in forbid­den mysteries; which serve more [Page 57] to amaze or distract the people, then to instruct them; and more inlarge the kingdome of Sa­ [...]an then of Iesus Christ, planting rather Atheisme and irreligion, then sound knowledge and de­votion. But I meane the plaine preaching of that truth which is according unto godlinesse, the laying of the foundation of faith in Christ, and repentance from dead workes, and new obedience. Which how­soever now adayes we put off to our Curates and under-journey­men, as a thing unbeseeming our learning and greatnesse; yet Saint Paul is of another judgement, and accounts this the master-piece of a wise Architect. And sure (that 1 Cor. 3. 10 I may borrow the words of a re­verend Prelate of this Church) the D. H. [Page 58] most usefull of all preaching is Cate­cheticall: this is both food and physicke, both a cordiall to com­fort and settle the heart in truth, and a preservative against all error: this is the ground, all other dis­courses (though profitable) are but the descants. If any dainty pa­late distast this bread of Angels, hee is distempered and worthy to fast. Whose heart (that hath any compassion) bleeds not to see the strange growth of ignorance and infidelity in this age, and the poor Church every where miserably labouring under her wofull Schismes and ruptures! Certainly, the ground of all this calamity is, because the old rudiments of pie­tie, the principles of saving truth are every where neglected, and [Page 59] new subtle inventions with great vehemency pressed. Men are faln from living to disputing, and whilst their hands are idle and their heads empty, yet their tongues must needs be working. And af­ter a while it will bee a matter of great wit to be a Christian, for he must be faine every yeare to learne a new Creed. Each private opini­on must needs bee matter of faith, and it contents not many zelotes of each side to injoy their owne conceits, they are out of charity with all that are not of their judgement.

I verily thinke it might bee a happy meanes to settle many un­fortunate Controversies, and to unite us all in blessed truth and peace, if men would give them­selves [Page 60] leave without passion, right­ly to apprehend and consider the diversitie and degrees of divine truth. Many truths are profitable, very few Ioh. 17. 3 —20. 31. Rom 10. 9. 13. Luke 7. 48. —8. 48. —2 [...]. 4 [...]. Act 8. [...]7. —1 [...]. 31. necessary. As in the pra­cticall part of religion, true sancti­fying grace hath a wide latitude, very strong and vigorous in one, very weake and feeble in another, yet in both saving: So in the in­tellectuall or dogmaticall part of Christianitie, R [...] I [...]co­bus in [...] Casaub E­pist. ad Card P [...]rron. G [...]ve [...]s­praefat. & Observ. [...] Harm. con­fess. G [...] ­l [...]rt observ. in H [...]min gij Opuscula D. Vsher Serm. of the unity of faith.—Vi [...]c Lirin. cap 39. Petrus Mo­l [...]ntus in Confilio Gallicè scripto. all divine verities are not of equall moment and ne­cessity. S. Paul hath taught us a distinction betweene foundations and superstructions, (1 Cor. 3.) and among these latter some border more closely upon the foundati­on then others. Where there is a distinct and explicite assent in all the maine Articles of the Catho­lique [Page 61] faith, and in all conclusions cleerely, immediately, necessarily issuing from those principles, and no poison after mingled with this milke: Other truths more subtile may admit an [...], or a non liquet, both ignorance and error with­out danger, as being disputable in themselves, and happely by plaine Scripture indeterminable. To be free from all error and sin is the priviledge of the Church triumphing; in this life, where there is so great variety of the Spi­rits illuminatiō, so great imbecility of all mens understanding, and so many mysteries inscrutable; to expect an absolute and generall consent in all particles of truth, were a great vanity; to exact it a greater tyranny of pernicious con­sequence [Page 62] in the Church: The best of men are but men at the best; and if any in this s [...]e of morta­lity thinke or hope to reach all in­comprehensible Mysteries, hee mistakes his measure, and for­gets that his dwelling is in the dust, that he is yet on earth, not yet in heaven. So long as we are here below on our way, ignorance and infirmity will accompany us, they will not leave us till we leave the world, and be admitted into our heavenly Country. When once 1 Cor. 3. 10 12. 2 Cor 5 7. 1 Ioh. 3. 2. the time of perfection is come, then (not before) shall all defects bee abolished, all imperfections per­fited, then shall our Faith be tur­ned into vision, our darke know­ledge into cleare comprehension: I [...]s. Scal Ele [...]c. Orat. Chron [...]. Elias quùm venerit solvet dubia.

[Page 63] Now those maine Articles whereof we spake, the wisdome of the ancient Church contracted out of Scripture into a short Creed, which they called the Rule of faith, and placed in it the M r Brad. ford Mart. conference with Heth a [...]d Day. unity of the Church; which Ire [...] l [...]b. 1. cap. 2. 3. Iren [...]us saies ad­mits neither addition nor diminu­tion, being common to small and great. And Te [...]tul de Virg Vel. c. 1. Vide et [...]m Am­bros Ser 38 de Iejun. & Quadr. in fine. Rufi [...]. in Ex [...]os. Symb. in p [...]aefat. Au­gust. d [...] Temp. Ser. 115. & 119 & 181. in praef. Leon. Epist. 13. ad fin. Tertullian to the same purpose, Regula fidei una omnino est, immobilis, irr [...]formabilis;—then after a briefe repetition of it, hee addes, Hâc lege fidei manente—cae­tera admittunt novitatem correctionis. But above all the rest, Naz orat. 3. de pace, num. 14. & 26. Vinc. Lirin. Iud. 3 Gregorie Nazianzene most excellently and judiciously handles this argument in his 14 Oration, and his 26, which he entitles de moderatione in disputationibus servandâ. This was the faith once given to the Saints, [Page 64] for which those ancient Worthies contended so stoutly even unto blood: And which they did all so diligently inculcate unto their auditors, as it appeares by lustine Martyr his Exposition of the faith, S. Basil his Treatise or Homily de verâ fide; Athanasius in his Creed, Epiphanius in his Ancoratus, S. Au­gustine his Enchiridion, and the Bookes de Doctrinâ Christianâ; Gregory Nyssen, and Cyrill of Ieru­salem in their Catecheticall Orations &c. upon this evidence they con­victed and condemned all ancient heresies; and I am confident, were they now alive, they would all side with us in our necessary separation from the abominati­ons, idolatry and tyranny of the Papacy, with which no good Christian can hold any union [Page 65] in faith, any communion in charitie.

Now for our Controversies, first let me professe, I favour not (I rather suspect) any new inven­tions; for ab Antiquitate non recedo nisi invitus: especially renouncing all such as any way favour or flat­ter the depraved nature and will of man, which I constantly be­leeve to be free onely to evill, and of it selfe to have no power at all, meerely none to any act or thing spiritually good: Most heartily embracing that doctrine which most amply commends the ri­ches of Gods free grace, which I acknowledge to bee the whole and sole cause of our predestina­tion, conversion, and salvation, abhorring all damned doctrines [Page 66] of the Pelagians, Semipelagians, Iesuites, Socinians, and of their ragges and reliques, which helpe onely to pride and pricke up cor­rupt nature; humbly confessing in the words of S. Test ad Qui [...]. lib. 3. c. 4. Cyprian, (so of­ten repeated by that worthy champion of grace, S. Cont. du [...]s Epist Pel [...]g. l. 4. cap. 9. Austine) in nullo gloriandum est, quandoquidèm nostrum nihilest: It is God that wor­keth in us both the will and the deed, and therefore let him that glorieth, glory in the Lord. But for the points in question, they might sure bee debated with lesse edge and sto­mach, as they are at this day in the very Jnter ali­qu [...]t Iesui­tas & Do­minicanos. Church of Rome: and it were happy, if wee could suffer charitie to moderate in all our dis­putations. If it be truth we seeke, and no [...] victorie, why take wee [Page 67] not the counsell of Saint Paul, [...], To seeke and speake Eph. 4. 15. truth in love. Since the matters questioned are clogged and per­plexed with so many insupe­rable difficulties: that the grea­test Wits and Spirits of all Ages have here found themselves en­tangled in a maze, and at length after all vexing disquisitions, see­ing no evasion, no issue out of this Labyrinth, no banke or bot­tome in this Ocean, were forced to checke their restlesse repining understandings with S. Pauls, O Altitudo! Since on all hands they are Pareus in Iren. Frid. 3 Palat [...]n Confess ad fin. [...]dmon. Ne. [...]stad. confessed to be not fundamen­tall, not essentiall to the faith, since our owne Church (as the C [...]lestin. Epis. [...] ad Epist G [...]ll. c. ult. Vide Episto­las Prosp. & Hilarij ad Aug. Pri­mitive) in great wisedome hath thoght meet here to walk in a la­titude, [Page 68] and to be sparing in her de­finitions; why should we not all be wise unto sobriety, and let God alone with his secrets? why may not our Rom. 141 Phil. 2 3.—3. 15. 2 Tim 2. 22. 1 Cor. 13. 4, 7. See Perkins in Gal 1. 2. & Gal 3. 15 Ʋid. in g nem S [...]. erga dissen tientes a se mo lestiam epist. 73. ad Iubaian. in fine; & in praefat. con­cil. Ca [...]th [...]g. [...]audat [...] sepeab [...]ag de bap. cont. Donat l. 2 6. ult. & l 2. c. 3. & l. 4 c. 8, 9. &c. hearts be united, though our heads doe differ? why doe wee not desire rather safely and sweetly to compose these diffe­rences, then rashly & with Aug. En­chir. ad Laurent c. 59. danger to define them: and forbeare all Capitall censures either way, which must needs involve many holy soules now at rest with God, many Bez. An­not major. in Rom 11. v. 35. & Calv. Inst. l. 3. cap. 22. Sect. 1. & Sect 8 vid.* Catholique Bishops of the ancient Church, many lear­ned and godly Doctors of our owne, nay entire reformed Chur­ches, all which have varied in these opinions, though most neer­ly linked in their affections? The faire and moderate cariage of [Page 69] these controversies between those P. Melans. in Rom 9. Sixt. Sen. lib. 6. ann. 251. two reverend men (whose me­mories we justly honour) Ʋide cum in praefat. ad Loc com Melanct. Gallice à seversos. & epistolas [...]. Iohn Calvin, and Philip Melancthon, ea­sily perswades me that their vio­lent followers at this day are not more learned, but more uncha­ritable. And it appeares by that which M. Exam. of Ioh. Careles. Fox hath recorded, that our owne blessed Martyrs in the daies of Queene Mary, in their very prisons freely disputed and dissented in these opinions. And Bishop Hooper hath left his judge­ment to posteritie, in the Preface to his Exposition of the Decalogue, which haply he learnt at Zurich of H. Bullinger his intime friend and familiar. In all likelihood, the wit of man cannot better de­termine these doubts, then as our [Page 70] most gracious and religious So­veraigne hath done, by silencing them; for the best charme against a Spirit of contention, is to strike it dumbe. Wherein he hath wor­thily imitated the wisedome and piety of his blessed Father (our late great Peacemaker) who by the same meanes quenched a dange­rous sparkle kindling upon the Protestants of France, and likely to inflame them, in a nice questi­on about justification. God Al­mighty grant us here the same successe, give us holy wisedome to temper our zeale, and unite us all in the holy bond of truth and love. I passe from our Pastors wholsome doctrine, to his ho­ly life.

For 2 Tim 2. 15. [...] to talk aright is but [Page 71] one part of our duty, the other is Gal. 2. 14 [...], to walke aright. Doubt­lesse, the life of a Minister should be most exemplary in holinesse, he should be a patterne of sancti­fication to all his people. Like Ca­toes Orator, he must be Sene praf. ad Controv. Vir bonus dicendi peritus, it is not enough for him to teach the way to heaven, he musttread it. His speech should be [...], as Lib. 3. [...]p. 202. Isi­dore Pelusiota, a speech quickned and enlived with action. For sure, there is no life in his doctrine, who hath not doctrine in his life. Our workes must feed as well as our words; and our hands teach piety, no lesse then our tongues. Our people with Thomas in ano­ther case, except they see, they will not beleeve: their eyes must bee [Page 72] taught, as well as their eares: there­fore said Paul to his Philippians, Do those things which you have heard Phil. 4. 9. and seene in me. It was an excellent elogie which Nazianzene gave to great Basil in his Epitaph, [...], his words were thunder and his life lightning: Thus it should be with all us, my holy brethren: If sin now grown shamelesse & impudent, bee deafe to the thunder of our voices, we must discountenance and strike it dead with the light­ning of a pure conversation: if wee cannot outcry it, wee must outlive it. And no wonder, if such strict mortification, such severe Christianity be looked for in us: for our devotion must set many hearts on fire, and like burning [Page 73] Beacons give warning to all the Country.

On the contrary, as in a wri­ting Copy an error doth not one­ly show, but even teach it selfe, the common lines still aiming at their originall; so here, the sinnes of teachers are the teachers of sin, others leud example doth but countenance evill, theirs in a sort commands it. And therefore as Isidore Pelusiota hath judiciously Lib. 2 ep. 121. remarked, in [...]evit. 4. the Lord appointed as great a sacrifice, yea the same, for expiation of the Levit 4. Priests sin and for the sin of the whole Congregation; implying that all our sinnes are publique and scandalous; that which is but a small blemish in any other coat, is a foule stain in a linnen Ephod; [Page 74] infirmities in other men, are enor­mities in us; and that which is sin in them, in us is more then sa­criledge. A wicked Priest is the vilest creature upon earth, and most disnonors God; for the peo­ple quickly loath the sacrifice, if once the sonnes of Eli be sonnes of Belial.

What then shall I say, but pray with Moses, Lord let thy Vrim and Deut. 33. 8. thy Thummim bee with thine Holy ones; or with David, Let all thy Priests he clothed with righteousnes, let Holinesse to the [...]ord bee written upon al our hearts and foreheads, that we may all endeavor to bee seriously and solidly pious, and be able to say to our people, as Gide­on to his souldiers, Looke on me and Iud. 7. 17. doe likewise, as ye see me doe so do you. [Page 75] Inducements are many & weigh­tie, some you have heard, many more there are. The glory of God, the credit of Religion, the honour and propagation of the Gospell, the winning of others soules, the comfort of our owne; all these are much advantaged where un­blameable conversation walkes along with wholsome doctrine: and they are no lesse indangered where this friendly couple is di­vorced, where doctrine is live­lesse. Who sees not the persons of unreformed Ministers despica­ble, their admonitions cold and heartlesse, their instructions with­out authority, their reproofes without liberty? and no wonder! For whilst they should summon their hearers before Gods tribu­nall, [Page 76] and arraigne them for pride, ambition, luxury, drunkennesse, covetousnes,—or such vices, their owne conscience within will needs answer and cry guilty. And experience sometime tels us what combats such men have when they fall upon Texts that point the finger at their owne sores.

My censure then must needs be sharpe against those unworthy sonnes of I evi, who cary fire in their doctrine, but water in their lives; whose tongues are of a large size, but their hands are withered, who are Divines as Epictetus in Noct. Attie. lib. 17. cap. 19. Agellius said that many were Philosophers, [...], Philosophâ sententiâ, ignava operâ, Stoickes in word, Epicures in deed; who by their loose and dissolute [Page 77] manners poure contempt not on­ly upon their owne faces, but up­on their whole Tribe, and their venerable calling. These are they that expose us all to publike re­proach, whilst the world gathers an ignorant and malicious con­clusion from a premise borrowed from these; Some Ministers are un­savoury salt, therfore let them all be troden under foot. But our personall contempt is nothing to the disho­nor of God, the blemish of religi­on, the blasphemy of aliens, the losse of innumerable soules that are ready to follow these wan­dring guides by heapes and hun­dreds into the mouth of hel. Sure­ly, these verball Doctors, these worklesse talkers shall one day stand dumb and speechles, when [Page 78] God shall pose them with that ter­rible question, P [...] 50. 16 Rom. 2. 21. Why dost thou take my lawes into thy mouth, thou which hatest to be reformed? Is not this in Naz. orat. 1. Nazianzens proverbe, to be [...], to profess thy selfe a Chirurgian to heale the sores of others, whilst thine owne body runs with bloody issues? Nay first of all, Physitian, heale thy selfe; try the vertue of thy drugs upon thine own diseases, lest otherwise thou prove like that ridiculous A­pothecary in Lucian, who sold me­dicines to cure the cough, & was shrewdly troubled with one him­selfe. As when the hand is tuned to the tongue, it makes a sweet & delightfull harmony, so no dis­cord so harsh and incongruous as when the hand is jarring, & runs [Page 79] in a contrary tone. A Kingdome divided against it selfe, cannot stand, sayes our Saviour; no more can a Ministery: and such a divided Ministery is that, where the doc­trine condemnes the life, and the life confutes the doctrine. The im­portance of the matter makes me thus tedious. We have done with one argument pressing our Pastor to his Cure, taken from the quali­ty of the Minister, he is a Pastor, therefore to feed. Two more fol­low in the two last words: 1. drawne from our peoples quality, they are sheepe, 2. from their rela­tion, Christs sheepe, not ours: Of these two in one word, for I will not handle, but touch them.

The simplicity and stolidity of sheep is such, that it hath given oc­casion [Page 80] to a proverb In De Hist. Anim. lib. 9. c. 3. Aristotle, [...], sheepish manners, is a proverbiall forme of speech: and therefore sheep stand in need of a Pastor to feed them. Though now adaves ( [...]) some of our sheepe will take upon them to feed and teach their Pastors. Tis true, a very sheepe is not such a stupid thing but it can by a natu­rall judgement make choice of good nourishment. If it be turned into a pasture where there are some venemous herbs, some grass sweet and convenient; by instinct of nature it can distinguish the one from the other, feeds, upon the one, and abstaines from the o­ther. And the reasonable sheep of Christ shall thy be unprovided of the like necessary prudence? No, [Page 81] himselfe gives them this testimony, that they heare his voice, they know it, they follow it, and they fly from the voice of strangers. Ioh. 10. 4. And therefore we have great reason to thinke and hope very well, of our poore Fore­fathers that lived and died under the darkest, times of Popery. They had then indeed a pack of blind and wic­ked Pastors, which were (as S. Cy­prian▪ Epist. 11. speakes of such) Lanii magis quàm Pastores, rather Butchers then Shepheard: Those deceitful nur­ses tendred to Gods people the milk of his word, but mingled with poi­son; offered bread, but mixt with lea­ven. As in false coins of brasse or cop­per. [...]ever some fragments of good gold and silver are intermingled to adde a colour: so those compounded or rather confounded pure truth and religion with false and pernicious er­rour [Page 82] and corruption. But no doubt the good people of God took onely the milk, left the poison; received the bread, rejected the leaven; fed heartily upon the plaine word of grace and mercy by Christ, & scantly touched the new dishes & devices of Rome, which (by Gods especiall providēce) were of so hard digestion, of such a high and subtle strain, that vulgar ca­pacities could not reach them, and so could not be poisoned by them.

Againe, a sheepe is a creature not more simple then innocent: And to this end must all our labors with our People, all their endeavors aime, that they may be at length presented as a flock of harmless sheepe to the imma­culate I amb of God, the soverain Pa­stor. Otherwise he wil not acknow­ledge thē for his. For his Church is a Communion of Saints, a flock of sheep, [Page 83] not a herd of swine or a kennell of dogs, or a den of wolves, tygers, &c.

Last of all, the most considerable and pressing motive to care and dili­gēce in our holy calling, is that which now in the last place I can but menti­on. It is the flock of Christ which thou art charged to seed; they are his sheep, not thine. His, dearly esteemed, dear­ly purchased with the price of his bloud, and thy soule for theirs if any miscary through thy perfidiousnesse. Now then, canst thou neglect so pre­cious a pledge which thy Master hath deposited with thee, and com­mitted to thy trust? canst thou thinke much to spend a few dropps of thy sweat upon them for whom Christ shed so much of his bloud? If thou hast no pity on their soules, yet have pity on thine own, & be perswaded to diligence either by the love or by [Page 84] the feare of that Lord who will one day make just retribution, and either richly recompense thy faithfulnesse, or severely punish thy trechery. For conclusion, let me bespeak & intreat you, Reverend Fathers & Brethren, in the words of a divine Apostle, Act. 20. 28. Take heed to your selves and to all the flock wherof the holy Ghost hath made you Bishops, to feed the Church of God which he hath purchased with his own bloud. & 1 Pet. 5. 2. Feed the flock of God which dependeth on you caring for it, not by constraint, but willingly not for fil­thie lucre but of a ready mind: Not as if ye were Lords over Gods heritage, but that you may be ensamples to the flocke. And when the Chiefe Shepheard shall appear, you shall receive an incorruptible Crowne of glory.

Soli Deo gloria.

Pag 4 lin. 17. for Soe read Loe.

Pa. 24. l. 19. [...], r. [...].

An Advertisement to the Reader, touching the History of the Quarrels of Pope Paul 5. with the State of Ʋenice.

The Translator to the Reader.

IN a more perfect Copie of that Histo­rie pretended to bee printed at Lions, but indeed at Ve­nice, M DC XXIV (which I have lately seene by the courtesie of my wor­thie and learned friend M. W. Bos­well,) there is annexed at the end, by the same judicious Author of the Hi­storie, [Page 86] (and wanting in that Copy of Geneva, which before I followed,) a particular and memorable Informa­tion touching some essentiall circum­stances in the Accommodation of that great Difference. Which because it is the life of the whole History, and serves much to cleare the Venetian cause from the forgeries of the Court of Rome, (which was the Authors maine intention,) I have thought meet here to communicate it with the Rea­der, done out of Italian into English with fidelity: as followeth.

BEing a thing which hath ne­ver happened, that a Breve of Censures, so solemnly pub­lished by the Pope, and resisted with so great constancy, should be abolished without any wri­ting [Page 87] or act done in Rome: it hath bred in many persons a curiosity to know the truth of all passages in this businesse; and hath given matter to those, who in all such contestations would seeme to have the victory, and are wont to countenance their Designes with forged writings, to use also this same artifice upon this present oc­casion. And therefore they have in this case also counterfaited 4 writings, to wit, 1. A Breve unto the Card. of Ioyeuse, which gives him faculty to take away the Cen­sures: 2. An Instrument of Abso­lution by the said Cardinall, dated 21 April: 3. An Instrument of the delivery of the Prisoners; and 4. A Decree of the Senate for the re­stitution of the Religious, and for [Page 88] releasing the sequestration of the revenewes of such Ecclesiasticks as were gone out of the State. Which writings they have not dared to divulge in formall Co­pies, but onely dispersed under­hand some abridgments of them: with intention it may be, that af­ter some time (when they may not be so easily detected and con­futed, as at this present) they may be produced and pretended to be true, yea and so to be beleeved of necessity, as this Policie hath of­ten well succeeded to These men, who have many times given co­lour to many such false writings, prejudiciall to divers Princes.

Now purposing to speake par­ticularly of all those foure false writings, we will begin with the [Page 89] first, which containes a forged Breve unto the Card. of Ioyeuse, giving him power to take away the Censures.

Whether the Pope hath indeed dispatched such a Breve unto the said Card. prescribing him a form of Absolving from the Excom­munication, Protestation, Reser­vation, and other clauses (the sum­maries whereof are scattered a­broad,) I can neither affirme nor deny. Onely I will say, that ma­ny times at Rome they publish such Breves, though they that have interest never saw them; which yet are extant: and yet the memory doth remaine in the Hi­stories, that all the Businesse had passed quite contrary to that which in such Breves is reported. [Page 90] Gregory 2. having commantled Alphonsus King of Spaine, that lea­ving the office of the Mozarabes he receive that of Rome, Innocen­tius 3. writeth lib 9. epist. 2. that it was accordingly received: yet all the Historians of Spaine do agree, that the King would never en­dure any alteration in this office, nor admit the Romane. In Cap. 1. de postul. Praelatorum. Innocent 3. in the yeare 1199. saith, that the Interdict against France, (because the K. Philip Augustus had put a­way his wife Isemberg) was ob­served in that Kingdome: Not­withstanding all the French Hi­storians with one voice accord that it was not observed, and that the King punished all such of his Clergy as dared to execute the de­sires, [Page 91] or to approve the pretensi­ons of the Pope. I will further add, that many times when such Bulls have beene published under the name of the Popes, they them­selves have beene constrained af­terwards to deny them, or con­fesse them to have beene extorted. Adrian the 2. anno 870. sent a se­vere Monitorie to Charles the Bald K. of France, commanding him to forbeare to seize upon the King­dome of Lotharius his deceased Nephew, and to the same effect writing his Letters to the Prelates and Nobilitie of the Realme. The King neverthelesse prosecuting his purposes, answered the Pope with freedome and bitternesse. Wherefore his Holinesse in his re­ply to the King, first amply com­mends [Page 92] the Royall vertues where­with he heard that he was ador­ned, then testifies his great good will towards him, and concludes that if hee had formerly received from him any Letters of another tenor, or of a more hard or sharp or rough stile, hee prayes him to beleeve that he was surprised, and that they were stollen from him unawares, or when he was sick, or happely counterfaited.

The Lawyers doe all consent, that no man can prove himselfe to have Iurisdiction over another by showing a Citation, or De­cree, or Sentence, unlesse he can show that the Citation was inti­mated, and the Decree obeyed, and the sentence put in execution. Be it that the Pope did dispatch [Page 93] this Breve in question unto the Cardinall of Ioyeuse, (which I nei­ther beleeve, nor deny,) yet see­ing it was here never seene, either by the Prince, or by any publike Minister, nor even by any private person of this State, (so far as that is knowne) what ever it contain, that cannot bee any prejudice to the Reasons and Rights of this Republique. And if any will pre­tend to found or inferre ought upon this Breve, it belongs to him to make proofe that it was recei­ved, or else presented, or finally at least seene or known or brought to some mans notice; nothing of which is true in this whereof we speake. And if in time to come any Breve be fained or produced of what tenor soever, it ought not [Page 94] to prevaile against the faith and testimony of true histories, which will beare witnesse to Posterity that no Breve at all passed in this action. Wherefore it remaines onely to be considered, what the Cardinall hath done or executed.

Concerning which, there is 2 dispersed a certaine Instrument of one Paul Catel an Apostolique Pro­tonotary, wherein (to give more credit to the forgery) are named particularly 6 Counsellors, 3 of the chiefe of the Councell of 40, and 16 Sages: which affirmeth, that the Cardinal did absolve them from the Excommunication, im­posing penance upon them at the pleasure of their Confessor, and that the Duke, the Counsellers, and Sages aforesaid did humbly [Page 95] receive it: in the presence of Mon­sieur de Fresne, and Peter Posier Sieur de la Paume.

In this particular, any person may easily discerne (by the sole evidence of the fact knowne to all the world, and more cleare then the Sun at mid-day,) whe­ther the Republique hath desired or received Absolution, as the said Instrument doth falsely suggest; or rather hath alwayes constant­ly persisted in defence of their in­nocency, which had no need of any Absolution. It is a case evi­dent out of the Word of God, that the Church hath no autho­rity to remit the sinnes of any, or to grant Absolution to any, save onely to such as are penitent: But in the opinion of all Divines and [Page 96] Canonists there is not the same rea­son of Censures, from which (as they jointly affirme) one may be absolved though hee doe not re­pent, though he demand it not, yea though he resist and refuse to accept absolution. This hath bin done by some Popes of Rome, and one memorable example we have in Philip le Bel K. of France, who imprisoned the Bishop of Rimini for some bold words and commandements, which he de­livered in the name of Pope Bo­niface 8. Whereupon the Pope ex­communicated him, in the yeare 1300, and the yeare following 1301 thundred out another Ex­communication together with an Interdict, because the King re­fused to acknowledge him for [Page 97] his temporall Superiour; and the heat of these matters passed so far, that the King chased out of France the Archdeacon of Narbon the Popes Nuncio, and cast the Popes Bull publiquely into the fire: and this Controversie continued till the yeare 1303: when the Pope sen­ding out a third Excommunica­tion against Philip, the King sent to Anagni (where then the Pope was) Mons de Negaret, who (with the Colonnesi and some others) there tooke the Pope prisoner, who died after some few dayes. The King never sought after any absolution from the former Cen­sures, but notwithstanding, Bene­dict 11. (who succeeded Boniface) in the same yeare 1303, absolved the King from them, making ex­presse [Page 98] mention in his Bull, that the King had not required it. All this is recorded by the Historians of France and England. This de­meanour of the king did not pro­ceed from pride or any evil mind, but from the conscience of his innocency: In testimony where­of Clement 5 anno 1305 declared in Consistory, that all which the King had done against Boniface was done with a good intention, and afterwards 1311 in the Ge­nerall Councell of Vienna, the Councell and the Pope made de­claration that the censures fulmi­nated by Boniface against the king were unjust.

It remaines therefore a thing apparent and manifest, that al­though commonly such are as­soiled [Page 99] from Censures, as doe ac­knowledge▪ themselves rightly censured, and being sory for their faults require penance and absolu­tion; yet sometimes the Prelate himselfe, who hath unduly pro­ceeded in his Censures against an innocent, for his owne reputati­on or some other cause may give him absolution though he desire it not, nay though he openly pro­test that hee hath no need of it. Now our false Paul Catel preten­deth that the Cardinall de Ioyeuse did absolve the Duke and the Colledge: But did they demand it! or did he require them to con­fesse their fault, or assoile them upon their petition? This he can­not say; for the Prince and Senate having from the beginning pro­tested [Page 100] to esteeme the Popes Cen­sures as null, and commanded that his Interdict (as null in like manner) should not be observed, they never after altered their judg­ment and resolution. And there­fore Divine Service was still con­tinued both in Venice & through­out the State. Yea that very mor­ning of April 21, (being the day of the pretended Absolution) Masse and other divine Offices were celebrated (as they are wont) throughout all the City, and in all the Cities of the Signory, and that same morning (accor­ding to the custome of other daies) the Prince together with the Colledge heard Masse in his Chappell, before the comming of the Cardinall. Wherefore the Re­publique [Page 101] hath never acknowled­ged any error committed, or de­parted from their first deliberati­on. If they had, it had beene meet at least that they should correct their error, if not doe penance. And the Ecclesiastiques are so cu­rious in the proclaiming of their Rights and Conquests, that when any one repents and craves their Absolution, they are wont to make thereof publique demon­strations, cautions for the time to come, and the like things, where­with their Decretals are full, and many such examples recorded in Histories, which cannot be de­nied or blamed by them who have confessed their fault and as­ked pardon. Seeing therefore it is true and notorious to all the [Page 102] world, that this pretended Inter­dict was not observed for one moment; what man can bee so foolish and simple, as to beleeve that the State hath any whit re­pented? But if they say, that Abso­lution was given to the Colledge without their consent, who could hinder them to doe it in such a fashion? Absolution from Cen­sures may be thus given to him that is willing, and to him that is unwilling, as well in absence as in presence, either with words, or after any other manner. And ther­fore they may make short and tell us, that the Cardinall in his lod­ging, or in his Barge hath given this solemne Absolution: for who can deny it? they say no more in effect, when they say [Page 103] that he did secretly under his hood make the signe of the Crosse, which served for an Absolution; if he did so, who could hinder him?

It is true, the Cardinall had a designe to give Absolution, if he could have prevailed: And he at­tempted much to this end, but alwayes without successe, by rea­son of the Senates constancy, who ever refused it as being well assured of their innocency. Wher­fore being prevented, hee endea­vored to doe some action in pub­lique which might cary some ap­parence of a Benediction or an Absolution. And to this purpose, first he desired that he might say Masse unto the Prince, then that hee might accompany him to [Page 104] Masse in the Church: But being not able to obtaine his consent to either of these, he desired him to receive at least his Benediction (as we have Hist. lib. 7. pag. 415. said) alledging that the Apostolique Benediction ought not at any time to be refu­sed. To which when it was re­plyed, that verily it ought not in other cases, when it gave no sus­pition of a fault confessed, but it ought in this where it might che­rish such a suspition: though the Cardinall (either as he walked, or sitting in the Colledge with the Senators,) did make a Crosse under his Hood, yet no man can hence argue that Absolution was received, no more then hee can draw the like conclusion from a thousand Crosses which the Car­dinall [Page 105] might have made in his Lodging, or in his Barge, or else­where. But what kinde of Abso­lution was that, whereof 22 per­sons named whilest the Cardinall was in the Colledge, not any one arose from his seat, or tooke his bonet from his head? what signe did there appeare of receiving ab­solution? Adde hereunto, that the Pope in his Breve excommu­nicated the Duke, the Senate, and their Adherents: it was necessa­rie then to absolve all these. The counterfait Paul Catel saith, that the Colledge represented them all. But where were the Letters of Procuration? where will he find this representation? On other like occasions, when a Community is assoiled, they are carefull at [Page 106] Rome to have their Instrument of Procuration registred. They may remember that anno 1606 they did imprint at Rome the Procu­ratory Letters of them who re­presented the Republique to Pope Clement 5. and three other Procu­rations of them who represented it to Pope Iulius: But now they pretend that all the Senate was absolved in some persons, to whom they gave no such man­date or commission. This is a passage well beseeming their suf­ficiency and learning in the Lawes.

But by one cleare and briefe reason we may dispell all doubt, and convince these falsaries. In the Hist p. 402. accommodating of these differen­ces there was not any authentick [Page 107] writing made, presented, or inti­mated either by the Pope, or by the Republique, or by their Ministers as all confesse; saving onely the Prince his Letters to the Prelates of the State, published 21 April, and delivered the same day to the Cardinall de Ioycuse, and by him received and sent unto the Pope: In which was said, that By the grace of God, a meanes was found, Hist p 423. whereby the Popes Holinesse was cer­tified of the uprightnese and sincerity of the Republique in their actions:—Which words whosoever will consider though but superficially, and weigh withall the time wherein they were delivered to the Cardinall, being the very same time which Catel assigneth to the supposed Absolution; hee will [Page 108] surely rest well satisfied that the Prince and Senate have ever dis­claimed any error or trespasse, and did professe so much to the Car­dinall in writing, in that very point of time wherein Catel fain­eth them to have received Ab­solution.

Much more might be said in confirmation of this truth; but what hath beene spoken may a­bundantly suffice. Yet wee will a little further discover the forge­ [...]ie of this Instrument, by some other circumstances. The Car­dinall de Ioyeuse comming that morning, was met by the Prince (accompanied with the Col­ledge) at the staires of his Lod­ging, and conducted by a private passage into the Hall of the Col­ledge, [Page 109] where the Secretaries enter first, then followed the Prince, and with him the Cardinal, whose traine was caried by one of his Servants; after them Monsieur de Fresne, and then the Senators. And being come to their ordinary seats, each one tooke his place, and the Traine-bearer went out. Then the Cardinall spoke accor­ding to the written tenor. Where were then Paul Catel and Peter Posier, the one a Notary, the o­ther a witnesse? Certainly both were not present, but one of them it may be, which bare the Traine of the Cardinall: See here, the first falsitie. But when did the Car­dinall give that Absolution? be­fore he sate downe, or after? If before, verily he might give ma­ny [Page 110] such Absolutions, as we said before, in his way, or in his Barge, before he came to the Pa­lace, or even in his Lodging, which might be as effectuall. It is a thing knowne to the Cano­nists, that Absolution may be gi­ven to one that seekes it not as well in his absence, as if he were present. But if they say, that it was no ambulatory Absolution, but done in the Colledge after they were set, where were then Paul Catel and Peter Posier? since none remained there save onely Mon­sieur de Fresne.

To bee short, the world can­not be deluded. Either they have absolved the Republique upon their request, or against their will. If they confesse this Absolution [Page 111] to have passed on them against their will, to what end doe they busie themselves to forge wri­tings and Attestations for a thing which might be done in a thou­sand fashions? Which practises as they are in their power, so can they not any wayes prejudice the innocence of the Republique, nor derogate from their rights. But if they pretend that the Absolution was received and desired by the Republique, let them forge as many writings as they please, yet shall they be all convicted by this, that the Interdict hath not beene ob­served for any one moment of time, as also manifestly appeareth by the Letters of the Prince, pub­lished, imprinted and received by the Cardinall.

[Page 112] Now touching that Instru­ment 3 of the delivery of the priso­ners, it is no wonder that wee have Hister. pag. 422. before related, how Marc Ottobon Secretary of the State re­quired an Instrument or act to be made by Hieronimo Polverin and Iohn Rizzard the Dukes Nota­ries, containing, that hee Ottobon had consigned the Prisoners to Monsieur de Fresne in gratification of the most Christian King, with protestation not to prejudice here­by the authority which the Re­publique hath in judging the Ec­clesiastiques. For now quite con­trary, on the other side, they have divulged abroad the abridgement of a certaine Instrument, where­in the foresaid Paul Catel Apo­stolique Protonotary doth af­firme, [Page 113] that Marc Ottobon the Secre­tary and Iohn Moretto Captaine Major have consigned the same into the hands of Claudio Montano a Minister of the Popes, without protestation, condition, or any reservation. About the yeare 1185 in Verona fell out a controversie betweene Lucius 3 Pope, and the Emperour Frederic 1. about the patrimony of the Countesse Ma­tilde, which both of them preten­ded to belong unto himselfe; The Pope pleaded that the Coun­tesse had bequeathed it unto the Church, and the Emperor that she did conferre it upon the Em­pire, and both parties produced writings, in authentique forme as from the Countesse who was dead 76 yeares before. By reason [Page 114] of which contradiction, the dif­ference could not be determined, the Pope persisting on the one side, and the Emperour on the other, and each grounding his claime upon their contrary wri­tings. But in the occasion where­of wee speake, not so much be­cause the memory thereof is fresh as because the reasons are mani­fest, it will bee an easie matter to discerne the truth.

And first for the fact it selfe, the Republique in the cause of the pri­soners hath not had any Treaty at all with the Pope, or with any of his Ministers; but onely resolved to give them to the most Christi­an King by way of gratification. Now by this donation no man can pretend, that any prejudice [Page 115] was done to their Rights and Authority; since, howsoever af­terwards the most Christian king disposed of the prisoners, that did not any way appe [...]taine to the Signiory. And therefore the Secre­tary required notice to bee taken onely of his delivering them to Monsieur de Fresne, it no way im­porting him what the said Lord should after doe with those pri­soners. Though hee saw when the said Ambassadour consigned them to one there present, who touched them; yet he judged not fit for him to enter hereupon into any act, and therefore he did not interpose one word in any sort. Wherefore a true Narrator of this action, ought not to say, that Ot­tobon delivered the prisoners into [Page 116] the hands of Claudio Montano, without protestation, condition, or any reservation; but that Mon­sieur de Fresne delivered them in presence of Marc Ottobon, he be­ing silent. And this much be said touching the verity of these two forenamed contrary Instruments, which as they are very different in the substance, so are they no lesse diverse in their lawfull form. For in the one is observed all that which is needfull for a legall va­lidity; and the other is defective in things essentiall. All Lawyers agree, that to the framing of an Instrument, must be presupposed the person of a Notary, created by the lawfull authoritie of the Soveraigne in that place where it is to bee framed, and for the [Page 117] forme it is necessary that he bee acknowledged for such by both the parties, and required by them both, or at least by one of them, according as he hath interest.

Now in our case, the priso­ners being presented to Monsieur de Fresne by Marc Ottobon, who spake in the name of the Senate unto the Ambassador, both hee himselfe and the other two No­taries of the Duke, are lawfull and publique Notaries of Venice, The Secretary alone was he, who, in all that number of persons which were present at the consigning of the prisoners, had interest in that action: and therefore hee might lawfully require the Notaries to doe their duty. But on the con­trary, who is this Paul Catel, that [Page 118] he should come to draw an In­strument at Venice, where he is un­knowne? If it be answered, that he is an Apostolique Protonota­rie, and therefore hath power to forme Instruments concerning Ecclesiastiques: to pas [...]e by that power which we will not now dispute, though it were not hard to show that this universall pro­position stands in need of many limitations to make it true: But not to touch now upon that point, in the case whereof wee speake, one of the parties was Claudio Montano, and the other Marc Ottobon and Iohn Moretto. Since then a Notary ought to be one acknowledged by them both, he could not be Paul Catel, whom one of the parties did not [Page 119] know at all. Againe, it is need­full that a Notary be required to doe his part, either by both the parties, or at least by one of them in the presence of the other, other­wise the act is invalide. Now will they have the boldnesse to say that Paul Catel was required by either of them? For although that Marc Ottobon was present when Monsieur de Fresne said unto the Cardinall, These are the prisoners, and when Claudio Montano touch­ed them, and prayed the Officers of Iustice to keepe them, Ottobon himselfe being all this while si­lent: Yet it was not therefore lawfull for Paul Catel to retire himselfe, to make an Instrument, and to say that Marc Ottobon did actually deliver the prisoners [Page 120] without protestation, condition, or reservation; but it was neces­sary that Claudio Montano at least should have desired the Notary to make a publique Instrument to this effect, that when Marc Otto­bon had heard him desired to make an Instrument, and thereby knowne him to be a Notary, and having occasion to speake, yet notwithstanding kept silence, in this case a Notary might have re­corded his silence, but hee could not say that he delivered the priso­ners to Montano, that being an un­truth. I wish these prudent men would take leasure to consider, whether reason of Government doe permit unto them, that a No­tarie being in an Assembly where some action passeth, should pri­vately [Page 121] withdraw himselfe, and without the knowledge of one partie forme an Instrument: this considered, if they will not dis­semble with their owne consci­ence, they must confesse that they have divulged an untruth, and a nullitie.

The following actions of the State will give yet more light and attestation to the truth. For in the very yeare 1607, and also af­terward, many Ecclesiasticall per­sons, both Priests and Friers, were imprisoned, impleaded, and (ac­cording to their merit) absolved or punished: Some for their sedi­tions chased out of the Signiory and banished, and the Ban of one put in print, to the publique no­tice of all the world.

[Page 122] Now to that which concernes 4 the fourth Writing, which is a Decree of the Senate for the re-ad­mission of the Religious fugitives, which Paul Catel saith hee tran­scribed out of the Register of the Pregadi, or a Court of the Senate; it is not needfull to say much of this matter. For it is true, that the Senate did consent that such Re­ligious as went out of the State for the Interdict might returne, excepting onely the Iesuites; and that such Religious persons as were gone out onely upon this occasion might be re-established, and their goods and Benefices re­stored. And it is true in like man­ner, that there was a release of se­questration made upon the reve­newes of such as were in Rome [Page 123] or elsewhere out of the Dominion; true also, that that Decree of the Senate was written, and recorded in the secret Bookes of the Coun­sell of Pregadi. For not any thing of the least moment is there put in deliberation, which is not first written and read; and being re­solved on, it is registred in those secret Bookes, and all this was done in that act of the Senate tou­ching the restitution of the Reli­gious. But these bookes are not showne or seene by any person whatsoever, unlesse he have part in the Government, or be a Mini­ster of the Senate. And if they thinke meet to publish any thing, it is copied out and signed by the hand of a Secretary onely, and of no other. But when the Senate [Page 124] deliberateth to give answer to an Ambassador or to any other per­son, calling him into the Col­ledge, the Secretary reades it to him: And if that reading doe not seeme sufficient for the memory of that Personage to whom it is made, the Secretary reades it over and over againe, untill he be fully satisfied. And this same forme is observed when the Person is not called into the Colledge; then a Secretarie is sent unto him, and carying with him one leaf, which containes the resolution of the Senate, hee reades it to him once and againe. In this manner notice was given to the Cardinall of the Senates Decree touching the restoring of the Religious, which happely after was commu­nicated [Page 125] by the Cardinall to Paul Catel. But that he hath seene it in the Book, or copied it thence, that he might have it in a more no­table and authentique forme, this is a plaine and shamelesse lie: like others of his, which are apparent by the evidence of the facts them­selves.

No discreet person ought to marvell, that the passages of this Treatie are vainly represented by divers, and that each one, accor­ding to his affection, draweth things to the advantage of the par­ty which he favoureth: but every man ought to resolve himselfe in things that are evident, and be­leeve that the truth cannot be sup­pressed: Considering that the In­terdict was not observed for one [Page 126] moment either in Venice, or in any place within the Dominion; that the Iesuites doe still remaine bani­shed out of the State; that no wri­ting in this businesse was publi­shed by either of the parties, save onely one with consent of them both; which was the revocation of the Protestation with Letters from the Prince directed unto the Prelates of his State, dated Aprill 21, by which any man may com­prehend how things were under­stood; that such Ecclesiastiques as committed any great trespasses after the accommodating of these Controversies, were imprisoned and punished; that if Churches or Religious Houses have a desire to purchase any immoveables, they must first demand License; [Page 127] and briefly, that all the Lawes heretofore questioned are still punctually executed and obser­ved; And informing his judge­ment by these evidences, he ought to reject all forged and counter­fait Libels, whereof as the former times have beene fruitfull and brought forth innumerable, so wee cannot hope but that the times to come will produce some such like, untill our Lord enlighten all things with the glory of his ap­pearing.

FINIS.

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