The suruey of Popery

Wherein the reader may cleerely behold, not onely the originall and daily incrementes of Papistrie, with an euident Confutati­on of the same; but also a succinct and profitable enarration of the state of Gods Church from Adam vntill Christs ascension, contained in the first and second Part thereof: and throughout the third Part Poperie is turned vp-side downe.

1. Cor. 13.11. When I was a child, I spake as a childe: but when I became a man, I put away childish things.

LONDON Printed by Valentine Sims dwelling on Adling hill at the signe of the white Swanne. 1596

To the right Honourable Lords, Iohn the L. Archbishop of Canterburie his Grace, one of her Maiesties most Honourable pri­uie counsell; Matthew the L. Archbishop of Yorke, Primate and Metropolitane of England; Sir Thomas Egerton Knight, the L. Keeper of the great Seale of England; and to the right re­uerend father in God, Tobie the graue and learned Bishop of Durham; Grace and peace from God our Father, and from our Lord Iesus Christ.

IF manie haue laudably emploied much time and studie (right honourable and my very good Lordes) and that onlie to attain skil in prophane stories; much more doubt­lesse are their studies commendable, who haue spared no time, no labour, no wat­chinges, no lucubrations, to atchieue exact knowledge in the holie scriptures and hi­stories ecclesiasticall, verie necessarie for the accomplishment therof. In which kind of neuer enough commended exercise sundrie vertu­ous & learned men haue so profited the church of God; as their wor­thie monumentes haue gotten thē immortal fame, before God and al mortal men. Yet such is the condition of our state during this pilgri­mage of mortalitie▪ that the best learned neither haue said, neither can say so much, but stil more very fruitfullie may be said therein. For which cause very wisely wrote S. Austen ▪ that he did learn & would learne daily, euen to the last houre. While I reuolued these matters deeplie with my selfe; I found some writers tedious, some obscure, some confuse, some abounding, some wanting, no one answerable to al desires. In regarde whereof, albeit I cannot bring gold, siluer, pearles, hyacinths, and pretious stones; yet am I verie desirous to carrie morter to the building vp of the walles of Gods [Page] Sion: not for that I thinke I can saie better then is alreadie saide by others (as who acknowledge my selfe the meanest of manie thou­sandes;) but because I couet to supplie for the measure of my small talent, such wantes, for the common good of the simple sorte, and of others who haue not store of bookes, as heretofore I finde omitted in farre more learned workes. What varietie, what confusion, what obscuritie, what vncertaintie is amongst historiographers and Chronographers, none doth know or can know sufficiently; but he that doth studie the same seriously. What is more necessary for the vnderstandig of the prophesie of Daniel, then the perspicuous and exact enumeration of the 70 weeks? thē the ready explicatiō of the 2300 daies? thē the liuely purtra [...]te of the foure monarchies what helpeth more for the true vnderstāding of the former & latter pro­phets? then to know when, where, of what matter, and before whom they did pronounce their prophes [...]es. What is more expedient then to know the two captiuities, When, where, by whom, and for what causes the Israelites and the Iewes were so afflicted? what can y [...]eld greater solace to a christian heart, then to behold as in a glasse of christal the original and daily incrementes of poperie, liuely disco­uered before our eies? when, where, and by whom, and vpon what occasion, al popish errors, heresie, and superstitions haue crept into the church▪ what shal I saie of the time, reignes, and acts▪ of the Em­perours of Rome? of their kings, their Consuls, their Dictators? what of the kings of Babylon, Ashur, Egypt, Macedonia, Persia, Syria? what of the kings of Iuda and of Israel? What of the birth of our sauiour Christ, of his baptisme, of his corporal conuersation among vs? what of other infinite memorable actes recorded in the old and new testament? what of manie excellent and golden lessons, specified in the histories of the church? All which and manie other important matters, are compendiously and yet sufficientlie handled in this small volume▪ and so contriued I hope, as obscure things shal seeme plaine; with such breuitie, as nothing can be thought tedious; with such plentie of matter, as no necessarie point will be found wanting, and with such methode, as euerie childe maie with facili­tie beare the same awaie.

The vsual maner is in al such kinde of exercises to make choise of some worthy personages for the honest and lawful protection of the same▪ You my L. of Canturburie, did harbour me a long time in [Page] your owne house. There I enioyed euerie thing not as a prisoner, but as a brother, not as a stranger, but as a deere friend; not as a meane person, but as one of farre better accompt, then I either was then, or yet am indeed. You my L. of Yorke, for rare curtesies receiued both of old and late daies, haue made me greatly bound vnto your grace. You my L. Keeper, to speake nothing of your great zeale for the free passage of Christes gospel; for the sincere preaching of his sacred word, and for the common good of this realme, haue aswel for your rare honourable fauour towards mine owne seelie selfe, as for your late kinde acceptance of my treatise of vsurie, deserued a far better thing at my hands. You my L of Durham, although as yet ye neuer saw my face, haue neuerthelesse affoorded me such christian affecti­on and rare benignitie, as I haue not often found the like. I therefore present vnto you (my reuerend fathers and honourable Lordes all foure) these fruites of my late studies, as an infallible argument of my vnfeined good will, for your honourable and manifold courte­sies, countenances and other benefites receiued at your handes. Ac­cept the present (my honourable Lordes) in good part: respect not so much the person that giueth, as the thing it selfe that is giuen; not the value of the gift so much as the minde of the giuer; not so much what is done, as what the partie was willing to haue done: who if it shal so please the Almightie, will hereafter present larger giftes as time, place, and other circumstances shal affoord. God vouchsafe to encrease his manifold good graces in you all, and to multiply your daies vpon the earth, for the free passage of his ho­ly gospel, and the peace of his church. From my studie this tenth of August. 1595.

Your Lordships in all dutifull maner. THOMAS BELL.

To the Seminarie Priests in Wisbich Castle, and else-where dispersed in this Realme.

TWo yeres are fully complete and expired, since my booke of Motiues came abroad, and was in your hands. In it I pro­mised to subscribe, if either any one among you, or other Papist in Europe whosoeuer, could effectually confute the same. Your owne Papists here at home, greatly wonder at your silence in that behalfe: Some (God be thanked for it) are wholy and soundly reformed: Othersome are inforced so to doubt of your doctrine, as they know not in the worlde what to say or thinke thereof: Othersome either seduced by your sinister report, or else to saue your credite, if it would be, affirme very desperately, that you haue answered my Motiues already: and all generally both thinke and say, that yee will shortly answere them, if there be any trueth on your side. One whole yeere I haue expected your putatiue answere, as who had then, and still haue, a most feruent desire, speedily to reply vpon the same. Now, since mine expectation is in that point frustrate: in this second yeere I haue addressed my selfe, to giue you a further prouocation. In this Booke I haue not concealed any thing, that I knew or could possibly say for you. I haue not dissembled the mightiest obiections that can be made in your defence, neither haue I passed slenderly ouer them, but confuted them so pithily and so exactly, as if any of you, or of your bre­thren abroad, shall be able to yeelde a sufficient answere in your defence, I promise vnfainedly to subscribe vnto his doctrine. Remember therfore what the Orator saith: to wit, that to erre standeth with mans infirmitie: but to perseuere in errour, is proper to fooles alone. If you can deuise, how and in what sort to answer me: all wise men both say and thinke, that ye will doe it vndoubtedly. If you know not how to defend your cause, because the trueth preuaileth so mightily: then shew your selues to be wise men by embracing the trueth willingly, and not to be fooles, by striuing against the same wilful­ly. Haue the feare of God before your eies: pray that your hearts may be in­lightened with the true knowledge of his sacred word; and let not the shame of the world keep you backe, from the publike confession of the known truth. Peruse my Booke seriously, ponder my discourse deepely, contemne nothing wilfully, examine all my reasons sincerely: and that done, giue your indiffe­rent censures accordinglie. If you finde Poperie confuted effectuallie, then yeelde to the trueth, and giue God the glorie: if you thinke I faile in prouing my intended purpose; then vse your wittes and your pennes, as well for my confutation, as for the credit of your cause, and the expectation of your seely brethren, who shortly will renounce all Poperie, if ye with speede doe not defend the same.

Amen.

To the Christian Reader.

IN this small volume (gentle rea­der,) thou maiest behold the o­riginal of Poperie with the dai­ly increments therof, liuely dis­couered before thine eies; as al­so an euident confutation of whatsoeuer can possibly be said in defence of the same. Thou hast together with this, a fruit­full summarie of the olde and newe Testament; contained in the first & second part of this present Suruey. Through­out which discourse thou must euer remember, that in the bookes of the Kings, and of the Psalmes, I commonly fol­low the supputation of the latins. And if thou canst reape any commodity by this my labor, then thanke God for it, and pray that my daily studies may still tend to his glorie, and the common good of his churche. I haue long expe­cted an answere from the Papists, either seuerally from some one, or ioyntly from many. If they be still silent; the world must needes iudge, that the trueth is not on their side. How sincerely I am perswaded as I write, to God the iust iudge I appeale for witnesse: Albeit, the malitious and mal-content, seeke by the contrarie and like slanderous reports, to bring me in disgrace. But (as Christs Apostle saith;) to them that loue God, all things (in the end) will turne to the best. Fare well in Christ Iesus; and continue in louing me christianly, as I hope thou doest.

The postscript to all the readers of this Sur­uey in generall.

AFter that I had accomplished this present volume, a friend of mine gaue me to vnderstand, that some per­sons were offended, because I say in the epistle dedi­catory of my Motiues, that S. Paul erred gentilizing. For whose satisfaction, if they wil be satified with rea­son; I say first, that the nature and condition of some persons is such, that though they be slow to doe well themselues; yet are they very propense to reprehend that, which is well done by others. I say secondly, that if such persons would deeply consider the prudent law of the sage & wise Persians, other things well said shuld haue mooued them to conceale that fault, though it were as ill as they imagine. I say thirdly, that such persons seeke Nodum in scirpo, and that it is no fault at all. I prooue it euidently, because to gentilize is nothing els, but to play the part of a gentile, and consequently, since S. Paul, then named Saul, did as cruelly persecute the Christians, as euer did the tyran­nicall gentiles, Nero, Domitian [...], Traiane, Seuerus, Maximinus, D [...]cius, or Dio­clesianus: It followeth of necessitie, that he did gentilize indeed. For as ho­ly writ recordeth, Hee breathed out threatninges and slaughter a­gainst the disciples of the Lord. Act. 9.1. & 2. He desired letters to Damascus, that hee might bring bound to Ierusalem, all aswell women as men, that professed the name of Christ Iesus, insomuch, that a voice cried from heauen vnto him, Act 9.4. 1▪ Cor. 15.9. and saide, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me? He likewise saith of himselfe, that hee is not worthy to be called an apostle, because he persecuted the church of God: and all this doubtlesse he did in error, be­cause as himselfe saith of the Iewes his brethren if they had knowen, 1. Cor. 2.8. they would neuer haue crucified the Lord of glorie. Yea hee himselfe saith of himselfe, 1. Tim. 1.13. that hee was receiued to mercie, because hee erred ignorantly through vnbeliefe. S. Paul therefore erred gentilizing, though hee were a Iew, in that he persecuted Christ and his church, euen as did the Gen­tiles, & in the error of Gentilitie. Which thing being spoken obiter in the way of mine honest purgation, and not to establish anie point of doctrin, was not a sufficient motiue to offend anie wel affected reader. Well, I say with the apostle, Gal. [...].10. Si hominibus placerem, Christi seruus non essem. As before, so now againe, I willingly employ my whole industry to glorifie my God and to profite his church, if by any meanes I can. And as I greatly wish to pleasure thankful persons, who euer accept in good part godly la­bors so do I make no great account to discontent malitious Zoili, who seldom or neuer broke that wel, which is well done by others.

THE FIRST PART Containeth the state of the Church; from Adam, vntil the Monarchie of the Romanes.

The first booke is of the time and me­morable actes, from Adam, vnto the cap­tiuitie of the two Tribes.

The first Chapter, of the Creation, and other things coincident.

The first Section of the creation of Man.

GOd created heauen, the foure elements, Genes. 2. vers. and all things contained therein; and this he did of nothing, that is, without any antecedent or preiacent matter. He created man in such state, The state of [...] in his creation as he neuer needed to haue sinned: and consequent­ly, as he might haue liued for euer, al­though he were indeede mortall. For, as by eating of the tree of knowledge hee sinned, and conse­quently died; euen so by eating of the tree of life, he might haue preserued his life from time to time. The meate of other trees yeelded food to man; the tree of life as an wholesome medicine, defended him from all corruption: The vertue of the tree of life which vertue was either [Page 2] in the tree by some supernaturall inherent qualitie, as sun drie of the auncient fathers holde; or els the tree was a sacrament of Gods diuine grace, by which man might haue liued eternal­ly if he had neuer sinned, as other learned writers think. Which latter opinion I preferre for the better, as which I iudge to be saint Austens; [...]ugust. de ciuit. [...] 3 cap. 20. yet the former is probable, and can not easily be refeiled.

The second Section, of mans sustentation.

Meate was necessarie for mans sustentation, euen in the state of innocencie; and it should euer so haue continued, albeit man had neuer sinned: for to this end did God plant so many trees in paradise, [...]enes. 2.16. [...]enes. 3.19. giuing man leaue to eate thereof: neither after sinne came any newe necessitie to eate, but a speciall modification of eating was annexed thereunto: for, before sinne, man did eate without labour; but after sinne, he was appointed to eate with the sweate of his browes.

The third Section, of eating flesh.

[...]enes. 1. [...]9.Albeit the eating of flesh before the floud was not in vse, as not then approued for good; yet after the floud, to eate flesh was granted vnto man. [...]enes. 9.3. Why it was then prohibited, and after the floud granted, no infallible reason can be alleaged; yet two pro­bable coniectures may be yeelded in that behalfe: the one, be­cause in the beginning mens bodies were stronger, and so nee­ded lesse norishment; the other, because in those dayes, the earth brought foorth better, and more wholesome fruits.

CHAP. II.

The first Section, of the ages of the world, and the duration thereof.

THe Iewes had a prophecie of Elias, not Thesbites, but one of their own Rabbins, a Cabbalist, mentioned in their Tal­mud, or canon-law, that the world should continue six thousand yeeres, that is to say, two thousand yeeres before the written [Page 3] setled law published by Moses, two thousand yeeres in the time of circumcision, and two thousand yeeres after Christs incarna­tion. Which opinion wanteth not learned patrons, for defence of the same; albeit (in my iudgement) it cannot stand, as short­ly shall appeare.

The second Section, of the ages of the world.

There be sixe ages of the world, designed by all approued an­tiquitie. After saint Austen, Aug. de ciuit. libr. 22. cap. 30. the first age is from Adam to the floud, the second to Abraham, the third to Dauid, the fourth to the captiuitie, the fift to Christ, the sixt to the end of the world: which sixt and last age (saith he) cannot be measured, with anie number of generations, because the Father hath reserued in his owne power, the knowledge of the last day.

This diuision of ages which saint Austen assigneth, The difficultie consisteth not in the ages, but in the supputat [...]on of the yeare [...] may wel be holden; neuertheles, because the diuision of ages into sixe be­fore Christs first sacred aduent, bringeth greater perspicuitie to the vnderstanding of the scriptures; I will followe that course with other skilfull writers, and make a pithie briefe declaration of the same.

The varietie of writers, concerning the yeeres of the world vntil Christs holy incarnation is wonderfull; euen so many opi­nions almost of those that I haue read (and I haue read a good many) as there be writers that handle the same.

After Eusebius Caesariensis, Exceeding gre [...] varietie of opin [...]ons. the duration of the world till Christ, is 5199: after the Hebrewes, 3962: after the Sep­tuagints, 5328: after others, 4121: after others, 3929: af­ter others, 3969: after others, more: after some, lesse. This being true (as it is most true indeede) commendable must that labor be, if any such can be found; which in such different confu­sion, shal deliuer a plaine manifestation of the trueth.

And because the trueth ought euer to be embraced, by what mouth soeuer it be vttered; albeit I seeme to swarue both from old and later writers, yet let the gentle Reader affoord me his indifferent censure, at least so far foorth as my iust and irrefrin­gible probations, shall euidently conuince and deserue. Marke therefore my discourse attentiuely (gentle Reader) and then I [Page 4] trust this great and mighty controuersie, will be plaine and ea­sie to thee.

The first age.

[...] first age.The first age from the creation of the world to the floud, con­taineth 1656. yeeres; whereof for the Readers better satisfa­ction, I put downe this plaine demonstration.

Adam was made of the dust of the earth, in the end of the sixt day Genes. 1. vers. 27, 31.

130 Adam begate Seth, when he was 130. yeres old Gen. 5. v. 3

105 Seth begat Enosh, when he was 105. yeres old Gen. 5. v. 6

90 Enosh begat Kenan, when he was 90. yeres old Gen. 5. v. 9

70 Kenan begat Malaleel, being 70. yeeres old, Gen. 5. ver. 12

65 Malaleel begat Iared, being 65. yeeres old, Gen. 5. ver. 15

162 Iared begat Henoch, being 162. yeeres old, Gen. 5. ver. 18

65 Henoch begat Methusalem, being 65. yeres old Ge. 5. v. 21

187 Methusalem begat Lamech, being 187. yeeres olde, Gene. 5. verse 25.

182 Lamech begat Noah, being 182. yeeres old, Gen. 5. ver. 28

600 Noah was 600. yeres old when the floud came Gen. 7. v. 6

The whole summe of yeeres is 1656. and six dayes.

  • 130
  • 105
  • 90
  • 70
  • 65
  • 162
  • 65
  • 187
  • 182
  • 600
1656

Make addition, and this summe will amount to 1656, to which adde sixe dayes before Adams creation.

The second age.

second age.The second age, from the deluge, to the birth of Abraham, containeth 353. yeres, and ten dayes; whereof this is a plaine demonstration.

[Page 5]The floud indured one whole yeere, and ten dayes, Gene. 8. 1 verse 4.13, 14.

Sem the son of Noah begate Arphaxad two yeeres after the 2 floud, when himselfe was 100. yeeres old, Gene. 11. verse 10.

Arphaxad begat Shale or Shelah, when he was 35. yeeres 35 old, Gen. 11. verse 12.

Shale begate Heber, when he was 30. yeres old Gen. 11. 30 verse 14.

Heber begat Peleg, being 34. yeres old, Ge. 11. verse 16. 34

Peleg begat Rehu, being 30. yeres old, Gen. 11. verse 18. 30

Rehu begat Sarug, when he was 32. yeeres old, Gen. 11. 32 verse 20.

Sarug begat Nahor, being 30. yeres old, Ge. 11. ver. 22. 30

Nahor begat Thare or Terah, at 29. yeres, Ge. 11. v. 24. 29

Thare begat Abraham, when he was 130. yeres old, Gen. 130 11. verse 26. though it seemeth by the text, that he was but 70. yeeres old. This difficultie shalbe solued by and by.

The whole summe of yeeres is 315.

  • 1
  • 2
  • 35
  • 30
  • 34
  • 30
  • 32
  • 30
  • 29
  • 130
353

Make addition, and this wil be the summe 353.

A graue obiection against the supputation last rehearsed.

It is written Genes. 11. verse 26. that Thare begat Abra­ham, when he was but 70. yeeres olde: therefore three score yeeres must be substracted from the number abouesaide; that is, from the 130. yeeres assigned to Thare, before he begat Abra­ham: which three score yeres, the greater part, euen of the best Chronographers haue hitherto omitted.

The answere.

I say first, that we ought not to consider so much what others 1 haue doone, as what they should haue doone. For as a prouerb saith; aliquando bonus dormit Homerus: to which this other is consonant; Bernardus non vidit omnia.

2 I say secondly, that as well the old Chronographers, as o­ther ancient Fathers, haue shewed themselues to be men in ma­ny things.

3 I say thirdly, that where I dissent from others, I desire no more credit to be giuen to my words, then manifest reason shall conuince.

4 I say fourthly, that Thare was 130. yeres old when he be­gat Abraham: and I prooue it, because Abraham was but 75 yeeres olde at the death of his father Terah or Thare, at which time he departed out of Haran Genes. 12. verse 4. and yet was Thare 205. yeres old when he died in Haran Gene. 11. v. 32: so then, if Thare had begotten Abraham when he was 70. yeres old, as the obiection would haue it; it would follow of necessitie, that Abraham was at his fathers death 135. yeres old; and not onely 75. yeres old, which yet the text (as I haue proued) doth auouch. See the 17. chapter following, in the fourth difficul­tie of the fift Section.

The replie.

The text saith plainely Gen. 11. verse 26. that Terah was but 70. yeres old when he begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran.

The answer.

August. quaest. sup. Gen. q. 25.I answer with saint Austen, that the scripture only auouch­eth Thare to haue bin 70. yeeres olde before he begat his chil­dren, Abram, Nahor, and Haran: and that Abram was not first borne, although he be first named. For as saint Austen conside­red grauely, he is the first named, by reason of his excellencie and prerogatiue aboue the rest; Mal. 1. verse 2, 3. [...]Par▪ 4. v▪ 1. euen as Iacob was named be­fore Esau, and Iudah before his brethren, though indeede hee were but the fourth in number. This answer I make good by sundry reasons; first, because these are the wordes of the text; Terah liued 70. yeres and begat Abram, Nahor, and Haran. [Page 7] Now it is manifest, that he begate them not all three in the 70. yeere of his age, as saint Austen well obserued; and consequent­ly, that he begate some of them in his riper yeres. Abram ther­fore was not borne, till Terah was 130. yeres olde. For Te­rah was 205. yeeres old at his death in Charran Gen. 11. ve. 32. at which time Abraham was 75. yeeres of age Genes. 12. verse 4. which thing saint Steuen confirmeth in these wordes; Actes 7. verse [...]. then came hee out of the land of the Chaldeans, and dwelt in Charran, and after that his father was dead, God brought him from thence into this land, wherein ye now dwell. Lo, by the te­stimonie of Moses in the booke of Genesis, Abraham was but 75. yeeres old when he went out of Charran; and by the report of saint Steuen in the acts of the apostles, he came not out of Charran vntil his fathers death. So then hee could not be more then 75. yeres old when his father was 205. yeres of age; and consequently he was not the eldest sonne of Terah, begotten in the 70. yeere of his age; but his yonger sonne, borne when hee was 130. yeres old, and so we must haue 60. yeres more in this second age then the Chronographers commonly do allow. But the truth must preuaile, howsoeuer mans reason deeme.

A difficultie of the word Haran.

Since the name of Abrahams brother was Haran, as wel as the place where he dwelt, how shal we discerne the one from the other? I answer to this, that if wee will obserue the strict and precise maner of pronunciation, we must call the brother Haran, and the place Charran. For in the originall, the Hebrue tongue, the brothers name is written with [...], and the place of Abra­hams abode with [...]: so as Abrahams brothers name ought to be termed Haran, and the place where Abraham dwelt, Char­ran; which varietie of writing, some translations haue well ob­serued. See the 17. chapter following, in the third difficultie of the fift section.

The third age.

The third age from the birth of Abraham till the departure of the children of Israel out of Egypt, containeth 505. yeeres: The third age. whereof behold this plaine demonstration.

[Page 8] 100 Abraham begate Isaac when he was an hundred yeeres old, Genes. 21. vers. 5. Genes. 17. vers. 17.

60 Isaac or Izhak begat Iacob when he was threescore yeeres of age, Gene. 25. verse 20, and 26.

130 Iacob went into Egypt when he was 130. yeres old, Gen. 47. verse 9.

215 The Iacobites or Israelites abode in Egypt 215. yeeres. So write Eusebius Caesariensis, and Marianus Scotus: yea, many later writers come short of that supputation by 5. yeeres. The trueth of this important difficultie, shall (by the power of God) be decided shortly.

The whole summe of yeeres is 505.

  • 100
  • 60
  • 130
  • 215
505

Make addition, and this summe will appeare 505.

An important obiection.

We reade in Genesis cha. 15. ver. 13. and in the Acts cha. 7. ver. 6 that the Israelites were in Egypt 400. yeres, and Mo­ses in Exod. cha. 12. ver. 40. auoucheth constantly, that they were there 430. yeres: so then, to affirme their abode there to be no more but 215. yeres, is farre different from the trueth.

The answere.

1 I say first, that the varietie of supputation set downe in holy Writ, [...]ee the Fift Secti­ [...]n of the eight [...]hapter, where [...]his is handled more at large. may easily be accorded; if we duely consider the varietie of time, from which the same supputation is deriued. For the 400. yeres must be reckoned from the birth of Isaac, vntil the departure out of Egypt; and the 430. yeeres from Abrahams going out of his countrie, for the seede of Abraham was so long afflicted in a land not their owne.

2 I say secondly, that it is not possible to proue out of the scrip­tures, by particular and precise supputation; that the Iaco­bites abode in Egypt, either 400. yeeres, as saint Steuen re­porteth, or 430. yeeres, as saint Moses telleth vs: and there­fore we must reckon and begin the said supputations, as is alre­dy said. I proue this mine assertion in this maner:

[Page 9]Iacob was 130. yeeres old when he went into Egypt, Ge. 47. verse 9. and he died at the age of 147. yeres, so as he liued in Egypt no more but 17. yeres, Gen. 47. verse 28.

Iacobs third sonne Leui of his first wife Leah, Gen. 29. ve. 137 32. liued but 137. yeres, Exodus 6. verse 16.

Rohath or Caath the sonne of Leui liued but 133. yeeres 133 Exodus 6. verse 18.

Amram the son of Rohath liued but 137. yeres Exo. 6. v. 20 137

Moses the sonne of Amram was but 80. yeeres old when he 80 brought the Israelites out of Egypt Exodus 7. verse 7.

Now for perspicuous conceiuing of this so intricate a doubt, 1 I note first, that Leui could not be aboue 95. yeres in Egypt. I prooue it, because Ioseph Iacobs yongest sonne was 40. yeeres olde, before Iacob with Leui and the rest of his family came into Egypt. This age of Ioseph is thus made manifest; he was 17. yeres of age when he was sold, Gen. 37. verse 2. he was 30. yeeres olde when hee became gouernour of Egypt, Genes. 41. vers. 40, 41, 46. to which adde the seuen yeeres of plentie, and three yeeres of famine Genes. 41.42, and 45. at which time Leui came into Egypt with his father, and the num­ber of 40. yeeres will be compleate.

I note secondly, that if we graunt Leui to haue beene 100. 2 yeeres olde before hee begate Caath, and affirme the same of Caath and Amram; (which thing surpasseth the course of na­ture, Ge. 17. v. 17. and therefore neede it not be granted;) we must for al that come short, and neither find the abode of the Is­raelites in Egypt to be 430. neither yet 400. yeeres in all.

I note thirdly, that if we grant Caath, Amram, and Moses, 3 to haue beene begotten in a competent age; we shall easily finde the number of 215. yeres, which Eusebius and Marianus Sco­tus haue put downe.

An other probation of this difficultie.

Iochebed was the owne daughter of Leui, and the naturall mother of Moses, for so we reade in the 26. chapter of the booke of Numbers, and in the sixt chapter of the booke of Exodus: and yet if we grant Leui to haue bin 120. yeres old when he begat Iochebed; and Iochebed to haue bin 100. yeres old at the birth [Page 10] of Moses, (both which are impossible by the course of nature,) and if we adde thereunto eightie yeares, the full age of Moses, at the departure out of Egypt, yet will all this be no more but bare 300. yeres: so then, we are short of the supputation menti­oned in Genesis by one ful hundred yeres; and of the reckoning specified in Exodus, by an hundred and thirtie yeares. There­fore the vndoubted meaning of those scriptures must needes be as I haue already shewed.

The corollarie.

First therefore, since Moses brought the Israelites out of E­gypt: secondly, since he was the sonne of Iochebed: thirdly, since Iochebed was the daughter of Leui: fourthly, since Leui was with Iacob at his going into Egypt, we must perforce de­duce the time of their abode, from Leui, Iochebed, and Moses. Let vs therefore assigne 85. yeeres, to Leui, when hee begate Iochebed; 50. yeeres to Iochebed when she bare Moses; and 80. yeres to Moses when he brought them out of Egypt (which is as much as can be granted by the course of nature) and wee shall find the iust number of 215. yeeres: and so the supputati­on of this third age is consonant.

The obiection.

Eusebius and Marianus Scotus say plainely, that the Israe­lites abode in Egypt no more but 144 yeeres.

The answer.

I grant, that some otherwise very learned haue so written: but I thinke their meaning is, according to the wordes of the authors plainely vttered. For albeit they both say, that they a­bode but 144. yeres there; yet do they affirme alitle after that, that their whole abode was 215. yeeres. So then, when they terme their abode but 144. yeres, they meane of their greuous seruitude after the death of Ioseph: for Eusebius (whom Scotus doth imitate) hath these expresse words; Postcuias interritum, Hebraei Aegyptijs seruierunt annis 144. fiunt autem omnes an­ni quos Hebraei in Aegypto fecerunt 215. qui ab eodem tempore [Page 11] computantur, quo Iacob cum filijs suis descendit in Aegyptum. After the death of Ioseph, the Hebrewes or Israelites were in bondage to the Egyptians 144. yeeres: but all the yeeres that the Hebrewes were in Egypt make 215. which we must rec­kon from that time, when Iacob with his children went into Egypt.

The fourth age.

The fourth age, from the comming out of Egypt, vntil king Salomon beganne to build the temple, containeth 480. yeres, hereof this is an euident demonstration.

Moses gouerned the Israelites in the wildernesse, the space 40 of 40. yeeres after they came out of Egypt Deute. 1. verse 3. and Deut. 29. verse 5.

Iosue and Othoniel iudged Israel 40. yeres Iud. 3. v. 11: 40 for Iosue was ouer them 32. yeeres, and Othoniel 8. some giue but 18. yeres to Ioshua, and the rest to Othoniel; but that skilleth not much, because it is certaine, that from the death of Moses till the death of Othoniel, were 40. yeeres compleate, which no writer doth or can deny, for holy writ hath so reuealed.

Ehud or Shamgar the son of Anath iudged the Israelites 80 fourescore yeres Iud. 3. verse 30, 31. but of these 80. we must ascribe 18. to the inter-raigne, in which time Israel was in bondage to Eglon king of Moab Iud. 3. verse 14.

Deborah and Barak iudged Israel 40. yeres Iud. 5. v. 31 40

Gedeon iudged the Israelites 40. yeres Iud. 8. ve. 28. but 40 in this time the Midianites oppressed them 7. yeres Iud. 6. v. 1 for feare of which ennemies, the Israelites made them dennes in the mountains and caues, & strong holds Iud. 6. ve. 2. This Gedeon is termed also Ierubbal Iud. 7. vers. 1. Iud. 8. ve. 35

Abimelek iudged 3. yeeres Iud. 9. verse 22. 3

Thola the sonne of Puah iudged 23. yeres Iud. 10. verse 2 23

Iair iudged 22. yeres Iud. 10. verse 3. from this time the 22 Israelites were afflicted with the Ammonites and the Phili­stines for the space of 18. yeres together Iud. 10. verse 7, 8. 18

Iephtee iudged sixe yeeres Iud. 12. verse 7. 6

Abesan or Ibzan iudged 7. yeeres Iud. 12. verse 8, 9. 7

Elon iudged Israel 10. yeeres Iud. 12. verse 11. 10

[Page 12] 8 Abdon iudged the Hebrewes 8. yeres iudg. 12. vers. 13, 14

20 Samson iudged 20. yeres Iudg. 16. ver. 31. his wife De­lilah betrayed him, and deliuered him into the hands of the Phi­listines, who put out his eies, bound him with fetters, and made him to grinde in the prison house: but in the end, when they cal­led him out to make them pastime, and to be a laughing stocke to them; he pulled downe the two pillers of the house, and so with the fall of the house, killed more Philistines at his death, then he had slaine in all his life before Iudg. 16. ve. 18, 21, 29, 30, 31.

40 Eli the priest iudged Israel fortie yeares 1. Sam. 4. ve. 18.

40 Samuel and Saul reigned fortie yeeres Act. 13. verse 21.

40 Dauid raigned ouer Israel fortie yeeres 1. King. 2. ve. 11.

The whole summe of yeeres is 477.

  • 40
  • 40
  • 80
  • 40
  • 40
  • 3
  • 23
  • 22
  • 18
  • 6
  • 7
  • 10
  • 8
  • 20
  • 40
  • 40
  • 40
477

Make addition, and this will be the summe 477.

To these we must adde three yeares of king Salomon, be­cause in the fourth yeere of his raigne hee beganne to build the temple, and so the whole number will be 480. to which must be added one moneth and one day. This summe is confirmed by the testimonie of holy Writ, in thefe expresse termes; in the 480. yeere (after the children of Israel were come out of the [Page 13] land of Egypt) and in the fourth yeere of the raigne of Salomon ouer Israel, he built the house of the Lord 1. King. 6. ve. 1. A­gaine, it is thus written; so Salomon began to build the house of the Lord in Ierusalem, in the second moneth, and the second day, in the fourth yeere of his reigne, 2. Para. 3. verse 1. and 2.

The fift age.

The fift age, from the building of the temple to the captiui­tie of the Iewes in Babylon, containeth 432. yeres, whereof this is the demonstration.

King Salomon raigned after that hee beganne to builde the 37 temple 37. yeeres, 1. King. 11. verse 42.2. Para. 9. verse 30. but hereof we must abate one moneth and one day, because hee beganne to build the temple in the second day of the second mo­neth of the fourth yeere, as is already prooued.

Roboam or Rehoboam reigned 17. yeres 2. Par. 12. v. 13. 17

Abias raigned 3. yeeres 1. King. 15. verse 2. 3

Asa raigned 41. yeeres 1. King. 15. verse 9 and 10. this Asa 41 was a vertuous and zealous prince; he sought the Lord with a perfect heart; he deposed Maachah his mother from her regen­cie, because she had made an idoll in a groue: hee brake downe the idoll and stamped it, and burned it at the brooke Kidron. He gathered all Iudah and Beniamin, and the strangers, and made them sweare vnto true religion vnder the paine of death 2. Par. 15. per totum.

Iehosaphat or Iosaphat raigned 25. yeres 2. Par. 20. ve. 31 25

Iehoram raigned 8. yeres, 2. Par. 21. v. 5. 2. Kin. 8. ve. 26 8

Ochozias or Ahaziah raigned 1. yeere, 2. Kin. 8. verse 26. 1

Athaliah the mother of Ochozias raigned 7. yeeres 2. King. 7 11. verse 1. and 21. for king Ioas or Iehoash was 7. yeres old when he beganne to raigne. This Athaliah destroyed the kings blood, and was sister to wicked Achab.

Ioas or Iehoash raigned 40. yeeres 2. King. 12. verse 1. 40

Amaziah raigned 29. yeeres 2. King. 14. verse 2 29

Azariah or Ozias raigned 52. yeeres 2. King. 15. verse 2. 52

Ioatham or Iotham raigned 16. yeeres 2. King. 15. ver. 33 16

Achas or Ahaz raigned 16. yeeres, 2. King. 16. verse 2. 16

[Page 14] 29 Ezechias reigned 29. yeeres 2. King. 18. verse 2.

55 Manasses reigned 55. yeeres 2. King. 21. verse 1.

2 Amon raigned two yeeres 2. King. 21. verse 19.

31 Iosias reigned 31. yeeres 2. King. 22. verse 1.

Ioachaz or Iehoahaz reigned three months, 2. Ki. 23. v. 31.

11 Ioachim or Iehoiachim, or Eliachim reigned 11. yeeres 2. King. 23. verse 36. This Eliachim was a very wicked man: he was made king by Pharao Nechoh, who turned his name to Eliachim 2. Ki. 23. verse 34. and 37. in the dayes of this Ioa­chim, beganne the first captiuitie of the three: whereof see more at large in the seuenth chapter next following.

Iehoiachim, or Iechonias, or Coniah the sonne of Iehoia­chim raigned three moneths and tenne dayes 2. Par. 36. verse 9. 2. King. 24. verse 8. Ierem. 37. verse 1. In the time of this Iechonias beganne the second captiuitie, which [...] hath simply the name of captiuitie, and therefore do I followe the same, in this my supputation of the first age. See the second booke and first chapter, in the fourth section.

11 Sedechias or Zedechias reigned 11. yeeres 2. King. 24. ve. 18. he rebelled against the king of Babel ibid. ver. 20. wher­fore after the siege of two yeeres, Nebuchad-nezar carried him captiue to Babel: in the eleuenth yeare of his reigne his owne eies were put out, his sonnes were first slaine in his sight, and then hee was bound in chaines, and so led away to captiuity, 2. King. 25. ve. 1, 2, 7. he was vncle to Iechonias, and his name was Mattanias, but the king of Babel changed it to Sedechi­as 2. Kin. 25. verse 17.

The first addition.

We must first adde to this supputation, for the complement of the first age, eleuen yeeres of the inter-reigne, which are found wanting betweene the death of Amaziah, and the reigne of Azariah; for so long was the kingdome of Iuda voide, as holy Writ heareth record. I proue it thus: Amaziah reigned 29. yeares, 2. King. 14. verse 2. and he beganne his reigne in the second yeare of Ioash king of Israel, and liued 15. yeares after him, 2. King. 14. verse. 1. and 17. Ieroboam the sonne of [Page 15] Ioash was made king ouer Israel in the fifteenth yere of Ama­ziah, and he reigned 41. yeres, 2. Kin. 14. verse 23. Let vs ad­ioyne hereunto, that Azariah beganne his raigne in the seauen and twentieth yeare of Ieroboam, 2. Ki. 15. verse 1. and then perforce shall we finde 11 yeres wanting, This point must be well noted. from the death of A­maziah, til the first yere of the raigne of Azariah. These things I grant be very intricate; yet if my wordes he well marked, the Reader may conceiue the matter with al facilitie: the cause of the inter-reigne, was the traiterous conspiracie against A­maziah, 2. King. 14. verse 19.

The second addition.

Although Iechonias (in whome I beginne my supputation of the captiuitie) be said in some place of the scripture to haue reigned but three moneths and ten dayes, yet do I ascribe one whole yeare to his reigne: my reason is this; because he was not carried away to Babel, vntill the whole yeere was expired, 2. Par. 36. verse 10. these are the wordes: and when the yeere was out, king Nebuchad-nezzar sent and brought him to Ba­bel with the pretious vessels of the house of the Lorde, and hee made Zedechiah king ouer Iudah and Ierusalem.

The first obiection.

The scripture saith in one place, that Iechonias reigned but three moneths, 2. King. 24. verse 8. in an other place, that hee reigned three moneths and tenne dayes, 2. Par. 36. verse 9. in another place, that he was eighteene yeeres old when he began to reigne, 2. King. 24.8. in an other place, that he beganne to raigne in the eight yeare of his age, 2. Par. 36. ve. 9. all which can neither agree with three moneths, nor yet with one onelie yeare.

The answer.

I answere, that hee beganne to reigne when hee was eight yeares old, and reigned tenne yeares with his father: and after [Page 16] the death of his father he raigned three moneths and ten daies, which was in the nineteenth yeare of his age, and so euery text of holy Writ is cleare.

This my answer is confirmed by the expresse wordes of holie scripture, 2. King. 25. verse 8. where it is saide, that Nebuzar­adan chiefe steward to the king of Babel came in the nineteenth yeare of the kings raigne, to make hauocke of the citie, and to carry Sedechias into captiuitie: for Iechonias was carried a­way in the eight yeere of the king of Babel, 2. King. 24. verse 12. and Sedechias reigned eleuen yeeres, 2. King. 24.18. this case is so euident, as euery childe may perceiue the same.

The replie.

The scripture telleth vs, that the king of Babel caried Ieho­iachim into captiuitie in the third yeere of his raigne; and yet do you ascribe eleuen yeeres to his raigne.

The answer.

I answer, that Iehoiakim was carried away in the eleuenth yere, if we reckon from the time in which Pharao Necho made him king: but in the third yeare, if we reckon from that time, in which he became seruant to the king of Babel, 2. King. 23. verse 34, and 36. 2. King. 24. verse 1.

The second obiection.

The scripture calleth Sedechias the brother of Iechonias, therefore it is not consonant to the trueth, to say hee was his vncle.

The answer.

I answer with saint Austen and saint Hierome, that the cu­stome of the scripture is, to terme kinsemen by the name of bro­thers, and therefore Sedechias is indifferently called vncle, 2. King. 24. verse 17. or brother, 2. Par. 36. verse 10.

  • 37
  • 17
  • 3
  • 41
  • 25
  • 8
  • 1
  • 7
  • 40
  • 29
  • 52
  • 16
  • 16
  • 29
  • 55
  • 2
  • 31
  • 11
  • 11
  • 11
  • 1
443

Make addition, and the summe will be found 443. To the which adde three monethes for the raigne of Io [...] ­chas.

The sixt age.

The sixt age from the beginning of the captiuitie till the sa­cred passion of Christ Iesus, conteineth 660. yeares, whereof let this be the demonstration.

The captiuitie (in which are inuolued the eleuen yeares of Sedechias) continued the space of 70. yeeres. Ierem. 25. vers. 11. and 29. Daniel 9. vers. 2. Esdr. 1. verse 1. 2. Paralip. 36, verse 22.

[Page 18]This is confirmed by the raigne of the Monarchs; for Ne­buchad-nezzer (from the beginning of whose eight yeare, the second and chiefe captiuitie beganne) reigned 45. yeeres.

Euilmerodach his sonne reigned 30. yeres. And Balthazar reigned 3. yeares. Al which put together, make the 70. yeeres of the Iewish captiuitie. For in the first yeare of king Cyrus (who succeeded Balthazar,) the Iewes were set at libertie, Esdr. 1 verse 1. S. Clement, Eusebius, and all approoued writers do constantly affirme the same.

The seuentie weekes in Daniel make iust 490. yeares, as al writers do affirme. Concerning which weeks (because there is verie great varietie amongest historiographers) I will here suppose that, which (by Gods grace) I shal proue effectually, when I come to the fourth chapter of the third booke of this first part: whither I referre the Reader, for his full resolution in this intricate and important controuersie. In the meane sea­son, remember that the 490. yeares are but 475. yeares after 475 the course of the Moone.

From the ende of the captiuitie vntill the twentieth yeare of Artaxerxes Longimanus inclusiuè (where I hold that the 70. weekes doe beginne) are iust 115. yeares and two moneths: 115 all which put together do make iust 660. yeres. For the weeks make no more but 475. yeares after the course of the sunne: which must be marked attentiuely, and which shall be prooued hereafter accordingly.

  • 70
  • 475
  • 115
in al 660

Thus wee haue it perspicuously prooued, euen by the testi­monie of holy Writ, that from the beginning of the world, vn­til the time that Christ suffered on the crosse for our sinnes, be iust [...]ure thousand, foure score and seuenteene yeares, three moneth [...] and sixteene dayes.

  • The first age, 1656
  • The second 353
  • The third 505
  • The fourth 480
  • The fift 428
  • The sixt 660
in all 4082.

Now, because the exact knowledge of the raigne of the kings of Iudah, dependeth more then a little of the raigne of the kings of Israel; I purpose in God to adioyne hereunto a manifest declaration of the same, specially, because without the knowledge thereof; the bookes of the Kings and Chroni­cles can neuer be rightly vnderstoode.

The Kings of Israel.

Ieroboam raigned 21. yeares, which I prooue thus: Asa king of Iudah beganne to raigne in the twentieth yeere of Ie­roboam, 21 1. King. chapter 15, verse 9. and Nadab the sonne of Ieroboam beganne to raigne ouer Israel, in the second yere of Asa, 1. King. chapter 15, verse 25: therefore Ieroboam his father whom he succeeded in the kingdome, raigned before his death 21. yeares.

Nadab raigned 2. yeares, 1. King. 15. verse 25. 2

Baasha raigned 24. yeares, 1. King. 15. verse 33. 24

Elah or Hela raigned 2. yeares, 1. King. 16.8. 2

Zimri raigned 7. dayes, 1. King. 16. verses 15, and 16. daye 7

Amri or Omri raigned 12. yeares, 1. King. 16.23. 12

[Page 20] 22 Achab or Ahab reigned 22. yeeres, 1. King. 16.29.

2 Ochozias or Ahaziah reigned 2. yeeres, 1. King. 22.51.

12 Ioram or Iehoram raigned 12. yeeres, 2. King. 3. verse 1. both these two, to wit, Ochozias and Ioram were the sonnes of Achab.

28 Iehu reigned 28. yeeres, 2. King. 10. verse 36.

17 Ioachas or Iehoahaz reigned 17. yeeres, 2. Kin. 13. ve. 1.

16 Ioas or Iehoash reigned 16. yeeres, 2. King. 13. verse 10.

41 Ieroboam the sonne of Ioas or Ioash reigned 41. yeeres, 4. King. 14. verse 23. where we must note well by the way, that the other Ieroboam was the sonne of Nebat, 1. King. 12.2.

We must heere obserue as a necessarie rule, that betweene 23 Ieroboam and Zachariah was an inter-reigne of 23. yeeres. I prooue it, because we reade, 2. Kin. 15.1, 8. that Azariah king of Iudah beganne his raigne in the seuen and twentieth yeere of Ieroboam; as also that Zacharias beganne his raigne in the eight and thirtieth yere of Azariah, to which we must adde, that Ieroboam raigned 41. yeeres, and so the kingdome per­force was voide 23. yeres. For, if we make abstraction of 14. from 37. the remainder will be 23. yeres for the inter-reigne.

moneths 6 Zachariah reigned 6. moneths, 2. King. 15.8.

moneth 1 Sellum or Shallum reigned 1▪ moneth, 2. King. 15.13.

yeeres 10 Menahem or Manahen reigned 10. yeeres, 2. King. 15.17.

2 Pekahiah or Phaceas reigned 2. yeeres, 2. King. 15.23.

20 Pekah or Phasee raigned 20. yeeres, 2. King. 15.27.

9 Osee or Hosheah reigned 9. yeeres, 2. King. 17. verse 1.

In the dayes of this king, about the yeare of the worlde 3304. beganne the captiuitie.

Of the ten Tribes;

whereof see more at large in the eight chapter next following, in the sixt Section.

CHAP. III. Of the state of the Hebrewes.

The people of y e Iews, the elect people of God
  • liued vnder the protecti­on and em­pire of
    • Patriarkes.
    • Chiefetaines or Gouernours.
    • Iudges.
    • Kings: againe,
    • Chiefetaines after the captiuitie.
    • Priests before the captiuity. and
    • Priests after the captiuity.
  • had to doe with the
    • kings of the
      • Persians.
      • Egyptians.
      • Syrians.
    • strangers, and with the emperors of Rome.
The Israelites were gouerned 3. wayes, by
  • Iudges, from Iosue to Saul.
  • Kings, from Saul to the captiuitie.
  • Priests, from the captiuitie to Christ.

For exact vnderstanding of this chapter, it is expedient to note well the fift booke of this first part; from the se­cond chapter, to the end of the same booke.

CHAP. IIII. Of the Patriarkes.

[...]he Patri­ [...]kes of the [...]ebrewes were,

  • Abraham Isaac liued yeeres
    • one hundred, & begat Isaac, Ge. 21.5.
    • threescore, and begat Iacob, Ge. 25.26
  • Iacob caled also Israel, Ge. 35.10
    • he had 12 children with
      • Lea,
        • Ruben Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Simeon Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Leui Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Iudah Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Isachar Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Zabulon Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
      • Zilpha the handmaid of Lea,
        • Gad Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Aser Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
      • Rachel
        • Ioseph Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Beniamin Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
      • Bala,
        • Dan Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
        • Nephtali Ge. 35.22. these were the heads of the twelue Tribes.
    • he liued 147. yeres, Gen. 47. ve. 28. hee was 70. yeeres in E­gypt.
  • Ioseph, was ruler of Egypt 80. yeeres: he di­ed when he was one hundred and tenne yeres old, Gen. 50. verse 26.

After these Patriarks, the Hebrews liued in bondage to the Egyptians, but 144. yeeres; albeit (as is already prooued) their whole abode in Egypt was 215. yeares. See the third age, and the probation thereof.

CHAP. V. Containing a Table, of the Princes and Iudges of the Hebrewes.

The princes of the He­brewes were these two,

  • Moses he ruled 40. yeares.
  • Iosue he ruled 27. yeres, or 40: to­gether w t Othoniel.

Moses and Iosue are not reckoned among the Iudges, be­cause they did not onely iudge, but also rule the people. Ly­ranus.

There were 13. Iudges ouer the Hebrewes, a­mōg whom

  • Othoniel A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 40
  • Aioth A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 80
  • Barach A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 40
  • Gedeon A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 40
  • Abimelech A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 3
  • Thola A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 23
  • Iair A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 22
  • Iephthe A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 6
  • Abesan A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 7
  • Ahialon A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 10
  • Abdon A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 8
  • Samson A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 20
  • Heli y e priest A. M. 2572 ruled yeres A. M. 2852 40

All this is prooued in the second chapter a­foregoing in the fourth age.

Here is to be obserued, See Athanasius in synopsi. that from Iair to Iepthe there was no iudge, which was for the space of eighteene yeeres together, Iud. 10. verse 4, 5, 8, & seq.

The prophet Elias was Gods messenger in Samaria, in the dayes of Asa and Iosaphat the good kings of Iuda, 3. Ki. 15.24. and in the time of Achab, the bad king of Israel, 3. Ki. 18. the heart of king Asa was perfit all his dayes, 2. Paralip. 15.17. and king Iosaphat sought the Lord, Anno mund [...] 3088 and walked in the wayes of his father Dauid, 2. Paral. 17. about the age of the world 3088.

CHAP. VI. Containing, a Table of the kings of Iuda and of Israel.

The kingdome of the Hebrewes
  • vnited vnder king
    • Saul, with whom was Samuel, Acts 13
    • Dauid.
    • Salomon.
  • deuided into the kingdom of
    • Iuda, or the two tribes of Iuda and Beniamin, whose kings were,
      • Roboam Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 17 yeeres
      • Abias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 3
      • Asa Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 41
      • Iosaphat Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 25
      • Ioram Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 8
      • Ochozias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 1
      • Athalia Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 7
      • Ioas Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 40
      • Amazias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 29
      • Ozias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 52
      • Ioathan Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 16
      • Achaz Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 16
      • Ezechias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 29
      • Manasses Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 55
      • Amon Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 2
      • Iosias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 31
      • Ioachas Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 3 moneths
      • Eliachim or Ioachim Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 11 yeeres
      • Iechonias or Ioachim or Coniah Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 3 moneths
      • Sedechias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3410 11 yeeres
    • Israel or Samaria, whose kings were,
      • Ieroboam Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 21 yeeres
      • Nadab Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 2
      • Baasa Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 24
      • Hela Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 2
      • Amri or Omri Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 12
      • Achab Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 22
      • Ochozias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 2 [...]
      • Ioram Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 12
      • Iehu Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 28
      • Ioachas Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 17
      • Ioas Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 16
      • Hieroboam Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 41
      • Zacharias Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 6 moneths
      • Sellum Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 1 moneth
      • Manahen Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 10 yeeres
      • Phacêas or Pekahiah Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 2
      • Phacêe or Pekah Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 20
      • Ose [...]or Hosheah. Anno mundi 3030 and raigned Anno mundi 3283 9 yeeres.

Peruse the second chap­ter aforegoing, where these things are proo­ued sufficiently.

CHAP. VII. Of the captiuitie and circumstances thereto pertaining.

The first Section. Of the time of the Captiuitie.

THe Babylonians besieged the citie of Hierusalem and tooke it in the eleuenth yeare of the raigne of Sedechias in the ninth day of the 4. month; to whom Nabuchodonozor had giuen commission for the siege, while himselfe was at Reblatha. The city being taken, king Sedechias with his wiues, children, nobles, and friendes, fled away by night into the wildernesse. But the Babylonians pursued after them, and Sedechias with his wiues, children and friendes were brought before the king Nabuchodonozor: whom after the king had sharply reprooued for the breach of promise, he caused his children and friendes to be slaine before his eies. That done, 4. Reg. 25. Ier. 52. he caused Sedechias to be bound in chaines, his eies to be pulled out, and so to be carried to Babylon. In the first day of the first moneth he commanded to burne the citie, to bring away all the vessels of gold and sil­uer out of the temple, and to leade all the people captiue vnto Babylon. Ioseph. 10. lib. antiq. cap. 11.

The temple was burnt after the building thereof, 470. yeares, monethes sixe, dayes ten: after the departure out of Egypt 1062. yeares, moneths sixe, dayes ten: Iosephus his [...]putation [...] be allowed. [...] from the [...] to the [...], be [...] 443. yeares [...] my discours [...] well obserue [...] after the de­luge 1950. yeares, moneths sixe, dayes ten: after the crea­tion of Adam. 3513. yeres, monethes sixe, daies ten: so writeth Iosephus, who was himselfe a Iew, a Priest, otherwise of good credite, and wrote the thinges that were done in his time: ne­uerthelesse I haue prooued in the second chapter, where the fift age is handled, that the temple could not stand so long. For from the building thereof, vntill the captiuitie, be onely 432. yeares, and eleuen yeares after that was it burnt, as is prooued in the second doubt of this present chapter.

The captiuitie began the fourth yeare of Ioachim, aliâs Eliachim, Iere. 25. ver. 1. Daniel with others of the Nobili­tie were carried captiues. Dan. 1. ver. 3. yea, Ioachim himself was bound with chaines, and so carried to Babell. 2. Paralip. [Page 26] 36. ver. 6. Nabuchodonozor carried away into Babell, Ioa­chims mother, his wiues, his Eunuches, and the mightie of the land carried he away into captiuitie, from Ierusalem vnto Babell, 4. King. cap. 24. verse 15. The king of Babell made Matthanias his vncle king in his steed, and changed his name to Sedechias, verse 17. ibid.

The first doubt.

The captiuitie beganne, when Ieconias was carried away captiue to Babylon, as it seemeth in S. Mathew. cap. 1. v. 11. And yet was he eight yeares old, when he was caried into Ba­bylon. 2. Par. 36. ver. 9. before which time hee did not reigne, ibid. Therefore the captiuitie could not beginne in the 11. yere of Sedechias, as Iosephus, and the Hebrews reckon, neither at the birth of Ieconias, as S. Mathew writeth.

The answere.

For the manifestation of this difficultie, we must obserue that Ierusalem was thrise taken by the Babylonians; to wit, in the daies of Ioachim, Iechonias, and Sedechias. 4. King. ca. 24. & 25. By reason whereof some reckon the beginning of the captiuitie from Ioachim, some from Ieconias, & other some, as the Hebrewes doe generally, from the 11. yeare of king Sedechias. See the answere of the third doubt: heereof I haue spoken more at large in the second chapter in the hand­ling of the fift age.

The second doubt.

The Prophet Ieremie writeth, that the Citie of Ierusalem was burnt, togither with the kinges pallace, and the temple, in the tenth day of the fift moneth in the 19. yeare of king Nebuchad-nezar. Iere. 52. verse 12. but as the booke of Kings saith, it was burnt in the seuenth day of the said moneth. 2. Kin. 25. verse 8.

The answere.

I answere, that the citie was three daies in burning; to wit, from the seuenth day vntill the tenth; Ieremie therefore spea­king [Page 27] of the end, is not contrarie to the booke of the kings; spea­king of the originall thereof.

The third doubt.

The prophet Daniel saith, that the calamitie began in the third yeare of king Ioachim or Iehoiakim, Dan. 1 ver. 1. but the prophet Ieremie affirmeth, that it was in the fourth yeare of Iehoiachim, and in the first yeare of Nabuchad-nezar king of Babell. Ier. cap. 25. verse. 1.

The answere.

We must here obserue, that the captiuitie the first of the three was in the end of the third yeare of Ioachim as Daniel truely writeth in rigour of supputation; yet may it be well said, that it began in the fourth yeare, as we reade in Ieremie; because the remnant in the third yeare was in effect nothing at all.

The second Section. Of the time of the siege.

The citie of Ierusalem was besieged the space of two yeres, that is, from the ninth yeare, vntill the eleuenth of king Sede­chias. 4. Kin. 25. ver. 1, 2. during the time of which siege, the famine was so sore and vrgent that the handes of pitifull mo­thers sod their own children to be their meate. Lam. Ier. ca. 4. verse 10. which thing seemeth so repugnant to nature, as it were ineredible to be tolde, if holy writ had not first reported it. The like horror was among mothers in murthering their chil­dren, when Titus in the second yeare of Vespatianus his father besieged it: and manie murthered themselues, because the fa­mine was so great.

The 3. Section. Of Noe his floud.

The scripture recordeth that when God saw the wickednes of man to be great on earth, and all the thoughtes of his heart to be naught continually; it repented him that he had created man. Wherefore his holy will was this, to destroy from the face of the earth, the man whom hee hadde made; from man [Page 28] to beast, to the creeping thinges and to the foules of the aire. And this God purposed to doe by drowning of the world with a generall floud of water. Yet Noah found fauour in Gods sight, so that himselfe, his wife, his sonnes and their wiues, eight persons in all, with cattell, foules, and all liuing things, two of euery sorte, were saued in the arke. Gen. 6.7. Noah was 600. yeares olde, when the floud was vpon the earth. Gen. chap. 7. ver. 6. the floud preuailed on the earth. 150. dayes. Gen. 7. ver. 24. The floud continued a whole yere. Gen. 8. ver. 13. It was in the yere of the world, 1656. For from Adam to the birth of Noah are 1056. Gen. 5. And from the birth of Noah till the floud are 600. yeares.

The fourth Section. Of the building of the temple.

King Salomon builded the temple in the fourth yeare of his raigne, [...]sephus antiq. [...] 8. cap. 2. which was in the 480. yeare after the children of Israel were come out of Egypt, 3. Kin. 6. ver. 1. And in the yeare of the world, after Iosephus, 3102. after others 3149. but after the exact supputation 2994. as is already prooued.

While the temple was a building, K. Salomon appointed seuentie thousand to beare burdens, foure score thousand to hew stones in the mountaines, and three thousand sixe hundreth o­uerseers to cause the people to worke. Par. cap. 2. ver. 18.

The fift Section. Of the abode of the Israelites in Egypt.

There is a great controuersie and varietie not to be dissem­bled, [...]. 12. ve. 40. [...]. 15. ver. 13. [...]ctes. 7. verse. 6. amongst Historiographers and learned writers, concerning the time that the Israelites were in Egypt. For Moses saith that the Israelites were in Egypt 430. yeares. In Genesis it is said, that they were there only 400. yeares. S. Stephen saith that Abrahams seed should be a soiourner 400. yeares in a strange land. And yet it is very certaine by authenticall sup­putation of the Scriptures, that they were in Egypt only 215. yeares; so that we want two hundreth yeares and odde, of the [Page 29] accompt made in Genesis, Exodus, and the Actes. S. Hie­rome confessed freely, that he knew not howe to reconcile these places of the holy scripture. S. Chrysostome reconcileth the places thus: to wit, that God appointed the Israelites to a­bide 400. yeares in Egypt: yet for the heynous sinnes of the Egyptians, he shortened the time, euen as he abridged the 120 yeares, which he graunted before the floud vnto men, Gen. cap. 5.32. cap. 6.3. c. 7.6. that they might repent, and brought them to one hundreth. Neither was Niniuie destroied after 40. daies. This appeareth to be so. Neither died Ezechias as God had said. I answere therefore with Saint Austen and o­ther learned writers, that the 400. yeares mentioned in Gene­sis, and in the Acts, must be reckoned from the birth of Isaach, Ionas. 3.10. Is. 38.5. vntill the departure out of Egypt: and the 430. from Abra­hams going out of his countrie. For the seed of Abraham was so long afflicted in a land not their owne, as the scripture spea­beth. Partly in Palestine, partly in Mesopotamia, Gen. 15. ver. 13. and partly in Egypt. This answere is confirmed by the testimonie of S. Paul, in his Epistle to the Galathians, where he saith that the law was giuen 430. yeres, after y the promise was made to A­braham. Gal. 3. ve. 16.17. For the law was giuen when the Iewes came out of Egypt, as all writers agree with vniforme consent, Gen. 17. ver. 19. and the promise was made to Abraham, in his sonne Isaac.

The sixt Section. Of the captiuitie of the ten Tribes.

About the yeare of the world, A.m. 3292. 3292. the Israelites or the ten tribes that were in Samaria, were carried away captiues in the third yeare of the siege, vnto Ashur or Assyria, in the ninth yeare of Hoseah or Osee the sonne of Elah king of Israel, in the fourth yeare of Ezechias king of Iuda. 4. Reg. 17. v. 5. At this time ended the race of the kings of Israel: for after this captiuitie, did the ten tribes neuer returne: see the 12. chapter, 4. Reg. 18. ver. 9. in the end of the first section.

The captiuitie of the tenne tribes (saith Iosephus) endured 240 yeares, seuen monethes, and seuen daies, after their re­uolte from king Roboham their lawfull Soueraigne. Iosephus anti­quit. lib 9. ca. 14. For they would neither be subiect to law, nor obey their Prophets [Page 30] of God that reprooued their sinnes, and therefore were worthi­ly afflicted by the Assyrians: see the second chapter in the end thereof.

In the daies of king Osee, was the kingdome of Samaria, that is, Athanas. in sy­nop. of the ten tribes, ended. For then was Samaria vtter­ly destroied, which afterward the Assyrians did inhabite, of whom came the Samaritans (those wicked heretiques.)

The Israelites would neither obey their king nor Gods pro­phets.Which subiection of the said ten tribes, may be a parpetuall document to all christian people; euer to exhibite loyall seruice to their Soueraignes, and due reuerence to Gods ecclesiastical messengers, the preachers of his sacred word: which thing not­withstanding is little regarded in these daies, through the anti­christian doctrine of seditious semenaries.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Prophetes and Priestes of the Hebrewes vn­till the captiuitie.

The Pro­phets and priestes of the Iewes,

  • Prophetes,
    • Ionas who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Oseas who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Abdias who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Amos who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Esaias who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Iohel who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Michaeas who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Nahum who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Abacuc who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Hieremias who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Baruch who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Sophonias who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Ezechiel who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Daniel who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Aggaeus who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Zacharias who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
    • Malachias who liued in the time of both king­domes, that is to say, of Iuda and of Is­rael, especially in the time of the captiui­tie of Ba­bilon.
  • Priestes,
    • Sadoch in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Achimaas in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Ioram in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Auxiera­mus in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Nidaeas in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Sudaeas in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Hilus in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Ioathan in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Vrias in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Nerias in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Odaeas in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Sellum in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Helchias in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Zara in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.
    • Iosedech in the time of all these the children did euer suc­ceede their fathers, vn­till the cap­tiuitie. but after the captiuitie it was other­wise.

CHAP. IX. Of the Actes and times of the Prophetes i [...] briefe maner.

A. M. 3180. The Pro­phets of the old te­stament, A. M. 3504.

  • Ionas prophesied to the Niniuites, in the time of Ozias.
  • Osee prophesied against Samaria, in the time of Ioatham.
  • Abdias prophesied against the Idumeans and other e­nemies of the Israelites, in the time of Ioatham.
  • Amos prophesied against the nations adiacent to them, in the time of Ozias.
  • Esaias prophesied against Iuda and Iurasalem, in the time of Ioatham.
  • Ioel prophesied to Iuda and Ierusalem. in the time of Ozias.
  • Michaeas prophesied against Ierusalem and Samaria, in the time of Ioatham.
  • Nahum prophesied to the Assyrians and Niniuites, in the time of Ioatham.
  • Abacuc prophesied against Babylon and Nabuchodo­nosor, in the time of Manasses.
  • Ieremias prophesied to the citie of Ierusalem, in the time of Iosias, and Zedechias.
  • Sophonias prophesied against Iurusalem and Iuda, in the time of Iosias.
  • Ezechiel prophesied to the captiues in Babylon, in the time of Ioachim.
  • Daniel prophesied to his countrey men in Babylon, in the time of Ioachim.
  • Haggaeus prophesied to all the people in Ierusalem and Iuda, in the time of Zoroba­bel.
  • Zacharias prophesied to the people of Ierusalem and Iuda, in the time of Zoroba­bel.
  • Malachias prophesied to the people of Ierusalem & Iuda, in the time of in the end of the captiuitie [...]

CHAP. X. Containing a particular description of the time of the Prophets called the greater.

The first section, of the Prophet Esay.

THe Prophet Esay was the sonne of Amos, not of that A­mos who was the third of the 12. lesser Prophetes; but of another Amos, hauing different characters with the Hebrews. Aug de ciuit libr. 18. cap. 27. Hier. in. 1. cap Esaiae.

Esay prophesied to Ierusalem and Iuda; that is, to the two tribes of Beniamin and Iuda. Hier. in 1. cap Esaiae.

Esay (who was also called Azarias) Osee, Ioel, & Amos, prophesied at the selfe same time, in the daies of Osias, A.M. 3307. Ioa­tham, Achas, and Ezechias kings of Iuda. Hier. in princ. E­saiae.

The wicked king Manasses, caused the prophet Esay to be sawed in peeces with a wodden saw. Wherefore, that which the Epistle to the Ebrewes saith of the tortures of Gods Saintes, that they were hewen in sunder, is very fitly referred to the prophet Esay. Hier. lib. 15. cap. 57. in Esaiam.

The second section, of the prophet Ieremie.

Ieremie prophesied to y e two tribes of Iuda & Beniamin, he foretold their captiuitie in Babylon, hee began his prophesie in the daies of Iosias, A. M. 3380. he continued the same in the daies of Ioa­chim, and vntill the eleuenth yeare of Sedechias in the time of the captiuitie. Orig. hom. 1. in Hier. Aug. de ciu. lib. 18. c. 33.

Betweene the time of Ieremias and Esaias, were one hun­dred and fiftie yeares. Hier. lib. 9. cap. 30. in Esaiam.

He was the sonne of Helkias the priest. cap. 1. Iere. v. 1. the tradition of the Hebrewes is, that whensoeuer the father or graundfather of any prophet is put in the title, such a one was also a prophet himselfe. Gloss. ordinar.

Sophonias prophesied at the same time with Ieremias. A­thanas. in synop▪ Aug. de ciu. lib. 18. cap. 33.

Iehoiakim king of Iuda burnt the book, which Baruc wrote [Page 34] wrote at the mouth of Ieremias; in which booke the prophet shewed, what punishment God had determined to bring vpon Iuda and Israel▪ if they would not returne euery man from his euill way, and bring forth worthy fruites of repentance. But Ieremie at Gods appointment wrote another book, which con­tained the afflictions of Iuda and Israel, in a farre larger ma­ner, Ierem. cap. 36. Where we may note by the way, that the wicked do euer kicke against the preachers of Gods word, espe­cially when their sinnes are reprooued. But at length they tast of the cup of Gods wrath, for their great contempt and disobe­dience. And our papistes are now become Iehoiakims, as who both burne the writers of all bookes, that reprooue their super­stitions and idolatry; and also cast the bookes into the fire. Yea, euen the holy bibles, [...]he papistes are [...]ecome Iehoia­ [...]ims. if they be once translated into the vulgar tongue.

Ieremie began to prophesie when he was a childe, in the 13. yeere of Iosias king of Iuda, A.M. 3318. hee continued his prophesie du­ring the reigne of Iosias the sonne of Amon. 19. yeares, and af­ter that vnder Ioachim 11. yeres, and vnder Sedechias 11. yeares, who was the last king of Iuda. The three moneths of Ioachaz and Iechonias, are reckoned in the yeares afore na­med. So that from the beginning of his prophesie, vntill the captiuitie of Ierusalem, (in which himselfe was taken) he pro­phesied, 41. yeres, ouer and besides that time, in which he was carried away into Egypt, and prophesied in Taphins. Hier. in cap. 2. Ierem. at which Taphins in Egypt, as some write, hee was stoned to death. But before that time, he was put in a deep dungeon of myre. Iere. 38.

The third section, of the prophet Ezechiel.

Ezechiel followed Ieremie, and began to prophesie in the fift yeare of the transmigration of Iechonias, which was the same yeare of the reigne of Sedechias. Hier. lib. 5. cap. 29. in Ieremiam. in the 30. yere (after some) of his age. Ezechias c. 1. but as S. Hierome writeth, the 30. yeares whereof the Pro­phet speaketh, are not the yeares of the age of Ezechiel himself, but the yeares from the 18. of king Iosias, at what time the [Page 34] booke of the law was found, vntill the fift yeare of the captiuity of Iechonias. Hier. in cap. 1. Exech. 2.

Ezechiel was carried away captiue into Babilon, togither with Iechonias, Daniel, and the three children. Hier. in princ. Ezech. Aug. de ciu. lib. 18. cap. 34.

This holy prophet foretold the destruction of Hierusalem, and the captiuitie of the Iewes for their manifold sinnes and wickednesse, earnestly exhorting them to repentance. For which cause the Iewes were so exasperated against him, (as the wic­ked are this day against the preachers of Gods word, that they trailed him on the ground amongst the stones, till his braines went out. Author. oper. imperf. in Matt. cap. 23. hom, 46. prop. finem.

A golden obseruation.

In the dayes of Iosias king of Iuda, Helkiah the Priest found the booke of the lawe of the Lord, giuen by the hand of Moses. Which when the good king vnderstood, hee gathered togither all the inhabitantes of Ierusalem and of Iuda, and the Priests and the Leuites, and all the people from the greatest to the smallest; and he read in their eares all the words of the booke of the couenant, that was found in the house of the Lord: Kinges are su­preme gouer­nors in causes ecclesiasticall. and the king caused all that were found in Ierusalem and Beniamin to stand to it, and hee compelled all the people of Israel to serue the Lord their God. 2. Par. 34.4. Kin. 22. Thus saith the ho­ly scripture. By which we see euidently, that the ouersight of all persons in all causes aswell ecclesiastical as ciuill, pertaineth to the king: and that the king hath the charge of religion com­mitted into his handes, and also that he may compel priests and Leuites to doe their dueties in that behalfe. On the other side we may note the intollerable impietie of our disholy fathers the late bishops of Rome. Who most irreligiously and very impu­dently excommunicate christian kings and monarches, because they appoint the word of God to be preached in their dominiōs, read the holy bibles in their vulgar tongues, and cause their subiectes to doe the like: a thing neuer heard of, by any wri­ters of approoued antiquitie.

A doubt.

S. Peter saith, that certaine places of S. Paules epistles [Page 36] be hard to be vnderstood; and S. Hierome in his Commenta­ries vpon Ezechiel saith, that amongst the Iewes none could be permitted to reade the beginning of Genesis, the Canticles, the beginning and ending of Ezechiel, vntill he were 36. yeres of age.

The answer.

I answere with S. Austen, that whatsoeuer is necessary for mans saluation, is plainly set downe in holy scripture: and that which is obscure in one place, is made manifest by another. his words I haue alledged, in my book of Motiues, in the tenth chapter, and second conclusion.

The fourth section, of the Prophet Daniel.

A. M. 3397.Daniel was a prophet of the tribe of Iuda, descended of noble parentage, and being a childe was carried from Iurie to Babilon Epiphanius de vit. & interrit. Prophet.

Of Daniel hee was called Balthazar. Which name was giuen him, either (as Iosephus saith) of king Nabuchodonozor; or (as Lud. Viues saith) of the kinges Eunuche, who had charge of the kinges children. This is certaine, that hee was called Balthasar in Babylon. Orig. in Num. cap. 31. hom. 25.

Daniel preached in Babylon, in the very time of the capti­uitie. Dan. 1. ver 7.

Daniel departed out of this life in Babylon, and was bu­ried with great honour: his sepulchre is this day to be seene in Babylon, renowmed throughout the world. Epiphanius vbi supra.

CHAP. XI. Of the Prophets called the lesser.

The first section, why some were called the greater, and other some the lesser.

FOure, to wit, Esay, Ieremie, Ezechiel, and Daniel, were called the greater Prophets, because they wrote greater and larger volumes. Twelue, to wit, Osee, Ioel, Amos, Ab­dias, Ionas, Micheas, Nahum, Abacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, [Page 37] Zacharias, Malachias, were called y e lesser, because they wrote smaller & lesser volumes. Aug. de ciuit. lib. 18. c. 29. in princ.

Of these Prophetes, as the latter were neerer the time of Christ, so had they clearer reuelations of Christ, then the for­mer. Gloss. in 1. Reg. 3.

The second Section, of Osee.

Asarias who was also called Ozias, of the stocke of Dauid, reigned in Ierusalem ouer the two tribes, which were called Iuda, 52. yeares. After him Ioatham his sonne reigned, 16. yeares: after Ioatham, Achab his sonne reigned in like ma­ner, 16. yeares: in the eleuenth yeare of whose reigne, the ten tribes which were called Israel, were taken of Salmana­sar the king of the Caldees, and placed in the mountaines of the Medes. After Achas reigned his sonne Ezechias 28 yeres: whereby it is cleere, that when Osee, Esay, Ioel, Amos, Ab­dias, Ionas, and Micheas prophesied, (who were all at one time) then was the kingdome of the ten tribes ended. Which continued from Ieroboam the first king, vntill Osee the last; the space of 250. yeares. The same time that Osias began to reigne ouer Iuda, Ieroboam king Iehu his Nephewes sonne reigned the 12. yeare ouer Israel, because God had promised, that his seede should reigne vntill the fourth generation, for smiting two wicked kinges of Iuda and Israel; this I write [...] S. Hierome, to shew that Osee wrote both before and [...] the captiuitie of Israel. Hier. in 1. cap, Osee. see the eight [...]pter and sixt section. per tot. sect.

Osee prophesied, that the Iewes should be conuerted at the latter end of the worlde. He preached against the tenne tribes, of their fornication, and of the destruction of Samaria, he spake something also of the other two tribes. Gloss in princ. 1. ca. Osee.

Osee foretolde the comming of the Messias, and that this should be the signe of his comming. To wit, if that oake in Se­lom be clouen of it selfe into twelue partes, and be made so many oake trees, and it came so to passe. Epiphan. de Prophet. vit, & eter.

The third section, of Ioel.

The Prophet Iohel the sonne of Phatuel was borne in the [Page 38] territorie of Bethor, descended of the tribe of Ruben. He pro­phesied much of Ierusalem, and of the consummation of the Gentiles. He died in peace, and was buried with honour in his owne countrey. Epiphan. vbi supr.

Like as in Osee vnder the name of Ephraim, the prophesie is extended to the tenne tribes, who are often called Samaria or Israel; euen so whatsoeuer Ioel saith, pertaineth to Iuda and Ierusalem. Hier. in 1, cap. Ioel.

Ioel prophesied in the daies of king Ioatham, who succeeded king Ozias. Aug. de ciuit. lib 18. cap 27. but S. Hierome ex­tendeth the time further, euen to the reignes of Ozias, Ioa­tham, Achas, and Ezechias. Hier. in Ioel.

The fourth section of Amos.

Amos was borne in Thecue, descended of the tribe of Za­bulon, he was father to Esay the Prophet: so saith Epiphan. de prophet. vit & inter. but saint Austen and saint Hierome think otherwise, as I haue shewed. Amos was of Thecue six miles South from holy Bethlehem, where our Sauiour Christ was borne. Hier. in comment. Amos.

S. Basill saith, that Amos was a shepheard, but God in­structed him with his holy spirite, Amos. 7.14. and so aduaunced him to the dignitie of a prophet. Basilius, Epist. 55.

Amos prophesied in the daies of Ozias, when Esaias began his prophesie. Hier. in Esaiam. lib. 3 cap. 7. Aug. de ciuit. lib. 18 cap. 27 He prophesied also in the time of Ieroboam, the sonne of Ioas king of Israel. Hier. in 1. cap. Amos.

The fift section, of Abdias.

Abdias or Obadiah was the steward of king Achabs house, the king of Israel. 3. King. 18. verse 3. he hid Gods prophets in caues, and fed them with bread and water, ver. 4. he gaue o­uer the kings court, ioyned himselfe to the prophet Elias; and became his disciple. Epiphanius &, Hieronymus.

Abdias is briefe in wordes, but pithie in matter, because he hid the 100. prophets in caues, he was aduaunced to the dig­nitie [Page 39] of a prophet; and where before hee was the captaine of an armie, he now became the captaine of Gods Church; then hee fed a little flocke in Samaria; nowe he feedeth Christes chur­ches in the whole world. Hier. in Abdiam: yet saint Hierome vpon Osee maketh Abdias [...] to Esaias, which seemeth verie probable.

The sixt section, of the Prophet Ionas.

The prophet Ionas was appointed of God to preach to the Niniuites, that the citie after three daies shoulde be destroied: but he being afraid to preach to that great city of the Assyrians, fled from the presence of the Lord, and went downe into a ship that went to Tarshishe: but when a great tempest arose, the marriners cast Ionas into the Sea, and hee was in the belly of a great fishe three daies and three nightes, and after that he was deliuered out of the Whales bellie, and brought to the dry land. Thē the word of the Lord came to Ionas the second time, & he preached to the Niniuites, and they by repentance appeased the wrath of God. Ionas. cap. 1. & 3 Athanas. in synop.

Ionas liued in the daies of Elias, who reprooued Achab the king of Samaria. He was the sonne of the widow of Sarepta, whom Elias restored to life, for her hospitalitie towardes him: So writeth Epiphanius, but others thinke otherwise. Let the Reader vse his owne iudgement herein.

Ionas did prophesie Christes death and resurrection, more significantly by his passion, then by his worde or prea­ching. For to what end was he swallowed vp of the Whale, and restored againe the third day, but to signifie Christes rising from the dead the third day? Aug. de ciuit▪ lib. 18. cap. 30. Yea, Christ himselfe interpreted the prophesie of Ionas, euen as S. Austen doth: For he obiected against the Iewes for their incre­dulitie, Ionas his comming out of the Whales belly, as a most vndoubted signe of his resurrection. Mat. 12. ver. 40. Luc. 11. verse 30.

The Hebrewes say, that Ionas was the sonne of the wi­dow of Sarepta, whom the prophet Elias restored from death. They also write, that Osee, and Amos, & Esay, and Ionas, prophesied at the selfe same time. Hier. hic in prooem.

The seuenth Section, of the Prophet Micheas.

Micheas the Moralist (which is by interpretation humble and fellow heire with Christ, was a prophet of the tribe of E­phraim. Epiphanius. He was so charitably affectced towards the Israelites his brethren, that he wished himselfe to haue bin destitute of the spirite of Prophesie, to haue been reckoned a­mongst the false Prophets, to haue preached an vntrueth, and himselfe to haue perished alone; so that such a multitude, should beleeue in Christ, and not be deliuered to captiuitie euerlasting. Hier. in cap. 2. Mich.

Albeit Micheas was of the same time with Osee, Amos▪ and Esay, who prophesied in the time of Osias king of Iuda; yet did not Micheas preach in the daies of Ozias, but in the time of Ioatham his sonne, after whom Achas reigned, Ezechias suc­ceeding in the empire of his father Achas; in whose daies the ten tribes, felt their captiuitie amongst the Assyrians. Hier. hic in cap. 1. Aug. de ciu. lib. 18. cap 27.

Micheas prophesied against Ierusalem and Samaria, and a­gainst Achab. Mich cap. 1.3. Reg. 22. Athanas in Synopsi.

The eight Section, of Nahum.

Nahum euen as Ionas did, directeth his prophesie to Ni­niuie the great citie of the Assyrians, which is now called Ni­nus. And because y e Niniuites, after God had mercifully relea­sed the punishment foretold by Ionas, committed greater of­fences then before; this Prophet Nahum doth denounce vnto the said Niniuites, & to al y e persecuters of Israel, Gods iudg­ment and euerlasting captiuitie. And withall hee comforteth the faithfull, shewing that the destruction of their enemies shall be for their consolation. Nah. cap 1.2.3. Hier. in proaem.

Nahum was the sonne of Helkeseus, who after the tradition of the Hebrewes, was also himselfe a prophet. He prophesied in the time of Ezechias. Hier & Gloss. After Iosephus he pro­phesied in the time of Ioatham king of Iuda. Ioseph. antiq. lib 9 cap. 11. All thinges foretold of Niniuie, were fulfilled in the hundred and fiteenth yeare, Iosephus Ibidem.

The 9. Section, of Abacuc.

Like as Nahum whome Abacuc followeth, prophecieth a­gainst Niniue, and the Assyrians, who destroyed the ten tribes called Israel; euen so Abacuc prophecieth against Babylon and king Nabuchedonosor, by whom the two tribes called Iuda, as also the temple were ouerthrowen, Hier hic in proaemio.

Abacuc prophecied many things of the aduent of our Saui­or, & 2. yeres before the Iews returned from Babylon, he died, and was honorably buried in his owne house. Epiphanius.

The 10. Section, of Sophonias.

Sophonie was of the tribe of Simeon, borne in the mount Sarabatha. Epiphanius.

Sophonias the prophet, descended of noble progenitours. Chusa was his father, Godolias his grandfather, Amarias his great grandfather, Ezechias father to his great grandfa­ther: who all by the tradition of the Hebrewes, were also pro­phets. Hier. in 1. cap. Sophon.

Sophonias prophecied in Hierusalem, and in all Iewrie: he foretold the day, in which all their idolles should be ouerthrow­en, and affliction come vpon them. He also prophecied of our Sauiour, and of his resurrection. After that hee preached a­gainst Gaza, Ascalon, Azoto, Accaron, Moab, Ammō, Damas­cus, Niniuie, & against the Aethiopians. Athanas. in synopsi.

Sophonias prophecied in the dayes of Iosias the sonne of Amon the king of Iuda: and so it is euident, that he propheci­ed before the captiuitie of Babylon. cap. 1. Sophon. & Lyranus ibidem.

The 11. Section, of the prophet Aggaeus.

Aggeus directed his prophesie specially to Zorobabel, and Iesus the sonne of Iosedech, and then to all the people in Iuda and Hierusalem, commaunding them to build vp againe the temple of the Lord. Lyranus in princ.

S. Austen saith, that these three prophets, Aggeus, Zachari­as and Malachias prophecied in the end of the captiuitie. Aug. de ciuit. lib. 18. cap. 35. which yet must be vnderstood, after the [Page 42] returne from the captiuitie: whereof saint Austen could not be ignorant, since it is plainely said in the first of Haggai, that in the sixt month of the second yeare of the raigne of king Darius, he receiued the gift of prophecie. This case shall appeare more clearely in the second booke, in the discourse of the first monar­chie. In which place, marke this point attentiuely.

Haggeus, so soone as he saw the temple of Ierusalem buil­ded with his corporall eies, (for he saw it before in vision) so soone did hee sing praises to the Lorde; and that doone, ended his life in the same place, where he was very honourably bu­ried. Epiphanius.

The 12. Section, of the prophet Zacharias.

Zacharias sonne of Barachias, the sonne of Addo the pro­phet, beganne to prophesie two moneths after Aggeus; that is, in the eight moneth of the second yeere of Darius. chap. 1. Zachar.

There were sundry Zacharies, one, the sonne of Ioiada, an­other, the sonne of Barachias, an other, the father of saint Iohn the Baptist. Whereupon ariseth a great controuersie amon­gest the learned, which of all these was that Zacharie whom the Iewes (as Christ chargeth them in the 23. of Mathew) mur­dered betweene the temple and the altar. Hier. in Matt. lib. 4. cap. 23. prope finem.

Zacharias after hee had prophecied many things of Ierusa­lem, and animated the people to builde the temple, and had al­so reprooued the sluggishnesse of the prophets and priests; hee died in his decrepite age, and was buried with Aggeus. Epi­phanius.

The 13. Section, of the prophet Malachie.

The prophet Malachie was of the tribe of Zabulon, borne after the returne of the Iewes from Babylon, in Sopha the land of Zabulon. Epiphanius.

Malachias was the last of all the prophets, who after the re­turne from the captiuitie, and building againe of the temple, [Page 43] foretold the desolation therof, and the ceasing of their sacrifice. Hier. apud Eder.

Malachie prophecied of the day of iudgement, and of the in­carnation of our Sauiour: he foretold that Elias (to wit, Iohn the Baptist) shoulde be sent before his aduent. Athanas. in synopsi.

CHAP. XII. Of the diuerse names of the tribes, and of the vse therof in reading the Prophets.

The first rule.

Whensoeuer the prophecie is di­rected to the ten tribes, it is sig­nified by one of these names;

  • Ephraim
  • Samaria
  • Israel
  • Ioseph
  • Iezrael
  • Bethel
  • Bethauen
  • Iacob

The second rule.

Whensoeuer the prophesie is direc­ted to the two tribes, it is signified by some one of these names;

  • Iuda
  • Ierusalem
  • Beniamin
  • the house of Dauid,
  • and sometime Iacob.

The third rule.

The scripture sometime referreth Israel, to all the twelue Tribes generally.

CHAP. XIII. Of the destribution of the offices of the 12. lesser prophets.

These pro­ [...]hets were [...]ppointed, [...]ome of thē

  • to threaten the captiui­tie; as
    • Osee against both the kingdoms of Is­rael and Iuda.
    • Ioel against the two tribes onely.
    • Amos against the two tribes, and the kingdomes adioyning.
    • Micheas against the kingdome of Israel e­specialy, because it was y e cause of ruine to y e rest.
  • to comfort the Iewes; as
    • Abdias With threats against the kingdome of the Idu­means.
    • Ionas With threats against Niniue and the Assirians.
    • Nahum With threats against the Niniuites for their re­uolt the second time.
    • Abacuc With threats against Nabuchodonosor and the Chaldeans, who al wer enimies to the Iewes.
  • to call home from the captiuity; as
    • Sophonias who preached returne to come.
    • Aggeus who preached returne present.
    • Zacharias who preached returne present, with aduise to build the temple.
    • Malachias who preached returne past, with exhortati­on to pietie.

CHAP. XIIII. Of the time when they prophecied.

Of the pro­phets, some prophecied

  • before the captiuitie, as well of the ten tribes of Israel, as of the two tribes Iuda and Beniamin; as
    • Esay
    • Osee
    • Ioel
  • after the captiuitie; as
    • Daniel
    • Aggeus
    • Zacharias.
  • when the captiuitie was at hand; as
    • Ieremie in Iewrie
    • Ezechiel in Babilon

Ex Hier. in 1. cap. Ieremiae.

The finall scope of all the Prophets.

The prophets of God, bicause they would neither discorage the Iewes with threatnings, nor make them carelesse by the sweetnesse of Gods promises, sought throughout their books to set before their eies, the two principall partes of the law; to wit, the promise of saluation, and the doctrine of good life. For the first part, they direct the Iewes, and in them all the faith­full, to the true Messias Christ Iesus, by whome onely they shal haue true deliuerance: for the second part, they vse threat­nings and menaces to bring them from their vices. For this is the chiefe scope of all the prophets, either by Gods promi­ses to allure them to be godly; or else by threatnings of his iudgements, to feare them from sinne and wickednesse. And albeit that the whole lawe containe these two points, yet the prophets note particularly, as well the time of Gods iudge­ments, as the manner of the same.

CHAP. XV. Of the deuision of the Bookes of the Prophets.

The bookes of the prophets con­taine nine common places; to wit,

  • Doctrines Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Speculations Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Exhortations Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Cōminations Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Lamētations Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Consolations Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Prayers Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Histories Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.
  • Predictions Ex Epipha­nio, de mēs. & pond. in initio.

CHAP. XVI, Containeth the acts, age, time, and death of famous men that were before the captiuitie of Babylon.

The first Section, of Adam.

Adam was created vpon friday, the day before the Iewish sabaoth, Genes. 1. verse 27.

He was 130. yeares old, when he begat Seth, Genes. 5.3. after Iosephus, he was 230. yeares olde. he liued 930. yeres, and then died, Genes. 5. verse 5.

He was buried (as the Hebrewes write) in the land of Isra­el. Rabbi Isaac apud Genebr.

He had three sonnes, Cain, Abel, and Seth. Cain murde­red his brother Abel; and for no other cause, but euen for the true seruice of God. Which, when it is truely done, the deuil can not abide it; and for that end doth he alway stirre vp the wicked against the godly, as hee did Cain against his brother Abel, that the word of God and his doctrine may be extingui­shed and troden vnder foote. Adam had many sons and daugh­ters, as Iosephus writeth.

The second Section, of Seth.

The posteritie of Cain was wholy extinct in Noahs floud, [Page 47] but the stocke of Seth was multiplied vpon earth, as of whom descended all the patriarkes, prophets, and holy men, Gene. 5.6, 7. The nephews of Seth made two pillers, the one of brick, the other of stone, in which they ingraued the word of God and his prophecies, for the perpetuall conseruation thereof. They also diuided the yeere into twelue moneths; and first ob­serued the course of the starres, and taught astronomie. Iose­phus antiq. libr. 1. ca 2. they are therefore grossely deceiued, that either make the Egyptians, or Mercurie, or Atlas, or Ac­tinus the authors of Astronomie and other liberall sciences: for as Iosephus saith, the Egyptians were vtterly ignorant in such sciences, before Abrahams comming vnto them: which know­lege came first from the Chaldeans to the Egyptians, & from the Egyptians to the Greekes, by the meanes of Abraham. Io­sephus libr. lib. 1. antiq. ca. 6, 7, 8.

Seth liued 912. yeeres, and then died, Genes. 5. verse 8.

Of the vngodly marriages betweene the posteritie of Seth, in whose families God was truely worshipped, and the poste­ritie of Cain, who serued idolles, came giants or men of huge magnitude. By meanes of which wicked coniunction, the knowledge of God was vtterly abolished in all, but in Noah, The floud came A. M. 1656 his three sonnes, and their foure wiues; so that God destroyed the remnant of mankind in the generall deluge, Gene. 6. verse 2, 7, verse 21.

The third section, of Noah.

When the earth after the floud returned to it former state a­gaine, Noah beganne to play the husbandman, to till the ground, to plant vines, to gather the grapes, and to finde out the vse of drinking wine, Gen. 9. verse 20.

Noah had three sonnes, Sem, Cham, and Iaphet. Sem with his children, inhabited that part of the world which is to­wards the east. For of his sonne Aram came the Syrians; of Assur, the Assyrians; of Arphaxad, the Chaldeans; of Ela the Persians.

[Page 48]Cham inhabited that part of the world, which is toward the south: for of Canaan came the Cananites; of Mizraim, the Egyptians; of Chus or Cush, the Ethiopians; of Saba the Arabians: and Chanaan is now called Iewrie.

Iapheth inhabited the west and north parts, and had manie sonnes; to wit, Gomer, Magog, Madai, Iauan, Tubal, Me­sech, and Tyrus. Of Iauan came the Greeks, whom the La­tines call Ianus and who are nowe tearmed Iones; of Madai came the Medes; of Gomer the Cimerians or Simbrians; of Ascanes Gomers sonne the Germanes; of Magog the Scy­thians, of whome came the Turkes; of Thyras the Thraci­ans, Gen. 10. Ioseph. antiq. lib. 1. cap. 6. Cari. pag 14.

The tradition of the Hebrews is, that Iapheth was the el­dest sonne of Noah, borne in the 500. yeere of his age; Cham or Ham his second sonne, borne in the 501. yeere of his age; Sem his third and yongest sonne, borne in the 502. yeere of his age. Which tradition is very probable, though not alto­gether certaine and vndoubted; for Sem is said to be but 100 yeares olde, 2. yeeres after the floud, Genes. 11. verse 10. yet is Sem named first in the scripture, because the historie of the church is continued in his line.

2006 Noah liued after the floud, 350. yeares, and when he was 950. yeeres old, he died, Gen. 9. verse 28. in the yeere of the world 2006.

An. M. 2606From Adam to the birth of Noah, are 1056. yeres, Gen. 5.3. from Adam vntill the death of Noah, are 2606. yeeres.

The fourth section, of the tower of Babel.

The tower of Babel was built, about 130. yeeres after 1788 the floud, in the yeere of the world, 1788.

The place where the tower stoode, is now called Babylon; that is to say, confusion, because from thence came the confu­sion of tongues. Ioseph. antiq. lib. 1. cap. 4.

Nimrod was a mightie hunter, and the beginning of his kingdome was Babel, in the land of Shinar, for there was an other citie in Egypt, called also Babel, Gen. 10. verse 10.

Nimrod was a cruell oppressor of the people, and a very ty­rant, [Page 49] so as his tyranny came into a Prouerbe, (as, Nimrod the mightie hunter before the Lord. Gen. 10. verse 9.

Before the building of Babel the whole earth was of one language: but they were puffed vp with pride, and sought to build a tower to reach vp to heauen; that so their name might be magnified, and their power vnited on earth. Yet sodainely such diuision of their vniforme language was made, as one of them vnderstoode not another; they were scattered abroade, and the tower left vnperfect, Genes. 11. verse 4, 7, 8.

Nimrod was the nephew of Cham, who was son to Chus or Cush, who first affected empire, and beganne the forme of a kingdone in Chaldea; his pallace was Babel. Hee was the first that exercised hunting after Noahs floud, Gen. 10. verse 7.10.

About this time beganne a new kingdome amongst the As­syrians, by Ashur, the sonne of Sem: An. M. 1758 his chiefe citie was Ni­niueh: but he builded also Rehoboth, and Calah, Genes. 10. verse 11. Genebr.

The fift section, of Abraham.

Abraham was borne 352. yeares after the floud, in the yeare of the world 2008. the promise was made to Abraham 427. 2008 yeeres after the floud, which was 75. yeares after his birth: hee was commanded to goe out of his countrey 423. yeares after the floud. Abrahams father (Terah) died, when Abra­ham was but 75. yeares olde. Terah was 205. yeares old, 2079 when he died, Genes. 11, verse 32. Abraham died when hee was 175 yeares olde, Genesis 25. verse 7. At the death of his father Terah, he was but 75. yeeres old, Genesis 12.4. Gen. 11. verse 26, 32. In which age of 75. yeeres Abraham depar­ted out of Haran, Genesis 12. verse 4.

The first difficultie.

It seemeth by the twelfth chapter of Genesis, that GOD spake to Abraham after the death of his father Thare or Te­rah, when he was in Haran. And it is euident by Genes. 11. that God spake vnto him when hee was in Chaldea. I an­swere, [Page 50] that God spake to Abraham when he was in Chaldea his natiue countrey, from whence hee went with his father to Haran, where he abode by reason of his fathers infirmitie, vn­till his death. After the death of his father, hee went from Ha­ran with Sarai his wife, to Canaan the land of promise, accor­dingly as God had commanded him: which resolution will be cleare, if we ioyne the beginning of the 12. chapter, with the latter end of the eleuenth.

The second difficultie.

Saint Steuen saith in the seauenth of the Actes, that Meso­potamia was Abrahams natiue country, from whence he went to Charran. Therefore it cannot be, that Chaldea was his countrey. I answere, that Chaldea was his country, and that his countrey was indifferently called, either Mesopotamia, or Chaldea. Which I prooue by two reasons. First, because Plinius lib. 6. cap 26. saith, that Chaldea is a citie in Mesopo­tamia. Secondly, because S. Steuen, Acts 7. verse 4. confir­meth the same: neither doth any graue writer denie, but that Mesopotamia ioyneth to Chaldea; and so Chaldea being in the confines of Mesopotamia, may not vnfitly bee taken for the same.

The third difficultie.

It is said in the 11. of Genesis, that when Abraham went from Vr of the Chaldees, he dwelt in Haran: but in the 7. of the Acts it is said, that when he went out of Chaldea, he dwelt in Charran; so it seemeth, that either holy Moses, or S. Ste­uen must vtter an vntruth. I answere, that that word which Moses in Genesis calleth Charran, is also called Charran by S. Steuen in the Acts; although the Latine vulgata editio, and other vulgar translations tearme it Haran. The reason hereof is this, because the first letter of that worde in Hebrew ( [...],) is of diuers pronounced diuersly. See the second chapter aforegoing, in the end of the second age.

The fourth difficultie.

This is a great difficultie, and worthie to be well obserued. The doubt standeth thus. Moses saith, Genes. 11. verse 26. that Terah begat Abraham when he was 70. yeeres olde. In the same place he saith, that Terah died when he was 205. yeeres old: in the twelfth of Genesis hee saith, that Abraham was 75. yeeres old, when he departed out of Haran or Char­ran; for all is one (as is already saide:) so that by this recko­ning, we must want 60. yeares of Terahs age: for albeit the scripture say, that Terah liued 205. yeeres; yet by the compu­tation already made, we cannot finde more then 145. yeeres. I answer first, that this difficultie hath troubled many learned men. Some thinke, that God would conceale the 60. yeeres, that so the end of the world might be kept secret from vs. O­thers thinke that Abraham stayed those 60. yeeres, with his father at Charran. I answere secondly, that Terah was 105 yeeres olde, when he begat Abraham. Neither is holy writ re­pugnant, to this my answere. For although it say, that Te­rah was 70. yeeres old when he begat Abraham, Nachor, and Haran; yet doth it not deny him to haue beene more, but doth connotate the lesse by the more, by the vsuall figure synechdo­che; very frequent in the holy scriptures. See the second chap­ter aforegoing, and the obiection made in the second age.

The sixt section, of Isaac.

When Izhak was borne, Abraham was 100. yeeres old, Gen. 21. verse 5.

Isaac was circumcised, when he was eight daies old, An. M. 2108 Gene. 21. verse 4. in the age of the world, 2108.

Circumcision of euerie man childe was appointed by God, Genes. 17. verse 10. in the age of the world 2107. 2107

Sodome about this time was destroyed, with brimstone and fire descending from heauen, Genes. 19. verse 24.

The promise was made to Abraham, in Izhak his sonne, Genesis 17. verse 21. in the age of the worlde 2083. from 2083 hence must we reckon the foure hundred yeeres, Gene. 15.13. [Page 52] Acts 7. verse 6. Galat. 3. verse 17. for the promised seede be­ganne in Isaac, Genesis 21. verse 12.

Abraham was appointed by God, to sacrifice his only sonne Isaac, in whome the promise was made, Genesis 22. ver. 2. whose faith was so strong, that hee neither disobeyed Gods commandement, neither distrusted his promise, ver. 9, 10.

The doubt.

How could Isaac bee his onely sonne, since Ismael was borne before him, A. M. 2083 and euen then liuing? I answere, that af­ter Ismael was by Gods appointment put out of Abrahams familie, he became as dead, and had no place amongst Abra­hams children, Genesis 21. ver. 12.

An obseruation.

Although circumcision be called Gods couenant, Gene. 17. vers. 10. yet was it not the couenant indeede, but a signe or feale of Gods couenant▪ made to Abraham and to his seede af­ter him, Gen. 17. ver. 7. It was called the couenant, because it signified the couenant, and had the promise of grace annexed to it, as all sacraments haue. And as circumcision was called Gods couenant, and yet but a signe or sacrament thereof; e­uen so in the Lords supper, the bread is called his bodie, albe­it it be but a signe and sacrament of the same. For which pur­pose S. Austen in his epistle to Bonifacius, hath a very fine saying, well worthie to be ingrauen in golden letters. His ex­presse words be these. For if sacraments had not a certaine re­semblance, of those things whereof they be sacraments; they could be no sacraments at all. By reason of the similitude or signification, they oftentimes take the names of the thinges themselues: as therfore in a certain maner, the sacrament of the body of Christ is Christs body; and the sacrament of the blood of Christ is Christs blood; euen so the sacrament of faith is also faith.

The seuenth Section, of Iacob.

A. M. 2298Iacob was 130. yeeres olde, when he went into Egypt and came before king Pharaoh, Genesis 47. verse 7, 9.

[Page 55]Iacob and his sonnes in the time of famine, came from Ca­naan to soiourne in Egypt, and they dwelt (by Pharaohs grant,) in Ramesis a citie in the countrey of Goshen, Genes. 47. verse 4, 11.

Iacob died in Egypt, Gen. 49. verse 33. he was buried ho­norably in his owne countrey, Gen. 50. he liued 17. yeares in Egypt, Gen. 47. verse 28. The children of Israel (the poste­ritie of Iacob) went into Egypt together, Genes. 46. verse 6. they were all 70. in number, Genes. 46. verse 27. Deuter. 10 verse 22.

The first doubt.

In Genesis and Deuteronomie the kinred of Iacob surpas­seth not 70. persons, yet saint Lukes computation is 75. I answer, that as saint Austen saith, lib. 16. ciu. cap. 40. Saint Luke speaketh not precisely of the time when Iacob went into Egypt, but of the whole time during Iosephs abode there: in which time Ioseph had children to supply the number.

The second doubt.

The persons that came into Egypt (if they be reckoned par­ticularly) are onely 66 which descended of Iacob, Genes. 46. I prooue it, because Er and Onan died in the land of Canaan, and so could not come with Iacob into Egypt. No more could the two sonnes of Ioseph, Manasses and Ephraim, who were borne in Egypt and there continued. I answere, that the two children of Ioseph must be in the computation, as I haue she­wed out of saint Austen: to whom we must adde Dina, and the patriarke Iacob himselfe; and so the number of 70. is accom­plished.

The third doubt.

The children of Israel were but 70. persons, when they went into Egypt; Exod. 12. ver. 37 and yet they came out of Egypt about sixe hundred thousand men of foote, besides children and women; which multiplication is not possible by the course of nature. I answer, that the multiplication is possible, euen by the course of nature. First, Iosephus lib. [...]. antiquit. cap. 6. because they were in Egypt about 215. [Page 52] yeares. Secondly, because perhaps the men had many wiues, as which was in those dayes an vsuall thing. Thirdly, because one woman might haue many children at once: for women in Egypt (as writeth Trogus) haue seauen children at one birth, Plin. lib. 7. cap. 3. Fourthly, because God promised to multi­plie the seede of Abraham, Gene. 17.

The fourth doubt.

The Israelites were 400. yeares in Egypt, as we reade in Genesis, and in other places of the scripture; therefore it is false to say, that they were there but 215. yeeres. I answer, that those 400. yeeres must be reckoned from the birth of I­saac, or from the expulsion of Ismael; because euen then that seede beganne to be afflicted. See the eight chapter in the fift section, where this difficultie is handled at large.

The fift doubt.

God is not the author of sinne, neither tempteth he any man Iames 1. ver 13. but to spoile our neighbours of their owne goods, is a great sinne, and flat theft: which thing for all that God commaunded the Israelites to do, Exodus 12. verse 35. 1 Exod. 3. verse 22. I say first, that as the schooles truly teach, the law negatiue bindeth alway and at euery instant, so that whatsoeuer is prohibited by a precept negatiue, can at no in­stant be lawfully done; although that which is commanded to be done by the law affirmatiue, may at some instant be omit­ted 2 without sinne. I say secondly, that sinne hath no positiue cause, but onely a cause deficient, and consequently, God be­ing voide of all imperfections and defects, as who is not onlie good, but the high goodnesse it selfe, can not be the authour of 3 sinne. I say thirdly, that theft (as all learned diuines graunt with vniforme consent) is the taking or detaining of an other mans goodes, against the will of the owner. Whereuppon it followeth, that since God almightie is the chiefe lorde and ow­ner of all riches, goods, lands and possessions, God comman­ded not the Israelites, to take frō the Egyptians their goods, [Page 55] but that which was his owne, and by best right due vnto him. Yea, as a most iust iudge he appointed them so to doe, A. M. 2513 in re­compence of their labours.

The eight section, of Moses.

Moses was sonne to Amram the Leuite, his mothers name was Iochebed the daughter of Leui. Aaron was his brother, A: M. 2434 Miria his sister, Numer. 26. verse 59. Exod. 2. verse 1. The king of Egypt commanded the midwiues of the Hebrew wo­men, that when they did the office of a midwife, then they shuld kill all sonnes, but suffer daughters to liue. This notwith­standing, the midwiues feared God, and therefore preserued aliue the men children, Exod. 1. verse 15, 16, 17.

A great doubt.

God rewarded the midwiues, for telling a lie to the king; therefore to lie is no sinne. I say first, that to lie is neuer law­full, 1 neither for one respect nor other. I say secondly, that as 2 God rewarded the midwiues Shiphrah and Puah, so did hee Rahab; but he rewarded them not, for the telling of a leasing. I say thirdly, with Austen, that God rewarded them, because 3 they loued and feared him, which are the true fruits of a liuely faith: which solution is effectually comprised, euen in the text it selfe, Exod. 1. verse 21. neither could an officious lie com­mitted by humane frailtie, make frustrate their liuely faith.

Moses, when he was fortie yeres olde, A. M. 2474 fled from king Pha­raoh, and was a stranger in the land of Madian, Acts 7. verse 23. verse 29.

Moses being a faire childe, was hidde three moneths in his fathers house, Acts 7. verse 20.

After three months the mother of Moses (because she could hide him no longer from the tyranny of the king,) made a bas­ket of reedes, and laide the child therein, and put it among the bulrushes by the riuers brincke, where Pharaohs daughter espied him, and caused him to be brought vp as her own child. Yea by Gods prouidence, his owne mother became his nurse, Exod. 2. verse 3.7, 10.

[Page 56]The Egyptians made the Israelites wearie of their liues, by sore labor in clay and in bricke, and in all maner of bondage, which they laide vpon them most cruelly, Exod. 1. verse 14. but God (whose prouidence is neuer wanting to his children) raised vp Moses, who in the 40. yeere of his age, auenged the cause of his brethren the Israelites, and slew the Egyptian that smote an Hebrew, Exod. 2. verse 11. Act. 7. ver. 23.

The children of Israel were 40. yeeres in the wildernesse, by the holy and valiant conduction of Moses: in which time, neither their clothes waxed old vpon their backes, neither their shooes vpon their feete; such was the omnipotent power and mercifull goodnes of their good God and ours, Deut 29. vers. 5. They were fed with manna fortie yeres in the wildernesse, vntill they came into the land of Canaan, Exod. 16. verse 35.

A. M. 2513The law was giuen 430. yeares after the promise made to Abraham, Galat. 3. verse 17. in the age of the worlde 2513. which was 480. yeares before Salomon built the temple, 3. King. 6. verse 1. It was giuen in mount Sinai, which was al on a smoake: the Lord came downe vpon it in fire, and all the mount trembled exceedingly. Thunders and lightnings were vpon the mount, and the sound of the trumpet exceeding loud; so that all the people in the campe was afraide, Exod. 19. ver. 16, 18. which fearefull signes God shewed in exhibiting his law; as well to cause it be had in greater reuerence, as also to make his maiestie more feared.

The law written with the finger of God in tables of stone, was giuen the third day of the third month, after the comming of Israel out of Egypt, so that from the 14. day of the first moneth (in which the Israelites eate the passeouer) vntill the day in which the law was giuen, are reckoned iump 50. daies. First, 17. of the first moneth; then, 30. of the second moneth; lastly, three dayes of the third moneth. The law therefore was giuen the 50. daie after the departure of the Israelites out of Egypt. August. tom 4. libr. 2. quaest. supr. Exod. cap. 70. pa. 103.

A. M. 2554Moses died when he was 120. yeres olde, neither was his eie dimme, nor his naturall force abated, Deuteronomie 34. verse 7.

[Page 57]Moses was buried in a valley in the land of Moab, but no man knoweth of his sepulchre vnto this day. Deut, 34. ver. 6. least the Iewes shoulde thereby haue occasion to commit Ido­latry, as people most prone thereunto, euen as they adored the Serpent, which he had made. Aug. lib. 1. de mirab. S. Script. cap. 35.

The whole life of Moses, is deuided into three quadragena­ries. For he learned fortie yeares in Egypt, in the house of king Pharao. He was fourtie yeares in exile in Egypt, in the house of a priest of Madian: and he was 40. yeares in the desert, lea­der to the Israelites. Aug. vbi supra.

There was not a prophet since in Israel like vnto Moses, whom the Lord knewe face to face. He did miracles and won­ders before Pharao in the land of Egypt, and before all his ser­uauntes. Deut. 34. verse 10.

The blessed man Moses in his infancie, was put in a basket daubed with clay, and so exposed to Gods prouidence vpon the water. Whereupon he was so called: for Mo in the Egyptian tongue, signifieth water; and Yses signifieth saued: So that Moyses in the Egyptian language, signifieth, saued out of the water. Iosephus, lib. 2 antiquit. cap. 5.

The ninth section, of Ioseph.

Ioseph was the sonne of Israel, otherwise called Iacob, be­loued of his father aboue all his brethren: his brethren hated him mortally, because he cōplained to his father of their naugh­tie dealing: they consulted to slay him, and to tell their father that a wicked beast had deuoured him. But Ruben (being more mercifull then the rest) willed them not to shed his bloud, but to cast him into a drie pit in the wildernesse, thinking by that meanes to redeeme him. After by the aduise of Iudah, they sold him to the Ismaelites, who sold him to Putiphar, steward to Pharao king of Egypt. Gen. 37.

The doubt.

In the 37. of Genesis, verse 28. and in the 39. of Genesis, [Page 58] verse 1. It is said that the Ismaelites bought and sold Ioseph: but in the 37. of Genesis, verse 36. it is said, that the Madia­nites sold him into Egypt. I answere, that Moses speaketh in­differently of the Madianites and Ismaelites, vsing them both for one and the same people.

Ioseph was blessed of God, and all thinges prospered vnder his handes. Which when Potiphar saw, he made him ruler of his house, and put al that he had in his hand. Yet by the naugh­ty dealing of Potiphars wife, he was cast in prison. Gene. 39. verse 2.3.20.

Ioseph expounded Pharaoh his dreames, for which cause he was deliuered out of prison, highly honoured of the king, and made the chiefe gouernour of the land of Egypt. Gen. 41. ver. 25.43.

Ioseph was a figure of our Sauiour Christ, liuely declared by S. Austen. For as Iosephes brethren when they saw him, consulted to put him to death; euen so the Iewes when they saw Christ, tooke counsell him to crucifie. Iosephes brethren tooke from him his motly coat, and the Iewes took from Christ his corporall coate. Ioseph spoiled of his coate, went downe into the pit; and Christ spoiled of his body, descended into hell. Ioseph comming out of the pit, was bought of the Egyptians; and Christ arising from the dead, was bought of the Gentiles by faith. Ioseph was sold for 30. pence, by the counsell of Iu­dah his brother: and Christ was solde for 30. pence, by the tre­cherie of Iudas his Apostle. Ioseph saued Egypt from famin, and Christ saued the world from sinne. If Iosephs brethren had not sold him, Egypt had starued; euen so if the Iewes had not sold Christ, the world had perished. Aug Serm. 81. de temp.

Ioseph was 80. yeres ruler in Egypt, Gen. 41. verse 46. Gene. 50. verse 22. He liued a 110. yeares, he died in Egypt, was there enbalmed, and chested, Gene. 50. verse 22.26. But he was carried thence, and buried with his auncestors. Exo. 13. verse 19.

The 10. section, of Iosue.

Iosue or Iesus the sonne of Nun, was a zealous seruaunt of God, and a valiant gouernour. Hee brought the Israelites [Page 59] by Iordan into the land of promise, & they serued the Lord all the daies of his life. He liued 110. yeares, and then died, A. M. 2574 Ios. 24. verse 29.31. He was buried in the borders of his owne in­heritance, which is in mount Ephraim, Ios. 24. verse 30.

Iosue slewe fiue kinges (the king of Ierusalem, the king of Hebron, the king of Ierimoth, the king of Lachis, and the king of Eglon,) and hee hanged them on fiue trees. Ios. 10. verse 26.

Iosue his faith was so strong in the Lord, that when hee fought against the Amorites, hee praied that the sunne might stand vntill he were auenged of his enemies; and not onely the sunne stood still in Gibeon, but the Moone also in the valley of Aialon, Ios. 10. ver. 12.13.

Iosue subdued all townes and cities (saue Gibeon,) hee slew much people, killed 31. kinges, and gaue the whole land for an inheritance to Israel, according to their portions through their tribes. Ios. cap. 11. cap. 12.

The 11. section of the Rechabites.

The Rechabites would drinke no wine all the dayes of their liues, because Ionadab the sonne of Rechab their father, A. M. 3373 had so commanded them. Iere. 35. verse 8.

The obseruation.

Vpon the Rechabites abstinence from wine, the papistes of latter daies haue falsly grounded their superstitious fastes. I say superstitious fastes, because I reuerence and highly com­mend fasting; when it is done christianly, according to the word of God. I therefore say first, that the whole scope of the Pro­phet, 1 is nothing else in the storie of the Rechabites, but by their example to confound the disobedient Iewes. For the Recha­bites kept strictly the commandementes of Ionadab, euen ma­ny yeares after he was dead▪ but the Iewes would not obey the euerliuing God, Iere. 35. v. 14. I say secondly, that Ionadab 2 is not commended for his strict charge, but his children for their ready obedience. I say thirdly, y e children are cōmanded to obey 3 their parentes, but onely in the Lord, that is, so farre forth as [Page 60] their commandementes are agreeable to Gods holy lawes. So 4 saith the Apostle, Ephes. 6. verse 1. I say fourthly, that their abstinence from wine was a ciuill obseruance, not any religious worship. And I prooue it by two reasons; first, because they were not onely prohibited to drinke wine, but also to till the ground, to plant Vineyardes, and to build or haue houses. Se­condly, because not only themselues, but their wiues also, their sonnes, and their daughters, had the selfe same charge; who yet liued almost three hundred yeares, after the charge was giuen. Who all by popish collection, should haue bin Monkes and Nunnes; which to affirme is very absurd, euen in their own 5 maner of proceeding. I say fiftly, that Ionadabs charge was not giuen for merite or religion, but for a meere ciuill respect: to wit, to acquaint his posteritie with an austere kinde of life, that after when God should punishe the world for their sinnes; they might beare it more patiently, & with more facility wander from place to place. And because the vulgar sort is wonderfully seduced, aswell by the doctrine as by the practise of popish fa­sting; it will happily be nothing out of season, heere to speake a little thereof.

The first proposition.

All mortall liuing creatures of God (man excepted,) may lawfully be eaten with giuing of thanks. I say first (mortal) by reason of the incorporall angels. I say secondly (liuing) in respect of things inanimate, not apt to yeeld nourishment. I say thirdly, (except man;) because God made the other thinges for man, but not one man for another, Gen. 9. verse 3.5. The proposition is thus proued. Christ reproouing the Pharisies, for their fond opinions in superstitious obseruance of externall ceremonies, (which he termed the traditions of men;) willed al the multitude to hearken vnto him, and to vnderstand, that whatsoeuer was without man, could not defile him when it en­tered into him, Matt. 15. verse 11. Mar. 7. ver. 15. I knowe and am perswaded through the Lord Iesus, (saith the Apostle) that there is nothing vncleane of it selfe (or by nature:) but to him that iudgeth it to be vncleane. Rom. 14. verse 14. Saint [Page 63] Peter was long in doubt, concerning this proposition. His rea­son was, because some meates were made vncleane by the olde law. For which cause he in a vision saw heauen opened, and a certaine vessell come downe to him, wherein were all maner of foure footed beastes of the earth, and wild beastes, and cree­ping thinges, and foules of the heauen. And there came a voice to him, bidding him kill and eate. Yet Peter durst not eate, but answered, that hee neuer ate any polluted thing. And the voice spake the second time, willing him not to repute the thinges polluted, which God had purified. Thus Peter did, and thus he erred at that time. And euen so doe many silly soules this day, who make lesse scruple to rap out great othes, horrible blasphemies, and slaunderous speeches against their neigh­bours; then they doe in eating a peece of cheese, or an egge in Lent: and yet is the one directly against the law of God, the other onely against the tyrannicall constitution of the pope.

The second proposition.

There are sundrie kindes of fastes. To wit, naturall, ciuill, christian, miraculous, coactiue, religious. Naturall fasting is, Naturall fast. when we fast for phisicke sake, either to recouer our health lost, or to preserue vs from diseases to come. Of which kind of fast, who list may reade at large, in Hippocrates his Aphorismes, and in Galens Commentaries vpon the same. Ciuill fasting is, Ciuill fast. when men are so seriously bent to their ciuill affaires, that they will vse no intermission at all, either for meate or drinke. This kinde of fast vsed king Saul, when hauing the victorie in his handes, hee pursued the Philistines. For euen then comman­ded he all his armie, that none should eate or drink till night. 1. Sam. 14. verse 24. So did the wicked Hebrewes, who vowed that they would neither eate nor drinke, vntill they had slaine S. Paule, Acts. 23. verse 21. This fast practised Iosue, when he charged the Sunne and Moone to stand still, till hee was a­uenged of his enemies. Ios. 10. verse 12. The christian fast is to keep sobrietie in our diet. That is, neither to eate too often, Christian fast. neither immoderately. Which kinde of fasting ought to bee more familiar, then it is to many a one: for want whereof the [Page 62] countrey aboundeth, with drunkardes, gluttons, and idle belly-gods. Miraculous fasting was practised by the apostles, when our Sauiour did thereby confirme the preaching of his gospel. Moses, Elias, and Christ himselfe, vsed the same kinde of fast. Coactiue fasting is, Coactiue fast. when by reason of famine or want of foode, we are enforced to abstaine. With this fast souldiours are af­flicted in warres, poore folkes in their owne houses: rich seldom or neuer. Wherefore wisely saide the Philosopher, touching the houre of dining; that a riche man may dine when he list, a poore man when he can get meate. Religious fast. The religious fast is absti­nence with a penitent heart and true faith, not onely from all meates and drinkes, but euen from all thinges whatsoeuer, that may any way nourishe or delite the bodie. The forme of which fast, is abstinence: the matter is meate, drinke, and what­soeuer bringeth corporall oblectation; the efficient cause is faith and repentance for our sinnes; the end is to appease Gods wrath, and either to procure deliuerance from our miseries or some mitigation thereof.

For which cause fasting in the Scriptures, is continually ioyned with praier: and being vsed as is said, God doth accept it for the merites of Christ Iesus, not for anie worthinesse in it selfe.

The third proposition.

To fast rightly and christianly, is to absteine from al meates, all drinkes, and from all corporall pleasures, vntill the end of the fast; and to bestowe the whole time in praying, in lamenting our sinnes, and in hearing the worde of God, especially godly sermons. For the externall affliction of our bodies, by abstai­ning from meates and drinkes, 1. Tim. 4. verse 8. hath no other end, effect, or vse, but to dispose & prepare vs as is already said. This proposition is prooued, by the vsuall practise of holy people in all ages, re­corded in holy writ for our instruction, holy king Dauid, so soone as he vnderstood that his childe shoulde die for his sinnes, gaue himselfe to fasting and praier, 2. Sam. 12. v. 5.17 and neuer ate while the childe was aliue. 2. Sam. 12.5.17. The Niniuites vnder­standing Gods commynations and wrath for their sinnes, sate [Page 63] in ashes, put on sackcloth, gaue themselues to earnest praier, and absteined from all meates and drinkes, vntill God shewed mercy towardes them, Ion. 3.5.7. Holy queene Hester, when she ioyned fasting with praier: neither ate nor dranke at all vntil the end of her fast, Ester. 4. verse 16. Neither can it euer bee prooued by the authoritie of holy writ, or by the practise of the primitiue Church, or by the testimonie of the auncient fathers; that Gods people did in any age, at any time, in any place or countrey, vse either to eate or to drinke before the end of their fast, whereby appeareth the absurditie of all popishe fasting, which thing is most euident, by the story of S. Spiridion, hand­led in the next proposition.

The fourth proposition.

Popish choice of meates in their late inuented fastes, is wic­ked and intollerable. I say first, (popish choice) because to put merite or religion in abstaining from one meate more then ano­ther, is the peculiar badge of papistes; or at least common to them with the Eucratites, with the Tatians, with the Cathe­rans; with the Manichies, or like heretiques. I prooue it, be­cause the Apostle saith plainly, Tit. 1. ver. 15. that all thinges are pure to the pure; but the papistes and other olde heretiques tell vs, that certaine meates, at certaine times, as in Lent, in the imber dayes, and Fridaies, are vnpure, and polluted; yea so vnpure, that they pollute all the eaters thereof, 1. Tim. 4. verse 4. and make them guiltie of eternal death. Yet the Apostle auoucheth boldly and ex­presly, that euery creature of God is good, and that nothing ought to be refused, if it bee receiued with thankesgiuing. In the first verse of the same chapter, he telleth vs, that in the lat­ter times some shall depart from the faith, and giue heede to the doctrine of diuels. In the third verse he sheweth what doc­trine of deuils he meaneth: To wit, prohibition to abstaine from meates, which God hath created to bee receiued with giuing of thankes. Out of which wordes, I note first; that no crea­ture of God is impure at anie time, which is appointed for 1 the nourishment of man. I note secondly, that no meate 2 ought to bee refused in Lent, or at other times, if it be [Page 64] receiued with thankesgiuing. I note thirdly, that prohibition 3 from certaine meates was not in the apostles time, but inuen­ted by heretiques of latter daies. I note fourthly, that such pro­hibition 4 is of the diuell. I say secondly (late inuented fastes,) because Spiridion, who was not only a bishop, but also a man so holy, that he wrought myracles, and was in his life time re­puted a Saint: did not refuse to eate flesh in the time of Lent, and that in his owne house; To make choice of meates for re­ligion, is the badge of an Infi­dell. yea; he did not only eate fleshe him­selfe, but withall he intreated a stranger that lodged with him, to doe the same. And when the straunger refused to eate fleshe with him: saying, that hee was a christian, and so prohibited to eate flesh at that time: S. Spiridion replied vpon him, and said, that the rather he ought to eat flesh, Sozomenus hist. lib. 1 cap. 11. trip. hist. lib. 1. cap. 10. Nicephor. lib. 8. cap. 42. because he was a christian; for all thinges were pure to the pure. Thus did the blessed bi­shop, and man of God, renowmed for his rare gift of working miracles. Whom the pope would burne for an hereticke with fire and fagot, if he were this day liuing in Rome, and woulde not retract his opinion. For first, hee eate fleshe himselfe con­trary 1 to popish doctrine. Secondly, he vrged the stranger to do 2 the same. Thirdly, he auouched his fact to be the part of a chri­stian. 3 Fourthly, he signified y t to make conscience in choice of 4 meates, was the badge of an infidell. Which fourth obserua­tion 5 I gather out of the word (rather.) Fiftly, the fact of Spi­ridion prooueth, that to make choice of meates was deemed superstitious, not onely in the Apostles time, but many hundred yeares after their departure hence. I say thirdly (wicked and intollerable) first, because popishe choise of meates taketh a­way christian libertie, and maketh christian slaues to mans tra­ditions. For to the pure all thinges are pure, by the libertie of Christes gospel. Tit. 1. verse 15. Rom. 1 [...]. ver. 14. Rom. 14. ver. 17. I am perswaded, saith the Apostle, that no meate is vncleane. And he addeth the reason, because the king­dome of God, is neither meat nor drinke. Wherefore we ought not to destroy the worke of God, for meates sake. In another place, he saith, that if he should please men, he were not the ser­uant of Christ. Gal. 1. ver. 10▪ To please men is good and godly, so long as their pleasure is measured with the holy will of God: but when men would spoile vs of our christian libertie, then must we fight against their wicked pleasures. So S. Paul expoundeth him­selfe [Page 65] in these wordes. The false brethren cre [...]t in priuily, to spy out our liberty which we haue in Christ Iesus, y t they might bring vs into bondage. And why? ye are bought with a price, Gal. 2. ver. 5. 1. Cor. 7. v. 2 [...]. be not the seruauntes of men. Christ himself forewarned vs, to beware of the hypocriticall doctrine of the Pharisies; because they corrupted the pure word of God, Math. 15. v. 3. with the mixture of their owne foolish traditions. Secondly, because the apostle tea­cheth 2 vs, that nothing ought to be refused, 1. Tim. 4. v. 4. if it be receiued with giuing of thankes. Thirdly, because no power on earth, 3 can alter the word of God: Which worde telleth vs, that all meates are alike lawfull. Fourthly, Deut. 4. v. 2. Tit. 1. ver. [...]5. because to commaund the choice of meates for religion sake, is to appoint a newe God. 4 For as there is but one God, so is there one onely religion, as no papist can denie. Since therefore Gods worde and religion telleth vs, that all meates are at al times indifferent, as I haue prooued; it followeth necessarily, that the popes religion which teacheth the contrary, is to be abhorred.

The fift proposition.

Albeit a certaine kinde of fast (nowe in our Englishe tongue called Lent) was of old obserued before Easter: yet is that fast neither warranted by the Scriptures, neither commaunded by the apostles; neither vniformly practised in the primitiue church; but left indifferent to bee vsed, as it seemeth good to euerie one. I say, first (called in English, Lent:) because in the learned tongues and of al writers, it is termed y e fast of 40. daies. Why it shuld be so called, the cōmon people & latter papists giue this reason; because forsooth, Christ fasted fortie dayes: but that this their wise reason so supposed, is most absurd and too too chil­dish; I will conuince by manifest demonstrations. First, be­cause if Christes fast were a paterne of our Lent, then shoulde 1 we aswell forbeare fish as flesh, which no papist will be bound vnto. Secondly, by that reason and rule, we should neither eat 2 nor drinke by the space of fortie daies. Thirdly, by that law, we 3 ought to eate flesh vpon maundy Thursday; One silly papist vrged by this rea­son, said that the paschall lambe was a fish indeed. vnlesse they will say, that the Paschall lambe was no flesh indeede, but a fish of the Sea. Fourthly, because Christ fasted not at that time of the [Page 66] yeare, in which the papistes keepe their Lent. Adde hereunto, that the said number of forty daies fast, was euer too too varia­ble, Mat. 4. Marke. 1. Luke 4. as all approoued ecclesiasticall histories make relation. The old Romanes fasted three weekes before Easter, intermit­ting their fast weekly vpō their Saturdaies & Sundaies. The Slauonians, Alexandrians, and Grecians, fasted sixe weekes. Others cōtinued their fast for the space of 7. weeks: Trip. hist. lib. 9. cap. 38. but they fa­sted only 5. daies in euery weeke. Our latter papists perceiuing a grosse error in the reckoning or supputation of Lent, inuented a new no fortified bulwark. That is, y e pope added foure daies in the beginning, (which they commonly call clensing daies,) to supply the want. And yet haue they not the number, as they wishe. For if the Sundaies be not in their computation, then haue they a mingle mangle Lent. If they be reckoned, they surpasse their number by sixe daies: So that their number, no way falleth iumpe.

Secundo princi­paliter.I say secondly (not warranted by the Scriptures) because neither the old nor the newe Testament maketh any mention thereof. Christ indeed willed vs to fast and pray; but hee neither assigned the time, nor limitted the daies. Besides this, the po­pish maner of fasting, is neither agreeable to Christes fast, nei­ther to the fast of the apostles, nor of Moses, nor of Elias, nor of Dauid, nor of Hester, nor of Spiridion, nor of any other au­thenticall fast, as I haue prooued.

I say thirdly, (not vniformely obserued in the primitiue 1 church,) First, because as is said, some obserue one maner, some another; some keepe mo weeks, some fewer. Secondly, because 2 as Socrates writeth, some eate nothing that liueth; some of li­uing things eate onely fish; some eate fishe and birdes; some eat herbes and egges; Trip. hist. lib. 9. c. 18. Sozomen. lib. 7. cap. 19. Euseb. [...]ib. 5. cap. 24. some eate only bread; othersome eat nothing at all; other some at night eat all kinde of meates.

I say fourthly (not commanded by the Apostles, but left in­different) First, because we finde no such commandement in the 1 holy Scriptures. Againe, because ecclesiasticall histories do ex­presly 2 testifie the same. Because (saith Cassiodorus) there is no law made for fasting; I thinke the Apostles left this matter to our owne consideration: that euerie one shoulde doe without feare or necessitie, what seemed conuenient for him.

The sixt proposition.

Popishe fa [...]ing is ridiculous, and hurtfull both to soule and body. I say first (ridiculous) first, Primo principali­ter. because they prohibite to eate 1 egges, cheese, milke, and butter; and yet permit all maner of strong wines, all kindes of most delicate fishes, and other dain­ties whatsoeuer, flesh only excepted. And yet doe sundry men, 2 like as well of fishe as of fleshe, if not better. Againe, because wines and sundry kindes of fishe, bring forth all those inor­dinate effectes, for brideling whereof fasting is appointed, no 3 lesse then fleshe, or rather more. Thirdly, because in all their fastes, the richer sorte fill their bellies at noone with daintie di­shes. Which is asmuch as anie reasonable idle man, will aske 4 for his diet any day, vnlesse it be for fashion sake. Fourthly, because at night they will haue Wines, Fruites, Figges, Al­mondes, Dates, Raysinges, Marmalate, conserues of Cher­ries, Wardens, and like dainties. 5

Fiftly, because they vse to stuffe their paunches so full at 6 noone, as they may well endure vntill the next day. Sixtly, because great iniury is done vnto y e poore, by this kind of popish fasting. For whereas, the riche either are neere the Sea, or else haue store of Fishes within themselues, At Rome they are more liberall in eating, because the pope know­ing their liberall collations, and not reproo­uing them, is deemed to dispense with the same. This is sound po­pish doctrine, I assure the reader. or at least haue money enough to prouide the same; others haue all the three; other some want all; yet doth the Popishe ridiculous lawe aban­don the poore as well as the riche, from Egges, Cheese, Butter, and Milke, the onely foode that they haue to liue vp­on. Seuenthly, because all the day long, they commonly will drinke wine, eate bread, Simnels, Manchetes, and Fruites; and feede thereon at night, as if it were an ordina­rie setled dinner. And if they referre their dinner till night, as sundrie doe for better liking sundrie times; and as Englishe 7 men haue done of latter dayes, generally vpon Christmas Eeue; then do they practise the former priuiledge, in eating and drinking liberally at noone. Eightly, because to auoide 8 the penaltie of the popishe lawe heerein, some haue feined [Page 68] themselues sicke that were not so; See and note well Aquinas, 22. [...]. 147. ar. 6. ad. 2. other some haue ridden a­broad of purpose, that so they might fill their bellies without suspition. Yea, though one drinke euery day, till he be drunken, yet doth he not breake his fast by popish doctrin. I say secondly (hurtfull to the soule) because by meanes heereof, Secundo princi­paliter. many haue beleeued false doctrine to be the word of God: and not onely so, but they haue also iudged and condemned themselues, for trans­gressing mens traditions, as the very lawes of God. Wherein while they sought to establish their owne righteousnesse, they fell from the righteousnesse of God. Rom. 10. ver. 3. For to put religion in mens traditions, is flatly to abandon the worship of the liuing God. Mat. 15. v. 9. Yea, by reason of these fastes, their soules were after in damnable state. I prooue it, because they perswaded themselues that they were aswell bound to keepe the popes lawes therein, as the flat commandements of God; and consequently, so often as they brake them (which was no rare thing) so often did they commit damnable sinne, Rom. 14. v. 23. because their actes were not of faith.

I say thirdly (hurtfull to the body) first, because many haue 1 shortened their daies, by forbearing necessary food; which they did, Tertio principali­ter. through fond perswasion of popishe holinesse. Secondly, 2 because the poore soules are so wringed with these superstitious fastes, that by reason of their excessiue hunger, they reioyce a­boue measure, when the fasting is at an end. Yea, they keepe a better reckoning howe Lent passeth, and when they may fall to flesh againe; then euer they did of and for their sinnes: so that on Easter day hee seemeth the best sped, that first in the morning can get an egge: saue that adulti must that day first receiue, and then followeth as is said. And on the Sundaies in Lent, they are so glad, because they be but daies of abstinence, as if they were at Rome in time of Carniuâle, transformed vnder vi­sards. Thirdly, because Lent fast is not proportionable to mans 3 body, or to the season of the yeare. Which I will prooue by the lawes and receiued rules, in the noble Art of phisicke. As there be foure distinct times of the yeare, the Spring time, Summer, Autumne, and winter; so be there foure different diets, correspondent to the same. Whosoeuer will eat tempe­rately and in measure, The art of phisick condemneth po­pish fast in Lent. must eate according to the force and equabilitie of his digestion, and consequently, he ought to mo­derate [Page 69] and rule his diet, after the qualification of his body, and season of the yeare. Calor natu [...]al [...] cibum digerit. Natiue heate is the proper workman of di­gestion, as graunteth euery good phisition: and consequently, because our bodies are most hote in Winter (as recordeth the auncient & graue phisition Hippocrates) at that time they stand in need of most meate; Winter. Hippocrates. Aphor. 15. sect. And because our bodies be then colde and moist, hote and dry meates be conuenient. Summer. In Summer because natiue heate is dispersed by exhalations, concoction is weake­ned, and so lesse meat required. And because our bodies then be hote and dry; cold & moist meats are proportional. In autumne, because the extrinsecall heate is more remisse then in Summer, Autumne. and the naturall heat thereby more vnited; meate more largely ought to be vsed. Spring time. The spring time keepeth a meane betweene winter and Summer, and taketh part of them both; and there­fore our diet then, must neither bee altogither of hote and drie meates as in winter; neither yet altogither of colde and moist meates, as in Summer: and consequently, popish institution of Lent was not onelie superstitious and vngodly, but altogi­ther preiudiciall to the health of the body. I prooue it, first, be­cause as Hippocrates writeth, all sodaine mutations are dange­rous; 1 and so after aboundant eating of fleshe all the winter sea­son, sodainly to absteine wholly from the same, cannot but be euill. This is confirmed by their owne vsuall popishe prac­tise: for to suche as haue been vsed to drinke onely wine, When their [...] come [...] Rhemes. they at Rhemes giue not at the first beare onely; but they giue them wine also. This notwithstanding, after all their pleasant belly cheere, during the whole time of their Carniuâle at Rome, they must sodainly, euen the next morning, both with alteration of diet and parsimonie, beginne their Lent fast so­lemnly. It is yet further confirmed; first, because there is like proportion in eating fish sodainly after fleshe, as there is in ea­ting fleshe after fishe. Which alteration, how dangerous it is, the vsuall infirmities in Easter weeke doe witnesse. Secondly, 2 because the nourishment of fishe is colde and moist, and so verie disproportionable to the Spring time. Thirdly, because concoction is then verie strong, as well for the ambient 3 restraint, termed Antiperistasis, as by reason of long sleepe; and therefore since much meate is necessary, our popish [Page 70] Lent fast must perforce be preiudiciall. But some will say: your selues this day command to eate fish in Lent. I say first, that 1 our lawes commaund that abstinence for the common-wealth sake, and not for merite or religion. I say secondly, that our 2 lawes doe tollerate euery one, to eate flesh in such measure, as 3 is expedient for the health of his body. I say thirdly, that our lawes prohibite onely flesh: but popishe lawes charge all men vnder paine of mortall sinne, euen the poorest soules of all, that neither haue fish, nor money to prouide fish, to forbeare egges, cheese, butter, milke: Which how wicked and tyrannicall a law it is, who seeth not? for the seely soules must either eate such meates, or starue for want of food. Such popishe hypocritical fastes, Gods prophet reprooueth most bitterly; Is this the fast (saith the Prophet) that I haue chosen? that a man shoulde af­flict his soule for a day; and bow downe his head as a bull rush, and lie downe in sackcloth and ashes? Wilt thou call this a fa­sting, or an acceptable day to the Lord? it is no fast, saith the Prophet; It is a fast saith the Pope; it is abhominable, saith the prophet; it is meritorious, saith the Pope. To fast truely, saith God by his Prophet, is to deale thy bread to the hungry, and that thou bring the poore that wander into thy house; when thou seest the naked, that thou couer him, and hide not thy selfe from thine owne flesh. Esaiae. cap. 58. ver. 5.7

The seuenth proposition.

Popish fastes are not fit meanes for their pretended end; to wit, mortification. I proue it, because not onely sundry kindes of fishes (as both learned men and experience teacheth) but wine especially; (which in popish fasting is euer approoued) is alto­gither against mortification. For as Salomon saith in their ap­prooued Latine Edition, Luxuriosa res vinum. Wine ma­keth a man wanton, Pro. 20. verse 1. And againe, Nolite ine­briari vino, in quo inest luxuria. Be not drunken with wine, which maketh the body too lusty. Ephes. 5. verse 18. Yea, our religious English moonkes, were so giuen to mortification, as they could not bee content to liue one day without good store [Page 71] thereof. For this is true, as I wil answere vpon the charge of my soule; Sir Thomas Bedell the moonke (with whom I was sometime fellow prisoner in Yorke vpon Owse-bridge) vsed ordinarily to send euery day for a quart or pint of wine. Popish moonk liued very deli­cately. He yeeldeth a reason of his drinking of wi [...] For (quoth he) I was vsed to such store of wine in our Monastery, that I cannot refraine it now. O mortified popish moonkes! O religious professed Romish Friers! O men of holy perfec­tion! O hypocriticall painted pouertie! To this may be ad­ded, the diet of his brother Comberforth the secular Priest. Moonks pro [...]e▪ pouerty but [...] feele none. For he made a vow neuer to eate fleshe, neither to drinke wine, du­ring his abode in prison. By meanes of which hypocriticall fast, as it seemed, he got great credite amongest popishly affec­ted persons. Yet did the said Comberforth continually drinke very strong finely brewed ale, alwayes so compounded with varietie of spices, as it was more pleasant, then pure wine, Hipocrisie gai­neth soules to the diuell. if happily not so costly as the wine. Such hath been, and is the mortification of popish fastes. Iohn Trew and the other Ser­geantes at that time, can giue reasonable testimonie heereof if they list.

The eight proposition.

The councill of Chalcedon (one of the first foure famous ge­nerall Synodes, which pope Gregorie reuerenced as the foure Gospels) auoucheth popish fastes to be no fastes at all. De consecr. Dis [...]1. cap. Solent. These are the expresse wordes of the council, as they are alledged by Gratianus in the popes owne Decrees. Solent plures qui se ieiunare putant in quadragesima, mox vt signum audierint ad horam nonam comedere; qui nullatenus ieiunare creden­di sunt, fi ante manducauerint, quam vespertinum celebre­tur off [...]cium. Many who thinke they fast in Lent, vse to eate so soone as they heare the bell at the ninth houre; who by no meanes can be thought to fast, if they eate before the euening praier.

Out of which wordes of the auncient holy councill, I note this constant decree▪ to wit, that whosoeuer eate before the ninth houre, cannot truely fast. And consequently, that no papists fast [Page 72] in their holy Lent, howsoeuer they bragge or boast thereof. The reason hereof is euident, because all papistes vsually dine at noone; that is, three houres at the least, before the time ap­pointed by the councill. I say at the least, because they vse to anticipate noone, some more, some lesse. For better explication whereof, wee must obserue two thinges; the one concerning noone; the other concerning the euening praier. I say therefore that by the ninth houre, the councell with all antiquitie, vnder­standeth three of the clocke at afternoone: for in the time of the Apostles and long after them, the day was deuided into twelue houres; which day was againe distributed into foure Vigils, whereof euery Vigil contained three houres: so that their ninth houre was with vs, three of the clocke in the after noone. Now for the obscuring of this euident confutation of the popish sup­posed fasting; the papistes of latter dayes haue deuised this miserable shift, a fit inuention of their newly hatched Romishe religion.

The Pope forsooth hath dispenced with his greedy religious godlesse people, (who will needes be thought deuout fathers, albeit they fast not one day in the whole yeare;) that they may huddle vp their vespertine houres, or euening praier, at anie time before twelue of the clocke, and then at their pleasures, to eate, drinke, and make good cheere. And (if it please your wor­ships) this done; with full panches to beginne their disconti­nued disholy fast againe.

The ninth proposition.

Of fastinges, some are priuate, and some publicke. Priuate fastes may be vsed of ones owne accord, when and so often as shall seeme conuenient; so they be referred to the glory of God, and true mortification of the bodie, or bee vsed for the good of our neighbour.

Thus fasted king Dauid, all the time his childe was sicke. After the death whereof, hee surceased from praier and fasting, and ate meate. 2. King. 12. Thus fasted Nehemiah, when [Page 73] he vnderstood the affliction of the Iewes; he sate downe, wept, and mourned certaine dayes; hee fasted and prayed before the Lord of heauen, Nehem. 1.4. Thus fasted Daniel, when hee perceiued the captiuitie of his countriemen, spoken of by the prophet Ieremie. He confessed his owne sinnes, and the sinnes of the people, and turned to the Lord in fasting & heartie pray­er, Dan. 9. vers. 2, 3, 4, 5. Publique fasts are appointed either by God in his holy word, or by the magistrate hauing his au­thoritie. Thus did Samuel appoint the Israelites to fast, at such time as the Philistims did greeuously afflict them, 1. Kin. 7. ver. 3, 6. Thus king Iosaphat proclamed a fast through­out all Iuda, when the Ammonites, Moabites, and Idume­ans oppressed them, 2. Par. 20.3, 10, 22. Thus did queene Hester appoint a publique fast to all the Iewes by the mouth of Mardocheus, Hest. 4. v. 16. Thus did the king of Ni­niueh command a publike fast, after he vnderstood Gods wrath by his prophet Io­nas, 3. verse 7.

Here endeth the first Booke, containing yeeres, 3426.

The second book containeth the descrip­tion of the first Monarchie, that is, of the Assyrians or Babylonians.

The first chapter, of the originall and continuance of the monarchie.

The first Section, of the reason of the inscription.

ALbeit this first Monarchie was, either wholy, or in effect expired, before the accomplishment of the captiuitie of the two tribes, Iuda and Beniamin; yet haue I thought good to had le it in a seuerall tract, after the saide cap­tiuitie, so to auoide confusion, and for perspicuitie sake.

The second section, of the originall of the monarchie.

King Ninus the sonne of Belus, was the first king of Asia, except the Indians, whome the Assyrians named their god: he reigned 52. yeeres; and in the 43. yeere of his raigne was Abraham borne. He builded the citie Ninum in Assyria, nowe called Niniueh, Euseb. in chronico.

When Ninus was dead, Semiramis his wife raigned; she feared, lest for the tender yeres of her sonne Nunas, and for hir feminine sex, the people should reuolt from their due loyaltie. For which cause she clad her selfe in mans apparel, A great pollicie in a woman. and fained her selfe to be the kings sonne. She excelled in heroicall feats, and raigned 42. yeeres in great felicitie. She fortified the ci­tie of Babylon (which Ninus had conquered from the Chal­deans) with rampires, ditches, and walles. After her death Zameis aliâs Ninias reigned 30. yeres in all peace and tran­quilitie, Euseb. Carion.

[Page 75]The kings of the Assy­rians.

  • Ninus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 52 Kings 36
  • Semiramis Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 42 Kings 36
  • Ninias Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 [...]8 Kings 36
  • Arius Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Arelius Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 40 Kings 36
  • Xerxes Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Armametres Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 38 Kings 36
  • Belochus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 35 Kings 36
  • Baleus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 52 Kings 36
  • Altadas Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 32 Kings 36
  • Mamitus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Mancaleus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Ipheréus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 20 Kings 36
  • Mamylas Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Spa [...]êtus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 40 Kings 36
  • Ascades Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 40 Kings 36
  • Amyntas Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 45 Kings 36
  • Belothus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 25 Kings 36
  • Bellepares Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Lamprides Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 32 Kings 36
  • Sosares Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 20 Kings 36
  • Lampares Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Pannias Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 45 Kings 36
  • Sosarmus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 19 Kings 36
  • Mitreus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 27 Kings 36
  • Tantanes Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 32 Kings 36
  • Tantens Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 40 Kings 36
  • Thineus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Dercilus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 40 Kings 36
  • Eupales Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 38 Kings 36
  • Laosthenes Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 45 Kings 36
  • Piriciades Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 30 Kings 36
  • Ophrateus Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 20 Kings 36
  • Ophratanes Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 50 Kings 36
  • Ocrazapes Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 41 Kings 36
  • Sardanapalꝰ Anno mundi 1948 reigned yeres Anno mundi 3197 20 Kings 36

[Page 76]Sardanapalus was the last king of the Assyrians, that pos­sessed the whole monarchie: he was a man of very bad behaui­our; and being [...]ercome in battell by Arbaces, hee burnt him­selfe to death by fire.

This monarchie indured 1240. yeeres after Eusebius: but see the fourth section following, and marke it attentiuely.

After that Sardanapalus the vicious and effeminate mo­narke, had burnt himselfe, together with his riches; Phul Be­lochus the president of Babylon, and Arbaces ruler of the Medes, The kingdom of Assyria diuided. diuided the monarchie betweene them. Phul Belo­chus had Babylon and Assyria; Arbaces enioyed Media and Persia. The kings that took part with Arbaces, were termed the Kings of the Medes. Such as followed Belochus, the Kings of the Assyrians, Chaldeans or Babylonians. The court lay first at Niniueh, after at Babylon.

Arbaces the Mede subdued the Assyrians, and translated the Empire to the Medes. From hencefoorth many alterations chanced in the monarkie. After Herodotus, the Assyrians held the monarchie 500. yeeres: from which time, now the Assyri­ans, now the Medes, now the Chaldeans had the vpper hand. At the length, the Medes being more mightie then the rest, subdued Babylon, and quietly enioyed the whole empire.

The kings of y e Medes

  • Arbaces Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 28
  • Sosarnus Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 30
  • Medidus Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 40
  • Cardiceas Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 15
  • Diôcles Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 54
  • Phaortes Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 24
  • Cyaraxes, or Cyaxares Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 32
  • Astyages▪ Anno mundi 3195 raigned yeres Anno mundi 3456 38

The monarkie of the Assyrians (which is also called the mo­narkie of the Chaldeans, and of the Babylonians, because [Page 77] they sometime inioyed it, though with small felicitie,) beganne about the age of the world 2008. and continued about 1470. yeeres, at what time Darius king of the Medes, with Cyrus his sonne in law wanne Babylon and killed Balthazar, Dan. 5. verses 30, 31.

The third section, of Balthazar.

Balthazar king of Babylon, when hee was drinking wine, commanded the golden vessel [...]es which his father had brough from the temple in Hierusalem, to be set before him, that hee, his princes, his wiues, and his concubines might drinke there­in: they drunke wine, and praised the gods of gold, siluer, brass [...] and stone. But what followed al this idololatricall ioy? in the very same houre, there appeared fingers of a mans hand wri­ting vpon the wall of the kings pallace, so that the kings coun­tenance changed, and his thoughts troubled him. The ioynts of his loynes were loosed, A wonderful pu­nishment for idolatrie. his knees smote one against the o­ther, and he cried mightily, Dan. 5. verse 2, 3, 5, 6, 7. Behold here, the end of idolatrie and superstition. Balthazar foorth­with, after he had adored his false gods, was tormented as is said; the same night he was staine, and Darius the Mede in­ioyed the kingdome, verse 30, 31. A wonderful example for al kings and monarkes, euer to serue the liuing God, and to set foorth his pure religion.

The fourth section, of the diuersitie in computation.

Eusebius and some others, reckon the monarchie of the Assy­rians from Ninus; and so it continued, 1240. yeeres, as is saide in the second section. Yet others (who seeme to followe Philo and Metasthenes) beginne the monarchie in the 8. yeere of Nabuchodonosors reigne; See the first part, first booke, and second chapter, in the fift and sixt age. and then it indured onely seuen­tie yeeres, for Nabuchodonosor raigned 45. yeeres, Euil-me­rodach his sonne 30. yeres, and Balthazar his sonne 3. yeres. Such as will in this maner make their supputation, must rec­kon the first monarchie to be of the Babylonians, & not of the Assyrians. Genebrardus reckoneth the monarchie to haue con­tinued [Page 78] 78. yeares, that is, eight yeares before the captiuitie, because the first yeare of Nabuchodnosor fell in the end of the third yeare of Ioachim, Dan. 1. and was the fourth of Ioa­chim, Iere. 25. but so the veritie of the historie be granted, it skilleth not much to varie the name.

CHAP. II. Of the kings of the Assyrians and Babilonians, after the death of Sardanapalus, and the diuision of the monarchie.

Phul Belochus.PHul Belochus was the first king of the Assyrians, after the diuision of the Empire, and death of Sardanapalus: hee was a magnificall and fortunate Prince, and Niniue was his pallace, he was president of Babilon, in the time of Sardana­palus, after whose miserable death, he enioyed halfe of the mo­narchie, as I haue shewed in the first chapter and second secti­on: he ruled 48. yeares in all.

Phul. Assar.Phull Assar surnamed Tiglath, was the second king of the Assyrians: he was a verie bad king, he destroyed Galile, and led some of the tribes into captiuitie: he raigned 23. yeares.

Salmanasar.Salmanasar was the third king of the Assyrians, hee was a tyrannicall and cruell king: this Salmanasar destroyed the kingdome of Israel, besieged Samaria, tooke it, battered it downe, slew the king, and led away into Media, the people that remained after the slaughter: for hee was ruler in that countrey, and he raigned eleuen yeares.

Sennacherib.Sennacherib the fourth king of the Assyrians, was an arro­gant, wicked & godlesse man: he bent himself against god, with sacrilegious and blasphemous speeches: he sent a great host a­gainst Hierusalem, but Gods Angell smote in his armie an hundred, foure score and fiue thousand; insomuch that he was enforced to retire, and to dwell againe in Niniue. For his blas­phemie against god, an horrible death befel vpon him, for as he was in the temple worshipping his God Nisroch, Adramelech and Saresar his owne sonnes, smat him with the sword, and they escaped when they had slaine him, into the land of Arme­nia, 4. King. 18, 19, chap. so was he murdered euen before [Page 79] the idoll, whom he adored for God, and by them by whom he ought by nature to haue bin defended: he raigned 15. yeares. That the wickednes of this Senacherib might be noted of all posterities, his image was set vp in Egypt, with this inscrip­tion ouer it as writeth Herodotus.

[...],

That is to say,

Whosoeuer shall behold mee with his corporall eies let him learne by my calamitie to honour the euerliuing God, and not to blaspheme him as I did: for which cause I made this mi­serable end, being murthered by mine owne children. Note heere, that after Eusebius, Senacherib was also called Sal­manasar, which I thinke consonant to the holy scriptures.

Assar-addon succeeded Senacherib his father, but was not fortunate: for the strength of the Assyrians began to decay, e­uen while his father was yet liuing. Besides this, the mighty prince Merodach-baladan the Chaldee made wars both with him & his father before him: forthwith after the death of Sena­cherib hee wanne Babylon, and enioyed it with other territo­ries in Assyria, vntill the death of Assar-addon, from whose death hee possessed the whole Empire: Hee raigned tenne yeares.

Merodach-baladan the first king of the Babylonians, for the fame and memorie of the ancient kingdome of Assyria, was called king of the Assyrians also, as were likewise other kings that followed him. He first transported the maiestie of the Assyrians to the Chaldees or Babylonians, for the glorie of Niniue, where the kings pallace was of olde, was nowe translated to Babylon: for which benefit Merodach after his death, was honoured for a God of the Babylonians, Ier. 50, ver. 2. he raigned 40. yeares.

Ben-merodach the second king of the Babylonians was a milde and mightie Prince: he raigned 21. yeares.

Nabuchodonosor the first or the old, the third king of the Ba­byloniās after Merodach, Nabuchodono­sor priscus. was father to that Nabuchodonosor who subdued Hierusalem, and erected the Babylonian mo­narchy: he made two great battailes, the one against Phaortes [Page 80] aliâs Arphaxad king of the Medes; the other against Nechao the mightie king of the Egyptians. Hee slew king Arphaxad in the mountaines of Ragau, as the storie of Iudith maketh mention. But Nechao ouercame him, and enioyed all Syria: he raigned 35. yeeres.

Nabuchodono­sor magnus.Nabuchodonosor the great, sonne of Nabuchodonosor the first, shortly after his fathers death wanne againe all Syria. He was the mightiest king of all the kings of Babylon, much spoken of in holy Writ. Hee subdued the citie of Ierusalem, and led away the inhabitants thereof captiues to Babylon. This Nabuchodonosor, as he was mightie in power, so was he prowd in heart. He made an image of golde and set it vp in the plaine of Dura, in the prouince of Babylon. Which done, he commaunded all his princes, nobles, dukes, iudges, recei­uers, counsellers, officers, and all gouernors of his prouinces, to come to the dedication of the image. Hee appointed an he­rald to crie aloude, that when they heard the sound of the cor­net, trumpet, harpe, sackebut, psalterie, dulcimer, and other in­struments of musicke, then they should fall downe and wor­ship the image. And because the three holy Iewes Sidrach, Misach and Abednego, would not adore the image, hee caused them to be cast into a very hote burning ouen: from which fie­ry furnace, God deliuered them myraculously. In regarde whereof Nabuchodonosor magnified the liuing God, & made a decree, that al people and nations which spake against the God of Sidrach, Misach, and Abednego, shoulde bee drawen in pee­ces, and their houses made a iakes, Dan. 3.29. After this, the king still swelled in pride; so that he was cast out from his kingdome, driuen from men, ate grasse as oxen, and his bodie was wet with the dew of heauen; till his haires were growen as Eagles feathers, and his nailes like birdes clawes, Dan. 4. verse 30.

Euil-marodaco.After Nabuchodonosor magnus succeeded Euil-merodach; after him, Balthazar. Balthazar: of which two, see the first chapter in the fourth section.

CHAP. II. Of the destruction of Troy

THe kingdome of Troy was of great antiquitie; it began as sundrie Chronographers write, a little before the death of Moses, about the 32. yeare after the departure of Israel out of Egypt. They write that Dardanus was the first king of the Troians, and Priamus the last.

Alexander the sonne of Priamus surnamed Paris, tooke a­way violently Helena wife to Menelaus king of the Lacede­monians, which fact was the occasion of the most bitter and bloody battell of the Troyans. This battel was fought of the most valiant people in Asia and Europe; with mortall enmi­tie and inestimable losse on both sides; with the bloud and de­struction of many most flourishing regions.

Troy was taken, burnt, A. M. 2935 and vtterly destroyed 340. yeares before Rome was built, in the age of the world 2935.

From the captiuitie of Troy, vntill the first Olimpias, were complete 340. yeares: albeit Liui [...]s and some other haue their different supputations.

CHAP. III. Of the supputation of the Greeks.

THe olde Greekes did account as wee doe nowe, by the yeres of our Lord, the first Olimpias, the second, the third, the fourth, and so forth.

Some holde that Olimpias is the space of fiue yeeres, but if thou wilt not be deceiued therin (gentle reader) reckon it but for the space of foure yeares. The supputation of the Greeks by the Olimpiads is of all writers deemed true; and therefore albeit before their Olympiads euerie one wrote as pleased himselfe, yet after their Olympiads, wee ought greatly to re­spect their account.

Africanus writeth that the first Olimpias was in the first yere of Ioatham king of Iuda, and so it should be in the age of the world 3251. others dissent fro that computation & affirme [Page 82] it to bee in the time of Ioas; and then it chanced in the age of the world 3130. which supputation seemeth not so probable, and therefore with Affricanus, Eusebius, and others, I imi­tate the former: but in reckoning the time of Iotham and Io­as, I dissent from them both as is alreadie shewed.

CHAP. IIII. Of the citie of Rome.

ROme was builded in the end of the sixt Olympias, in the age of the world 3218. after the destruction of Troy 340. before the incarnation of our sauior Iesus Christ, about 729. yeares.

Romulus and Rhemus were brothers, twinnes, both of one age. Contention and controuersie fell betweene them, after whether of them the citie which they had newly built should be named. The contention grew from words to tu­mults, from tumults to strokes, from strokes to bloudy bat­tel; insomuch as in the bickering Rhemus was slaine: after his death Romulus enioyed the Empire alone, of whome the City was called Rome.

Rome hath beene sundrie times sacked and ouerthrowne by the Gothes and Vandals: [...]laricus. first by Alaricus the Gothe, in the yeare of our Lord God 412. Anno Dom. 412 This king besieged Rome, and after burned it; during which siege such famine was in the ci­ty that the mothers were constrained with hunger to eate their owne children.

It was besieged, taken and sacked the second time, by Gen­sericus the Vandal, Gensericus. in the yeare of our Lord 456.

An. Dom. 456It was besieged, sacked, and subuerted the third time by Totilas king of the Gothes in the yeare of our Lord 548. in the yeare after the citie was built, [...]otilas. 1300, in which siege as in the first, An. Dom. 548 the famine was exceeding great; mothers were en­forced contrarie to nature and kinde, to kill and eate the flesh of their owne children. Procopius, Palmerius,

[Page 83]The same Totilas about three yeeres after beganne to re­paire and build vp the citie of Rome, Totilas built vp the city of Rome. and gaue leaue to the ci­tizens to returne into the citie in the yere of our Lord 551.

The kings of the Ro­manes;

  • Romlus Anno mundi 3220 reigned & was king of Rome Anno mundi 3438 38 244
  • Numa Pompilius Anno mundi 3220 reigned & was king of Rome Anno mundi 3438 43 244
  • Tullus Hostilius Anno mundi 3220 reigned & was king of Rome Anno mundi 3438 33 244
  • Ancus Martius Anno mundi 3220 reigned & was king of Rome Anno mundi 3438 24 244
  • Tarquinius priscus Anno mundi 3220 reigned & was king of Rome Anno mundi 3438 37 244
  • Seruius Tullius Anno mundi 3220 reigned & was king of Rome Anno mundi 3438 44 244
  • Tarquinius Superbus Anno mundi 3220 reigned & was king of Rome Anno mundi 3438 25 244

Kings first raigned ouer the Romanes 244. yeres. After kings, the common weale of the Romanes was gouerned by Consuls, then by Tribunes and Dictators, and againe by Consuls, for the space almost of 464. yeeres, euen vntil Iu­lius Cesar, who was the first emperour of Rome, Iulius Caesar. A. M. 3924 and raigned 5. yeeres, seuen moneths, in the second yeere of the 183. O­lympias, and in the age of the world 3924.

The first obseruation.

A Consul was a chiefe officer amongst the Romans, wher­of two were chosen yeerely to gouerne their citie.

A Tribune was an officer among the Romanes, that had chiefe iurisdiction among the commons. His office was to maintain the liberty of the poore people against such as sought to do them wrong.

A Dictator was a chiefe officer amongst the Romans, who had a kings power: hee was neuer chosen but in some great danger of the common-weale. His authoritie indured but halfe a yeere, which at the halfe yeeres end, he was to yeeld vp vn­der paine of treason.

The second obseruation.

Valerius fellow Consul with Brutus died in such pouerty, [Page 84] as the Romans were inforced to disburse the common tresure for his funerall: so writeth Eusebius. What was the cause of his pouertie I doe not reade: but this I say, that many rich men are often oppressed with pouertie sodainely after the a­boundance of their wealth: and I adde further, that no effect can be without the cause.

The explication.

Some men are verie rich in lands, goods, and possessions, which they enioy either by their patrimonie, or by dissent of blood, which riche men are sodenlie afflicted with pouertie, when oftentimes the cause is not knowne to any neighbour: but as the prouerbe saith, after great getters come great spen­ders, and how is aboundance of riches so soone gone? doubt­les it falleth out commonly, for a iust punishment of sinne. Some rich men get their riches by vsurie, some by deceitfull dealing, some by extortion, some by bribes and gifts for furthe­ring euill causes, some by niggardly and miserly locking vp in chests and coffers, that which ought to haue beene bestow­ed for the reliefe of their poore neighbours. All which be­cause they are abhominable in Gods sight, God punisheth the same diuersly, sometime in the getters themselues, (though that chance but seldome) and commonly in their successors: so as it may be truely saide, euill gotten goods seldome pro­sper to the third generation. For some successors to those greedy vnconscionable getters, spend their goods lasciuiously, some by carding and gamning, some by foolish bargaining, some by prodigalitie, some by flatterie, some by credulitie, and some by other meanes: yet few or none were euer impoueri­shed, for bestowing their goods charitably vpon the poore, for as Gods prophet wisely saith, from his youth vp till his olde age, hee neuer saw the righteous man forsaken, nor his seede begging bread. Psal. 37, 25. but in these our dayes wee are so wedded to worldly riches, that we will rather bestow twen­tie pounds vpon our owne inordinate pleasures, then twentie [Page 85] pence vppon an honest poore needy neighbour, and yet when rich men haue scraped together all the wealth they can, some­time it so falleth out, that some of them haue not at the houre of death, to discharge the verie funerall, euen as it befell to this honourable Consull of Rome. It therefore behoueth al chri­stian people, that haue regard to their saluation, first neuer to set their affections vpon worldly goods inordinately: secondly, to get their riches honestly and truely: thirdly, to dispense their riches liberally and chearefully, to all their needy neigh­bours. God is the giuer of all riches; for as the Apostle saith, Paul planted, and Apollos watered, but God gaue the en­crease, 1. Cor. 3 ver. 6. he maketh some poore to try their pati­ence and faith in him: other some hee maketh rich, to prooue their fidelity in disposing his treasures: for the rich men are but stewards of their riches; God is the chiefe owner and Lord thereof, to whom they must one day make a reckoning, and as Saint Hierom saith, hee neuer knew man make an euill end, that in his life time did the workes of charitie chearefully.

CHAP. V. Of the Emperours of Rome.

The names of the Cae­sars; The raigne of the Cae­sars;  
1 Iulius Caesar was the first emperour of Rome, of whome all emperours were afterwardes called Caesars. Anno Mun. 3924 5 yeeres and 7 moneths
2 Octauius or Octauianus Caesar Augustꝰ was the second, of whome all the rest were afterwards cal­led Augusti: hee died in the 76. yeere of his age, and was buried in Campo Martio.   56 yeeres
3 Tiberius Caesar Augu­stus was the third Caesar hee died in Campania in the village Lucullana, in the 78. yeere of his age.   23 yeeres
4 Caius Caesar surnamed Caligula was the fourth: he was slaine by his pro­tectors in his own pallace in the 25. yere of his age.   4 yeeres and 10 moneths
5 Claudius Caesar was the fift, who died in his pallace, the 64. yeere of his age.   13 yeres and 8 moneths
6 Nero was the sixt Cae­sar of the Romaines, he flew him selfe in the 32. yeere of his age: in him was ended all the familie of Augustus. Anno Dom. 55 13 yeres and 7 moneths

[Page 87]The names of the Cae­sars;

  • 7 Galba, Otho, Vitellius succeeded by murdering one another. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 1 yeere and 9 moneths
  • 8 Vespasianus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 9 yeres, 11. mon. 22. daies
  • 9 Titus eius filius. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 2 yeeres, and 8 moneths
  • 10 Domitianus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 15 yeres, and 5 moneths
  • 11 Nerua. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 1 yeere, and 5 moneths
  • 12 Traianus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 19 yeres, and 6 moneths
  • 13 Adrianus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 21 yeres, and 10 moneths
  • 14 Antoninus Pius. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 23 yeres, and 3 moneths
  • 15 M Antoninus Verus with his brother L. Au­relius Commodus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 19 yeeres
  • 16 Commodus the sonne of Antoninus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 13 yeeres
  • 17 Aelius Pertinax. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 6 moneths
  • 18 Seuerus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 18 yeeres
  • 19 Antoninus Caracal­la. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 6 yeeres
  • 20 Macrinus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 1 yeere
  • 21 Marcus Anton. Au­relius aliâs Heliogaba­lus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 4 yeeres
  • 22 Alexander. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 13 yeeres
  • 23 Maximinus. Anno Dom. 69 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 237 3 yeeres

[Page 88]The names of the Ce­sars,

  • 24 Gordianus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 6 yeares
  • 25 Philippus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 7 yeares
  • 26 Decius. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 1 yeare, & three monethes.
  • 27 Gallus cum Volusiano. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 2 yeares and 4 monethes
  • 28 Valerianus and Galie­nus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 15 yeares
  • 29 Claudius. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 1 yere, and nine monethes
  • 30 Aurelianus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 5 yeares and 6 monethes
  • 31 Probus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 6 yeares and 4 monethes
  • 32 Carus with his sonnes Carinus and Numeria­nus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 2 yeares
  • 33 Dioclesianus with Maximianus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 20 yeares
  • 34 Galerius was Augustus, togither with Constan­tius. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 2 yeares
  • 35 Constantinus magnus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 31 yeares
  • 36 Cōstantinus, Cōstantius, & Constans, the 3. sons of Constantine the great. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 24 yeares, and 12 daies
  • 37 Iulianus Apostata. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 2 yeares and 8. months
  • 38 Iouinianus. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 8 monethes
  • 39 Valentinianus and Va­lens. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 13 yeares, and fiue monethes
  • 40 Gratianus with his bro­ther Valentinianus, and Theodosius the first. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 6 yeres, and 10 monethes
  • 41 Arcadius. Anno Dom. 240 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 387 5 yeares

[Page 89]The names of the Cae­sars;

  • 42 Honorius Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 9 yeeres
  • 43 Theodosius 2. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 29 yeeres
  • 44 Martianus aliâs Martinianus Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 7 yeeres and 2 moneths
  • 45 Leo 1. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 16 yeeres
  • 46 Zeno Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 11 yeeres
  • 47 Anastasius 1. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 16
  • 48 Iustinus 1. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 8
  • 49 Iustinianus 1. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 38
  • 50 Iustinus 2. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 7
  • 51 Tiberius 2. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 29
  • 52 Mauritius Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 8
  • 53 Phocas Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 17
  • 54 Heraclius Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 27 yeeres
  • 55 Constantinus 3. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 2
  • 56 Constans Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 17
  • 57 Constantinus 4. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 10
  • 58 Iustinianus secundus, Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 4
  • 59 Leo secundus aliâs Leontius Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 7 yeeres
  • 60 Tiberius 3. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 2 yeeres
  • 61 Philippicus Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 7 moneths
  • 62 Anastasius 2. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 3 yeeres
  • 63 Theodosius 3. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 2
  • 64 Leo 3. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 24
  • 65 Constantinus 5. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 35
  • 66 Leo 4. Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 6
  • 67 Constantinus sextus. with his mother Irene Anno Dom. 392 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 314 19 yeeres

[Page 90] [...] names [...] Ce­sars,

  • 68 Carolus magnus. 1. after the translation of the Em­pire. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 743 14 yeares
  • 69 Ludouicus 1. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 36
  • 70 Lotharius 1. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 15
  • 71 Ludouicus 2. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 11
  • 72 Carolus 2. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 743 6
  • 73 Carolus 3. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 12 yeares 6 moneth
  • 74 Arnulphus. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 12 yeares
  • 75 Ludouicus 3. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 6
  • 76 Berengarius 1. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 4
  • 77 Berengarius 2. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 4
  • 78 Lotharius 2. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 12
  • 79 Otho 1. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 2
  • 80 Otho 2. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 17
  • 81 Otho 3. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 16
  • 82 Henricus 1. dux Bat. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 19 yeares 5. monethes
  • 83 Henricus 2. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 17 yeares
  • 84 Henricus 3. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 48
  • 85 Henricus 4. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 29
  • 86 Lotharius 3. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 12
  • 87 Conradus sucuus Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 15
  • 88 Fridericus 1. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 37
  • 89 Henricus 5. aliâs 6. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 743 10 yeares
  • 90 Otho 5. aliâs 4. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno. Dom. 743 13
  • 91 Fridericus 2. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 33
  • 92 Rodulphus. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 19
  • 93 Aldulphus. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 1 yeare 3. monethes
  • 94 Albertus. Anno Dom. 333 The raigne of the Cae­sars. Anno Dom. 743 9 yeares

[Page 91]The names of the Cae­sars;

  • 95 Henricus 6. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 5 yeares
  • 96 Ludouicus 4. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 33
  • 97 Carolus 4. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 32
  • 98 Venceslaus. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 22
  • 99 Robertus Bat. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 10
  • 100 Sigismundus. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 27
  • 101 Albertus 2. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 2
  • 102 Fridericus 3. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 53
  • 103 Maximilianus. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 26
  • 104 Carolus 5. Flandr. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 30 yeares
  • 105 Ferdinandus. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 6 yeres, 4. [...]
  • 106 Maximilianus. Anno Dom. 752 The raigne of the Cae­sars; Anno Dom. 998 11 yeares

Of these Emperours more shalbe said in peculiar [...] when I come to the second part and first booke thereof.

The third booke containeth the descrip­tion of the second Monarchie, that is, of the Persians.

CHAP. I. Of the originall of the monarchie and succes­sion in the same.

GOd most mightie and most faithfull, for his power doth whatsoeuer plea­seth him; and for his promise sake, hee vndoubtedly accomplisheth whatsoe­uer he hath said. He suffered the Iews his peculiar people to be long afflicted by the Babilonians; but after that 70. yeares were fully complete and expi­red, according to his promise, Isai. 45 1.48.20. He with great ioy wrought their deliuerance. He ap­pointed king Cyrus to set them at libertie, whom for that pur­pose he called his annointed, Es. 45.1. Which Cyrus hauing conquered the kingdome of the Medes against Astyages, left the said kingdome to Darius his vncle, by whose aide he tooke Babylon, and so transported the Monarchie of Babylon to the Persians.

Cyrus deliuered the Iewes from captiuitie, the very same yeare that he took Babylon. He also gaue them great treasures to build the temple of Hierusalem, and sent them home againe vnder the conduct of Zorobabel, Esd. cap. 1. cap. 2. 2. Par. 36. ver. 23. Esd. 7. v. 15. [...] 5.8. He commaunded to giue them of his own reuenewes day by day, so much as should be necessary. Esd. 6. verse 8.9. [...] 7, 2.

Cyrus king of Persia brought forth by the hand of Mithri­dates the treasurer, all the vessels of the house of the Lord, which Nabuchodonosor had taken out of Hierusalem, and pla­ced in the house of his false God. Cyrus numbred them vnto Sesbazer the Prince of Iuda. To wit, 30. Chargers of gold: a [Page 93] thousand chargers of siluer; 29. kniues, thirtie basons of gold 410. basons of siluer, and of other vessels 1000. all which with other rich gifts, the king bestowed on the Iewes, to build vp againe their Temple, Esd. 1. 2. Par. 36.

The building of the Temple was hindered by the aduersa­ries of Iuda and Beniamin, that is, An. mundi. 3300 the inhabitants of Sama­ria (whom the king of Assyria had placed in the stead of the ten tribes,) which ten tribes he had carried away vnto Ashur, and put them in Halah and in Habor by the riuer of Gozan and in the citie of the Medes: 4. King. 1 [...] for at that time the Medes and Persi­ans were subiect to the Assyrians; which vexation & hindering of the Iewes in building their Temple, The Hebrewes call Darius As­suerus. Bergom. lib▪ 5. p. [...]1. continued about the space of thirtie yeeres; that is, vntill the sixt yeare of Darius the sonne of Histaspis surnamed Assuerus, and Artaxerxes, indifferently, Esdr. cap. 4.

The difficultie.

The Prophet Daniel (who liued euen in the time of the captiuitie of Babylon) affirmeth constantlie, that the same night in which Balthasar the king of the Chaldees was slain, Darius King of the Medes tooke the kingdome, being 62. yeares of age, Dan. cap. 5. vers. 31. and the said Daniel saith, that he vnderstoode the time of the captiuitie by the bookes of Ieremy, in the first yeare of Darius sonne of Assuerus, who was of the seede of the Medes, Dan. 9. vers. 1. but Esdras writeth plainely, that Cyrus was king of Babylon, and gaue the Iewes leaue to build their temple: to whom also he gaue great treasure, as is alreadie saide, Esdr. 1. Esdr. chap. 6. vers. 3.

The answere.

I say first with Saint Hierome vppon Daniel, that Cy­rus gaue the title of honour to Darius as well in respect of his olde age, as for kinred sake. I say secondly, that Cyrus went about warres in other Countreyes, and so had not the [Page 94] title, though he were king indeed. I say thirdly, that Darius died the same yeare that he and Cyrus wan Babylon, so as the Monarchie of the Medes, Persians and Babylonians, descen­ded wholly vnto Cyrus.

The names of the kings of the Per­sian Mo­narchie

  • Darius A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 9 monethes
  • Cyrus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 30 yeares
  • Cambyses A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 8 yeares
  • Smerdes magus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 7 moneths
  • Darius Histaspis aliàs Ar­taxerxes, alias Assuerus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 36 yeares
  • Xerxes A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 20 yeares
  • Artabanus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 7 monethes
  • Darius Artaxerxes (Longimanus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 40 yeares
  • Zerxes A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 2 monethes
  • Sogdianus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 7 monethes
  • Darius Nothus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 19 yeares
  • Artaxerxes Mnemon, aliàs Memnon A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 40 yeares
  • Darius Ochus aliàs vagosus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 26 yeares
  • Arsames sonne of Ochus A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 4 yeares
  • Darius Arsami filius, aliàs Arbelas or Melas. A. M. 3426 the time of their reigne A. M. 3655 6 yeares

The first obseruation.

It is to be obserued, that Artaxerxes was the commō name of all kinges of Persia, as Pharaoh was the common name of all kinges of Egypt, and as Caesar was the common name of all the Emperours of Rome.

The second obseruation.

The custome of the Persians was this, that when anie king went to warre against any strange nation, hee left his sonne, or the next of the bloud royall, to bee king in his place. The custome of the Persians. Cyrus therefore when hee had warre against the Scythians, and marched towarde them, appointed Cambyses his sonne king of the countrey in his absence, according to the custome of the Persians. Xerxes likewise the sonne of Histaspis succeeded his father, but left his kingdome to his sonne Lon­gimain when hee went to warre against the Greekes; in re­garde heereof, sundrie writers doe not place Cambyses and Xerxes in the lineall order of succession, which point must bee well obserued to auoide obscuritie, and to reconcile the dissen­ting historiographers.

CHAP. II. Of the time of repairing the temple in Hieru­salem.

KIng Cyrus in the first yeare of his raigne, as hee was the Persian monarke, Esdras. 6▪ vers 3. set the Iewes at liberty and appointed them to build the Temple againe in Hierusalem. I say (as monarke) because (as learned men write) hee had raigned certain yeres in Persia, before he tooke Babylon & became the monarke. Cambyses and other aduersaries did a long time hinder the building of the Temple, so as it had not the accom­plishment vntill the sixt yeare of Darius Assuerus, Esdr. 6. vers. 15. Albeit Darius in his second yeare gaue commande­ment, that the worke should go forward, Esdr. chap. 4. ver. 24.

The first difficultie.

The Iewes obiected against our Sauiour Christ, that their [Page 69] temple was 46. yeares a building. Ioh. 2. vers. 20. yet by the supputation already made, in the fourth section of the first chapter and second booke, it cannot be so much.

The answere.

I say first, that concerning the supputation of yeeres, there is great varietie amongst historiographers. Eusebius recko­neth the time from the 55. Olympiade to the 64. Olympiade inclusiuè, that is, 40. yeres: others reckon. 21. yeres; others 23. others 30. neither agreeing with the account of the Iews, neither yet with the raign of the monarks. I say secondly, that the tēple was 46. yeres in building, as the Iews affirmed who best knew the time: and their assertion is not dissonant from the raigne of the monarks: for Cyrus raigned 30. yeares, Cam­byses 8. yeares, Smerdes 7. moneths, Darius sixe yeares, and Nehemias after that builded vp the walles.

The replie.

The temple was finished in the sixt yeare of Darius, as re­cordeth Esdras, Esdras▪ 6. ver. 15. and so wee want one whole yeare and fiue months of the 46. yeeres, whereof the Iewes spake.

The answere.

I answer that the temple is said to be finished in the 6. yere of Darius, because all the worke in effect was then accom­plished; neuerthelesse some part thereof was left vndone, because Nehemias after that builded vp the walles, as wee reade in the first, second and third chapter of his booke.

The second difficulty.

Cambyses (Esdras, 4. verse. 6.7) is called Assuerus and Arta [...]rxes, so as the names seeme to be confounded.

The answere.

I say first, that Cambyses successor to king Cyrus a louing and mercifull Prince (who furthered in all respectes the god­ly desire of the Iewes) was a naughtie, wicked and tyran­nicall regent, one that wholly bent himselfe against God, and against his peculiar flocke. Wherein appeareth the vncertain­tie of mans felicitie in this worlde, while a godly father hath to his successor, a wicked and vngodly sonne; a sonne that reuo­keth the priuiledges which his father gaue to the people of God. But his life was short, miserable and bloudy, the proper reward of all brutish tyrannie. For as hee mounted vppon his horse, hee sodainly fell vpon his dis [...]ased sword, and so had a bloudie end. I say secondly, that Artaxerxes is a name com­mon to all the kinges of Persia; to which name Assuerus is equiualent with the Hebrewes; and so Cambyses is indifferent­ly called Artaxerxes or Assuerus, as is saide in the first obser­uation.

The third difficultie.

Esdras writeth that the Iewes were appointed by three se­uerall kinges of Persia, to reare vp againe their temple. Esdras 6. verse 14. and therefore not only at the first by Cy­rus, and afterwardes by Darius, but also by Artaxerxes the third.

The answere.

I aunswere as I said before, that Artaxerxes is the com­mon name to all the kinges of Persia; which obseruation, if it once be forgotten, many difficulties will ensue thereupon. When Esdras therefore saith (by the commaundement of Cyrus and Darius, and Artaxerxes) it is all one as if hee had saide (and Darius, which is also called Artaxerxes:) for the [Page 98] particle (and) is there not copulatiue, but expositiue, as in other places also.

CHAP. III. Of the continuance of the monarchie.

Darius Ochus was a tyrannicall and bloudthirstie king; he murdered his two brethren, that so he might enioy the king­dome. Hee made warre with the Egyptians, and by that meanes cruelly vexed the Iewes. By this prince, and vntil the time of Alexander the great, the church was euer in great mi­serie and affliction: All the priuiledges graunted by Cyrus and Darius, were vtterly taken away; but God (who neuer wil forsake his church, though hee suffer it to be tossed and turmoi­led for a time) in the end brought solace and true ioy vnto the Iewes. [...]he Persian mo­ [...]rchie endured [...]49. yeares, and [...]ght monethes. For shortly Darius Ochus was slaine of Bagoses, by whom also Arsames was murdered: and Darius Arbelas the last king of the Persians, was ouercome and slaine of A­lexander the Great. So that the monarchie of the Persians en­dured 249. yeares, and eight moneths: after the supputation of others, 191. whereof more at large hereafter. The resistance was so great, that the Iewes were enforced to builde with one hand, and to holde their weapons in the other. Nehe. 4. verse 17.

The Monarchie of the Persians reached from India, euen to Ethiopia ouer an hundred and seuen and twentie prouinces, Est. cap. 1. verse 1.

Darius Assuerus king of the Medes, Persians, and Chal­deans, to shewe the riches and glorie of his kingdome, and the honour of his maiestie, made a feast to all his princes and ser­uauntes, and to all captaines and gouernours of his prouinces, for the space of an hundred and fourescore dayes. And when these daies were expired, the king made another feast, to all the people of Susan the chiefe citie, both vnto the great and small, [...] very magnifi­ [...]all feast, and be­ [...]ming so migh­ [...]e a prince. none excepted. This he did for the space of seuen daies, in the court of the kinges pallace, vnder an hanging of white, greene, and blew clothes, fastened with cordes of fine linnen, [Page 99] and purple, in siluer ringes, and pillers of marble. The beds were of golde and of siluer vppon a pauement of porphirie and marble and alabaster, and blew colour. They gaue them drink in vessels of gold, and chaunged vessell after vessell, and royall wine in aboundance, according to the power of the king, and none was compelled to drinke more then as best pleased him, Est. cap. 1. v. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8.

The difficultie.

In Ester the Prouinces are reckoned to be 127. but in Dan. cap. 6. verse 1. reckoning is made onely of sixe score: seuen wan­ting of the number in Ester.

The answere.

I answere that the vsual maner and course of the holy scrip­ture is this, to recite the perfect number, and to omit the odde and vnperfect. Euen so Daniel expressing the perfect number, was carelesse for the odde.

CHAP. IIII. Of the weekes mentioned in Daniel.

The first section.

The Monarchie of the Persians conteined the kingdomes of the Persians, of the Medes, of the Assyrians, of the Chalde­ans, a great part of Asia and of other regions adiacent. It be­gan in the age of the world, 3425. In the 20. yere of Darius Longhand, aliâs Darius Artaxerxes, beganne the seuentie weekes foreshewed by Daniel, cap. 9. See the fourth sec­tion.

No place of holy scripture is more excellent, more worthie or more necessarie to be vnderstood of euerie christian man, then [Page 100] the 70. weekes reuealed by the angel to Daniel: For no place in all the old testament, doth more cleerely set Christ with al his glory and manifold giftes before our eies: no place doth more firmely strengthen our faith; no place doth more effectually con­uince the Iewes; no place doth more strongly confute all here­sies; all phantasticall opinions, and all pestilent errors against our Sauiour Christ, then this place of Daniel. Worthily ther­fore ought we to employ our whole care, studie and industrie, for the exact vnderstanding of the same.

The second section.

All writers agree in these two points. First, that weeks in the ninth chapter of Daniel, are not taken for common weekes, but for weekes of yeares, euen as we finde in Leuiticus, cap. 25. verse 8. where it is thus written: Thou shalt number seuen Sabbothes of yeeres vnto thee, euen seuen times seuen yeare: and the space of the seuen Sabbothes of yeares will be vnto thee nine and fortie yeares. Secondly, that the 70. weekes make seuentie times seuen, according to the phrase of Leuiticus, and so the iust number must be 49. yeares. In this point the very Rabbins of the Iewes doe agree with our Chri­stian interpreters and historiographers. And necessitie with­out more adoe enforceth vs to admit this glosse and exposition of the weekes: because otherwise the assertion of the angel of God notified to vs by the Prophet Daniel, shoulde be absurd and vtterly swaruing from the trueth.

The third section. Of the probation, for the exposition of the seuentie weekes, Dan. 9. verse 24.

That 70. weekes doe neither signifie weekes, as a weeke importeth seuen daies; neither yet 70. weekes only, as weekes 1 be taken for yeares; I prooue sundry waies: First, because an [Page 101] angel needed not to haue been sent from heauen to instruct Da­niel, if the 70. weekes had no mysticall nor secret meaning far aboue the common and literall signification of the wordes. Se­condly, because the vision which Daniel had, and which the an­gel 2 came to expound, conteined the duration of the second and third monarchies (as appeareth in the eight of Daniel.) Which farre exceedeth both the number of 70. weekes and 70 yeares. Thirdly, because Gods mercie doth seuen fold exceed his iudg­ment; 3 which mercy he promiseth to his people, who were 70. yeares in captiuitie; and that it shalbe accomplished in the ad­uent of the true Messias Christ Iesus: By whom and through whom, wickednesse shall be finished, sinnes sealed vp, iniquitie reconciled, and our righteousnesse purchased euerlastingly. Fourthly, because no other interpretation of the 70. weeks, can 4 possibly accord the wordes of Daniel. Fiftly, because albeit S. Hierome, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullianus, Africanus, 5 and others, doe muche dissent in determining the beginning of the 70. weekes; that is, in what yeare of what king we must beginne the supputation; yet doe they all iumpe in the significa­tion of the 70. weeks, as who al do constantly write that they connotate, 490. yeares. Sixtly, because the supputation of e­uerie writer, bringeth vs to Christ, From the captiuitie to Christ. 490. yeares. which is the scope intended 6 and plainly expressed in Daniel, and consequently no other ex­position can be true. Obserue well the second section.

The fourth section. Of the varietie in writers touching the time of the 70. weekes.

Some writers beginne the supputation of the 490. yeares, in the second yere of the 80. Olympias, Accidentall va­rietie in funda­mentall agree­ment. which was in the 7. yeare of Darius Artaxerxes Longimanus. Some beginne, in the 32. yeare of Darius Histaspis. Others begin in the first yeare of Cyrus. Others sooner, others later. Some end their supputation in the birth of Christ, some in his baptisme, some in his preaching, some in his death. So that all agree in the [Page 102] substance of the thing, though they dissent in the modification of the same.

Affricanus (whose opinion I preferre) beginneth the sup­putation in the twentieth yeare of Artaxerxes Longhand, [...]ffr. in. 5. [...]olum. temp. be­cause then receiued Nehemias commandement to build vp the walles of the Citie of Hierusalem, and to consummate the whole worke of the temple, walles, and cittie. Nehe. 2.1.8. from which time if we reckon (saieth he) vntil Christ, we shall find the 70. weekes. But if we beginne out computation from anie other time, neither the times wil be consonant, and many absurdities wil insue thereupon. And we must (saith Affrica­nus) reckon our yeares, after the supputation of the He­brewes, [...]ntentia Affri­ [...]ni. who doe not reckon moneths after the course of the Sunne, but of the Moone: for from the 20. yere of the said Artaxerxes, that is, from the fourth yere of the 83. Olympias vnto the 202. Olympias and second yeere of the same O­lympias, and 18. yeare of Tyberius Cesar, (in which yeare Christ was crucified) are gathered 475. yeares, which doe make 490. yeares after the supputation of the Hebrewes and course of the Moone. [...] death of [...]rist. Whoso listeth may reade this matter handled at large in Saint Hierome in his excellent Commen­taries vppon the ninth of Daniel, where hee citeth the varia­able opinions of Hippolitus, [...] S. Hierome. Tertullianus, Clemens, Affrica­nus, Eusebius, and others; and seeing the difficultie to bee great, referreth the iudgement to the reader; although hee seeme indeede to preferre the opinion of Aff [...]icanus before the rest.

That this opinion of Affricanus is grounded in the true meaning of the prophecie of Daniel, I will prooue by sun­drie 1 important reasons. First, because it agreeth verie fitlie, with the supputation of the Persians and Romain monar­chie. 2 Secondly, because from the twentieth yere of Artaxerxes Longimanus vntill the passion of Christ, be iust 490. yeares according to the course of the Moone, or after the supputati­on 3 of the Hebrewes. Thirdly, because no other opinion doth either iumpe with the death of Christ, or with the computati­on 4 of the monarchies. Fourthly, because the prophet spea­keth expressely of the death and passion of Christ Iesus. These [Page 103] are the words; And after threescore and two weekes, Dan. 9.26. shall Messiah be slaine: so then the true account of the weekes must so beginne, as they may end iust with the death of Christ: but so it is, that no account saue onely this of Affricanus which I preferre, doth or can agree with the death of Christ, ergo it and none but it, is consonant to the Prophets meaning. Fiftly the abridgement of the 70. weekes, whereof the Prophet 5 speaketh, can agree with no account but this alone.

The first obiection.

The supputation of the monarchie of the Persians and of the Romains doth farre exceede the number of 490. yeares, whereof the Prophet speaketh.

The answere.

I answere that from the twentieth yeare of Artaxerxes in­clusiuè vntill the time of Christs sacred passion, we finde 475. yeares, neither more nor lesse, a few odde moneths excepted. This is the demonstration.

Artaxerxis.
20.
Darius Nothus.
19.
Mnemon.
40.
Ochus.
26.
Arsames.
4.
Arbelas.
6.
Alexander.
6.
Ptol. Lagus.
40.
Philadelphus.
38.
Euergetes.
26.
Philopator.
17.
Epiphanes.
24.
Philometor
35.
Euergetes.
29.
Phiscon.
17.
[Page 104] Alexander.
10.
Lathurus.
8.
Dionysius.
30.
Cleopatra.
22.

But two only thereof must be reckoned, because shee liued vntill the 15. yeare of Octauianus. Adde heereunto the reigne of the Romaines, thus.

Iulius Caesar.
5.
Octauianus.
56.
Tyberius.
17.

In the beginning of the 18. yeare of this Tiberius, was our sauiour Christ crucified.

The replie.

Your owne reckoning in this your answere, is farre different from the trueth: for 475. can neuer make 490. yeares, vnlesse ye will superadde 15. mo, as euery childe can tell.

The answere.

I aunswere that as you willingly acknowledge one trueth; so do ye vnwittingly erre about another trueth. For 475. yeres after the course of the Sunne, doe make 490. yeares abridged after the course of the Moone. Of which abridged yeares doth the prophet Daniel speake, as Aphricanus, Beda, and Mari­nus Scotus, haue skilfully obserued. Yea, the Prophets expresse wordes will effectually make good this exposition. I prooue it out of the originall Hebrew text, which telleth vs that y e weeks, whereof mention is made in Daniel, be not vsuall weekes, but weekes abridged: [...] For [...] in Niphal signifieth cut off or a­bridged, and the roote [...] in kal whereof it descendeth, fig­fieth aswel to cut off or abridge, as to determine: and therefore hath the olde Latine interpreter, well translated it in this ma­ner; Septuaginta hebdomades abbreuiatae sunt super populum tuum. Seuentie weekes are abridged vppon thy people. [Page 105] Loe, the weekes which the angell came to expound, are not to be vnderstoode of yeres after our vsuall supputation and course of the sunne, but of shorter yeres, after the course of the moone: for this respect significantly writeth Marianus in these words, Sed notandum est, quòd non simpliciter sed breuiter dixit compu­tatas, id est, breuiores solitis annis: but wee must note that hee saide not, reckoned simply, but briefly, that is, shorter then the vsuall yeeres.

The second obiection.

Cleopatra raigned 22. yeeres, and so are there 20. yeeres in the monarchies, more then your account.

The answer.

I tolde you afore, that wee must reckon onely two yeeres in her raigne, the reason is euident, because she raigned vntill the 15. yeere of Octauianus; and so those 15. yeeres in Octauia­nus Augustus, and 5. yeeres in Iulius Cesar, which concur­red with the 20. yeeres of Cleopatra, must either be omitted in her or in them. For sith they doe concurre, they cannot be reckoned in both; and so they be omitted in either, it skilleth not in whether.

The third obiection.

The weekes take place from the going foorth of the com­maundement to bring againe the people and to builde Ierusa­lem; but this commandement was giuen euen in the first yeere of Darius.

The answer.

I answere, that the commaundement, by which the temple was wholly and totally accomplished, was giuen in the twen­tieth yeere of Longimanus, as is already prooued: for then went Nehemias with his letters patents to Ierusalem, and built vp the gates and the walles thereof. And therefore it is precisely said in Daniel, that after 62. weekes, the street shall be built againe, and the wall; euen in a troublous time, as also that euen then shall the Messias be slaine.

The replie.

The Messiah was slaine in the last weeke of the seuentie, as you saide before, and not in your two and threescore weeke, as you now affirme.

The answer.

I say first, that it is not saide in the two and threescore week, but after threescore and two weekes: to which 62. wee must adioyne the 7. weekes spoken of afore, which added to 62. doe make 69. weekes, after which 69. weekes the Messias shalbe slaine, that is, in the end of the seuentieth weeke, and so euerie thing is cleare and plaine by this my exposition.

The supplement, for the exact vnderstanding of the se­uentie weekes.

For the exact vnderstanding, howe 475. yeeres after the course of the sunne do make 490. yeeres after the course of the 1 moone; wee must obserue first, that the Hebrews did reckon the yere after the course of the moone, and so it was with them accomplished, in twelue lunarie moneths.

2 We must obserue secondly, that the Romanes also did rec­kon the yeere after the course of the moone, vntill the dayes of Iulius Cesar that famous emperour; who by the aduise of the skilfull Astronomer Sosigenes, about 45. yeres before Christs sacred incarnation, ordained the yeere to be reckoned and kept, according to the course of the sunne.

3 We must obserue thirdly, that as that circle is called the yere of the sunne, in which the sunne doth accomplish it course, and consisteth of three hundred, threescore and fiue dayes, with some odde houres and minutes. And againe, as that cir­cle is called the yeere of the moone, in which the moone doeth accomplish her course, as she doth almost euery fourth weeke: so was that circle called the yeere of Saturnus, of Iupiter, of Mercurie, and of the rest of the planets, which they accompli­shed by returning to the same point; some within two yeres of the sunne, as Mars; some within twelue yeeres, as Iupiter; some within 30. yeeres, as Saturnus; and so in the remnant.

[Page 107]We must obserue fourthly, that albeit the Romaines with 4 all Europe, do this day reckon the yeere after the course of the sunne, yet do the Hebrews make their account after the course of the moone. By reason of which supputation, their yeeres lunarie are shorter then ours this day in Europe, by the num­ber of eleuen dayes, with certaine odde houres, and minutes. And to haue some proportion with the course of the sunne, they vse to make embolismes and intercalation of one moneth euery third yeere, which moneth containeth three and thirtie dayes. Intercalation euery third yere. Now these embolismes and intercalations being complete, do amount to fifteene lunary yeres: and if they be adioyned to the 475. yeeres, they wil make the iust number of the 70. weeks mentioned in Daniel, that is to wit, of the 490. lunarie yeres. Hereof this is a perspicuous demonstration.

If ye multiplie 475. yeeres of the sunne by 11. daies which are the surplussage in euery yeere of the moone, yee shall finde the totall summe to be 5225. dayes in this maner.

The summe to be multiplied,
475
The multiplier,
11
 
475
 
475
The summe amounting,
5225

Againe, if ye diuide the 5225. dayes by 30. you shall finde 174. moneths, and fiue dayes thus;

The number to be diuided,
5225 5 daies 174 moneths
The diuisor,
30

To these you must adde 87. daies, because the moone hath not aboue 29. daies, and the halfe of one day.

Thirdly, if ye will diuide the 174. moneths by 12. ye shal finde 14. yeeres and 6. moneths, thus;

The number to be diuided,
174 6. moneths. 14 yeeres
The diuisor,
12

[Page 108] Let this be well noted.Now, these 6. moneths remaining, togither with the 92. dayes, od houres and minutes, wil suffice to make vp the 15. yeere that is wanting in the last diuision. So then, this sup­putation is consonant to the yeeres of the monarkes, and to the iust record of the Olympiades of the Greekes, (which by vni­forme consent of all learned writers are most certaine,) as also answerable to euery thing in Daniel, which no other supputa­tion is able by any possibilitie to affoord. For it is without all controuersie, that the weekes of Daniel were ended in the 4. yeere of Tiberius Cesar, at which time Christ was crucified: from which yeere vntill the fourth yere of the 83. Olympiade, which was the twentieth yeere of Artaxerxes Longimanus, where I holde the 70. weekes of Daniel to beginne, be iust 475. yeeres after the course of the sunne, which make (as is already prooued) 490. yeeres after the course of the moone.

CHAP. V. Of the sabbaoth and festiuall dayes of the Iewes.

WHen the children of Israel were come againe out of cap­tiuitie, they, and all such as had forsaken heathenish ido­latry, and ioyned themselues vnto them, kept the feast of vn­leauened bread seauen dayes with ioy. And after the temple was finished in the sixt yeere of Darius, the Priests, Leuites, and residue of the children of the captiuitie, kept the dedication thereof, Esdr. 6.16, 22. Concerning which festiuall dayes and the like, because many are superstitious, and some very igno­rant, it shall not be impertinent, in this place to set downe a briefe discourse thereof.

The first Section.

Of sabbaoths, one is legall, an other spirituall, the third celestiall. The spirituall sabbaoth is a ceasing from sinne, and is peculiar to the godly and regenerate: for with it dissolute li­uers and carnally affected persons (such as Sardanapalus was) can haue no fellowship at all: albeit they professe a cer­taine externall obseruance of the ceremoniall sabbaoth, and glo­rie no little therein. For as the apostle saith, Rom. 8.13. they [Page 109] that liue after the flesh must die, but they that mortifie the deeds of the bodie by the spirit, shal liue. This sabbaoth is not tied to any certain time or daies, but ought to be kept euery day with­out anie intermission: for we must euer beleeue, euer hope, e­uer loue, euer bring foorth the fruites of the spirit. Otherwise there should be no proportion, betweene the spirituall sabaoth, and the spirituall man.

The second Section.

The celestiall sabbaoth is it, in which wee shall rest both in body and soule, from the labours and vexations of this present mortalitie. Yet in this life we may labor in the body, although the mind regenerate do sabbatize vnto the Lord. For the spi­rituall sabaoth doth not so prohibite the regenerate from corpo­rall labours, but that they may in due season exercise the same, for their own honest sustentation and of others. Yea, the minds euen of the godly, albeit they sabbatize in the Lord, yet are they oft afflicted, now w t tentations, now with errours, with tribu­lations, now with anguishes, with charitable cōpassions ouer their brethren. These are the imperfections of this present life, which the spirituall sabaoth cannot take away, but the celestiall sabbath in the heauenly Ierusalem, will vtterly make an ende thereof. For in that sabbath there shall be no place, to anie labours, errours, tentations, or miseries whatsoeuer. For the vision beatificall will wipe away all teares from our face. This is the pure and perfect sabbath, not of the bodie onely as the legall (whereof I am to speake by and by) nor of the mind only, as the spirituall, but of soule and body both together; which sabbaoth was shadowed in the olde law, begunne in the new lawe, and shall be accomplished in the kingdome of hea­uen, where we shall celebrate the sabbaoth of all sabbaoths, world without end.

The third section.

The legall, ceremoniall, and externall sabboth is a certaine set time appointed in the church, for the ministerie of the worde and administration of the sacraments. And it is of two sorts, immediate, and mediate; the immediate is that, which was in­stituted immediately in the old Testament: and this kind was manifold, because there was the sabboth of dayes, as the sea­uenth day of the weeke, which was tearmed by the peculiar and proper name of sabboth; as well in respect of the diuine rest which God had from creating new creatures, as of the rest which Gods people must keepe that day. There were also o­ther sabbothes of dayes, though not properly so tearmed, but by the names of feasts; to wit, the feast of the Passeouer, the feast of Pentecost, the feast of Tabernacles, the feast of expia­cion, Leuit. cap. 23. the feast of blowing trumpets, the feast of vnleauened bread, the feast of the first fruites. Againe, there was the sab­both of moneths, called neomeniae, 2. Paralipomenon the se­cond chapter and the fourth verse. Thirdly, there was a sab­baoth of yeares, Leuit. 25. vers. 11, [...]1, 13, 14, 15, 16, &c. as euerie seuenth yeare, Leuiticus chapter 25. vers. 4. in which yere the Israelites were prohibited to till the ground, to sow their seede, and to cut their vineyardes. Fourthly, there was also the sabboth of Iubilee, which came euerie fiftieth yeare, Leuit. 25. vers. 12. in the which yeare li­bertie was proclaimed to all that were in bondage: in which yeare, none might sowe, none might reape, none might gather grapes: in which yeare, euerie one returned to his owne pos­session: in which yeare, all land that had beene sold, returned to the familie: which yeare when it was farre off, they might sell dearer, but the nearer it was, the better cheap ought they to sel their land. An apishimitation of this Iubilee, the late Bi­shops of Rome pretend vnto the worlde. The popish Iu­bilee. But alas, who seeth not what a diabolical illusion it is? In this Iubilee none did or could pardon their neighbours sinnes; but the Pope pardoneth al, as well great as small: in this Iubilee, all bond men were [Page 111] set at libertie, but in the Popes Iubilee, the Turks stil row in galies, in bondage they stil remaine, both in Italie & in Spain: in this Iubilee, all sold lands had an end, and returned againe to the seller; but in the Popes Iubilee, not onely sold landes do not returne againe, but landes bought with other mens goods do stil remain. Note wel (gentle reader) what I say, for of late yeares, An execrable plaine diabolical dispensation. since the Pope by diabolicall perswasions of ambitious and seditious Iesuites, intended the inuasion of this land, he hath promised facultie to his Iesuites and semi­naries, that they may dispense with all popish recusants, neuer to pay their debts to loyall christian subiects. This assertion, because it is strange to good christian eares, cannot but bee ob­scure, and hardly vnderstood: for explication sake, wee must note two principles, of lately coyned romish religion. First, The principles of romish religion. that our most gratious soueraigne Queene Elizabeth, and al her faithfull subiects, are flatte heretiques. Secondly, that all her maiesties dominions, with all the landes and goods of her loyall, obedient, and christian subiects, are the Popes, due vn­to him from the first day of the profession of their loyall obey­sance, and of the true, ancient, christian, romain, catholike and apostolike faith. That these be their principles; their best wri­ters doe testifie, their Iesuite Bellarminus their Canonists Nauarrus and Couarrunias, their Diuines Syluester and Medina, their religious friers Fumus and Alphonsus with many others. Vppon these rotten principles of their newe no religion, they grounde their most execrable dispensation, to witte, that it is lawfull for all popish recusants, by reason of such dispensations, to withholde what landes and goods soeuer, from all such as wil not yeelde themselues captiues, to the brutish bondage of poperie. Hereof it commeth first that 1 so many this daie make conscience to bee absent from diuine seruice in the church, who haue no conscience at all to pay their debts.

Hereuppon it commeth secondlie, that manie repute it 2 deadlie sinne once to heare a godlie sermon; who thinke it no sinne at all to owe great summes of money, and neuer to pay the same. Heereuppon it commeth thirdlie, that sun­drie recusants haue so intayled their landes, and so frau­dulently [Page 112] away their goods, (and that of late yeares;) as no 4 law enforceth them to pay their debts to their poore creditors. Hereupon it commeth fourthly, that her maiesty is defrauded, her faithfull subiects impouerished, Fraudulent deeds of gift. the Popes vassals enri­ched, the lawes of the realme contemned, and domestical re­bellion fostered. It therefore behooueth good Magistrates to haue speciall regarde hereof. Good lawes are established, but slowly in many places executed, God of his mercie, either con­uert dissembling hypocrites soundly, or else for the common good of his church, Dissembling ma­gistrates. [...] confound them euerlastingly: for a greater and more pestilent plague cannot come vnto the Church, then to haue such magistrates as pretend publiquely to fauour it, Mat. 19.12. and yet are secret enemies to the same: qui potest capere, capi­at: this kind of popish pardoning, my selfe though then a papist could neuer brooke, but so soone as I vnderstood it, did sharp­lie impugne the same.

The mediate externall sabboth is that, which God appoin­teth mediately by his church in the new Testament; to wit, the sunday, which is our christian sabboth. And here obserue, that when I say (by the church,) I specially vnderstand the su­preme gouernour of the Church, much lesse doe I exclude the same; which obseruation shall be made manifest, before the end of my discourse. And because no veritie doth clearely appeare, vntill the difficulties and doubts be plainely vnfolded; I will propound in order the greatest obiections that can be made a­gainst the same, framing briefe, pithie, and euident solutions thereunto.

The first obiection.

The Sabbatharies contend with tothe and naile, that chri­stians are no lesse bound this day to keepe the legall sabboth, then were the Israelites in time of Moses law, and they proue it, Genes. 2. verse 3 because God blessed the seuenth day, and sanctified it, which sanctification was nothing else, but a commaundement to keep it holy, as appeareth, by the declaration made by Moses: [Page 113] Againe, bicause this sanctification was forthwith after the cre­ation, and therefore as all nations are bound to make a memo­riall of the creation, as well as the Israelites, so must all na­tions as well as the Israelites, keepe holy the seauenth day, that is, the day of rest after the creation, which is our saturday; and vpon which day the Iewes still keepe their sabboth.

The answere

I say first, that there is no precept in the olde or new Testa­ment, by which either the Gentiles then, or christians now, are bound to keepe the legall sabboth. I say secondly, that albeit it could be proued, that the fathers before the law had kept it, yet would it not follow, that wee were bound by their ensam­ple this day to keepe the same: for otherwise we shoulde be bound to offer vp bloudy sacrifices, as they did both before and after the deluge.

The second obiection.

God speaking of the sabboth, saide it should be a signe be­tweene him and the children of Israel for euer; and hee added, Exod. 31. ver. 17 for in sixe dayes the Lorde made heauen and earth, and in the seauenth day rested, therefore all nations are bound to keepe the sabboth of the seauenth day.

The answere.

I say first, that the word (euer) is not taken there simplici­ter, but secundum quid, as the schooles tearme it; that is, not for eternitie or for the duration of this life, but for all the time from Moses vnto Christ, (which was 1495. yeares.) I say secondly, that though the sabboth be not eternall as it is cere­moniall, (which I shall prooue by and by,) yet is it eternall in the thing signified, that is ceasing from sin and rest in God, which shall be accomplished in heauen for euermore.

The third obiection.

The decalogue was before Moses, and this day is of force: Exod. 34. vers. 4 Deut. 10. ver. 1. for the Gentiles were bound before the promulgation of the law written in the tables of stone, and we christians after the [Page 114] translation of the law, to abstaine from blasphemie, periurie, theft, murder, whoredome, couetousnesse, fraudulent dealing, and the like, as were the Iewes in time of the law.

The answere

I answere, that whereas the law of Moses was partly iudi­ciall, partly ceremonial, and partly morall, the morall part be­ing the verie lawe of nature, engrauen in mens hearts in the hour of their natiuities, as it was before Moses, so shall it en­dure to the worlds end; but all ceremonies which were types and figures of the promises made in Christ Iesus, were ac­complished and abolished in his sacred aduent: such was the circumcision giuen to Abraham, the sacrifices commanded to our first fathers, and the sabboth in respect of the determinati­on vpon the seauenth day, Re exhibita, [...]esat figura. for it was not Gods will to conti­nue shadowes, after the things indeede were exhibited.

The fourth obiection.

A perpetuall cause requireth a perpetuall lawe, and conse­quentlie, since the memorie of the creation and meditation of Gods works, is a perpetuall cause of the law of the seauenth day; it followeth necessarily, that the law of the seauenth day must still abide in force.

The answere.

I answer that the memorie of the creation is indeed a perpe­tuall cause of a perpetuall sabboth, but not of a perpetual, pre­cise and determinate sabboth; the reason hereof is euident, be­cause the memorie of our creation may be done as conuenient­ly vpon another day, as vpon the seauenth day: thus my an­swere is confirmed, because the sabboth which wee now keepe, is not the seauenth day but the eight; for our sunday is the first day of the weeke, and the day on which God began the creati­on of euerie thing.

The first obiection.

We christians obseruing the first day after the sabboth (which we call sunday) are charged odiously with superstition, by the wicked Anabaptists; and they proue it by S. Paul, who forbid­deth [Page 116] the difference of dayes in the Christian Church, vppon which prohibition it followeth, Coloss. 2. ver. 16. Gal. 4. vers 10, Rom. 14. vers. 6 that it is as vnlawfull to keepe the first day, as the seauenth.

The answere.

I answere, that the Apostle exclaimeth not against euerie difference of dayes simply: but against that sole and onely dif­ference, which is obserued with opinion of necessitie or wor­ship. After which manner our christian sabboth or sunday is not obserued. For first, in the old testament, the old sabboth was a figure of things to be accomplished by Christ, yet in the 1 new testament, the new sabboth hath not that signification, but is onely obserued for decencie and comely order sake: without which the ministerie of the word either cannot be at all, or at least not so conueniently. Secondly, the Iewes obserued their sabboth of the seauenth day, as a part of Gods diuine worship, 2 neither was it lawfull for them to change and alter the same: but we christians (who abhorre Iudaisme indeede,) keepe our sabboth day, not as a part of Gods worship, but for ciuill order sake, not with opinion of necessitie, but with such christian free­dome, as we confesse it may be changed into another day. And because this libertie granted to the Christian church, is not suf­ficiently vnderstood of many, whereof some be otherwise well learned, I purpose in God to proue the same effectually. First, 1 by the holy scriptures: secondly, by the iudgement of anti­quitie: 2 thirdly, by the latter writers. Touching the scrip­tures, 3 my first reason shall be affirmatiue, my second shall bee negatiue: the affirmatiue is this, whatsoeuer is abolished, doth not binde vs christians: but the lawe of Moses is aboli­shed: therefore it doth not bind vs. The argument is in forme. The proposition is euident, because an obligation cancelled is not of force. And the assumption wherein resteth the dif­ficultie if there be any at all, Hebr. 7. ver. 12. is proued by S. Paul in his epistle to the Hebrews; where he auoucheth expressely y t the law must perforce be changed with the priesthood. Neither wil it help to say, Marke well this point. that we keepe a day different from the Iewes (marke well my words gentl reader) bicause if we keep our day with neces­sitie of the day, so as it may not be altered into another day, Coloss. 2. ver. 16 then such our obseruation of dayes, is reproued to the Colossi­ans, [Page 116] and is become a flat ceremony of the Iewish law. For, this strict point ( tempori obligari, to be tied to determined time) is that only circumstance or ceremonie, wherein the Ie­wish sabbaoth differeth from ours. Which point, I hope, wil shortly be more euident. My negatiue reson is this; No text of holy scripture, either in the olde or new testament can be alled­ged, which commandeth to keep our christian sabbaoth, eyther vpon the first day, or vpon any other determinate day; therfore it remaineth in the libertie of the church to change that day, as the circumstances of times, places, & persons shal require. The consequence is good, and so the consequent ought not to be de­nied: for whatsoeuer is not commanded by the holy scriptures, but appointed by the law of man; all that may be altered euen by the law of man. The antecedent I prooue sundry wayes; 1 first, because the places of scripture cited for this purpose, ney­ther do nor can prooue any such thing. For the Apostle to the Corinthians, 1. Cor. 16.2. willes only that collections be made for the poore when the congregation is assembled on some sabboth day. But he neither commandeth christians, to obserue the first day after the sabbaoth; neyther yet doth he affirme, that christians then kept their assemblies vpon that day. Yea, the learned and zea­lous writer maister Caluin denieth flatly, that [...] doth either signifie the first day of the sabaoths, or the sunday. He opposeth himselfe against the patrones of that opinion, and saith flatly that the apostles did at that time keepe the Iewish sabbaoth. Apoc. 1.10. And that of the Reuelation prooueth nothing else, but that S. Iohn had his reuelation vpon the day of our Lords resurrection. But saint Iohn neither saith, that christians must obserue that day for their sabbaoth, neyther yet that the Apo­stles kept the same. 1. Cor. 16.8. Which thing both Petrus Martir, and E­rasmus doe willingly grant. Yea Erasmus auoucheth that the christian Penticost was not yet ordayned. And therefore doeth he by Penticost in that place vnderstand saint Paules abode at Ephesus to be 50▪ dayes. Caluine and Martir vnderstand the Iewish penticost properly, bicause the christian penticost was 2 not yet appointed. I proue it secondly, bicause if the determination of the christian sabaoth had bin set downe in the scripturs, and appointed by the apostles; then would there not haue beene [Page 117] such controuersie about that matter, as was in the est and west Churches long after the Apostles time, which thing I haue shewed at large in my booke of Motiues. Thirdly, if it were 3 granted, which can neuer be proued, that the Apostles then kept the sabboth vpon the first day, yet would it not follow, that christians must of necessitie this day obserue the same: which I will make good by sundry important reasons. First, because 1 our sauiour Christ, in the verie institution of the sacrament of his body and bloud, did minister the same after supper, and yet are not wee tied to that practise, but do it before dinner. Now since the practise of Christ himselfe, doth not make a law to be kept of necessity; much lesse can the practise of his disci­ples impose such a law vppon vs. Therefore if it be graunted, that the Apostles kept their sabboth vpon the first of the weeke, as this day wee obserue, and that very laudably, yet may wee for our christian liberty, alter the day and keep it vpon another. Secondly, because Christ celebrated the holy communion of his body and bloud, in sweete and vnleauened bread; Exod. 12. ver. 19. and yet 2 notwithstanding that practise, the Greeke church did euer, and wee our selues in these dayes, vse leauened bread: euen so may we keepe our sabaoth vpon Tuesday, or vpon some other day, (if it so seeme good to the church,) albeit the Apostles kept it vpon the munday. Thirdly, because the Apostles and the whole church in their time, Act. 15. v. 6.20. decreed to absteine from eating 3 of bloud and yet doe we this day, without scruple of conscience eate the same. If answere be made, that this decree was not a perpetuall law, I replie directly, Vide Socrat. 5. cap. 21. that much lesse doeth their practise binde the church for euer, to a strict ceremonie of the Iewes. Fourthly, because wee may iustly bee accused of that 4 superstition, wherewith the Apostle charged the Colossians and Galatians: Coloss. 2. v. 16. Gal 4. vers. 10. and so the Anabaptists shall haue their inten­ded purpose. My second proofe is this, Socrates a famous writer, who liued aboue 1150. yeares sithence, hath these ex­presse words: Mens namque fuit Apostolorum, non de diebus sancire festiuitatum sed conuersationem rectam & dei praedica­re culturam: mihi ergo videtur, Histor. tripar. libr. 9. cap. 38. quod sicut multa alia per pro­uincias ad consuetudinem venerunt, sic & Paschae festiuitas tradita sit, eó quod nullus Apostolorum aliquid huic sanxisset.

[Page 118]For the meaning of the Apostles was not to make lawes for keeping holidaies, but to preach the word of God, and holy con­uersation. I therefore thinke, that as many other things grew to a custome in diuerse countries, so did also the keeping of Easter; because none of the apostles made any lawe for the 1 same. Out of whose wordes I do note first, that the scope of Christs apostles was this, to preach the word of God, not to 2 appoint holidays. Secondly, that the keeping of Easter (which is our sabbaoth) was after the custome of the countrey. Third­ly, 3 that the apostles made no lawe for the same. Yea, the first man in the world, that made any positiue lawe for the christian sabbaoth, was Constantine surnamed the Great, who within three hundred and thirtie yeres after Christ, about the 20. yere of his reigne, to take away all contention in the church, made a flatte Edict for the keeping of Friday and Sunday through­out the yeere. Of this none can stand in doubt, that shall per­vse that fine Oration which Eusebius made, Eusebius de laud. Constant. de Laudibus Con­stantini, the three and thirtieth yeere of his happy raigne. This controuersie (by the Emperours appointment) was handled in the councill of Nice, and immediatly after his decree: which thing is euident by the saide Eusebius in his third booke de vitae Constantini: De vita Const. [...]ib. 3. cap. 13 & [...]inceps. and in his fourth booke hee affirmeth plainely, that all subiect to the Romane empire, were commaunded to abstaine from all bodily labour, vppon the sundayes and fri­dayes.

Cassiodorus doeth prooue the same out of Sozomenus, in these expresse wordes, [...]stor. tripart. [...]ib. 1. cap. 10. Die verò qui Dominicus vocatur, quem Hebraei primam vocant, Graeci autem soli distribuunt, & qui ante septimum est, sanctuit à iudicijs aliísque causis vniuersis habere vacationem, & in eo tantum orationibus occupari. The Emperour Constantine decreed, that all people should cease from al sutes and other ciuil causes, and consecrate themselues wholy vnto prayer vppon the Lordes day, which the Iewes doe call the first day of the weeke, and the Greekes doe terme Sunday, as also vpon the friday. The learned diuines in Ger­manie affirme directly, that the Sunday may be altered. These are their words; [...] artic. cons [...]s. [...]gust▪ Nam qui iudicant ecclesiae authoritate, pro sabbato institutam esse diei Dominici obseruationem tanquam [Page 119] necessariam, longè errant: for they that thinke the church ap­pointed the sunday to be kept for the sabbaoth of necessitie, are deceiued grossely.

My third proofe is this; Philippus Melancton, The third [...] Erasmus Ro­terodamus, Iohannes Caluinus, Petrus Martir, Bullingerus and Ʋrsinus, do all with vniforme consent, yeelde so manifest testi­monie to mine assertion; as none doubtlesse that reade them attentiuely, can without blushing deny the same. Martir in 1. Co [...] cap. 16. Petrus Mar­tir hath these words; Quòd vnus dies certus in hebdomada cul­tui diuino mancipetur, stabile & firmum est; an vero hic vel a­lius constituatur, temporarium est ac mutabile: That one day in the weeke must be assigned for diuine seruice, it is constant, firme and perpetuall: but whether this or that day ought to be appointed for that purpose, it is a thing that respects the time, and may be changed. Caluin in his Institutions, after he hath commended the alteration of the saboth in the primitiue church affirmeth flatly, that the day may yet be changed: these be his wordes; Neque sic tamen septenarium numerum mor [...]r, vt eius seruituti ecclesiam astringam; Caluin. libr. 2. cap. 8. § 34. neque enim ecclesias damnaue­ro, quae alios conuentibus suis solemnes dies habeant, modò à superstitione absint. Quod erit, si ad solam obseruationem disci­plinae & ordinis bene compositi referantur. Neyther do I for all that make such accompt of the seuenth day, that I will haue the church tyed to keepe the same, for I will not con­demne churches which appoint other solemne dayes for their meetings, so they be voide of superstition. Which shal bee done, if they appoint such tdayes onely for discipline, Vrsinus in 4. pr [...] cept. p. 223. and for comely order sake. Vrsinus hath these words; Summa est, alli­gati sumus sabbato moraliter & ceremonialiter in genere, sed non in specie. Hoc est, ad aliquod ministerii publicè exercendi tempus, sed non ad septimum vel aliquem alium cer­tum diem. This is the effect, Vrsinus p. 23 [...]. we are tied to the saboth morally and ceremonially in generall, but not in speciall: that is to say, we are bound sometime to exercise the publike ministerie, but wee are neither tied to the seauenth, nor to any other certaine day.

[Page 120]And againe hee saith, that all ceremonies appointed by the church, [...]rsmus, p. 226. may be altred againe by the counsell of the church. A­gaine in another place, he hath these expresse words; Ecclesia christiana primum vel aliumdiem tribuit ministerio salua sua libertate: the church of Christ hath libertie, to appoint either the first day or some other day, for Gods seruice. To what end shoulde I alleage moe authorities? for nothing can be more plainely spoken.

[...]ullingerus praecepto 4. [...]oc. 2. serm. 4 And as the church hath authoritie to alter the sabboth day, so hath it power also (which B [...]llinger hath well obserued,) to appoint for the seruice of God, certaine other festiuall dayes; as the feast of the birth of our Lord, of his incarnation, circum­cision, passion, resurrec [...]ion, ascension, and such like. All which is this day verie prudently and laudably, practised in the church of England.

An obiection.

If this your doctrine were true, as you beare the world in hand it is, then would it follow necessarily, that there shoulde be no difference betweene the ordinance of God and man: the reason seemeth euident, because they both should be of like au­thoritie.

The answere.

I answere, that they are not of like authoritie, and I yeeld a double disparitie thereof: for first, the sabboth day is de iure diuino in generall, albeit the determination thereof to this or that day in speciall, be de iure humano: but the other holidayes are both in generall and in speciall, de iure humano. Secondly, because other holydaies are as well generally as specially ap­pointed by man, and therefore may be wholly abolished by the power of man. But the sabboth day is generally appointed by God, although the limitation thereof be reserued to his church: and therefore notwithstanding that the church can limit the obseruation to this or that day, yet can no power vpon earth wholly abolishe the same.

The fourth booke, conteineth the descrip­tion of the third Monarchie, that is, of the Greekes, from Alexander, vn­till the Machabees.

CHAP. I. Of the originall of the monarchie, and the circum­stances of the same.

ALexander king of the Macedonians, for his martiall prowesse and heroical vertues surnamed the Great, began to reigne in Macedonia, when Darius Arbelas was made king of the Persi­ans. He made warre with the said Da­rius, he conquered and slew him in A­sia, and so translated the Monarchie from the Persians, vnto the Greekes.

The monarchie of the Greekes, An. mundi. 3641 began in the seuenth yeare of Alexanders reigne, in the age of the world, 3641.

The histories of the Greekes are much more recent, then the stories of the Iewes. For all their histories, are after the first monarchie of the Babylonians and Assyrians; neither haue they any thing certaine, which is more auncient then their Olim­piades. Which Olimpiades had their beginning in the first or second yeare of Ioatham king of Iuda, (as Glareanus▪ Paulus Phrigio, Bibliand [...]r, and others doe write,) though some wri­ters otherwise of credite, holde the contrary, in the age of the world, 3251. which was about, An. mundi. 3251 230. yeares before the mo­narchie of the Persians.

This Monarchie tooke the name of king Alexander, and was termed indifferently the monarchie of the Greekes, or of Alexander: because he so excelled all others, in power, valure, fortitude, and other vertues, as none in the world were deemed comparable to him. He is highly commended by the prophets, [Page 122] I [...]remie and Daniel, as a most valiant and happie emperour. Daniel describeth a Goate, Dan. 1. verse 5▪20.21. which ouercame the Ramine: and hee declareth manifestly, that the goate was the king of the Greekes, the Ram of the Persians. His fathers name was Philip, his mothers name Olympias.

Olympias was the mother of Alexander, and was also ta­ken for the space of 4. yeres, as I haue already proued. But O­lympias is a mountaine in Greece between Thessalia and Ma­cedonia, aboue the which there appeareth no cloud: In regard whereof, it is vsurped of the Poets for heauen. This hill as Plutarchus writeth, is tenne furlonges in height.

Dan. 8. v. 8.22.The prophet Daniel speaking of the goate: that is, of Alex­ander, foretold that his Empire shoulde be deuided into foure kingdomes, and so it came to passe. For Cassander had Mace­donia; Seleucus, Syria; Antigonus, Asia the lesse, and Pto­lemeus Egypt. For the exact vnderstāding of Daniels prophe­sie, it is necessarie to vnderstand the succession of the kings and their reignes, especially of the kinges of Syria, of whom the Scripture maketh precise mention.

King Alexander reigned sixe whole yeares, and died in the seuenth; after his death, the nobles had mortall domesticall warres amongst themselues, striuing for the space of thirteene yeares, who should haue dominion. This chaunced after that the Empire was deuided, as is already said; and shall appeare more at large, in the third chap­ter following.

CHAP. II. Of the kinges of Syria, succeeding Alexander.

The kings of Syria and Asia

  • 1 Seleucus Nicanor Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 31 yeares
  • 2 Antiochus Soter. Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 19
  • 3 Antiochus Theos Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 15
  • 4 Seleucus Gallinicus Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 20
  • 5 Seleucus Ceraunus Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 3 yeares
  • 6 Antiochus Magnus Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 36
  • 7 Seleucus Philopator Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 12
  • 8 Antiochus Epiphanes Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 12
  • 9 Antiochus Eupator Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 2 yeares
  • 10 Demetrius Soter Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 10
  • 11 Alexander filius Epiphan. Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 5
  • 12 Demetrius Nicanor Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 2
  • 13 Antiochus Sedetes Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 3
  • 14 Tryphon Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 3
  • 15 Antiochus pius Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 12 yeares
  • 16 Demetrius Nicanor Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 4
  • 17 Alexander Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 2
  • 18 Antiochus Gryphus Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 29
  • 19 Seleucus sonne to Gryphus, was at strife with his vncle and others of his kinred, for the space of ten yeares. Anno Mun. 3647 the reign of euerie king of Syria, and Asia Anno Dom. 3877 10 yeares

The first obseruation.

Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus king of Syria warred against Cyzicenus the sonne of Antiochus Sedetes, whom after hee had taken him, hee put to death. By and by mortall wars arose between the brethren. Wherwith the Syrians were so grieued, and so annoyed with the ciuill warres; that they knew no other fitter meanes to redeeme their vexation, then to yeeld vp the kingdome to Tygranes the king of Armenia. Which Tygranes enioyed Syria vntill such time as hee [Page 124] was ouercome of Pompeius, who deliuered Syria vp to the Romaines. This kingdome of Syria continued about 240. yeares, and was deliuered into the handes of the Romaines 17. yeares after Iulius Cesar was first Emperour of Rome.

The second obseruation.

Seleucus Callimcus, the sonne of Antiochus, hadde two sonnes; to wit, Seleucus surnamed Ceraunus, and Antio­chus Magnus. Seleucus Ceraunus liued but three yeres, and then left y e kingdom to his brother Antiochus Magnus. Which Antiochus made warre against Ptolemeus Philopator the king of Egypt and his sonne Epiphanes, by meanes whereof the Iewes and church of God, was in continuall affliction. This Antiochus had the repulse in his first attempt; yet after y e death of Ptolemeus, (who before his death commended his sonne to the protection of the Romaines,) he returned with a great ar­mie into Egypt. By this occasion, long warres were betweene the Romaines and Antiochus. Hanniball and many Regions in Greece, ioyned themselues to Antiochus. Neuerthelesse hee was so often discomfited in battaile, that he was enforced to seek for conditions of peace. And besides this, hee was glad to send his sonne Epiphanes to Rome for an hostage. In the end, when he went about the sacking of the rich Temple of Belus in Syria, the multitude of the Citizens slewe him and all his guard.

The Iewes (saith Carion) liued in great peace, from the time of Alexander to Antiochus Magnus. But when warres beganne betweene the Assyrians and Egytians, then y e Iewes being seated in the middes, were oppressed on both sides. At length (saith Iosephus) Antiochus was victor, and brought the Iewes vnder his subiection. But so soone as Philopator was dead, his sonne Ptolomeus Epiphanes sent a mightie armie into Syria; vnder the conduction of Scopa: who recouered cer­taine Cities in Syria, and a good part of Iudea. Yet within a short space after, Antiochus skirmishing with Scopa, neere to Iordan, had the vpper hand, and tooke the cities againe from Scopa. Then the Iewes yeelded them selues to Antiochus, receiued his armie voluntarily within the walles, and affoorded [Page 125] him large helpe against the garrisons of the said Scopa. In re­spect of which fauour, Antiochus dealt very fauourably with them: gaue them rich giftes, and graunted them libertie to call home againe, all the Iewes that were in dispersion.

The third obseruation.

Antiochus Epiphanes was hostage at Rome, where he lear­ned by the Example of the Romaines, flatterie, deceite, and o­ther bad qualities, to accommodate himselfe to the time and maners of men. Hee was famous not for his vertues, but for his naughtie dealing. He was called (as some write) for his dissolute life, not Epiphanes, but Epimanes; that is, not noble, but madde. He beganne his reigne about 134. yeares after the death of Alexander; at which time his brother Seleucus ceased by death to reigne in Syria. At the same time Ptolemeus E­piphanes dyed in Egypt, leauing behinde him to young sonnes, Philometor and Physcon. Ptolemeus hadde these sonnes with his wife the queene Cleopatra, who was sister to Antiochus. Vnder this pretence Antiochus went into E­gypt, and by faire speeches got the regiment, during the nonage of Philometor the yong prince. And when hee had contriued all thinges so, as he might take the kingdome vpon him at his pleasure, hee went to Hierusalem at the intreaty of Iason, who sought ambitiouslie to be made the high priest by his pro­curement: euen as popes of late yeares are made at Rome, as hereafter shalbe prooued. Where (as writeth Iosephus,) so soone as hee came, the gates were opened to him by men of his owne faction. Which vsurped dominion, hee exercised cruellie and sacrilegiously; neither sparing the goods nor the liues of those that willingly opened the gates vnto him.

The fourth obseruation.

Demetrius Nicanor, the twelfth king of Syria, was driuen out of his kingdome by his brother Antiochus Sedetes, by the aid and meanes of Tryphon. Yet afterward hee was restored [Page 116] to his kingdome againe, and ruled Syria peaceably, vntil A­lexander surnamed Sabineus of the house of Seleucus tooke him prisoner at Tyrus, where he put him to death.

CHAP. III. Of the kings of Macedonia, and of the diuision of the Em­pire after the sixt yeare of Alexander.

THe holy will of the liuing God was, that foure mightie kings shoulde succeede Alexander the Great, after the sixt yeare of his raigne, whereof euerie one should possesse a part, and no one be so mightie as himselfe, which thing was euident­ly foretolde by the Prophet Daniel. Daniel cap. 8. ve. 22.

The foure kings that succeeded Alexander, to wit, Cassan­der, (who raigned in Macedonia and Grecia) Seleucus (who raigned in Syria) Ptolomeus (who raigned in Egypt, and An­tigonus (who raigned in Asia) did all descend of the house, Petigree, and bloud royall of Alexander that most puissant and valiant Emperour, and for that cause surnamed the Great.

Cassander caused Olympias daughter of Neoptolemus and mother to Alexander, Cassander a cru­el prince. a most chast and vertuous Queene, to be beheaded cruelly, that so hee might raigne more licenti­ouslie: but God the iust iudge, (who for his wisedome seeth all things, and for his iustice sake letteth no sinne passe vnpuni­shed) did so in his eternall prouidence dispose of Cassanders issue, as it was a worthie spectacle to the world. For Antipater and Alexander his sonnes, had mutual mortal bloudie warres the one against the other, as concerning the kindgome of Ma­cedonia. But what was the ende? Antipater was slaine by Lysimachus his father in law, and Alexander by Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus; who both were their owne complices, to whom they trusted and sought for helpe at their hands.

A worthie obseruation.

King Alexander the great was not onely full of valure and [Page 117] prowesse, but throughly garnished with heroicall and morall vertues, amongst which this was not the least, A worthie fact right seemely for a king. that so often as he heard the complaint of one against another, the accused partie being absent, his continuall custome was, to open one onely eare to the plaintife, and to keepe the other closely shut: by which ceremonie he liuely expressed vnto the world, the of­fice of euerie good Prince and righteous iudge: to wit, that they should neuer haue respect of persons, as holy Writ bea­reth witnesse; but heare all parties indifferently, and iudge e­uer according to lawe and equitie. Which indifferencie king Alexander fitly practised euen with the admiration of his au­ditory, while as hee graunted to the accuser one eare, so did hee to the accused reserue the other, neuer condemning the one nor iustifying the other, before hee vnderstood perfectly the truth of the matter. But in our time wee may iustly exclaime with holy Polycarpe; O God, to what worlds hast thou reser­ued vs? for nowadayes iudges & lawyers are so corrupt with bribes, that when a poore man crieth he can not be heard with neither eare, because both are shut at once: on the other side, so soon as they grope the rich mans gold, they open both the one eare & the other, there is no stay at al. Of such iudges, magi­strates, and lawyers, speaketh wise Salomon when he saith, that many reuerence the person of the mightie, Prouer. cap. 15. verse. 6. and euerie one is friend to him that giueth gifts. When a rich man com­menceth any sute against the poore man, euerie iudge, euerie lawyer, euerie iustice, euerie bailife, will for money be readie to further his cause; for golde and money with a becke they come anone, and with a winke they will bee gone: though their matter were verie badde in the beginning, yet wil it be right good in the ending: Ambrosius. money worketh so forcibly with them, that it may bee saide to alter the case, and to change the nature of the thing. Gifts saith Saint Ambrose, dazle the eyes of iudges and weakeneth the force of their authori­tie. Contrariewise, when the poore man commeth to them, either without money or but with a little, they are dumbe, deafe, and sencelesse, they can neither heare, see, nor vnder­stand: they will vse such dallying, such demurring, such shiftes, and delayes vntill the poore man bee exhaust and [Page 128] spent; so as perforce he must let the matter fall, and sit downe with the losse. For albeit his cause were right good in the be­ginning, yet will it be starke naught in the ending. Where­fore Innocentius his wordes are well verified in this kinde of people; [...]nnocentius. You respect (saith he) not the causes, but the persons, not lawes, but bribes; not what reason prescribeth, but what will affecteth; not what the minde thinketh, but what it couet­eth, not what should be done, but what yee list to haue done; your eie is not single, which should make your body bright; but euer ye mingle a peece of leauen, which corrupteth the whole dowe.

The kings of Macedo­nia after the death of A­lexander the Great,

  • Philippus Aridaeus Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 7 yeeres
  • Cassander Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 19 yeeres
  • Alexander and Antipa­ter, or after others An­tigonus Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 4
  • Demetrius Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 6
  • Pirrhus Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 6 moneths
  • Lysimachus Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 5 yeeres
  • Ptolomeus Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 1
  • Meleagres Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 2 moneths
  • Antipater Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 1 yeere
  • Sosthenes Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 2
  • Antigonus Gonatas Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 36
  • Demetrius Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 10
  • Antigonus Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 15
  • Philippus Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 42
  • Perses Anno mun 3647 The raigne of the saide kings Anno mun 3805 10

Note here, that some thinke Aridaeus to haue succeeded A­lexander; yet that Cassander was his immediate successour, I repute more probable.

CHAP. IIII. Of the kings of Egypt.

Anno mun. 3608PTolomeus the sonne of Lagus began his raigne in Egypt, immediately after the death of Alexander, though not with­out [Page 129] bloudshedding and great warres for sundry yeares, as is areadie said. He was one of Alexanders captaines, as were al­so Antigonus, Nicanor, and Cassander.

The names of the kings of Egypt

  • Ptolomeus Lagi Filius Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 40 yeares
  • Ptolomeus Philadelphus Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 38
  • Ptolemeus Euergetes Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 26
  • Ptolomeus Philopator Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 17
  • Ptolemeus Epiphanes Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 24
  • Ptolomeus Philometor Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 35 yeares
  • Ptolomeus Euergetes Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 29
  • Ptolomeus Soter aliàs Phys­con, filius Cleopatrae Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 17 yeares
  • Ptolomeus Alexander, Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 10
  • Ptolomeus Phiscon, aliàs Lathurus Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 8
  • Ptolemeus Dionysius Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 30
  • Cleopatra Anno Mun. 3647 the time of their reigns Anno mun. 3921 22 yeares

The first obseruation.

It is to be obserued, that as of Iulius Cesar, euery Empe­rour of Rome was afterward called Cesar; and of Octauius Augustus, Augustus; so was Artaxerxes the common name of all the kinges of Persia; so was also euery king of Egypt, cal­led indifferently Ptolomeus, or Pharao. Which obseruation helpeth more then a little, to vnderstand sundry textes of holy scripture.

The second obseruation.

We must obserue secondly, that albeit a monarche haue the chiefest soueraigntie on earth, yet is he not the sole and vniuer­sall gouernour, so as there is no other king ouer anie other nati­on. For though the highest and supreme power, authoritie, and dominion be in euerie monarchie, so as no other power, no not independent, is able to ouerrule or preuaile against the same; yet were there euer powers independent ouer and besides the said monarchies, not subiect to the iurisdiction thereof. In the time of the monarchie of the Babylonians or Assyrians, [Page 130] worthie kings (though of lesse might and authoritie) raigned in Egypt, in Israel, in Greece, and else where. In the time of the Persian monarchie, the Macedonians and the Romaines had their authoritie; so likewise when the Greekes and Romaines hadde the monarchicall and imperiall seate with them, other kings had their seueral dominions, albeit very small in respect.

The third obseruation.

Cleopatra the Queene of Egypt, expelled her sonne La­thurus from the kingdome, by reason of his tyrannicall regi­ment, and made his brother Alexander king of Egypt in his place. Lathurus fled away into Cypres, & Alexander raigned not long, for he was so afraide of his mothers crueltie, that hee forsook the kingdom, and fled away. And so Cleopatra, for the greater part of the 18 yeres ascribed to Lathurus & Alexander had hir raigne alone. But at length Alexander her son stew hir, and possessed the kingdome againe. Yet this Alexander was expulsed by the Egyptians for his crueltie, and Lathurus a­gaine restored, who raigned a fewe yeares, and then dyed. This must bee diligently obserued for the clearing of many difficulties, which otherwise will not easily be vnderstood, tou­ching the yeeres and raignes of the kings.

The fourth obseruation.

Cleopatra was the last Queene of Egypt, succeding her brother Dionysius. But after that she loued Antonius and re­belled against Augustus, he ouercame both, for which cause they murthered themselues, and so Egypt became subiect to the Empire of the Romaines.

The fift obseruation.

Ptolomeus Phisco, was a cruel filthie beast, he married his owne sister, [...] beastly and [...]ost cruel fact. lay with his owne daughter, killed his children with his owne hands, & gaue them to be eaten of his own wife their mother. This Ptolomeus some thinke to be all one with Euergetes: some deeme him to be his successor, otherwise called Soter, which opinion I preferre as more probable.

CHAP. V. Of the Septuagints.

PTolomeus Philadelphus had a librarie so well furnished with al kind of good books as the like was not to be found in al the world: Anno Mun. 3643 this king was highly renowmed for his manifold vertues, especially for his peaceable gouernment, and for his forwardnesse in furthering of learning. Hee was verie bene­ficiall and friendly to the Iewes. Learned men of all nations had concourse vnto him, whome he euer receiued honourably, and rewarded them bountifully: he sought diligently the ori­ginall of all nations, arts, and religions, and he perceiued that the Iewes were most ancient, and that no certaintie touching the creation of the worlde could be founde any where, but in their histories and among them. Wherefore hee desired of the Iewes that their scriptures might bee translated into the Greeke tongue, and that they woulde sende him 72. of their best learned men, for that end and purpose. To which godly motion the Iewes did willingly condescend, and sent vnto him 72. learned men, verie expert in the Hebrew and Greeke language. These learned men the king receiued ho­norably, and by their helpe hadde the holy Bible translated into the Greek tongue. Of this interpretation called the Sep­tuagints, diuers write diuersly: some writers otherwise lear­ned and of great account, as Ireneus, Chrysostomus, Iustinus, Augustinus, and others, doe thinke that these 72. Iewish priests sent by Eleazarus the hie priest, brother to Symon Priscus, into Egypt to king Ptolomeus to translate the old testament out of their vulgar tongue, that is, the Hebrew into Greeke, did translate the same seuerally, being placed in 72. distinct celles, so as no one coulde know what another did, without diuine inspiration. This notwithstanding, The translation of the septua­gints. they all agreed so perfectly when their interpretations were com­pared together, as if they had beene all in one place, and one acquainted with anothers act. Which if it were true (the de­cision whereof I leaue in suspence to the iudgement of the [Page 132] reader, it coulde not but pr [...]ceede of the holyghost. Others as saint Ierome, Aristeas, Iosephus, and all the Iewish Rabbins, hold the flat contrarie opinion, and auouch boldly, that the re­port of the 72. celles, and of the translation accomplished in so many seueral places, is nothing else but a fable. Which latter opinion seemeth more probable (though not certaine,) because the Iewes could best tel the case, of whom S. Hierome recei­ued his opinion. Howsoeuer it was, two things are certaine, first, that the Hebrew text is the foundation and originall, and onely to be stoode vpon, so often as any difficultie ariseth in the olde testament. Secondly, that howsoeuer they did translate, yet was there such corruption of their translation, euen in saint Hieromes time, and before his dayes; as it was found in very many places, [...]rer. ad Chrom. [...]m. 4. fol. 8. to swarue wholly from the Hebrew. Which thing not only Saint Hieerome, but Origen and other writers do witnesse: [...]enebrarda [...]eat papist con­ [...]steth no lesse. for which cause Saint Hierome and Saint Au­gustine do verie wisely and grauely exhort, to haue recourse to the Hebrew in the old Testament, and to the Greeke in the new Testament, so often as any varietie doth appeare. And here wee must note two things; first that those priests which Eleazar sent to Ptolomee, were 72. in number, as sundrie thinke, albeit the two odde persons be omitted of others, for breuitie sake. Secondly, that they translated onely the Penta­teuche, as writeth Iosephus in his first booke of antiquities. Adde heereunto with the same Iosephus that they were sent to his librarie at Alexandria, where if wee will beleeue Genebrar­dus, were 54. thousand and 800. bookes.

CHAP. VI. Of Esdras, Zorobabel, and Nehemias.

God, albeit hee doth often afflict and exercise his people, with the crosse of temporall punishment for their good, that so they may beholde their owne vnworthienesse, and appeale to his mercie, and wholly depend vppon his holy prouidence, yet for his mercie sake, hee doth in all ages and at all times [Page 133] excite worthie persons, for their great commoditie and solace. For after that he had visited the Iewes, and kept them in bon­dage seauentie yeares in a strange countrey among infidels and idolaters, hee raised vp diuers excellent men for their pre­seruation, to wit, Zorobabel, Esdras, and Nehemias. Zoroba­bel was the captaine that brought them home, and caused the temple to be builded: Nehemias builded vp the walles of the citie, deliuered the people from oppression, and prouided that the law of God was put in execution among them. This Ne­hemias was in great fauour and authoritie with king Artax­erxes, and so obtained most honourable and ample letter pa­tents, for the accomplishment of whatsoeuer he did desire.

Esdras descended of the kinred of Aaron, hee was a priest well learned in the law of Moses. Hee was called Esdras the scribe, that is, one who had authoritie to write the lawe and to expound it. Saint marke calleth such a one a Scribe: Saint Mathew tearmeth such persons Lawyers, and doctours of the lawe, which is a point well worthie the obseruation.

This Esdras performed the office of a true priest indeed, for he collected the bookes of holy scripture, which were dispersed after the destruction of Hierusalem in time of the captiuitie, without which bookes pure and sincere religion could not con­sist. Yea, Hier. praefat. in libr. reg. to. 4. fol. 7. so soone as the temple was builded againe vnder Zorobabell, he is noted (as Hierome recordeth,) to haue found out the Hebrew letters, we now vse, whereas vntil that time, both the Samaritans and the Hebrewes had the selfe same characters. Eusebius Caesariensis a man as well of great anti­quitie as of learning, calleth Esdras the most excellent diuine, Euseb. in chro [...]. 4 [...]4 [...] and skilfull doctour among the Iewes; affirming that hee changed the Hebrew letters for this ende and purpose, lest the Iewes should conuerse with the Samaritans. He addeth further, that his memorie was so great, as he could recite the scriptures without the booke. Some write that he inuen­ted the prickes annexed to the text, but o­thers hold the contrarie.

The fift booke, of the Monarchie of the Greekes, from the Macha­bees vntill Christ.

CHAP. I. Of the partition of the Monarchie, and the reason of the same.

THe former part of the Monarchy of the Greekes which is from King Alex­ander the great, vnto the Machabees, conteineth 155. yeares, and may be proued exactly, by the chronographie of holy Writ. The latter part of the Monarchie, (which is from the Ma­chabees vnto Christ, or if yee will, from Antiochus Epiphanes, to Herodes Magnus, which is al one,) contayneth 173. yeares; but cannot be proued out of the holy scriptures as the former part, (which is the cause of this my partition for perspicuitie sake;) yet may it bee gathered suf­ficiently out of the bookes of the Machabees, Iosephus, Iuli­us Africanus, and Egesippus.

The obseruation.

A. M. 3641.As Alexander began this monarchie in the seuenth yeare of his raigne, in the age of the world 3641. so did Antiochus E­piphanes, sonne to Antiochus Magnus, the sixt king of Syria, beginne the time of this partition, that is the second part of the Monarchie, A. M. 3749. in the age of the world 3749. He was hostage at Rome, from whence he fled, and vsurped the kingdome of Sy­ria from his brothers sonne: he pretended to protect his sisters sonne Philometor, the yong king of Egypt, & by that meanes sought craftily to get the kingdome of Egypt into his hands. For better expedition of his wicked purpose, he procured cer­tain cities to be yeelded into his hands. In his returne from E­gypt, he tooke Ierusalem and spoyled it. The Agyptians per­uing [Page 135] his craftie dealing, receiued their cities againe; in regard whereof hee entred Egypt with a strong armie, but had the re­pulse by aide of the Romans, after which repulse he retured in great rage and tyrannically bent his force against Hierusalem: he constrained the Iewes for the space of two yeares, vtterly to forsake the law. Dan. 11.21. Machabeus therefore and his sonnes being priests, rose vp in armes against his brutish crueltie, and deli­uered the people.

CHAP. II. Of the gouernment of the Iewes after the captiuitie.

A triple gouernment was among the Iewes, betweene the captiuitie & the aduent of our sauior Christ Iesus, for they were gouerned first by princes of the tribe of Iuda and royall 1 stocke of Dauid, from the captiuitie vntill Antiochus.

After that they were gouerned by priests, who were not of 2 the royal petegree of Iuda, but of the tribe of Leui. This state was by the Machabees, in time of Antiochus and his successors the kings of Syria, vntill Aristobulus the first king among the Iewes after their captiuitie.

They were gouerned thirdly, by kings, being partly of their 3 owne bloud and partly strangers This state continued from Aristobulus vntil king Agrippa, albeit the birth of our sauiour befell in the 32. yeare of king Herod; which quadruple variety I will set down in foure seuerall sections for perspicuitie sake.

The first Section, of the gouernours of the Iewes, from the captiuitie to the Machabees.

The names of the gouernors or ru­lers of the Iewes

  • Zorobabel Anno mun. 3425 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3610 67 yeeres
  • Rhesa Miseolana aliàs Mensonla Anno mun. 3425 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3610 66
  • Ioanna ben Resa Anno mun. 3425 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3610 52
  • Iudas Hircanus the first Anno mun. 3425 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3610 30 yeeres

[Page 136]Note here that these foure gouernours were before the mo­narchy of Alexander the great: whereof Zorobabel was he that conducted the Iewes from the captiuitie, and encouraged them to build the temple. These other eleuen were after Alexander.

The names of the gouer­nours or ru­ [...]ers of the Iews, after King Alex­ [...]nder.

  • Ioseph the first An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 7 yeeres
  • Abner Semei An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 11
  • Eli Matathia An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 12
  • Asar Mahat An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 9 yeres
  • Nagid Artaxat An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 10
  • Haggai Eli An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 8
  • Maslot Nahum An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 7 yeeres
  • Amos Syrach An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 13
  • Matathia Siloah An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 10
  • Ioseph the second An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 60 yeeres
  • Ianna Hircanus the second An. mundi. 3641 The time of their gouern­ment An. mundi. 3788 16 yeeres

This Hircanus was the last prince of the Iewes, that des­cended of the blood royall, and posteritie of king Dauid. The catalogue of the priests, who executed priestly function amon­gest the Iewes after the captiuitie, shall be set downe in the chapter following.

The second Section, of the Machabees.

The names of the Ma­chabees

  • Iudas Machabeus Anno mun. 3805 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3837 6 yeeres
  • Ionathas Anno mun. 3805 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3837 18
  • Simon brother to Iudas Anno mun. 3805 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3837 8 yeeres
  • Io. Hircanus the sonne of Simon Anno mun. 3805 the time of their rule Anno mun. 3837 31 yeeres

These foure were priests of the tribe of Leui, not of Iuda, or the blood royall; which ought euer to be kept in memorie, as hereafter better shall appeare.

The third Section, of the Kings of the Iewes, that descended of the Leuiticall tribe.

The names of the kings who were Iewes

  • Aristobulus the sonne of Hircanus An mundi. 3868 The time they ruled An. mundi. 3909 1 yeere
  • Alexander the second son of Hircanus alias Ianneꝰ An mundi. 3868 The time they ruled An. mundi. 3909 27 yeeres
  • Alexandra the wife of A­lexander An mundi. 3868 The time they ruled An. mundi. 3909 9 yeeres
  • Aristobulus An mundi. 3868 The time they ruled An. mundi. 3909 4 yeeres
  • Hircanus An mundi. 3868 The time they ruled An. mundi. 3909 22 yeeres

The fourth Section, of the Kings that were strangers.

The names of the kings

  • Herodes magnus An. mundi 3937 The time of their raigne An. mundi 4014 37 yeeres
  • Archelaus dux An. mundi 3937 The time of their raigne An. mundi 4014 9
  • Herodes Tetrarcha, qui & Antipas An. mundi 3937 The time of their raigne An. mundi 4014 24
  • Agrippa Herodis filius An. mundi 3937 The time of their raigne An. mundi 4014 7
  • Agrippa rex Agrippae fi­lius An. mundi 3937 The time of their raigne An. mundi 4014 26 yeeres

As there is great varietie in Historiographers and Chrono­graphers in other matters, so is there no where more obscure difficulties to be found among them, then about the contents of this present chapter. The exact knowledge whereof is ne­uerthelesse so necessary, as without which, sundry places of the new testament, can neuer be rightly vnderstoode: which ob­scuritie, together with the difficultie, shall (I hope) be mani­fest, by the obseruations annexed thereunto.

The first obseruation.

No gouernor amongst the Iewes, would after the captiuitie weare the diademe and be called King, vntill Aristobulus the son of Hircanus a vertuous priest did aduance himselfe to roy­all dignitie, and put the crowne vpon his head. But alas, Good parents haue not euer godly children. god­ly children do not alwayes succeede godly parents: For, not [Page 138] onely Hircanus his father, but Symon also his grandfather, were very vertuous priests, gouernours of great fortitude, and zealous fauorers of the common weale; yet was this Aristobu­lus a wicked and cruell man, hee made no account of religion, he put his owne mother and brethren in prison: and because hee feared that his vertuous brother Antigonus would take the kingdome from him, hee slew him sodainely, as Cain did his brother Abell.

The second obseruation.

Seleucus surnamed Nicanor, the first king of Syria after the diuision of the Empire, began his raigne (that is the king­dome of the Greekes,) in the 14. yeare from the death of A­lexander, which was the second yeare of the 117. Olympiade, and in the 3660. yeare of the age of the world. A. M. 3660. Heere begin­neth the authour of the first booke of the Machabees his suppu­tation, calling the kingdome of Syria, the kingdome of the Greeks, which must be well remembred or else many things will remaine both confuse and obscure.

The Empire of king Alexander was deuided (as is already said) into foure parts, according to the prophesie of Daniel. Ptolomeus had Egypt, Antigonus Asia, Seleucus Syria, and Philippus Arideus had Macedonia and Grecia: Philippus or ra­ther Ca [...]lander, see the beginning of the third chap­ter. which is the cause that Chronographers begin these kingdomes in the first yeere of the 114. Olympiade, immediatly after the death of Alexander. Yet the trueth is, that Antigonus and Seleu­cus began not so soone to raigne. For mortal warres amongst the gouernours, continued 12, or 13. yeares, and then they began to beare rule indeede, not before.

The third obseruation.

Hircanus had three sons, Aristobulus, Antigonus, and Alex­ander. Aristobulus would needes be called and crowned king, and slew his brother Antigonus, lest he shuld get the kingdome from him.

Alexander had two sonnes, Hircanus and Aristobulus: this Aristob. was brother to Mariamne, who was married to K. Herod; 30. yeares before Christ, the fami­ly of the Iewes was at an end. for which cause Herod about two yeres after the death of Antigonus his vncle, made him hie priest: shortly after this Aristobulus was drowned, and so the family of the Iews was [Page 139] at an end, about 30. yeeres before Christs incarnation. Herode the stranger was successor to this Aristobulus, in the kingdom and priesthood of the Iewes. Anno mun. 3937 In the third yeere of the 186. O­lympiade, and in the age of the world 3937. yeeres, then in the 32. yeere of Herod was our Sauiour borne.

The fourth obseruation.

Herod the great had many children, Aristobulus, Alexander, Antipater, Antipas, Philippus and Archelaus. Of which A­ristobulus and Alexander were his children by his beloued wife Mariamne: which Mariamne he put to death, causing his chil­dren Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled in Samaria.

Archelaus, Herodes called Antipas, Antipater, and Philip yet liued, amongst whom the kingdome was diuided. Herodes the Great designed his sonne Archelaus to be king, by his last will and testament: Archelaus non rex, sed dux. but the Emperour Augustus would not confirme Herodes will, and so hee was not king at the first. yet Augustus was content that he should be Tetrarke, and vpon hope of his good regiment, to be king afterward.

This Archelaus (saith Rhegino) did reigne in Iudea, when our Sauiour was brought out of Egypt: for feare of which king, he returned into Nazareth a towne in Galile, Matth. 2.19. where hee abode till his baptisme. This was done in the seuenth yere of Christ, and in the 15. yeere of his birth. Archelaus being accu­sed of treason before Augustus, was banished out of Iewrie, & the kingdome was diuided among his 4. brethren, Herod, An­tipater, Lysanias, and Philip. Yet this Antipater (after Ca­rion) was slaine long before.

The first obseruation.

Whether Antipater was slaine (as writeth Carion) or liuing stil with Philip, and the rest, (as saith Eusebius) certaine it is, that foure only are mentioned in the holy scripture; to wit, Ar­chelaus, who raigned in Iurie after Herod the great: Antipas, (whom S. Luke calleth Herod) who was Tetrarke of Gali­lie; Philip, who was Tetrarke of Iturea and Trachonitis; Luke 3.1. Matth. 2.19. & Lysanias, who was the Tetrark of Abilene, Pilate being then president in Iewry: which Lysanias (after Eusebius) was one of the brethren, albeit other writers affirme no such thing.

CHAP. III. Of the 2300. daies.

Daniel had a vision of great persecution, that shoulde come vnto the church: Dan. 8. v. 12, 13, &c. that the daily sacrifice should cease, and Gods trueth be troden vnder foote. And that the sinnes of the Iewes, were the cause of such horrible afflictions. Yet for the solace of Gods children (whom he neuer forsaketh finally) the time of the desolation is appointed and pronounced, in these obscure words: Vnto the euening and morning, two thousand and three hun­dreth; then shall the sanctuarie be cleansed.

Sundrie (as S. Hierome witnesseth) trouble themselues miserably, about the exposition of this place. Some for, 2300 read 2200, least sixe yeares and three monethes abound. Other some vnderstand the place of Antichrist, and that this shalbe re­allie complete in him, which was spoken typically of Antio­chus. And this childish imagination, doe our late Iesuites and other papistes imitate: whose fantasticall interpretation was confuted by S. Hierome before they were borne.

The temple was prophaned sixe yeares, three monethes, and an halfe.But the meaning is plaine and easie; that is, vntill so many naturall daies be past, which in all make sixe yeares, three monethes and an halfe. For so long was the temple prophaned, 1 vnder the wicked king Antiochus. And that this is the true sence of the place, I prooue by two reasons. First, because that (vnto the morning and to the euening) cannot possibly be vnder­stood, of either yeares or monethes: and yet can the same be 2 truely and simply verified, in so many natural daies. Secondly, because the prophet of God doth expound the rest of the vision, euen of the kinges of Syria. And my reasons are confirmed by S. Hieromes testimonie, Hier. in cap. 8. Daniel [...]. whose expresse words are these, Vespere autem & manè, successionē diei noctísque significat. The eue­ning and the morning doth signifie, the succession of the day and the night. And in the very same place hee prooueth by Iosephus, and the bookes of the Machabees, that the setting vp of Iupi­ters Image in the Temple, and the time of the desolation wrought by Antiochus, is correspondent to the 2300. daies.

CHAP. IIII. Of the priestes of the Iewes after the captiuitie, vnto Alexander the Great.

The names of the priests

  • Iesus Filius Iosedech Anno mun. 3427 the time that they liued Anno mun. 3645 72 yeares
  • Ioachim Anno mun. 3427 the time that they liued Anno mun. 3645 30
  • Eliasib, aliàs Nechasib Anno mun. 3427 the time that they liued Anno mun. 3645 40
  • Ioiada Anno mun. 3427 the time that they liued Anno mun. 3645 24
  • Ionathan, aliàs Ioannan Anno mun. 3427 the time that they liued Anno mun. 3645 52
  • Iaddo, aliàs Iaddua Anno mun. 3427 the time that they liued Anno mun. 3645 28 yeares

Iesus or Ieshua was the high priest in the returne, euen as Zorobabel or Zerubbabel was the ciuill gouernour. Esd. 1. & 3. vers. [...] Diuers thinke diuersly, of this succession; but I deliuer plainly, what I iudge most probable.

CHAP. V. Of the priests of the Iewes, from king Alexander vnto the Machabees.

The names of y e priests

  • Onias Priscus A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 25 yeares
  • Simon Priscus A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 13
  • Eleazar A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 20
  • Manasses A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 27 yeares
  • Simon Iunior A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 28
  • Onias Iunior A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 39
  • Iason A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 3 yeares
  • Menelaus A. M. 3643 the time that they liued A. M. 3805 7 yeares

This Menelaus was a very wicked priest, whom Antiochus put to death at Berytus. Antiochus moreouer inhibited Onias his sonne to succeed him, and appointed Alcimus aliâs Iacimus the high priest: which Alcimus was of the race and petigree of [Page 142] Aaron, but not of the same familie. Onias therefore sonne to Menelaus went into Egypt, and insinuating himselfe into the amitie of Ptolomee Philometor and Cleopa [...]ra his wife, per­swaded them to build a temple in Heliopolis, like to that of Hie­rusalem, and to make him priest in the same place.

Ioseph. antiq. lib. [...]0. cap. 8.Iacimus after he had been high priest three yeares, died; lea­uing no successor behinde him, and so the citie of Hierusalem, was seuen whole yeares togither without a priest.

Afterward the gouernment of the Iewes, was committed to the familie of the Assamoneans, and then they rebelled against the Macedonians, and made Ionathan the high priest.

These points, and specially the case of Iacimus or Alcimus, ought diligently to be marked, against the mangled and fondly commended popish succession, whereof by the power of God, more shalbe said hereafter.

From about this time vntill Herod the great, Iudas Ma­chabeus and others of his race, had the gouernment and priest­hood among them.

From Herode vntill Christ our redeemer, were yeares 32. plus minus. During which time, priests were not made of the line of the Assamoneans; neither could Aaronicall succession, be found any where at all: priesthoode was bought with money, and the hie priest was changed euery yere. Iosephus. lib. 20. antiquit. cap. 8. Which obseruation, if it be annexed to the case of Alcimus, will confound our pa­pistes vtterly. So write Iosephus and Eusebius. Yea Iosephus addeth, that from Herod vntill the citie was burnt by Titus, there were 28. priestes, who liued 107. yeares.

CHAP. VI. Of the varietie of religion before the incarnation of Christ our Sauiour.

Epiphanius, in praefat. contr. haere­ses

  • Barbarisme, before the floud, from the time of Adam.
  • Scythisme, after the floud, from y e daies of Noah.
  • Grecisme, which began of the idolaters, and was deuided into the sect of
    • Pythagoreans
    • Platonickes
    • Stoickes
    • Epicures
  • Iudaisme, which was from the time of Abraham; it was deuided into the
    • Scribes
    • Pharisies
    • Sadducees
    • Hemerobaptists
    • Osseans
    • Nazareans
    • Herodians
  • Samaritisme, from the time of Nabuchodonozor, it was deuided into the
    • Gorthenes
    • Sebneans
    • Essenes.
    • Dositheans.

At what time as the Church was miserably afflicted, with the tyrannie of Antiochus; sectes and diuisions euery where a­rose, and pure doctrine was troden vnder foote. Before Christ these three were the principall; the sect of the Pharisies, the sect of the Sadduces, and the sect of the Essenes.

The Pharisies as some thinke [...], had their denomination ac­cording to the etimologie of the word; that is, of separation, because they did separate themselues from the common sort of Gods people, and liued after another maner. Yet others thinke more fitly, that they had y name of y e interpretation of the holy scriptures, because they taught out of the chaire of Moses, and declared the scriptures vnto the people. So write Reuchli­nus and Iosephus: Iosephus de Bel­lo. Iud. lib. 2. ca. 7. and the etimologie of the name is consonant therunto. For the Hebrew word [...], doth as properly signi­fie to expound, as to deuide. [...] For which consideration (saith Io­sephus) they are called Pharisies, that professe the knowledge of the legall rites.

[Page 144]The Sadducees were corrupt with the Philosophie of the Greekes, they had many things common with the Epicures, they denied the resurrection, they held that there were neither Angels nor spirits, they reiected the bookes of the prophets; and al this notwithstanding, they would be called Sadducees, that is, iust men, as the worde soundeth in the Hebrew tongue.

The Essenes, that is workers, were euen such and none o­ther, then this day be our popish Monks and Iesuits. For the Essenes fled from the common people, they dealed not with secular affaires, they gaue themselues to contemplation, they had all things in common, they woulde not marrie, they had precise houres appointed for reading, and prayer, they liued in great abstinence, they dwelt in celles, and were clad in poore attire. These were the Essenes saith Iosephus, who best knew the sects of his owne time, Iosephus de bel­lo. Iudaico lib. 2. Cap. 7. and of his deare countrey-men, and who knoweth not our popish Dominicans, Franciscans, Scotsts, Thomists, and Iesuites, to be the selfe same secta­ries? They differ onely in these sixe points; first they vse not so strict abstinence, as I haue proued in the first booke, in the 17. chapter and eleuenth section. For our Iesuites will conuerse with the best, and eate of all meates that are the best; yea, they are so farre cons [...]med with seuere abstenicie, that their great doctor Heywood, when hee did sowe sedition in this Realme, against his naturall soueraigne and natiue countrey, pronoun­ced before a great assemblie (after he had beene reproued for not keeping the popish fasts) that he could dispense both with him­selfe and others, to eate vppon all dayes at their pleasures: which thing neuerthelesse the common people deluded with their doctrine, thinke verily to be the ready way to hell. Se­condly, the Essenes were distinguished from other people, by their vsuall precise kind of abstinence, where and with whome soeuer they did conuerse: but our Iesuits are so farre from that, that if you meet them in the common inne vpon the friday at Douer, or other place of arriuall on what day soeuer; yea, though it be good fryday, they wil eate flesh with you for com­panie, Our Iesuits can temporize. and so accommodate themselues to the time, as you may worthily deeme them worldelie politikes, and not reli­gious [Page 145] Iesuites as they professe to be. Thirdly, the Essenes were louers of peace; but our Iesuits are fosterers of rebellion; the Essenes sought quietnes, but our Iesuits stirre vp sedition in euerie countrey. Fourthly, the Essenes delt faithfully with all men, but our Iesuits deale vnfaithfully and glorie in the same. Their constant doctrine is, (marke wel my words,) that one may say and sweare cleane contrarie to his minde, so these three points concurre. First, if the iudge or magistrate before whom he sweareth, be not a competent iudge or lawfull magi­strate; such a one is not in England by their opinion, the Pa­pists onely excepted. Secondly, if the matter bee not an arti­cle of their faith. Thirdly, if they dissemble to redeeme their vexation or trouble: and this kinde of dealing is with them, a godly politike equiuocation. The doctrine [...] the Iesuits, to dissemble with God and man. This rotten foundation once laide, they make many sandie buildings thereupon: for they will both say and sweare to their neighbours, iudges, and ma­gistrates, here in England, that they haue not said masse, bin in such places, reconciled such persons, beene in such company, and so foorth, when for all that they haue daily practised the same; yet they perswade themselues, that all this may lawfully be done. The like execrable and plaine diabolicall e­quiuocation they vse, when to auoid the danger imminent, they are content with their lippes to acknowledge our most grati­ous soueraigne for their Queene, but in their hearts thinke the flat contrarie. Which thing is euident, by the detestable ex­communication of their pope Pius, whereof I haue spoken at large, in the preface of my Motiues. For in that deuillish curse proceeding fro the master deuil himselfe, her most excellent M. is not called the true and lawfull Queene, but the pretensed Queene of England; which their dissimulation, is the flat he­risie of the Helchesits. Fiftly, the Essenes taught to yeelde faithfull seruice and obedience to all magistrates, specially to princes: but our Iesuites stirre vp their Popes to sowe sedi­tion, and to make warres against Princes, to excommunicate them, and to dispossesse them of their royall scepters. Sixtly, the Essenes professed humilitie as well in deede as in worde: but our Iesuites professe nothing lesse indeede, though they desire to be so reputed. This is to be proued many wayes, for [Page 146] first, whereas euery secte of their Religion, the Domini­cans, the Franciscans, the Carthusians, the Carmelites, the Capuchenes, and the rest, hath some one cardinall for their protector; the late hatched Iesuites being rumors to all the rest, cannot be content to submit themselues to any cardinall; for which their hautie mindes, they are iustly despised of them all. Againe, for a shew of humilitie, their professed fathers so termed, will haue no possessions: yet they labour closely tooth and naile, to get large possessions to the Seminaries, to their penitentiaries, readers, students, and nouices; of whome all, and their liuings, they are to dispose at their pleasures. Third­ly, albeit cardinalles be next to the pope, and aboue all, but the pope; and albeit also that our Allen was made cardinall by their procurement, that so he might aduance them at the reco­uerie of England, which they thought certaine by their poli­tike intended inuasion; yet were, and are they so hie minded, that such Iesuites, as they odly send into this realme, must haue greater priuileges then any that he can procure, although there be neuer so great oddes in the persons: yea, the Iesuits do this day so rule in this realme among the papists, as they may rather seeme Cardinalles or Popes, then humble friers professing pouerty. For they place and displace the rest of the Seminaries, at their good pleasures. They haue their intel­ligencers, their spies, their collectors, their spare and fresh horses, [...], our Iesuites humble holie [...]. their fine lodgings, their secret places, their sanctua­ries in euery shire, good towne, and citie. They sease and tax the richer sort of papists, to whom, when, and how much they shall contribute. Of their cruell dealing and pride intolle­rable I haue spoken more at large in my Motiues.

[Page 147]

The names of the Kings that continually afflicted the Iewes.
Antiochus Magnus
Filius 2
Antiochus nobilis vol Epiphanes. , • Antiochus, filius Antiochi, Eu­pator. , • Alexander filius Eupatoris. , • Antiochus ado­lesceus Alexan­dri filius. , and • Tryphon 
Filius 1
Seleue [...]s Philo­pator. , • Demetrius filius Sele [...]s , • Demetrius secun­dus f [...]lius D [...]m [...] ­trii. , and • Antiochus filius Demetrii 
 
Here endeth the first part; containing the state of Gods Church, from Adam, vntill the monarchie of the Romanes.

THE SECOND PART Containing the state of the Church; from the beginning of the Monarchie of the Romans, vntil Christs ascension.

The first Booke, of the Monarchie of the Ro­mans, being the fourth in number.

The first Chapter, of the originall of the Roman Empire and fourth Monarchie.

ALexander by testament assigned the administration of the kingdom of the Iewes, vnto Queene Alexandra his wife. After whose death Aristobulus rose vp in armes against his brother Hircanus, and dispossessed him aswel of the priesthood, as of the kingdome. Hircanus therefore (by the perswasi­on of Antipater father to Herod the great, a very factious and cruel man, whom king Alexander had highly aduanced) fled into Arabia, there humbling himself to the king, who (through the faire speeches and large promises of Antipater) prepared a strong army, and by that meanes placed Hircanus againe in his kingdome. But Areta king of Arabia was no sooner de­parted, then Aristobulus came vppon Hircanus with a fresh might [...]e supplie. At that time Pompeius that worthy and va­liant captaine, being then Consull of Rome, and hauing con­quered Tigranes the king of Armenia, thought the cruell [Page 150] warres betweene the two brethren, to be a fit occasion to dis­possesse them both of the kingdome. Hee therefore came with a mightie power to Hierusalem, where he slew 1200 Iewes: restored the pristhood to Hircanus, carried away Aristobulus prisoner to Rome for a triumph, and made the Iewes subiects and tributaries to the Romanes. This was done in the age of the world 3909. after Rome was built 691. yeares, A. M. 3909. in the third yeare of the 179. Olympiade.

Pompeius surnamed the Great for his incomparable victories (for he subdued Armenia, Spaine, Affrica, Judea, Colchis, Albaina, Syria, Iberia, Arabia) did wonderfully en­rich the Romaines, bringing at one triumph into their com­mon treasurie 2000. talents of gold and siluer. It is written of him that hee excelled in martiall prowesse: hee subdued the valiant captaine Sertorius, and vanquished Mithridates the mightie king of Pontus. This Pompeius tooke to wife Iu­lia the daughter of Iulius Cesar, who liued not long: after her death, the amitie betweene Pompey and Cesar decreased; and by reason of their insatiable ambition, ciuill warre brast out, in which Cesar vanquished Pompey, and Pompey fleeing into Egypt, was there slaine deceitfully. After whose death Iu­lius Cesar enioyed Asia, Affrica, and all the Romaine empire, in the yeare of the world, three thousand, nine hundred, and foure and twentie, which was fiue and fourtie yeares before the birth of Christ, 706. yeares after the citie of Rome was built, in the second yeare of the 183. Olmypiade. Yet for the space of fiue yeares or more, he was grieuously molested with warres, and coulde not quietly enioy the Empire: hee liued in peace little more then fiue moneths.

Iulius Cesar was a verie vertuous, valiant, and mercifull Prince. When he came out of Egypt to Rome, he brought an excellent and skilfull mathematician with him: hee caused the yeares to be obserued after the course of the sunne, and pro­cured the mathematicall science to bee taught throughout all Italy.

After the death of Iulius Cesar, Octauius Augustus suc­ceeded, and raigned as Emperour after him, and was sur­named Cesar. From henceforth all Emperours of Rome [Page 151] were called Cesars, of Iulius Cesar, and Augusti, of Octaui­us Augustus, their two first Emperours.

CHAP. II. Of the Emperour Nero.

NEro was the sixt Emperour or Cesar of the Romaines, in whome ended al the family of Augustus. In the begin­ning of his empire; he liued for some yeares honestly: after­ward he became horribly vicious; he exceeded in all naughtie dealing and tyrannie, & yet had his education vnder the graue, reuerend, and wise Seneca.

Nero was adopted into the empire by Claudius, who mar­ried his mother Agrippina. He was so blodthirstie and cruel, that he caused his owne mother, his wife, his brother, and his deare friend Seneca, to be murthered cruelly.

In the dayes of Nero, a comet appeared for the space of sixe moneths; which was a rare and wonderfull thing.

Nero was the first Emperour of Rome, that by publique e­dict caused the christians to be tormented: about the tenth yere of his raigne saint Peter and saint Paul were put to death at Rome. Saint Peter was crucified with his head downward; and saint Paul was beheaded with the sword.

Nero, besides all other his wicked actes, burnt Rome, and in the foureteenth yeere of his raigne (which was the two and thirtieth yeare of his age) hee receiued condigne punishment for his due deserts. He cutte his owne throate with his owne knife, and vttered these most execrable wordes, Haec est fides. This is my faith and beleefe.

CHAP. III. Of the ten persecutions of the christians, made by the ten Emperours of Rome.

THe first persecution was made by Nero, as is alredy said, the second by Domitianus, the third by Traianus, the fourth by Antoninus, the fift by Seuerus, the sixt by Maximi­nus, the seuenth by Decius, the eight by Valerianus, the ninth by Aurelianus, the tenth by Dioclesianus.

The tenth and last persecution exceeded al the rest, as eccle­siasticall histories make relation: the persecution was furthered by Maximianus, and continued by Maximinus; Maximianus in the east, and Dioclesianus in the west made such hauocke of the church, as the christiās could abide no where, without most bloody persecution: the temples were set on fire, the bookes of holy scripture were burnt, and many thousands slaine within the space of 30. dais. This persecution indured sundry yeres, to which the faithful soules seemed to allude in the Reuelatiō; when they desire God the iust iudge, to auenge their innocent blood. Apoc. 6.10

Dioclesianus restored Egypt to the empire, and when hee perceiued his authoritie to be weakened by reason of tumults and dissentious; he sought to strengthen himselfe by ioyning Maximianus vnto him, whome he made equall to himselfe in imperiall regiment.

These two Dioclesianus and Maximianus being nowe e­quall in authoritie, were called Augusti: they both afterward gaue ouer the administration of the empire, and betooke them­selues to the quiet state of a priuate life: Dioclesianus chose Galerius to supply his place, and Maximianus appointed Constantius in his stead.

Galerius and Constantius were not equal in power and au­thoritie, but as viceroyes and substitutes; and therefore they were not called Augusti, but onely Cesars.

Maximianus would afterward haue returned to the admini­stration of the empire, to the end that he might haue aduanced his sonne Maxentius to the imperial regiment; for which cause Constantius his sonne in law caused him to be slaine.

[Page 153]Dioclesianus hauing liued many yeares as a priuate man, at length slew himselfe; so to auoid the displeasure of Constantius and Licinius, to whom hee was suspected to take part with Maxentius their enemie.

Constantinus surnamed the Great, succeeded his father Con­stantius, when hee had reigned foure yeares after the death of Dioclesianus. This Constantinus was the first christian Em­perour, a zealous fauourer of Christes gospel, and the onely patrone of Christianitie.

CHAP. IIII. Of the siege of Hierusalem by Titus.

Titus the sonne of Vespasianus the Emperour of Rome, was a man of such valure, prudence, and humanitie, & so beau­tified with all kinde of heroicall vertues, that he was common­ly named in the mouth of euery man, Amor & delitiae humani generis, the onely delight of mankinde. In the second yeare of Vespasianus, in the moneth of Aprill, when the Iewes did ce­lebrate their Passeouer, (at which time great concourse of peo­ple was assembled from euery coast,) hee besieged the citie of Hierusalem, and the eight day of September, he conquered the same by force and assault.

Although the citie of Hierusalem, Iosephus de bel­lo. Iud lib. 7.6, 18 was fiue times taken and destroied before, by Nabuchodonozor▪ Asocheus, Antiochus, Pompeius, and Herodes; yet was there in the siege made by Titus, such famine, sedition, and domesticall desolation, as the like hath not been knowne in any citie. The mothers murthered their owne naturall children, and that done, boiled them, so to saturate their insatiable hunger. This seemeth incredible, but holy writ reporteth no lesse, as I haue prooued in the first book, and the eight chapter of the former part. The wiues snatched meate out of the mouthes of their husbandes, the children from their parentes, and the mothers plucked it out of the mouthes of their infantes. When they killed their children, and one another for want of foode; they could not doe the fact so se­cretly, but it was espied, & taken from thē by others of greater [Page 154] force: for so soone as their doores were shut, others suspecting that they were eating meate, came violently vpon them, and tooke from them the meat alreadie chewed in their mouth. Yea it is incredible to be tolde (saith Iosephus) what tortures and af­flictions many suffered, Ioseph. vbi sup. ca. 11. to enforce them to disclose, where they had hid but one loafe of bread.

Iosephus being a Iew himselfe, and greatly fauouring his countrey men, (being taken prisoner of the Romaines long be­fore, and at that time in great credite both with Titus and Ves­pasianus his father,) laboured by all meanes possible to per­swade the Iewes, that they well considering their own distresse and the mightie force of the aduerse part, woulde in time while there remained place for mercie, yeeld themselues to Titus, and giue vp their citie into his hands. But in vain was his oration; he had not eloquence to perswade them.

From king Dauid to the siege made by Titus, were 1179 yeares, & from the building of the city to the destruction therof, 2177. yeres. Yet such was the deformity of their sins, and their ingratitude in Gods sight; as neither the antiquitie of their Ci­tie, neither their wōderful riches, neither their renown through­out the world, nor the glorie of their religion, was able to de­fend it from vtter desolation.

A noble woman, Marie by name, daughter to Eleazer, dwelling beyond Iordan, and flying to Hierusalem for aide, was there besieged with others. An horrible fact, and vglie to be­hold. In the time of the great fa­mine, she killed her own son; and when she had eaten part, she reserued the rest. Others perceiuing that shee had gotten some meate, did manace death vnto her, vnlesse shee woulde tell where it was hidde. Which shee doing for feare, they were all astonied at the sight thereof. It is my sonne (saith the woman) eate thereof, for I haue eaten before you. I woulde neither haue you more effeminate then a woman, nor more pitifull then a mother. O horrible monster of the worlde! What can bee more vnnaturall, then the fact? What more cruell, then the wordes? Ouer and besides those that were slaine in the famine, plague, and the sworde; sixteene thou­sand were sent by Titus to Alexandria, there to doe seruile workes, as bondmen. Two thousand hee carried with him [Page 155] for a triumph, whom in publicke spectacles hee proposed to be deuoured of wilde beastes.

CHAP. V. Of Constantinus surnamed the Great.

COnstantinus for his pietie and heroicall vertues, surnamed the Great, was the first Cesar that professed Christ and christianitie. He was a right christian in deed; as who for a ma­nifest signe of his true zeale in religion, had the gospel of Christ Iesus caried publickly before him.

He commanded the holy Bibles to be copied out of his owne priuate charges, and to bee sent into all partes of Christen­dome.

He called togither the learned men, from all partes of the world, to consult and giue their opinions, concerning contro­uersies in religion. During which time of disputation, as also for their iournies to and fro, hee graunted them free allow­ance, of all necessarie prouision. He withstoode the tyrannie of Maxentius, and restored peace vnto the Church.

He builded the citie of Constantinople, terming it by his owne name; where was before a goodly mart towne, Sozom. lib. [...]. c. [...]. then cal­led Bizantium. Thither was the empire translated, and the ci­tie called new Rome. For he enuironed it with large walles, and added magnificall building thereunto.

The obseruation.

The papistes here babling after their woonted maner, tell vs a tale of Robin hoode and little Iohn: that forsooth Con­stantine was baptized in Rome of Siluester, that the very font in which he was christened, is this day to be seene there, and many other fabulous illations grounded thereupon. To which I answere first, with their owne deare frier and learned schoole­man Victoria; Victor. in relect. 1. de potest. ec­cles. that such doctrine was first inuented by their flattering and beggerly Canonistes. I say secondly, that [Page 156] their owne canon law in the 96. distinction, termeth this kinde of doctrine, Dist. 96. cap. Constantinus. false, counterfeite, and not worthy of any credite. For the verie inscription it selfe, auoucheth roundly and boldly, that that which followeth, is but chaffe. Out of which wordes I note first, that the pope hath a long time seduced the worlde, 1 with fabulous vanities in printed bookes. I note secondly, that 2 the foundations vpon which all poperie is built, is nothing els but chaffe. For to these foundations, set downe in the 96. di­stinction of their owne decrees (I doe not belie them, reade the place who listeth, and he shall finde it to be true) the popish Ca­nonists make this plaine inscription, ( Palea, Chaffe:) as if they should say; Gentle reader, be no longer seduced with such doc­trine; for that which followeth, is but chaffe. If any liuing can yeeld a fitter exposition, I desire to know his skill. I note thirdly, that since the papists are enforced by the spirite of God, 3 to acknowledge the counterfeite groundes of the very principal articles in their religion published to the viewe of the worlde in their owne decrees and canon lawe; euery discreete and wise reader may easily perceiue, what credite ought to be giuen to their popish written vanities, Decretall epistles, Edictes, Ca­nons, extrauagantes, & the like; wherwith they haue these many yeres, Poperie hath long bewitched vs. bewitched and dazeled the eyes of many men. I answere thirdly, that although they would haue vs to beleeue as an ar­ticle of our Creede, that Constantine was baptized at Rome by Siluester. whereupon they ground many absurd consequentes; yet doe most holy, learned, and ancient writers, (S. Hierome, Eusebius, Socrates, Theodoritus, Sozomenus, Pomponius, and Cassiodorus,) affirme the same to be a fable, and that Con­stantine was christened at Nicomedia.

CHAP. VI. Of the warres betweene Constantine and Maxentius.

The most religious Emperour Constantinus, preparing for warres against Maxentius, who had thirsted the bloud of chri­stians, and fearing greatly the danger of the battell imminent, did often lift vp his eies towardes heauen, and humbly reque­sted helpe at Gods hands. Being at that time a great fauourer [Page 157] of christian religion, and a zealous worshipper of the euerliuing God, (albeit hee had not as yet receiued the signe of Christes passion) he saw in the firmament the euident signe of the crosse; which so glistered with fierie brightnesse, as he was astonied at the sight thereof. While he was doubting with himselfe, he be­held the angels of God standing by him, and saying thus vnto him. Constantine, [...]. O Constantine, in this signe get thou the victorie. Constantine beeing ioyfull with this vsion, and assuring himselfe of the victory against Maxen­tius; made in his owne forehead the signe of the crosse; which before he had seene in the firmament. So write Eusebius Caesariensis, Socrates, Sozomenus, Cassiodorus, and many others of approoued antiquitie. Whereupon the papistes would infer, that it is lawfull to make images, to set them vp in churches, and to adore the same religiously. For perspicuous confutation whereof, with a manifest declaration of the state of the contro­uersie (because it is maliciously defended by some, vnsoundly impugned by others, of others not throughly vnderstood,) I purpose to set downe these few conclusions.

The first conclusion.

The signe of the crosse appeared to the Emperour Constan­tine in the firmament, at what time as hee was afraid to ioyne battell with Maxentius. Euseb. de vit. Constan. lib. c. 22 This conclusion is graunted and ap­prooued, by the vniforme consent of all learned writers. Con­stantinus himselfe (as Eusebius reporteth) affirmed the same to Eusebius, & confirmed the veritie therof with an oth: & not only Eusebius, but all the world for many hundreth yeares, gaue cre­dite thereunto. Heereupon Constantinus and other christian kings generally, vsed the signe of the crosse vpon the garments of their souldiers; so often as they had warres with Infidels, and such as were enemies to the name of Christ Iesus. For then there was great cause so to doe, as since iust occasion hath been giuen to take the same away; which thing heereafter by Gods assistance more planly shall appeare.

The second conclusion.

Simplie and absolutely to make images for ciuill vse, is not prohibited by the word of God. This conclusion is to be proo­ued, three speciall waies: By the authoritie of holy writ, by the testimonie of learned writers, and by the generall practise of christian kinges. Touching the first, God himselfe indued Be­zaleel with the spirite of wisedome, Exod. 35. [...]. 30 vnderstanding, and know­ledge, that he might worke curiously in gold, siluer, & brasse, in grauing stones, and in caruing woode, and in all maner of fine worke. In the temple of Salomon, were grauen Lillies, Pomegranates, Cherubins, Lions, and Palme trees. God commaunded Moses to make two Cherubines aboue the mer­cie seate. [...]. Reg. 7. Exod. 25. v. 22. Num. 21. ver. 8. He also commanded to make a fierie or brasen Ser­pent, and to set it vp for a signe.

Touching the second, S. Basill is so farre from condem­ning the ciuill vse of images, that he hath commended the ma­king, and the vtilitie thereof. These are his expresse wordes; Nam magnifica in bellis gesta, Basilius in qua­drag. martyres. to. [...]. p. 397. & oratores saepenumero, & pi­ctores pulcherrime demonstrant. Hi oratione, illi tabulis descri­bentes atque ornantes, ambo (que) plures ad fortitudinem imitan­dam inducentes. Quae enim sermo historiae per inductionem prae­bet, eadem & pictura tacens per imitationem ostendit. For not onely Oratours oftentimes, but euen painters also doe finely pourtray, worthy martiall exploites: the one sort, by their fine oratiōs; the other, by their fitly pourtraied tables; both perswa­ding many, to the imitation of fortitude. For whatsoeuer the historie doth performe by perswasion, the same doth the silent picture declare by imitation. In which wordes it is cleere, that S. Basill approoueth the ciuill and historicall vse of images. Eusebius Caesariensis maketh mention of the images of our Sauiour, of Peter, and Paul, which were not only in his time, but long before his daies. The historicall vse whereof, he nei­ther reprooueth nor condemneth. S. Ambrose, Gregorius Mag­nus, Eusebius hist. ec­cles. libr. 7. c. 1 [...]. and many auncient fathers holde constantly the same opi­nion.

Touching the third, Constantinus the first Christian Em­perour [Page 139] surnamed the Great, caused after his couersion, Euseb. de vit. Const. lib. 4. his owne image to be engrauen in his coyne: whose example therein, all christian kinges at all times in all ages, haue de fa­cto, approoued to be good. For all kinges no one or other ex­cepted, haue their inscriptions and images vpon their gold and money; neither were they at any time in any age, reprooued by anie learned writer for the same. Yea, Math. 22. Mark. 12. Luke 20. our Sauiour Christ himselfe seemeth to approoue the same, when hee requiring to know whose inscription the money had; charged to giue to Ce­sar, that which was his owne. In fine, the reformed churches in Germanie, this day allow thereof; and the church of Eng­land approoueth the making of the signe of the crosse, in the forehead of baptized infantes.

The third conclusion.

To worship and adore images religiously, is superstitious and idolatricall. This conclusion is prooued, by the expresse commaundement of God. For in Exodus it is written thus: Exod. 20. v. 4▪ Thou shalt not make any grauē image, thou shalt not bow downe to them, nor worship them. And in Mathew; Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, Math. 4. v 10 and him onely thou shalt serue. For which cause, S. Iohn could not be permitted to a­dore the Angel, but was bidden to worship God. Apoc. 19. v. 10. For which cause Moses cast the Tables out of his hands, brake them in peeces beneath the mountaine, burned the calfe in the fire, Exod. 32. v 20. and grounded it vnto pouder. For which cause the holy ghost com­mendeth Ezechias, for breaking in peeces the brasen serpent. 2. Kin. 18. ver. 4 For which cause Marcellina was condemned as an hereticke, who worshipped (as S. Augustine recordeth) the Images of Iesus, of Paul, of Homere, of Pythagoras. Aug. de haeres. haer. 7. For which cause S. Epiphanius seeing the image of a saint hanging in the Church, tare the same in sunder, Epiphan. in epist. ad Io. Hier. haer. 79. and aduised the wardens to bury some poore body with the vaile, and that no more any such vailes should be hanged vp in the Church. Yea, the same Epi­phanius will not haue the blessed virgine Mary to be adored; much lesse her image. And if her image must be excluded, what [Page 160] image I pray you, Concill. Elibert. can. 36. can be approued? for which cause, the coun­cill of Elibertine decreed grauely, that nothing should be pain­ted on the church walles, which is adored of the people. For which cause Lactantius pronounced freely, Lactant. libr. 2 cap. 19. that where images are, there is no religion. Neither will it help the papists to an­swer after their woonted manner; that Lactantius speaketh of such images as are adored for gods. For Lactantius maketh the selfe same obiection, in the person of the Gentiles; and in­ueyeth against it bitterly, as a vaine, friuolous, and ridiculous thing. And because I wil proceed sincerely in this point, as in all other matters; I thinke it conuenient heere to alleadge his expresse words, Lactant. lib. 2. de origine erroris cap. 2. which are these; Non ipsa, inquiunt, timemus, sed eos ad quorum imaginem ficta, & quorum nominibus conse­crata sunt; nempe ideo timetis, quod eos in caelo esse arbitramini, neque enim si dij sunt, aliter fieri potest: curigitur oculos in cae­lum non tollitis? [...]ur ad parietes, & ligna, & lapides potissi­mum, quam illò spectatis, vbi eos esse creditis. We feare not, say they, the pictures or pourtraies, but them after whose images they be made, & to whose names they are consecrated. Doubt­lesse ye therefore feare them, because ye thinke they are in hea­uen. For if they be gods, it cannot otherwise come to passe. Why therfore do ye not lift vp your eyes to heauen? why doe ye rather looke vpon the walles, vpon stockes and ston [...]s, then thither, where ye think they are? In which words I note first, 1 that the Gentiles did not adore the images, but the persons re­presented by the same (for of fearing and adoring Lactan. spea­keth indifferently, throughout the whole chapter) & yet are they sharply reproued for their fact. I note secondly, that we must 2 not adhere and fix our minds vpon stocks, stones, and the ima­ges of saints, but lift vp our hearts to heauen, where the saints now are. Worthily therefore doe we condemne the Papists; who do not only make images, but also adore the same; and that with the selfe same worship, which is due and proper to God alone: for so much auoucheth their owne deare doctor and canonized saint Aquinas, Aquin. pa. 3. q. 25. ar. 2. and 3. of the image of our Sauiour Christ. For which respect Gregorie surnamed the Great (who himself was a bishop of Rome) sharply reproued the adoration & wor­ship of images, Gregor. ad Seren. epist. libr. 9. cap. 9. albeit he admitted & wel liked y e ciuil vse therof

The second Booke, of Christs birth, baptisme, preaching, passion, resurrection, and ascension into Heauen; with other things coincident.

CHAP. I. Of Christs birth.

ABout the time that Elias the Cabba­list foretolde, in the age of the worlde 3969. the eight calends of Ianuary, in the third yeere of the 194. Olym­piade, the 32. yeere of king Herode, and the 42. yere of Augustus Cesar, was our Lorde and Sauiour Christ Iesus borne into this world. For al­beit the 4000. yeres were not complete & fully ended, yet was his prediction true (as some report it) because he added, that God would shorten the time for his elect.

Our Lord and Sauiour was conceiued by the holighost, Philip. 2. vers. 7. 1. Pet. 2. vers. 2 [...]. ta­king flesh, blood, & bone of the blessed virgin Mary, made like vnto vs in all things (sinne onely excepted) true man and true God, hauing two perfect natures subsisting in one diuine per­son; by reason of which hypostaticall vnion, his holie mother was truely called deipara and [...] as well the mother of God as of man.

Christ assuming the perfect nature of man, lost no part of his nature diuine, and consequently he must haue two willes, diuine and humane, of God and of man.

Christ assuming the perfect nature of man, must needs haue euery thing pertaining to the perfection thereof, among which the sensitiue appetite is one, which wee call sensualitie, yet in Christ Iesus there was no motion of sensualitie, which was not ordered by reason, and wholy obedient to the same. For the sensitiue appetite to be moued according to the course of it owne nature, was nothing repugnant to the diuine and reaso­nable humane wil of Christ. The blessed virgin being 14 yeres [Page 162] of age, conceiued Christ her son by the power of the holie ghost the 25. day of March. He was before all worlds, and by him al things were made; Luc. 1.31. yet was he incarnat in the end of the world, borne after a new and miraculous maner of the virgin Marie, Matth. 1.18. who was Saint Iosephs lawfull wife.

Christ the sonne of the euerliuing God, tooke vpon him the forme of a seruant, was poorely borne in a stall, and made him selfe of no reputation; Philip. 2.7. and all this he did for the loue of man, to teach man humilitie, and to abase himselfe as Christ his Lorde and master gaue him ensample. Luc. [...].1, 2. In those dayes Cyrenius be­ing gouernour of Syria, Augustus Cesar sent out an edict, to taxe all that were subiect to the Roman empire. Then Ioseph being of the house and linage of Dauid, went vp from Galile to be taxed in Bethlehem with Mary his wife, being then big with childe, where she brought forth Christ, and wrapping him in swadling clothes, laide him in a cratch, bicause there was no roome for them in the Inne.

So soone as Christ was borne, the angels of God nothing regarding the pride of mightie men, declared to the poore shep­heards the godhead and office of the childe lying in the cribbe; how that he was borne to be the sauiour of the world. Luc. 2.9, 16, 17 After the departure of the angels, the shepheards went to Bethlehem, where they found Marie, Ioseph, and the sweete babe lying in the cribbe: at their returne they published abroad, that which was tolde them of that childe.

CHAP. II. Of the infancie of our Sauiour Christ.

Luc. 2.21.WHen Christ Iesus was but eight dayes olde, he was cir­cumcised, euen then beginning to spend his blood for the loue of man: for albeit he was the head of the church, yet was he subiect to the law, to deliuer man from the curse of the lawe.

Epiphan. haer. 51The 13. day after Christs natiuitie, certaine wise men came a long iourney out of the East, to adore the Sauiour of the world. And albeit Epiphanius affirmeth constantly that this comming was the second yere after Christs birth; yet S. Hie­rome, S. Augustine, and other learned writers receiue the for­mer opinion as most authenticall: and they haue great reason [Page 163] so to do, because the scripture seemeth to say no lesse. For first, the wisemen or astronomers are said to come, when Christ was borne. Which phrase can not be fitly verified, but of a thing present or lately done. Againe, the wisemen found the babe in Bethlehem, and consequently they came before the day of the purification: for after that time, Christ is not knowne to haue bin in Bethlehem. The Papists claime the wise­mens bodies in diuers places. And though the papists hold by a vain tradi­tion, that these wise men were three kings of Cullen, Gaspar, Melchi [...]r, and Baltasar, yet is it neither certaine, that they were kings, neither yet that they were no more but three. And their owne reason thereof is very friuolous, because their bo­dies are chalenged, to be as well at Millaine as at Colen. But here I must answer to some obiections, which seeme to fortifie Epiphanius his opinion.

The first doubt.

The parents of Christ were so poore at the day of purifica­tion, Leuit. 12.6, [...] that they were not able to offer a lambe according to the law for rich men, Luc. 2. [...]4. but were enforced to offer a paire of Turtle doues, or two yong pigeons: and therfore doubtlesse they had not receiued the rich treasures, which the wise men brought to Christ. I answer, that the blessed and humble virgin, as shee was free from all pride and ostentation, so was she not willing to change her poore state and condition, which she knew well pleased her sonne the sonne of God.

The second doubt.

King Herod slew all the male children in Bethlehem, and in all the coasts thereof, from 2. yeeres old and vnder, according to the time which he had diligently learned of the wisemen. A­mong the rest, he slew his owne sonne, as writeth Macrobius, who therefore wished rather to be Herodes hog, then his child: which certes he would neuer haue done, if there had bene but 13. daies betweene the apparition of the starre, and the com­ming of the wisemen. I answer (which is the opinion of saint Austen, and saint Chrysostome) that the starre appeared so long before the natiuitie of Christ, as was sufficient for the wise men to dispatch their iourney, and to adore Christ shortelie [Page 164] after he was borne. Neither is it of force to obiect (as some do) that the wise men could not come so farre in so short a space: for first, whether these wise men were of the posteritie of Balaam, and so came from Mesopotamia, as saint Chrysostome, saint Ie­rome, Amb. in Luc. and saint Ambrose thinke; or they came out of Arabia, which is the constant position of Iustinus; Iustin. in tryph. or they were Persi­ans or Chaldeans, which the very name seemeth to prognosti­cate; Num. 23. vers. 7. yet might they haue dispatched their iourney, in lesse then tenne dayes. For Hierusalem is distant from Aram (from whence Balak brought Balaam,) but 72. miles, from Vr of the Chaldees 212. miles. Againe, the starre appeared long before Christs birth, so that they might be there in time conue­nient. Thirdly, in those countries they haue plentie of drome­daries, A dromedaries iourney. one of which wil carie a man (as writeth Philostratur) 1000. furlongs in one day, that is, 125. English miles,

CHAP. III. Of the perfect age of Christ.

IEsus Christ when he was 30. yeeres of age, left Galilee, and came to the floud Iordan, Math. 3. vers. 13. where he was baptized of saint Iohn his precursor. By which act, he sanctified our baptisme in himselfe: the outward signe whereof putteth vs in minde, that we must change our liues, and become better; assuring vs as by a seale, Rom. 6. vers. 3, 4. that we are ingraffed into Christ; whereby our old man dieth, and the new man riseth vp againe.

So soone as Christ was baptized, a voice came downe from heauen saying; Math. 3. vers. 17. This is my beloued sonne, in whom I am wel pleased. Math. 4. vers. 1. This done, he was tēpted in the wildernes of y e deuill. Christ hauing fasted 40. daies, Math. 4. ver. 2, 14, 15, 16. and being tempted of the deuil, returned by the power of God into Galile; & after that a great fame was spread abroad of him in all the region, hee came to Nazareth, where he had beene brought vp, and as his custome was, went into the synagogue on the sabbaoth day, to expound the scriptures

Christ the third day after he came to Cana a towne in Ga­lile, was present at a marriage, where he made water wine, the first myracle that euer he wrought. Iohn. 2. vers. 1, 9.

[Page 165]After Christ was baptised, he began to preach the Gospell, being 30. yeares of age, as is already saide. Which holy exer­cise, hee practised almost three yeares before his passion: his preaching was in the yeare of Iubilee, because he preached the glad tidings of the gospell, the remission of sinnes, the salua­tion of his people.

CHAP. IIII. Of Christs death and passion.

CHrist called twelue vnto him, whom hee named Apostles, and sent them into the whole world, to preach the gospel to al nations; that so they might be witnesses of his doctrine con­firmed with many myrracles. Which doctrine being accom­plished, hee offered vp himselfe an vnspotted sacrifice vpon the altar of the crosse, for the expiation of the sinnes of the worlde. And this he did the 18. yeare of Tiberius Cesar, Tertull. aduersu Iudaeos. p. 134. in the eight Calends of Aprill, if wee follow Tertullians supputation a­gainst the Iewes.

Christs passion began not onely in his taking and deliuerie vnto death, but euen from the verie instant of his conception, and continued vntill hee yeelded vp the ghost. For as Ludol­phus writes learnedly, when Christ, as God foresaw in his di­uine wisedome, the cruell and bitter torments, which hee was to suffer infallibly, hee coulde not but naturally sorrow for the same: as which were throughout all his body, throughout all the members of his body, and throughout all the inferior pow­ers of his soule. He suffered in all his time, in all his body, in all his works. In time of his infancie, basenesse of his mothers womb, pouertie, asperitie, vilitie in the manger, persecution of y e aduersarie, flight into Egypt. In time of his adolescencie, fre­quent disputations, painful peregrinations, lothsome precipita­tions, In his iuuenile age, most bitter & cruell death: for in his whole body, he sustained paines intollerable; in his eies the ef­fusion of tēder teares, in his delicate eares, the hearing of con­tumelies and execrable blasphemies; in his eie-lids the pangs of buffetting; in his nostrils the stinch of vglie spitting; in his sweete mouth, the bitternesse of vineger and gall, in his hands [Page 166] the prints of the nailes, whipping and oft scourging, through­out his blessed bodie. What he sustained in his works, cannot easily be expressed by the tongue of man. For they reuiled his diuine preaching, his most sacred conuersation, his miraculous operation. He was led as a lambe to be slaughtered, and as a theefe to be hanged; yet neither did he shew any impatience, nor sought any reuenge, albeit hee could haue caused a legion of Angels, to haue attended him at his only word: he was bound as a theefe, accused as a theefe, condemned as a theefe, he was crowned with a crowne of thornes among theeues, as if hee had beene the master theefe of all theeues; the iudge was iud­ged, the King was derided, the Lord of all lords was turmoy­led. And yet behold the wisedome of our heauenly Salomon; for as Adam trespassed on Fryday, so did he suffer on Fryday, as mans saluation seemed to require. Where we haue to con­sider his patience, who was led as a lambe to be slaine, his hu­militie, who was condemned with theeues; his charitie, who died for his enemies, his pouertie, who was borne in a manger, and this done, wee may worthily exclaime; O captaine where is thine ensigne? O prince, where is thy palace? O bishop, where is thy my [...]er? O king, where is thy diademe? After the consideration hereof, we must acknowledge, that Iesus Christ our sweete redeemer, suffered all these pangs, tortures, tor­ments, and villanies, for the sinnes and loue of man, and ther­fore that mans part and dutie is to abhorre, detest, and eschew sinne, and that for his sake and loue, who hath first so tenderly beloued vs.

CHAP. V. Of the houre of Christs death, and the circumstances of the same.

CHrist was led out of the walles of the earthly Ierusalem, into Golgotha, a foule place of dead mens carkases, so to declare vncleannesse indeede, not of himselfe who was most holy, most pure, most innocent, but of vs most wretched sin­ners, whose sins he willingly tooke vpon him, to the ende that [Page 167] we by faith in him, being made cleane through his bloud and passion, might bee brought into the heauenly Ierusalem, the ioy of all ioyes, the kingdome of heauen.

Christ suffered his bitter and healthfull passion, without the walles of the citie, a little before the sixt houre, and gaue vppe his blessed ghost at the ninth houre: Heb. 13. vers. 12 Mat. 27. vers. 50 Mark. 15 vers. 25. Ioh. 19. ver. 14. so as hee was about three houres, in most cruell torments vpon the crosse. In which time from the sixt houre to the ninth, darknesse arose ouer al the land. Whereby wee may sensibly perceiue, how angrie God was against our sinnes, which hee so seuerely punished in his onely sonne. For euen at the feast of the Passeouer and in the full Moone, when the sunne shined ouer all the rest of the world, and at midday, that corner of the world, wherein so wic­ked an act was committed, was couered with extreame dark­nesse three houres together.

Christ hanged naked vpon the crosse, and was vilainously reproued, as if he had beene the most wicked caitife that euer was in the world, to the ende, that we being clothed with his righteousnesse, and blessed with his curses, and sanctified by his onely oblation, may be clensed from our sinnes and exalted vppe to heauen. But here it is expedent, that I answere to an important doubt.

The doubt.

Saint Iohn saith, that Christ suffered about the sixt houre, but Saint Marke affirmeth expressely, Iohn. 19. vers. 14 Mar. 15. vers. 25. that he was crucified the third houre.

The answere.

For the exact explication of this graue obiection, wee must diligently obserue three things. First, that the Iewes deui­ded as well the night as the day, into foure equall parts. Se­condly, that they tearmed the foure parts of the night, vi­gils, and the foure parts of the day, houres. Thirdly, that the names of y e foure houres were these, the first, the third, the sixt, and the ninth, so that all the morning to nine of the clocke with vs, was called the first houre with them: from nine to twelue, the third houre; from twelue to three the sixt houre; Partition of the day and night. from three [Page 168] to night, the ninth houre. I therefore answere to the obiection, that S. Iohn and saint Marke do well agree; neither is the one dissonant to the other: for when S. Marke saith, that Christ was crucified the third houre, he meaneth in the end thereof, which was about noone, or almost the sixt houre, as S. Iohn declareth it: for euerie one of their houres contained three of our houres as is alreadie said. And euery day with them, both began and ended at sixe of the clocke with vs. Where I note by the way, that these houres are sometimes dilated, & made foure threes, Mat. 20. verse. 1 &c. like to our houres; for so we reade in S. Mathew, at the hyring of the labourers into the vineyard. But how­soeuer the supputation was made, the midday euer iumped with the sixt houre, either in the ende or in the beginning there­of. Which obseruations an [...] distinction well remembred, ma­ny obscure places in the scriptures will be euident.

CHAP. VI. Of Christs resurrection, and the adiuncts thereof.

AT such time as Christ the sonne of the euerliuing God suffered his passion, wonderfull and strange sights happe­ned. The Sunne was darkened, the Moone being in the full gaue no light, (a thing so repugnant to nature, that Diony­sius Areopagita pronounced boldely (though then an Eth­nicke) that either the sonne of God was tormented, Mar. 15. ver. 33. or else the worlde woulde bee dissolued;) the vaile of the Temple was rent in twaine, earthquakes were seene, the rockes were clouen asunder, Math. 27. vers. 51 the graues were opened, and such as slept, arose with Christ to life againe.

Christ after his resurrection appeared sundry times; first, to Marie Magdalen, when she taried still at the sepulchre, to see Christ after his disciples were gone away to their owne home. [...]ohn. 20. ve. 10 11.

Christ appeared the second time the selfe same day to two of his disciples, li [...]. 24 verse 10, 13, 15, 17. as they went to a towne called Emaus, which was distant from Ierusalem about three score furlongs. [Page 169] The cause of the second apparition was this; because the saide disciples would not beleeue that which Mary Magdalen, and Ioanna, and Mary the mother of Iames, and other women, told them of Christs resurrection.

Christ appeared the third time to all the Disciples, (Tho­mas onely excepted, Iohn. 20. ver. 1 [...]. who was then absent) which apparition was done the first day of the weeke, and when the doores were shut, where the Disciples were assembled for feare of the Iewes, and then Iesus stoode in the middes of them and be­stowed his peace vpon them.

Christ after eight dayes appeared the fourth time to his disciples, Iohn. 10. v. 26, 27 comming into the middest of them euen when the doores were shut, and bidding Thomas to see his hands, and to put forth his hand into his side, and to be no longer incredu­lous, but faithful.

Christ appeared the fift time to his Disciples, at the sea of Tiberias, where they were fishing, at whose word they casting out their net, Math. 28. v. 16, 17 were not able to draw it at all for the multitude of fishes. By these and other his apparitions, he made his re­surrection manifest vnto the world. Sixtly, hee appeared to the eleuen Disciples in the mount of Galile. Iohn. 21. ver. 1.9 But from hence arise doubts very worthie the examination.

The first doubt.

Christ saith in Iohn, that hee appeared but thrise after his resurrection. To this I answere, Iohn. 21. vers. 14. non sunt verba Christi sed euan­gelist. that the ternarie number doth not determine the apparitions in themselues, but the di­uersitie of dayes and times in which they were made, for al ap­paritions made in one & the same day are reputed & named one

The second doubt.

It is saide in these apparitions, that Christ came into the middes of his Disciples and stoode among them, Ioh. 20. vers. 26. euen when they were within the house, & the doores closely shut. Wherby it appeareth euidently, that Christs body may be both in hea­uen, and in the sacrament at one and the same time, for it no more repugneth, for one bodie to bee in diuers places at once, then for diuers bodies to be in one place at once. Which latter is here verified, of Christs body and the doore or walles of the house.

The answere.

I answere, that God cannot by his absolute power, make Christes body to be in diuers places at once: not because there is any defect in God, who is omnipotent; but because contra­diction is implied in the thing which should be done. Which point I haue prooued euidently, in the 12. preamble of my Booke of Motiues. For the reasons there alleadged are effec­tuall, if they be applied to this purpose. In like maner I say, that two bodies cannot be in one place at once; because to haue parts without parts and to occupie place, is of the formall and intrinsecall conceit of euery organicall and quantitatiue bodie, such as Christes true body is. Whereupon S. Augustine said truely and learnedly, August. ad Dar­danum. Epist. 57. that if occupation or spaces of places be taken away from bodies, they shall lose their essence, and be no bodies at all. So then, the entrance of Christ into the house when the doors were shut, and also his comming out of the se­pulchre, when the stone was vnrolled away; neither doth nor can prooue, that two bodies were in one place at once, but that the doore and the stone gaue place for the time to Christes mightie power; like as the red Sea gaue place to the Israe­lites, and they passed through the middest thereof. And as S. Peters chaines gaue place to his handes; Exod. 14. ver. 21. Psal. 136. ver. 13. and 14. Act. 12. v. 7.10. and as the Iron gate opened to him of it owne accord. Furthermore, if Christes bo­die can be in ten thousand places at once, as the papistes impu­dently auouch; it must also follow, that it may be in infinite pla­ces at once, which is the heresie of the Vbiquitaries.

For after this maner did S. Hierome reason against Iohn the Bishop of Hierusalem, when hee laboured to prooue that our bodies may liue without meate after the resurrection. Hier. ad Pam­mach. to. 5. p. 80 If a man may liue fourty daies without meate, saith S. Hierome, as Moses and Elias did by the power of God; then doubtles may he liue eternally, by the same power of God. In fine, this veri­tie is made euident, by that argument, which Gods angel made to Mary Magdalen, and the other Mary comming to see the sepulchre. And because the argument is of force to confound all papistes in the world, if it be well vrged; I will alledge the argument as it is in the originall, and then make effectuall [Page 171] application thereof. Math. 21. v. 1.6. These are the expresse wordes of the holy Euangelist Saint Matthew: [...]. Hee is not heere, for he is risen, as he saide. Where I ob­serue first, the assertion simplie in it selfe. Secondly, the cause and reason of the same assertion. The assertion is this; Christ is not in the sepulchre: the reason heereof is this; be­cause Christ is risen. Nowe then, since Christ cannot be in the Sepulchre because he is risen; it followeth of necessitie, that either the angel of God inspired with Gods holy spirite, made a very foolish and friuolous argument, (which to affirme, is void of all christianitie) or els, A flat demon­stration against poperie. that Christes body cannot be in two places at once; which is that, that I intend to proue. For if it were not as I say, the women might haue replied effectu­ally against the angel thus; albeit Christ be risen as you say: yet may he be in the sepulchre also; because his body may be in two places at once: but the angel reputing it a thing cleere and euident, that Christes body could not be in two places at one & the selfe same time, concluded directly and forcibly as hee thought, Christes absence in the sepulchre, bicause he was ri­sen againe. See the 3. part, 10. chapter, 4. conclusion, and 3. paragraphe.

CHAP. VII. Of Christes ascension and being in heauen.

CHrist hauing presented himselfe by many infallible tokens, after that hee had suffered his passion, conuersing visibly with his disciples by the space of fourtie daies (in which time he spoke of th [...]nges pertaining to the kingdome of God, & told them that they should be his witnesses in Hierusalem, Act. 1. ver. 1.2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, & de in­ceps. & al Iu­dea, & in Samaria, and vnto the vttermost part of the earth) he commanded them that they should not depart from Hierusalē, but shuld wait for the promise of the father; which things when he had spoken, hee was taken vp in a cloud out of their sight. While they looked stedfastly toward heauē, two men stood by them in white apparel, & said to them; ye men of Galilee, why stand ye gazing into heauen? this Iesus which is taken vp fro you into heuen, shal so come as ye haue seen him go into heuen. Then y e disciples returned to Hierusalem frō the mount Oliuet which is neer to Hierusalē, being frō it a sabaoths dayes iorny, [Page 172] which is about 2000. paces or two English miles.

While the Apostles (whose names are Peter, Iames the son of Zebedeus, Act. 1. v. 13.14 Iohn, Andrew, Philip, Thomas, Bartho­lomew, Mathew, Iames the sonne of Alpheus, Symon Ze­lotes, and Iudas Thaddeus,) expected the comming downe of the holy ghost at Hierusalem; there abode with them certain women, and Mary the mother of Iesus, and his brethren (that is his kinsfolkes.) For it was as well behooueable, to haue the wiues confirmed, as the husbandes; because they were af­terward, to be partakers of the daungers with them. All which praied with one accord, not onely for the sending of the holy ghost, but also for deliuerance from present daungers, wherewith they were beset.

Act. 3. v. 21.Christ ascended vp into heauen, must there remaine vntill his second aduent, the day of doome general. And so he neither is, nor can be, in the round cake, as papistes impudently con­tend.

After Christes ascension and comming of the holy Ghost, his apostles went abroad preaching the gospel to all nations: whose limites, actes, and death, the next chapter in particular maner shall describe.

CHAP. VIII. Of the seuerall precinctes, liues, and deathes of the Apostles, taken out of Epiphanius, Tertullian, Optatus, Eusebius, Oe­cumenius, Nicephorus, and others.

Of Peter, and Philip.

S. Peter after that hee had preached the gospell of Iesus Christ, A. D. 44 in Pōtus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Bithyma, & Italy, was crucified at Rome with his had downward vnder the em­perour Nero, and buried there the third Calendes of Iulie. S. Paul the chosen vessel of God omnipotent, and the immouea­ble piller of his church, was beheaded the same yere, & the same day at Rome: and S. Philip that blessed disciple of Christ, was about the same time crucified at Hierapolis, a citie in Asia.

Of Andrew and Bartholomew.

S. Andrew preached the gospel in Scythia, Thracia, Mace­donia, Thessalia, and Achaia. Anno dom. 45 At the length the proconsul Aegaeas caused him to be crucified, because he perswaded Maxi­milla his wife and Stantocles his brother, to detest his vnchri­stian impietie, and to embrace the faith of Christ Iesus. Hee was buried in Achaia, with his auncestors. S. Bartholomew after he had preached the gospel to the Indians, Iudaeus erat & Galileus. was at length rewarded with the cruell torture of the crosse, and buried in Armenia the great.

Of Iames the sonne of Zebedee.

S. Iames the sonne of Zebedeus preached the gospel to the twelue tribes which were in dispersion, A. D. 44 and for his paines was at the length beheaded of Herod the Tetrarch, who was also called Agrippa. He was buried in the citie Marmarica, and king Herod (who beheaded him) was eaten vp with wormes. Act. 12. ver. 23▪

Of Iohn.

S. Iohn his brother preached the gospel in Asia, and being driuen into exile in the Ile Pathmos by Domitian the em­perour, he there both wrote the gospel, and had his reuelation. A. D. 104 He died at Ephesus, in the time of Traianus the Emperour. Where note by the way (to auoid the varietie which seemeth in some of the auncient fathers, and historiographers) that al­beit Domitian banished S. Iohn into Pathmos, yet did S. Iohn suruiue Domitian, and died in the daies and reigne of Traian.

Of Thomas.

S. Thomas called also Didymus, after he had preached to the Parthians, Medes, Persians, and Indians, A. D. 45 was wounded with dartes in his sides; and so being buried in Ca­lamina a citie in India, came to him, whose sides he before had felt, Christ Iesus.

Of Mathew.

S. Mathew of a publican became an Apostle, A. D. 41▪ preached the gospel of Christ zealously, and conuerted many to the christian faith. Hee wrote the gospel in the Hebrew tongue, and was [Page 174] buried in Hierapolis. Where note by the way, that although many of the old writers affirme S. Mathew to haue written in Hebrew, yet some learned do think that he wrote in greeke, which opinion I preferre as more probable: but how soeuer that be, it skilleth not much; for the Greeke which now is only exstant, is admitted of all as authenticall. Yea, as Theophila­ctus recordeth, they that holde saint Mathew to haue written in hebrew, do not denie but Saint Iohn translated it into greeke, and consequently, since S. Iohn was no lesse inspired with the holy ghost, then Saint Mathew, it must needes follow, that the greeke copie is as authenticall as the Hebrew, if any such could be found.

Of Iames the sonne of Alphee.

Anno Dom. 63.Saint Iames the son of Alpheus the brother of our Lord, surnamed Iustus, after he had preached at Gaza, Eleuthero­polis, and other countreyes adiacent, was made the Bishop of Hierusalem, where he was stoned to death of the Iewes, and buried in the temple.

Of Iudas Thaddaeus.

Saint Iudas Thaddeus called also Lebbeus, preached in Iudea, Anno Dom. 44. Galilea, Samaria, Idumea, Arabia, Syria, and Me­sopotamia, at the length he came to Edessa, where preaching the gospel of peace he died in peace.

Of Symon Zelotes.

Saint Symon surnamed Zelotes for his great zeale towards his master Christ Iesus, Anno Dom. 107. called also Cananeus bicause he was borne in Cana Galilea, after he had preached the gospell in E­gypt, Africa, Mauritania, Lybia, and in the occidentall parts, and had confirmed the same with many myracles, he was cru­cified vnder Traianus, being 120. yeares of age.

Of Matthias.

Anno Dom. 43.Saint Matthias one of the 70. disciples, was reckoned with the eleuen in stead of Iudas Iscarioth. He preached in Ethiopia, where he suffered many tortures, was almost stoned to death, and then beheaded.

An addition for the complement of this chapter.

Saint Iames the Great, and Saint Iohn the Euangelist, were the sonnes of Zebedeus, the husband of Salome. Saint Iames the lesse surnamed Iustus, and the brother of our Lord, Saint Iudas, Thaddeus, and Symon Zelotes, were the sons of Cleophas the husband of Mary, who was sister to the bles­sed virgin Mary.

CHAP. IX. Of the three sonnes of Constantine.

COnstantine when he had raigned 38. yeares appointed by his last will and testament, that his three sonnes, Anno. Dom. 342. Constan­tinus, Constantius, and Constans should rule the Empire in seuerall parts seuerally: to wit, Constantinus, in France, Spaine, and Germanie; Constantius in the East, & Constans in Italie and Illyricum.

Constantinus was not content with partiall assigned go­uernment, but desired to haue the sole and onely administration of the Empire: for which cause, hauing too much confidence in the power of man, specially in an euil cause, he made warres a­gainst his brother Constans in Italie; but by that occasion he was slaine, and so his brother Constans possessed al the West Empire.

CHAP. X Of Iulianus apostata.

IVlianus Apostata was nephew to Constantius and brother to Gallus: he was so excellent wel learned, Anno Dom, 365 that in his youth he read the scriptures publikely in the church of Nicomedia: afterwards he went to the famous vniuersitie of Athens, and studied there; but after the death of his brother Gallus, Con­stantius sent him into France and Germanie. Not farre from Argentoratum hee put to flight 30 thousand Almains, for which cause by the fauour of the souldiers, he was sodainely at Argentoratum designed Emperour.

At such time as great dissention arose among christi­ans, through diuersitie of opinions in Religion, in so much that some dispaired, and other some fell to Idolatrie, then the [Page 176] new Emperour Iulianus preferring his owne sonne before the true worship of God, and thinking that to abandon the chri­stian religion, was to aduance his royall and imperiall estate, forsooke the Christian faith, denied Christ openly, and became an Apostata.

He inhibited christians to serue in warres amongst the Ro­maines, he ouerthrew the schooles of learning, and spoyled the churches of their treasures. Which thing hee did in derision, telling the Christians that hee fauoured them in so doing, be­cause through pouertie, they might sooner come to heauen.

CHAP. XI. Of the Manichees.

An. Dom. 274THe Manichees began their heresie in the dayes of Aurelia­nus Emperor of Rome, whose grand-master was Manes a Persian borne. This Manes dispersed his poyson, in very large circuits: First in Arabia, after that in Africa. This here­sie increased so mightily, as it coulde not be quenched, by the space of two hundred yeares: this was the fundamentall ground of their false and hereticall doctrine, that there are two Gods, the one good, and the other bad, and yet both to be e­ternall. This doctrine seemed plausible to mans reason, at the first publishing thereof: for since God is good of his owne nature, and yet euill aboundeth in the worlde, it seemeth to followe necessarily, that as there is a good God, so there must also bee a peculiar euill God, equall to the good God in power and eternitie.

The Manichees will neither eate flesh, neither egges, nei­ther milke, August. de heres. ad q.v. deum, 46. D. neither doe they drinke wine, albeit they will eate grapes; they thinke that hearbes, trees, and plants, haue life in such manner, as they feele great paine when one cutteth or plucketh them vppe by the rootes, or otherwise: for this respect they deeme it an heynous offence, to purge the field from thornes and thistles, and so they condemne husbandrie, (the most innocent art of all,) as guiltie of many murders, yet they thinke husbandrie or tillage of the grounde to bee pardonable in their auditors, because by that their labor they [Page 177] bring foode to their elect; in whose bellies the substance is pur­ged, and the offence taken away. And consequently, although themselues do no murders actually, as they pretēd; yet do they liue of manifest murders, practised by others really. Where note by the way, that the church of the Manichees consisted of two sortes of people, their elect and their auditors.

They held this fantasticall opinion, Epiphan. haer. 66. lib. 2. to. pa. 205. that whosoeuer did eate flesh, should be made the same thing which he did eate. As for example, if a man did eate an hogge, he should be made a hog; if a bull, he should become a bull; if a bird, he should be a bird; if a fish, a fish, and so in the rest.

The Manichees held also, that if any man marry a wife, Epiphan. vbi sup. that same man so soone as he passeth out of this life, is changed in­to another bodie, and becommeth a woman. Yea they say fur­ther, that if a man kil a man, an asse, or other liuing thing, that man straight after his death, is changed into that liuing thing which he killed, be it a mouse, serpent, or whatsoeuer else.

The Manichees vse to blesse their meates in this man­ner: O bread, neither did I reape thee, Epiphan. in ca­tal. dogmatum Manich. neither did I grinde thee, neither did I make thee, neither did I bake thee; but an o­ther did al these things, and brought thee to me, my selfe there­fore do eate thee without offence. These and other like mon­strous assertions did this heresie bring forth. This is the grace that they vse.

CHAP. XII. Of the Pelagians, taken out of Saint Augustine.

PElagius sometime a monke, and a Brytan borne, extolled free-will so much, Anno. Dom. 413 that hee ascribed little or nothing vnto grace. He affirmed that man may keepe all Gods holy com­maundements, without his diuine grace: and being reprooued (saith saint Austen) for derogating so much from the grace of God; he answered with vnchristian subtiltie, that grace was therefore giuen to man, that hee might keepe Gods lawes with more facilitie.

[Page 178]That grace (saith Pelagius) without which wee can doe no­thing that good is, is onely in our free-will: which free-will God ingraffed in our nature, without any our deserts: so that God helpeth vs by his law and doctrine to this end onely (saith Pelagius) that wee may learne what to hope for, and what to do; but not to do, what we know ought to be done.

The Pelagians hold (saith S. Austin) that infants in their carnall natiuitie, are so pure and free from originall sinne; that they neede not the second and spirituall regeneration, of water and the holie ghost. Now if any man would aske the Pelagi­ans, to what end infants are baptized: They will answere forsooth (saieth saint Austen) that by this externall regenerati­on they may haue accesse into heauen, and not thereby to be ab­solued from the guilt of sinne. For if they die without Bap­tisme, yet do they promise them eternall life, but without the kingdome of heauen. This is the heresie of Pelagius, which I haue sincerely recited out of saint Augustine, that excellent writer and immoueable pillar of Christs church, because many talke thereof, who seem not throughly to vnderstand the same. With which heresie how the papists agree, and how they dis­sent from the same, shall (God willing) bee shewed when I come to the next Booke, in the chapter of mans Iustification.

CHAP. XIII. Of the Arrian heresie.

ARrius the heretike was the reader of diuinity in Alexandria, a man of great learning and eloquence, Anno Dom. 323 but withall, prowd and ambitious. He denied the diuinitie and godhead of Iesus Christ, affirming him to be pure man, and a meere creature. Which his blasphemous doctrine was dispersed throughout Egypt, Lybia, Alexandria, Thebais, and many other prouin­ces.

Alexander a godly bishop laboured by all meanes possible, to dissuade Arrius from his pestiferous and execrable heresie: but all his trauell was in vaine, because many other bishops and cleargie men embraced the opinion of Arrius, and obsti­nately defended the same.

The most christian emperour Constantinus worthily surna­med [Page 179] the Great, deepely lamenting the church of God to be di­uided with schisme and dissention, Niceph. li. [...]. c. 1 [...] Euleb. de vita Constant. lib. 3. cap. 5.6. sent Hosius the Bishop of Corduba in Spaine, to Alexander and Arrius with his owne hand-writing, earnestly exhorting them to set all dissention a­side, and to agree in vnitie, peace, and trueth. But when the blessed Emperour could not preuaile in his holy purpose, hee commaunded al christian bishops to resort at a certaine day de­signed, to Nice a citie in Bithynia, where this great contro­uersie was decided before Constantine himselfe; and Arrius with his complices driuen into exile.

The Emperour Constantinus sent for Arrius into his pal­lace, so meaning fully to make trial of his opinion: Socrat. li. 2. ca. 2 [...] Nicephor. libr. 8. histor. cap. 51. who when he asked Arrius if he were of the same opinion with the coun­cill of Nice; Arrius without all deliberation and stay, subscri­bed in the presence of the Emperour to the decrees of the saide councill. Then the emperour greatly admiring that fact, wil­led Arrius to confirme his subscription with an othe: to which Arrius yeelded deceitfully, as he had done before: insomuch, that the Emperour being per [...]waded that Arrius was an or­thodox and good christian, charged Alexander the bishop of A­lexandria seuerely, to receiue Arrius againe into his woonted place and dignitie. Yet Alexander knowing Arrius to be an e­nemy to God and his holy religion, and suspecting his dissi­mulation with the Emperour his soueraigne; fearing God on the one side, and reuerencing his soueraigne on the other; gaue himselfe to deuout and earnest prayer, so commending the whole cause vnto God. While Alexander was thus deuout­ly occupied, behold, news came vnto him, that as Arrius came from the emperours pallace, the worme of conscience did won­derfully trouble him, and solubilitie of body did so vehemently assault him, that hee was inforced sodainely to withdraw him­selfe to a common place, where while he sought to haue the or­dinary course of nature, blood gushed but, all his inwards fell from him, and so he perished most miserably.

The secret subtiltie, wherwith Arrius fought to deceiue the godly and most christian Emperor, was this: Arrius wrote his execrable opinion of Christ, in a peece of paper kept close­ly vnder his arme holes: that [...], hee subscribed in the [Page 180] presence of the Emperour: then the Emperour maruelling that he would so doe, vrged him to confirme the same with an oath. Arrius roundly tooke an oath, that he thought as he had written, meaning indeede of his first writing, which hee kept secretly vnder his arme-hole. Where euerie one may see how grieuous a sinne it is to dissemble with God and his annoin­ted magistrate; for so much the rare inflicted punishment doth euidently conuince.

CHAP. XIIII. Of Nestorius and his heresie.

NEstorius Bishop of Constantinople, albeit hee denied not Christ to be god as Arrius did, Anno Dom. 433 yet he affirmed pure man to be borne of the blessed virgin, & that she therefore ought not to be called [...], the mother of God. Whose heresie was condemned in the Ephesine councell, vnder Theodosius iunior then Emperour of Rome.

Nestorius his heresie consisted in this, that since the bles­sed virgin was a woman, God could not be borne of her, and consequently she ought not to be called the mother of God. For although he neither denied in Christ, the deitie nor the huma­nitie, yet did hee place two persons in Christ together with the two natures: and consequently he denied the wonderful hypo­staticall vnion, which our christian faith acknowledgeth.

Arrius held, that Christ was only man, wholly voide of the nature and person of God: but Nestorius helde, that Christ had both the nature and person of God, as also both the nature and the person of man: which last was the formalitie of his heresie, and therefore ought well to be obserued of the reader. For albeit there be two natures in Christ, the nature of God, and the nature of man, yet is the [...]re but one onely person in Christ, which is the person or subsistence of God: for in that diuine person by vnspeakeable hypostaticall vnion, the true nature of man subsisteth, without the person of man. By rea­son hereof it is truely saide, and christianly beleeued, the sonne of God was borne of the blessed virgin, the sonne of God did suffer torments, the sonne of God was crucified, the sonne of God rose againe the third day; the sonne of God ascen­ded into heauen: All which Nestorius denied, because hee [Page 181] seuered the natures, by multiplying persons in Christ Iesus. Christ therefore taking vpon him the nature of man, Note this poin [...] well. did single it from the person of man, vniting it to himselfe, and making it subsist in his diuine person; by reason of which supernatural v­nion, Christ became perfect God and perfect man, hauing two distinct natures, subsisting in one indistinct person▪

CHAP. XV. Of Macedonius and his heresie.

MAcedonius the Bishop of Constantinople, denied the ho­lyghost to be God: he said the sonne was God indeed, Anno. Dom [...] 383. and equal with the father in substance, but the holyghost (with him) was without honor and dignitie, a seruant and minister, little better then the Angels.

For the condemnation of this wicked heretike and heresie, the second generall councell was holden at Constantinople, vnder the Emperours Gra [...]ianus and Theodosius: where were assembled 150. fathers, for that onely end and purpose.

CHAP. XVI. Of Eutiches and his heresie.

EUtiches (whose complices Dioscorus and Seuerus helde the same opinion,) was the Abbot of Constantinople, who, Anno Do [...] 456. while hee sought to auoid the opinion of Nestorius diuiding one Christ into two sonnes and two persons, fell into another mischiefe, and taught more absurdly then Nestorius, to wit, that Christ had but one onely nature, after the hypostaticall vnion was accomplished, because the humanitie was absorpte of the diuinitie: for so Christs diuinitie vncapeable of all mor­talitie, was pe [...]force made partaker of the bitter death vpon the crosse: as therfore Nestorius to auoide the confusion of natures, multiplied the persons; so contrariewise Eutiches, to auoide the multiplicitie of persons, admitted the confusion of natures.

These heretikes, Eutiches, Dioscorus, and Seuerus, were con­demned by the fourth famous generall councel of Chalcedon, celebrated vnder Ualentinianus and Martianus the Empe­rours, where were present 360. Bishops.

CHAP. XVII. Of Mahomet and the Saracens.

MAhomet descended of the Image of Ismael and Agar, and being a very poore orphane, ioyned himselfe to his kins­woman Chadiga; first, as an hired seruant, afterward as her betrothed husband; & so was greatly enriched by her, as who was a woman of exceeding wealth Which Chadiga, when she took very heauily, that Mahomet was troubled with the faling euil; he told her, it was no disease, but that the archangel Ga­briel then appeered to him, whose wonderfull maiestie because he was not able to behold, he fell groueling vpon the ground.

An. Dom. 623This Mahomet professed himselfe to be the mighty prophet of the euerliuing God, & by that meanes stirred vp to sedition, great troupes of men aswel in Asia as in Africa: which people he infected with a new kind of religion, & perswaded them that they were called Saracens by Gods holy decree, of Sara the wife of Abraham; & that they were the lawful successors of that diuine promise that was made to Abraham & his seed for euer.

The form of the aforesaid mangled religion, Mahomet (who was borne and buried in Mecha a citie in Arabia) composed by the help of the Arrian monke Sergius, and called it the Alco­ran: which word (Alcoran) in the Arabian language, signifieth (law or doctrine.) In which Alcoran they professe that Christ is a prophet, and an excellent doctour; but withall, they deny him to be God, and the true Sauiour of the world.

The Saracens called Arabians of the place, Ismaelites of Ismael, and Agarenes of Agar, being in wages vnder Hera­clius the emperour, Genes. 16.4. Genes. 17.20. rebelled for want of pay about the yere of Christ 628. and within 38. yeeres they conquered all Syria, Damascus, Ierusalem, much of Assyria, and the greater part of Asia: al which they subdued to the religion of Mahomet, at that time but newly broched, and of the Arabians or Saracens first of all receiued. For so soone as the Agarenes dwelling in Arabia, and seruing in wars vnder Cesar, vnderstoode by pro­clamation that they could no longer haue the emperours pay; they stirred vp sedition against the Romane captaines: by the meanes whereof the power of Mahomet encreased; to whome [Page 183] the common people being destitute of an head, and in some di­stresse for want of mony, did submit themselues, aswell for his great riches, as for other his singular gifts.

The Iewes, Arrians, and pseudochristians, did al embrace Mahomets Alcoran and mangled religion: they first subdued Arabia and part of Syria; for in Damascus Mahomet had his pallace.

The Saracens hauing mightily enlarged their dominions, diuided themselues into seuerall gouernements: they termed their chiefe lord Caeliphae, their next gouernour, Seriphes, next to him a Sultan, who was ouer euery prouince: at length, the empire was translated to the Turkes.

CHAP. XVIII. Of the originall of the Turkes.

THe Egyptians wearied with the yoke of the Romans, sub­mitted themselues to the Saracens, and receiued their re­ligion. They continued Saracens aboue 400. yeres, vntil such time as the Sultan of Syria conquered them, which was a­bout the yeere of our Sauiour Iesus 1170. at which time he made himselfe Sultan of Egypt also: at length the multitude of captiues, Anno Dom 1203 which the Sultan had brought from the Tartari­ans for his warres, growing mighty, killed the Sultan, & took to themselues the kingdome of Egypt. They called their king Turquemenius, and conquered al Asia the lesse from the Sul­tan of Asia, which they termed Turkia. And thus they conti­nued till Zelimus the great Turke conquered Egypt, and de­stroied the gouernment of the Mamaluchies, Anno Dom 1517 which were chri­stians that had denied their faith; so it remaineth vntil this day, vnder the Turke, holding the new no religion of Mahomet, as do all of the east for the greater part.

This kingdome or empire of the Turkes, began about the yere of our Lord 1300. in the dayes of Othomannus the rich and mighty Turke; for before it was of no reputation, Anno Dom 1300 though it had some being. The church of God flourished before this tyranny, one ful thousand yeeres, euen from the dayes of Con­stantine the great. From this time the kingdome of Mahomet was called the empire of the Turkes.

THE THIRD PART of the originall of Poperie; with the successiue Increments thereof, and an eui­dent confutation of the same.

The first Chapter, containing certaine Preludes, no lesse necessarie for the intelligence of the Chapters folow­ing, then for the exact discouerie of long hidden Po­perie.

The first Prelude.

POpery was not hatched al on one day, moneth, or yeere, but crept into the church by little and little: and that bi­cause the late bishops of Rome, were not Lines, Clements, and Syluesters; Victor. de pot. pap. relect. 4. pag. 151. but naughtie and most wicked men. For so saieth their owne deare frier and great schooleman, Franciscus a Victoria. Yea, some of them beganne as foxes, continued as wolues, and ended as dogges. This to bee so, Carr. in Epit. conc. pag. 369. will witnesse with me Bartholomaeus Carranza their learned dominican doctor. Yea Irenaeus, who liued within 200. yeres of Christ, a­uoucheth, that before his time, ignorance and negligence had brought many abuses into the Church. And what may wee thinke then of abuses in our dayes? Reade his wordes, apud Eusebium, histor. lib. 5, cap. 24.

The second Prelude.

August. libr. ad Bonefaccium, c. 4 [...]o 7.MAny things may euidently be proued to haue beene done, whereof for all that wee can yeeld no sound reason, when, where, & by whom they were done. For first, we know which the Papists can not denie, that in the primitiue church infants receiued the holy communion; yet neither we nor they can tel, when, where, and by whom, that vndiscreet custom first began & was abolished: it was usually practised in S. Austines time. Secondly, we know & they know, that the Lords supper in the Romish church is ministred vnder one kind contrary to Christs institution, yet neither we nor they can tel, when, where, and by whom, that execrable custom first began. Thirdly, we know & they know y t priuat masse hath bin long practised in the church of Rome; yet can we neither tell, when, where, nor by whom it first began. But this we are assured of, that it is repugnant to Christs institution, wholy dissonant from apostolicall doctrine, and vtterly condemned by all approued antiquitie.

Fourthly, we know & they know, that their reformed Fran­ciscans (now commonly called Capuchens) can tell right per­fectly, that their other dissolute Franciscans haue swarued fro their ancient order, albeit they can neither tell, when, where, nor by whom, that dissolution first began: but they proue it àposteriori, by their ancient rules manifestly. And euen so doe we proue by the holy scriptures, (the true touchstone of all ve­ritie) that the papists haue swarued from apostolicall doctrine, albeit we could not (as yet we can) assigne the time, place, and persons; when, where, & by whom such antichristian alteration began.

The third Prelude.

THe vsual practise of papists in their commentaries, bookse, and glosses, hath bin such & so intollerable in wresting the holy scriptures, as their owne deare brethren and great doc­tours, cannot denie or conceale the same. And because this may seeme strange vnto the reader, their owne words shall beare me witnesse: Victor. de potest· Eccl. relec. [...]. sect. 6. for besides this, that Victoria confesseth their beg­gerly and vnlearned Canonists to haue wrested the scriptures, in the behalfe and fauour of their Pope; these are the expresse words of Polidorus Ʋirgilius, their owne professed & sworne brother. Non secus isti iurisconsulti aliquoties detorquent sa­cras [Page 187] literas quó volunt, ac sutores sordidas solent dentibus ex­tendere pelles. These popish Legists & Canonists, P. 39. Poly [...] ▪ Virg libr. 4. cap. [...]. do now and then so wrest, and writhe the holy scripturs; euen as coblers do gnaw with their teeth and stretch out their filthie skinnes. Out of which words I note first, that this Polidore was a great 1 Papist himselfe, and so his testimony must needes be forceable against the papists. I note secondly, that he speaketh not of the meanest and worst sort of Papists, but euen of the best and of 2 their renowmed doctors, because he meaneth Hostiensis, their grand & famous doctor. Thirdly, that their mangling & wre­sting 3 of the holy scriptures is most intolerable: & that without the same, they cannot possibly maintaine their wicked doctrine.

CHAP. II. Of the vsurped primacie in the Church of Rome.

About the yere 590. Iohn bishop of Constantinople sought by al means possible to haue y t primacy of al other bishops, Anno Dom 590. & for that end termed himself vniuersal bishop. This proud appellation (to be called vniuersal bishop) was so strange a thing in Christs church in those daies, that S. Gregorie surnamed y e great, the holy & learned bishop of Rome, Gregor. lib [...]. 7 Epist. cap. 194. stoutly withstood I. of Constātinople, calling him antichrist, & the name antichristi­an. And because his owne assertion plainly recited, is most able to perswade the Reader, I wil alleadge his words, which are these, Ego autem fidentèr dico quia quisquis se vniuersalem sa­cerdotem vocat, vel vocari desiderat, in elatione sua antichri­stum praecurrit, and I speake boldly, that whosoeuer either cal­leth himselfe vniuersall priest, or desireth so to be called, is for his intolerable pride, becom y e precursor of antichrist: & that bi­cause in his proud conceit, he preferres himself before al other.

This notwithstanding, Bonifacius the bishop of Rome and third of that name, Anno Dom 607. obtained of the emperor Phocas to be cal­led the chief of al bishops, and that Rome should be the head of all Churches: for so soone as Boniface had inuaded Peters seate, (which was about 607. yeares after Christ,) and had with much adoe obtained of the bloudy and cruell tyrant Pho­cas, (who rauished many vertuous matrones, Nicephor, Sigeb [...]. and murde­red the good Emperour Mauritius with his wife and chil­dren,) that Rome shoulde bee called the head of all churches, [Page 188] euen then, euen then doubles, the beast of the reuelation, began to prepare the way for Antichrist. Loe, whoredome and murder, were the preparitiues to Romish pri­macie This point is so euident, as their owne zealous papists, & renowmed chronographers, Si­gebertus, Palmerius, Platina, Bergomensis, Polydorus, and o­thers, are enforced to confesse the same. And for the better sa­tisfaction of the reader, I will alledge their owne wordes. Thus therfore writeth their owne learned and beloued monke Marianus Scotus; Hic impetrauit à Phoca Caesare, vt sedes apo­stolica Romanae caput esset ecclesiae, quum antea Constantinopo­lis primum omnium se scribebat. This Bonifacius obtained of Phocas the emperour, that the apostolike sea of Rome should be the head of the church, Marianus Scotus in Chron. when before Constantinople wrote her selfe the chiefe of all.

Sigebertus Gemblacensis an other of their monkes, writeth in this expresse maner: Post quem Bonifacius Romanae ecclesiae praesidet. Sigebert. in in Chron. Hic obtinuit apud Phocam imperatorem, vt ecclesiae Romana caput esset omnium ecclesiarum, quia ecclesia Constanti­nopolitana scribebat se esse primam omnium ecclesiarum. After whom, Bonifacius gouerned the church of Rome: and he ob­tained of the emperor Phocas, that the church of Rome should be the head of all churches; and that because the church of Con­stantinople wrote it selfe the head of all churches. Palmer in Chro. Palmerius hath these words; consentiente Phoca institutum fuit, vt ecclesia Romanae caput esset ecclesiarum omnium, cum prius Constantino­politana id vsurpare tentasset. It was ordained by the consent of Phocas, that the Church of Rome should be the head of all churches, whereas the church of all Constantinople, had be­fore vsurped that dignitie. The other writers haue wordes of like force, which I omit for breuitie sake. Peruse Martinus, Polonus, and Philippus Bergomensis, who both teach the same doctrine.

The first obiection.

Phocas did not giue the primacie to the church of Rome, but only declared by his decree, that authoritie which of right pertaineth to the same.

The answere.

Note this point well.I answere, that neither Scripture, councell, nor any authen­ticall [Page 189] w [...]iter can be alledged; who before the said constitution of Phocas, did at any time ascribe the headship and vniuersall gouernment of all Churches, to the Church of Rome. Eusebius. hist. lib. 5. cap. 24. For first, S. Policarpus woulde not yeeld to Anicetus bishop of Rome, in the cōtrouersie about Easter, as witnesseth Eusebius. Secondly, Irenaeus and other bishops of Fraunce, reprooued 2 Victor the bishop of Rome very sharply, bidding him to haue respect to peace and vnitie of the church. Thirdly, Polycrates and many bishops of Asia did stoutly withstand Victor, in his 3 proceedings touching Easter. Fourthly, Cyprian. S. Cyprian roūdly op­posed himselfe against Stephanus the bishop of Rome, contem­ned 4 his decree, and derided his reasons. Fiftly, the Apostles at 5 Hierusalem sent Peter and Iohn, Epist. 74. ad Pomp. to confirme the faithfull in Samaria. And consequently, if the pope be not aboue Peter, he may be sent as an inferiour, or at least as an equall, Act. 4. ver. 17. euen as Peter was. Sixtly, the fathers of the Affrican councell, would not yeeld to Celestine the bishop of Rome, in the controuersie 6 of appeales, concerning Appiarius. Epist conc. Affr. ad Celest. tom. 1. conc. And when pope Celestine alledged, that the counsell of Nice gaue libertie to appeale to Rome; the fathers of the councell answered, that the true co­pies of the decree were otherwise. Seuenthly, the famous ge­nerall councell of Chalcedon, gaue the bishop of Constantino­ple 7 equall authoritie with the bishop of Rome, in all ecclesiasti­call affaires. Eightly, the Councel of Nice prescribed limites, aswel to the bishop of Rome as to other Patriarkes. Hereby 8 then is it euident, that the lordly vsurped primacie of the church of Rome, was only giuen by the cruell tyrant Phocas. Conc. Nic. can. [...] dist. 35. cap. Mos. antiquus, in gloss. Which conclusion is prooued more at large, in the sixt chapter of my second booke of Motiues.

The second obiection.

You are not able to name the pope and time, that first swar­ [...]ed from the doctrine of his auncestors.

The answere.

I say first, that many thinges haue bin done in your church, which your selues can neuer proue, when, where, & by whō they [Page 190] were done: this is euident by the 2. Prelude and 1. chapter of this third and last part. I say secondly, that Pope Boniface the third of that name, did degenerate from Gregorie his pre­decessor, as is alreadie proued. I say thirdly, that the absurdi­tie of this obiection shal be discouered, throughout the chapters following.

The third obiection.

You confesse in your Motiues, that in the church of Rome for many yeares together, were sundrie learned and godly bi­shops, who liued orderly, preached the word of God sincerely, and fed their flockes carefully: but wee are able to shew a law­full succession of our Bishops, euen from saint Peter to him that now sitteth in his chaire. And therefore granting the for­mer, you seeme impudent to denie the latter.

The answere.

I answer, that the succession of your Romish bishops is not so certaine, The first reason as yee would beare the worlde in hand it is. For first, many graue and learned writers do varie exceedingly, in setting downe that succession wherein you so glory. S. Cle­ment (whose epistles the papists magnifie when they seeme to make for their purpose) testifying for himselfe, Clemens, ep. 1. Irenaeus, lib. 3. cap, 3. Epiphan. Haer. 27. Euseb. hist. lib. 3. ca. 13, 14, 15, that S. Peter appointed him to be his successor. Irenaeus, Epiphanius, Euse­bius, and the canon of the popish masse, doe all with vniforme consent, place Linus, and Cletus, before the said Clemens; yet So­phronius, Met [...]phrastes, and the Popish Pontifical that cannot lie, affirme roundly, that Saint Peter liued after Linus.

Secondly, many schismes haue bin in the church of Rome, and amongst our romish bishops, The second rea­son. euen for many yeares toge­ther: so that the succession of the latter, can neuer bee proued constantly, to haue descended without interruption from the former. Their owne Onuphrius Panuinius, reckoneth vppe thirtie schismes in the church of Rome, but I will content my selfe with two onely, Onuphr. in chron whereof their owne deare frier Bartho­lomeus Carranza can instruct them sufficiently. The former schisme endured for the space of 64. yeares, Carranz. in epit. p. 370. &. p, 373. during which time, their godly popedome was at Auinion in France, and not one onely day at Rome, though at Rome (as they prate) God placed their holy seate. In the latter schisme of the twaine re­hearsed, [Page 192] three of their holy bishops were popes at one & the self same time, to wit, Iohannes the foure & twentie of that name, Benedictus the thirteenth, and Gregorie the twelfte. From which three striuing and grinning as dogs for a bone, I wold learne howe they can deriue, their holy so supposed succes­sion.

Thirdly, a woman as Saint Paul teacheth vs, The third reason is not capa­ble of ecclesiasticall function. And so the succession deriued from our holy mistris Iohn pope, cannot possibly be of force: 1. Tim. 2. v. 11, 12. 1. Cor. 14. ver. 39 which storie of Pope Iohn the woman if it be true, let the Pa­pists for euer holde their peace, and bragge no longer of their succession. And that the said storie of their woman pope Iohn is true indeede, I will proue by the testimonie of such writers, as the Papists hitherto haue euer thought well of, Seuen popish ap­proued writers, agree to this sto­rie of Pope Iohn· and repu­ted for their owne: that is, by Sigebertus, Marianus Scotus, Palmerius, Martinus Polonus; Phillippus Bergomensis, Bapt. Platina, and Bartholomeus Carranza. For all these sing one and the selfe same song, that pope Iohn was a woman though not an holy nunne.

The first replie.

These writers liued long after Pope Iohn, and therefore knew they nothing but by report of others.

The answere.

I say first, that these seauen writers liued longer one after another, then Sigebertus and Scotus liued after Pope Iohn. 1 I say secondly, that all Historiographers write for the most part, by the report of others. I say thirdly, that so many wri­ters 2 otherwise of good credit with you, may well bee credited of vs, in a matter concerning your owne proceedings, especial­ly, 3 since sundry of them be your owne holy friers. I say fourth­lie, that this storie of Pope Iohn is publikelie painted, and 4 this daie to bee seene in your owne Cathedrall churches of [Page 192] Syenna. Which painting our newly hatched Iesuites, sought earnestly to haue had defaced, in the late repairing of that church; but the bishop would not suffer them to preuaile. I say fiftly, that these seuen writers who were all papists, and liued 5 so long one after another; would neuer haue published one and the selfe same thing to the world, if any one of them could in his life time, haue learned the contrary to be the trueth.

The 2. replie.

They say onely and barely, vt ferunt, as men say. And other graue writers that liued before them all, and neerer the time of pope Iohn, make no mention thereof.

The answere.

I say first, that to reason ab auctoritate negatiue, is not hol­den 1 good in schooles, and your selues doe often condemne in o­thers, that kinde of disputation. I say secondly, that if these 2 writers had not been perswaded of the trueth of the storie, they would neuer haue published it to the worlde; because it maketh so much against Romish Religion, to which they were addic­ted whollie. I say thirdly, that the said authors write of this 3 matter, euen as they doe of other thinges. Palmerius and Sege­bertus both haue these expresse wordes; Palmerius & Si­gebertus in chro. Fama est hunc Iohannē faeminam fuisse, & vni soli familiaritantum cognitam, qui eam complexus est, & grauis facta peperit papa existens. Quare eam inter pontifices non numerant quidam, ideo nomini numerū non facit. The report is, that this Iohn was a woman, and knowne onely to one that was her familiar friend. By whose familiaritie she became with childe, and was deliuered euen while she was pope (of Rome.) For which cause some doe not reckon her amongst the popes, and so shee maketh not vp the number. Marianus, Polonus, Bergomensis, Platina and Car­ranza alreadie named, teach the same doctrine, writing vpon the same Iohn. And note wel, that M. Scotus affirmeth the sto­rie constantly, without al ands or ifs. And so doth also M. Po­lonus, who was the popes owne penitentiarie. To these I may fitly adde, Bernard. ad Gau­frid. epist. 1 25 that which your L. Abbot Bernard saith; the beast (saith he) mentioned in the reuelation, to whom was giuen a mouth speaking blasphemies, and to make warres with [Page 193] the Saintes, sitteth in Peters chaire. His wordes are cited verbatim, in the preface to my booke of Motiues.

The third replie.

S. Austen auoucheth plainly, Aug. co [...]r. ep. Manich. cap. 4. that the succession of the Bi­shops of Rome, was one of the chiefest motiues, that kept him in the catholicke church.

The answere.

I answere that succession is of two sorts, materiall and for­mall. Materiall is the succession of persons, one after another in the same place. Formall is the succession of persons, one af­ter another in the same doctrine in what place soeuer. Now S. Austen in deede writing against the Manichies, saith that suc­cession of priestes from S. Peters seate, kept him in the vnitie of the church. And no maruell, because the Bishops of Rome vntill the daies of S. Austen and long after; were verie god­ly men, and taught the same doctrine, that S. Peter had done before them: and so they ioyned succession formall with mate­riall; which if the bishops of Rome would this day performe, all godly christians would now ioyne with them, Irene. libr. 4. c. 43 as S Austen did in his time. For as S. Irene saith; wee ought to obey those priestes, that with succession keepe the word of trueth.

The third obiection.

S. Paule saith plainly, that there must be bishops and pa­stors in the church, euen vntill the worlds end. Ephes. 4. v. 11. Whereupon it followeth, that you protestantes haue no church at all. For be­fore Luther departed from vs, all bishops and priestes for ma­ny yeares togither (as your selues can neuer denie) imbraced our Romish religion. This obiection doth so gall you all, as ye cannot tell in the world, what answere to frame thereunto.

The answere.

Gentle wordes I pray you, Ephes. 4. v. 11. the matter is not so daun­gerous [Page 194] as ye thinke. I therefore say first with saint Paul, that 1 pastors and doctors haue euer been in the church since Christs ascension, are at this present, and shall bee vnto the worldes end. I say secondly, that albeit the visible church cannot want 2 materiall succession; yet cannot that succession, without for­mall, yeelde anie sound argument of true faith and religion. In regard hereof, your owne doctor Nicolaus de Lyra, after he hath told vs that many Popes haue swarued from the chri­stian faith, and become flat apostataes, concludeth in these wordes, Lyranus in 16, cap. Matth. Propter quod ecclesia consistit in illis personis, in qui­bus est notitia vera, & confessio fidei, & veritatis. by reason whereof the church consisteth in those persons, in whome there is true kn [...]wledge and confession of the faith and of veritie. So then by the confession of your owne approoued doctor, not they that sic in saint Peters chaire at Rome, are the true and lawfull successors of Saint Peter; but they that confesse and preach saint Peters doctrine. I say thirdly, that our refor­med 3 churches in England, are this day able to shew, succession both materiall and formal, euen from the apostles themselues. And therefore our succession is, and ought to be reputed, farre better then yours.

The first reply.

Howsoeuer you wrangle about your formall succession, yet is it cleare to all that haue eyes; that you haue no materiall succession at all, vnlesse you tearme it materiall succession, when lay persons possesse the roomes of lawful Bishops. For I pray you (good sir) who ordered your Bishops and Priests in king Edwardes dayes? Who sent your Ministers that this day preach and minister your sacraments? Can you for shame deny that they were ordered by such as were runnagates from vs in Queene Maries time? All the world knoweth, yee can­not doe it. And yet must you bee sent by ordinary vocation, or else confesse that you most shamefully vsurpe that holie functi­on. For as saint Paul saith, How shall they beleeue in him, of whome they haue not heard? Rom. 10.14. And how shall they heare with­out a preacher? And how shall they preach except they be sent?

The answere.

Our succession is both materiall and formall, christian and a­postolical, as which is consonant to the holy scriptures, and to the vsual practise of the primitiue church. For first our bishops can proue their doctrine by the scriptures, and by the testimo­nies of best approued writers, as I haue alreadie proued in my Motiues, and shall by Gods assistance proue more at large in this discourse. Secondly, our bishops haue mission and impo­sition of hands, according to the practise apostolicall and of all approued antiquitie. Thirdly, our bishops are made in such forme and order, as they haue euer beene accustomed, a few popish, superstitious, and beggerlie ceremonies omitted, which of late yeeres had crept into the church; that is to say, be free election of the Chapiter, by consecration of the archbi­shop, and other his associates, & by the admission of the prince.

The second replie.

S. Epiphanius inueyeth bitterly against one Zachaeus, Epiphan. lib. 3. pag. 355. Hier. contr. Lu­cifer. who being but a [...]ay man, presumed impudently to handle the holie mysterie [...]. And saint Ierome saieth of Hilarius the heretike, that he could neither baptize nor administer the eucharist; be­cause he was but a deacon, when hee went out of the church. And therefore the man being dead, the sect also died with him. And what are you but deacons? Nay, what are you but meere lay men? For you are neither consecrated after the old maner, nor confirmed by the Pope; but ye are accursed long sithence, by his holie anathematismes.

The answere.

I say first, that if meere lay men should presume in our churches, to handle the holie mysteries; they could not escape condigne punishment, according to their demerites. I say se­condly, that the want of your greasing and other your begger­ly ceremonies, can not make the consecration of our Bishops [Page 196] vnlawfull. I say thirdly, that our bishops are consecrated and 3 confirmed, according to the auncient maner of the primitiue church. For three thinges onely are necessarie; all which are this day (God be thanked for it) practised in the church of Eng­land; to wit, election of the whole congregation, confirmation of the Prince, and consecration with godly praiers and imposi­tion of handes. Of the imposition of handes, mention is made to Timothie. 2. Tim. 1.6. 1. Tim. 4.14. Actes. 13 ver. 3. Act. 1. ve. 21. Of praiers with laying on of handes, S. Luke speaketh in the Actes. Of election by voyces of the people, S. Peter maketh relation: but of popish paltry ceremonies, I finde no where any word at all.

That election ought to be by consent of the people, S. Au­gustine shewed plainly in a most godly and prudent epistle, Aug. in Epist. 11. [...]. 2. whē in the presence of Religianus, and Martinianus, bishops, and of Saturninus, Leporius, Barnabas, Fortunatianus, Rusticus, Laza­rus, and Eradius priestes; he humbly requested of all the people that by their consentes, Eradius might be chosen bishop after his death. I wishe the reader to peruse the whole epistle, as which is replenished with all spirituall sweetnes. But S. Cy­prian is so plaine and copious in this point of doctrine, as who soeuer shal once reade him with iudgement, can no longer stand in doubt thereof. And that which I say of S. Cyprian in this behalfe, must also be vnderstood of Caecilius Primus, Polycar­pus, and other bishops of Africke, assembled togither for this purpose. For the Bishops and people of Spaine wrote letters by Felix and Sabinus to the African bishops; requiring their aduise concerning the factes of Basilides and Martialis. The bishops of Africa with S. Cyprian, among other things answe­red to the churches of Spaine in these words.

Quando ipsa (plebs) maximè habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes vel indignos recusandi: [...]pud. D. Cypria. b. 1. epist. 4. quod & ipsum vide­mus de diuina authoritate descendere, vt sacerdos plebe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur, & dignus atque idoneus public [...] iudicio ac testimonio comprob [...]tur.

Because the people hath proper power to elect worthy priestes, or to reiect the vnworthy: which thing we see descen­deth from Gods owne authoritie, that when the people shal be present, then the priest be chosen before all their eies, and so [Page 197] be pro [...]ued woorthie and fit by their publique iudgement and testimonie.

Out of these wordes I note first, that the people may chuse or refuse him for their bishop, whome they like or dislike. I note 1 secondly, that the people haue this libertie de iure diuino gran­ted 2 from God himselfe; and consequently, that it cannot be al­tered by the power of man: which is a speciall point, wel wor­thy the obseruation. I note thirdly, that the people must giue publique testimonie, to the election of their bishop. I note 3 fourthly, that all this freedome is graunted to the people, for the due triall of the life and conuersation of that person, whome 4 they must haue to be their bishop. Yea, this case is so cleere, that the great Papist Iacobus Pamelius is enforced to graunt, Iacod. Pamelius in annot. that this was the practise of the primitiue church, and conti­nued many hundred yeeres, to witte, vntill saint Gregory the first of that name, Anno Dom. 590 who liued aboue fiue hundred and ninetie yeeres after the incarnation of our Lorde and Sauiour Ie­sus Christ: and so long by Pamelius his graunt, this was the practise of the primitiue church. Yea, this practise was of force indeede, vntill our disholie father Pope Boniface the third inuaded saint Peters chaire, from whome proceeded all idolatrie.

To this Pamelius obiecteth first, Ob. 1. Pamelii▪ that though the voyces of the people were required, yet did they not subscribe to the elec­tion.

I answere, that that skilleth not, because the subscription was not anie purpose, vnlesse it had the consent of the peo­ple.

But Pamelius replieth that the bishops were not enforced to admit whomsoeuer the people did require. Ob. 2. Pameli [...]

To the which I answere, that neither were the people en­forced to receiue, whomsoeuer the Bishops would intrude vpon them.

This practise of the ancient Church will some men say, is not this day obserued in our reformed Churches of Eng­land.

I answere, that it is virtually obserued, Virtuall election remaineth yet in the people▪ though not for­mally. For after the election is made by the Deane and Cha­piter, [Page 198] libertie is granted to the whole congregation, freely to declare their like or dislike, and what exception they can giue against the partie: which their freedome and liberty therein is made knowne, by letters affixed in publike place.

Now that the Bishop ought to bee confirmed by the letters patents of the Prince, and not of the Pope, which is the third and last thing to be proued, I will vnfold to the gentle reader, by three important and irrefragable reasons, grounded in the verie bowels of that selfe same practise, The Pope must be confirmed by the letters pa­tents of the Prince. which the papists will they, nil they, must perforce admit for good. The practise whereof I speake, is euident in the confirmation of these three Popes, Pelagius the second, Seuerinus and Benedictus the se­cond. For al these three, and al other Bishops of Rome till the said Benedict inclusiue, were euer elected and confirmed, by the emperours commandement. Which veritie is freely confes­sed in expresse tearmes, by foure famous popish writers, who therefore are and ought to be of more credite and force against the papists then any other authours whosoeuer: the names of the Popish doctors are these. Bapt. Platina, Bar [...]hol. Car­ranza, Anastasius Bibliothecarius, and Onuphrius Panui­nius.

Platina writeth thus, touching the creation of Pelagius; Nilenim tum in eligendo pontifice actum erat, Platina in vita Pelagii secundi. nisi eius elec­tionem imperator approbasset.

For at that time, (which was after the incarnation of our redeemer 579) nothing was done effectually about the electi­on of the Pope, vnlesse the Emperour had confirmed the same.

Platina in vita Seuerini.Touching the creation of Seuerinus, the same Platina writeth in this manner.

Ʋana tunc enim habebatur cleri ac populi electio, nisi id im­peratores auteorum exarchi confirmassent.

For the election of the cleargie and the people, was of no force at all in those dayes, Anno Dom 637 vnlesse the Emperours or their lieu­tenants, had confirmed the same. This was done 637. yeares after Christs incarnation.

Concerning the creation of Benedicte, Platina hath these words.

Platina in vita Bened. secundi. Ad hunc Constantinus imperator sanctionem misit, vt dein­ceps [Page 199] quem clerus, populus, exercitús que Romanus in pontificem delegisset eundem statim verum Christi vicarium esse omnes cre­derent: nulla aut Constantinopolitani principis, aut Italiae ex­archi expectata auctoritate, vt anteà fieri consueuerat: id enim ratum erat in creando pontifice, quod princeps confirmasset, vel qui eius vices in Italia gerebat.

The emperour Constantine sent a decree to this Pope▪ that whomsoeuer the clergy, people, and Romane souldiers should hencefoorth chuse for their bishop, all people should by and by beleeue him to be the vicar of Christ ( scilicet) if they would.

Bartholomeus Carranza a dominican Frier, Carranza in epit. p. 301. hath the verie same assertion ad verbum.

Anastasius and Onuphrius haue these expresse words, Anastas. apud O­nuphr. in ch [...]i­co. pon­tifices qui deinde fuerant, creati & consecrati sunt sine Con­stantinopolitani imperatoris iussione.

The Popes that liued afterwards, were made and conse­crated, without the Emperour of Constantinople his com­maundement: as if they had saide, in the olde time and in the auncient Churche, no Bishoppe of Rome coulde haue beene admitted at anie time, vnlesse hee hadde brought letters pa­tents from the Emperour, though now the practise bee farre otherwise.

Out of which doctrine, The first corol­larie I gather these three euident and most necessarie corollaries. First, that the vulgar and common sort of people are grossely deceiued, when they terme papistrie the olde religion, and repute them for the Catholikes. For wee indeede are the true and auncient Catholikes, and the Papistes are nothing else but flatte Heretikes. For this Benedict coulde not bee made Bishoppe of Rome, without the Emperours Letters Patents. This primacie of the Em­perour ouer the Bishoppe of Rome, was sixe hundred, Anno Dom 684 foure score and foure yeeres after the incarnation of Christ. For at that time was this Benedict made the Pope. So then the Bishop of Rome, for the space almost of seuen hundred yeres after the incarnation of Christ Iesus, acknowledged the Em­perour for his superiour and Lorde, as wythout whose Letters Patentes hee coulde haue no Iurisdiction. For, [Page 200] as in ciuill causes, many are debarred from their lawfull inhe­ritance, The popes tyranny debarred vs [...]rom our an [...]ient right. and that by the violent dealing of mightie men; euen so we catholikes haue beene many yeares excluded from our own churches, our ancient and lawfull possessions, and that by the force, violence, and tyrannie, of the bloudy Romish antichrists. And as temporall men are in time restored vnto their aunci­ent right, by iust and godly magistrates, euen so were we, and are we, by the goodnes of God and most christian princes, king Henry the eight, and king Edward the sixt of famous memory, & our most gratious soueraigne Elizabeth, restored to the old, christian, catholike, and apostolike religion, and placed againe in our owne churches, the spirituall birthright of vs and our ancestours.

I gather secondly, that our Bishops in England are made and consecrated, The second co­rollarie. according to the ancient, christian, catholike, and Romaine manner, that is, by the Letters patents of the Prince.

I gather thirdly, that Christian Emperours vppon a cer­taine zeale not grounded vppon knowledge, The third corol­ [...]rie. yeelding vppe their soueraigne rights to the Bishops of Rome, opened the window to all antichristian tyrannie. For in short time after, the Romish Bishops became so arrogant and lordly, that they tooke vpon them to depose the Emperours, to translate their Empires, and to dispose at their pleasures, of their royall scep­ters and regalities.

The third replie.

The church of God cannot bee without Bishoppes and priests, [...]phes. 4. vers. 11. as you haue already gran [...]ed, and as I haue proued out of Saint Paul: but so it is, that when yee first reformed the church as you tearme it; yee neither had any Byshoppes nor any priests of your owne, neither coulde you find any but with vs and in our church, when Martin Luther went out from vs. Our church therefore and none but ours, is the true church of god. This reason is so strong, as it can neuer be tru­ly answered.

The answere.

1 I saie first, that this reason seemeth to carrie a maiestie with [Page 201] it, and a verie plausible shewe of truth, and therefore did it a long time fascinate and seduce my selfe, yet I trust by Gods holy assistance so to solue it, as no papist shall haue cause any longer to glorie therein. I say secondly, that if our bishops 2 or our lay-brethren, had gone at any time to the greeke and East churches, they shoulde haue found as good a materiall succession at the least, as that of yours at Rome: but there was no neede to take so long and so painefull a iourney in hand. I say thirdly, that our bishops and priests of late yeares, were in­deede 3 consecrated by such as were sometimes in your church. But thereupon will it not follow I assure you, that the true church of God was with you and not with vs: for no more can be inferred vpon your reason, but that there remained a certaine externall face, of the visible church still with you, that is to say, a mingled materiall succession of place and persons, without the formall Euangelicall succession of trueth and doctrine.

The fourth replie.

How can the pastors of the church, be without the doctrine of the church: for the church cannot bee without the pastors, as I haue proued and you also admitted? this is it, that I desire to learne.

The answere.

The reason hereof is this, because God promised to giue al­waies pastors to his visible church: but he neuer promised this, to put the truth alwaies in their mouthes. For this cause saith Saint Paule, that God hath giuen pastors and teachers to his church vntil the end: but he neuer said, Ephes. 4. vers. 13. that he gaue them his holy spirit alwaies to preach and teach the truth: no, no, he ne­uer promised any such thing. You brag of your succession, you say you are the church representatiue, & that your pope cannot erre, but whatsoeuer he defineth iudicially, that must be as true as the holy gospel. Euen so did the wicked Iewes boast when the Prophet of God reproued them: come said they, let vs i­magine some deuice against Ieremy; for the law shall not pe­rish from the priest, nor counsell from the wise, Ier. 18. v. 18. nor the worde [Page 202] from the prophet. Thus did the Iewes boast then, and thus doe the papistes boast now. Ezech. 7. ver. 26 But what saith God by his Pro­phet, to these your arrogant and Pharisaical conceites? doubt­lesse cleane contrary; to wit, but the law shall perish from the priest, and counsell from the elder: as if hee had said; notwith­standing your great bragges of your priuiledges, yet shall ye be infatuated, and spoiled of all counsel, trueth, and doctrine.

The fift replie.

The Apostle saith, that God gaue pastors and teachers to his church for this end, Ephes. 4. v. 14 that they shuld not be caried away with false doctrine. But if the pastors all haue erred, as you would haue vs to beleeue; then in vaine did God giue pastors to his Church to preserue vs in the trueth. For they that should haue taught the trueth, did euen themselues swarue from the trueth; and so they became vnfit instrumentes, to doe the will of God.

The answere.

I say first, that albeit Gods wil be one as himselfe is one, willing by his owne essence and by one eternall and immuta­ble act, whatsoeuer he willeth; yet is his will said to be mani­fold, 1 aswel of the holy fathers, as of the schooledoctors. And this is done, for two special considerations. The former is, for the varietie of the thinges which God willeth. The latter is, Let this solution be wel obserued, and neuer for­gotten. for the varietie of the maner, by which God seemeth to will thinges. Hereupon arise many diuisions of Gods will, assig­ned by learned writers for explication sake.

Some deuide Gods will, into antecedent and consequent. Some others diuide it, into the will of signe, and will of good pleasure. Others, into the will reuealed, and will not reuea­led. Others, into the will absolute, an [...] will conditionate, 2 and the like. I say secondly, that though Gods will con­sequent and will of good pleasure, bee euer accompli­shed vndoubtedly; yet is his will antecedent and will of signe, oftentimes neglected and left vndone. Of the former wil, the prophet speaketh in these words; whatsoeuer pleased y e Lord, Esay. 46. verse 10 Psal. 135. ver. 6. that did he in heauen and in earth, and in the Sea, and in all the depthes. And the Apostle saith: for who hath resi­sted [Page 203] his will? Of the latter, we haue many examples in the ho­lie Scriptures. First, Rom. 9. ver. 19 God commanded Pharao by Moses to let his people go, but Pharao would not obey. Secondly, Exod. 4. ver. 22 Math. 23. ver. 37 God would haue gathered the Iewes togither, euen as the hen ga­thereth her chickens vnder her wings, 1. Tim. 2. v. 4 but they would not haue it so. Thirdly, God would haue all men to be saued, as Paul beareth witnesse; and yet we know by the holy gospel, that the greater part shalbe damned. Mat. 20. ver. 16

I say thirdly, that Gods will mentioned in S. Paule, and now obiected against my resolution; is only voluntas signi (his will of signe: Voluntas signi non beneplaciti.) and not voluntas beneplaciti (his will of good pleasure:) and therefore it can neuer be effectually concluded out of this text, (which hitherto hath euer been reputed the strong bulwarke of poperie, and either dissembled or lightly passed ouer by the grauest writers;) that the pastors of the vi­sible church alwaies teach the trueth, and neuer swarue from the same. Thus more plainly for the simple and ignorant sort. When the apostle saith, Ephes. 4. v. 14. that God placed pastors and doctors in the church, that the people be not carried away with false doctrine; he neither meaneth that the pastors shall alwaies in­fallibly teach the trueth, nor that the people shall alwaies con­stantly embrace the truth. I proue it, because the apostle spea­keth indefinitely and indifferently, of all teachers and of al hea­rers, of al shepheardes and of all sheepe, neither excepting one nor other; and yet both ye know and we know, that many prea­chers preach false doctrine, Marke this well for Christes sake. and that many hearers embrace the same. Whereupon it followeth necessarily, that if the Apostle meant as ye woulde haue him to meane; then Christes intent and purpose shoulde be frustrate indeede, which yet is it that your selues impugne. The apostle therfore meaneth only this, to declare voluntate signi, what he would haue his shepheards and sheepe to doe; albeit voluntate beneplaciti, the same be not euer accomplished.

This my explication of S. Paules meaning, is confirmed not only by the holy Scripture, but also by the expresse testimo­nies of renowmed popish writers. Touching the holy Scrip­ture; First, it is euident, that God would haue al men saued, for 1 so saith the apostle: Deus vult omnes homines saluos fieri. 1. Tim. 2.4 Gods [Page 204] wil is, that all men shalbe saued, and come to the acknowled­ging of the trueth. Whereby we see, that Gods wil and intent is to saue all: and yet doe we know assuredly, that al shal not be saued. Mat. 20. ver. 17 For the gospel saith plainly: Multi vocati, pauci ve­rò electi. Manie are called, but few are chosen. Secondly, it is 2 cleere, that God appointed good workes to this end, that men should walke in them; for so saith holy writ: Ipsius enim sumu [...] factura, creati in Christo Iesu in bonis operibus, quae praeparauit deus vt in illis ambulemus. Ephes. 2. ver. 10 For wee are his workemanship, created in Christ Iesus vnto good workes, which God hath ordained that we should walke in them. And yet we see by daily 3 experience, that it is farre otherwise. Thirdly, God gaue vs his holie lawe, Exod. 18.20. Deut. 6.5. Luc. 10.28. Math. 22.37. Mar. 12.29. to the intent that wee shoulde accomplish it: (for so the scripture telleth vs, and no papist doth or can denie the same:) and yet haue we infallible knowledge out of the same scripture, that none liuing can keep & fulfil the law in al points. For if we could haue kept the lawe in al pointes, Rom. 7. per totum. wee shoulde haue been iustified by the obseruation thereof, and so Chr [...]stes passion and his satisfaction had been needlesse. In all these pla­ces therefore, and the like: Ʋoluntas signi must be vnderstood, but not voluntas beneplaciti.

Touching the popish Doctors, the Iesuite Bellarmine hath these words: At fine dubio singuli episcopi errare possunt, & a­liquando errant, Bellar. lib. 2. de conc. c. 2. & inter se quando (que) dissentiunt, vt nesciamus quisnam eorum sequendus sit. But without doubt all bishops may erre seuerally, and doe erre sometime, and sometime dis­sent one from another, insomuch that we cannot tel whom we 1 should follow. Out of which wordes, I note first, that God who caused Balaams asse to speake, Numb. 22.28. hath enforced our Iesuite to confesse the trueth. I note secondly, that there is no Bishop 2 in the worlde, but hee both may erre and sometime doth erre; and consequently, that the pope of Rome is either no bishop at all by his owne Iesuites graunt, or els that he both may erre, and doth erre indeed. Euery bishop may erre. Which point I haue prooued copiously, in my booke of Motiues.

I note thirdly, that by our Iesuites confession, euery bishop 3 hath so many errours, that the people cannot tel whom to fol­low, and consequently that S. Paul meant nothing lesse, then [Page 205] that the pastors and doctors of the churche, shoulde alwaies teach the trueth.

I note fourthly, that since euery auncient father both may erre, and doth erre, and that by popish graunt; there is no rea­son 4 why the papistes should vrge vs as they doe, to stand to the censure of the fathers in euery thing. Their owne Cardinall Panormitanus hath these wordes: Nam in concernentibus fi­dem▪ etiam dictum vnius priuati esset praeferendum dicto papae, Panorm. de elec [...] cap. significati. p [...]ope finem. si ille moueretur mel [...]oribus rationibus noui & veteris testa­menti, quam papa. Nec obstat, si dicatur quod concilium non po­test errare, quia Christus orauit pro ecclesia sua vt non defice­ret; quia dico, quod licet concilium generale repraesentet totam ecclesiam vniuersalem, tamen in veritate ibi non est vera eccle­sia vniuersalis sed repraesentatiue: quia vniuersalis ecclesia cō ­stituitur, ex collectione omnium fidelium. Ʋnde omnes fideles orbis constituunt istam ecclesiam vniuersalem, cuius caput & sponsus est ipse Christus. Papa autē est vicarius Christi▪ & non verè caput ecclesiae, vt notat glossa in Clem. Ne Romani de elect. quae notabiliter dicit, quòd mortuo papâ ecclesia non est sine ca­pite, & ista est illa ecclesia quae errare non potest Vnde possibile est, quòd vera fides Christi remaneret in vno solo, ita quod ve­rum est dicere, quod fides non deficit in ecclesia. Sequitur: Chri­stus ante passionem orauerat pro Perro▪ vt nō deficeret fides sua, ergo non dicitur deficere nec etiam errare, si remanet vera fides in vno solo. For concerning matters of faith, euen the iudge­ment of one that is a meere lay man, ought to be preferred be­fore the sentence of the pope; if that lay person could bring bet­ter reasons out of the old and new testament, then did the pope. And it skilleth not if one say, that a councel cannot erre, because Christ praied for his church, that it should not faile. For I say, that although a general councel represent the whole vniuersall church, yet in trueth there is not truely the vniuersall Church, A lay mans iudg­ment is to be preferred before the popes. but representatiuely. For the vniuersall church consisteth, of the collection of all the faithful. Whereupon all the faithfull in the world, make this church vniuersall, wherof Christ himself is the head. The pope is the vicar of Christ, but not truely the head of the church, as noteth the glosse vpon the Clementines; which saith notably, that when the pope is dead, the Church [Page 206] wanteth not an head, and this is that Church which cannot erre. Whereupon it is possible, that the true faith of Christ might remaine in one alone, and so it may truely be said, y t the faith faileth not in the church. Christ before his passion praied for Peter, that his faith should not faile; therefore the church is not said to faile, neither to erre, so long as the true faith abi­deth in one onely.

1 Out of these wordes I note first, that by the opinion of the great Papist Panormitan, a meere lay mans iudgement euen in matters of faith, ought to be accepted and receiued be­fore the popes constitution; if the lay man bring better reasons out of the scriptures, Loe▪ the papistes acknowledge our doctrine. then the pope doth. Which saying doubt­lesse is the foundation of the doctrine, this day established in the church of England, & in all other reformed churches through­out the world. Neither doe we craue more of the papistes, then their owne doctors will affoord vs. I note secondly, that a ge­nerall 2 councell may erre, because it is not the catholike or vni­uersall church indeed.

I note thirdly, that that church which cannot erre, is not the 3 visible companie of pastors and doctors, but the inuisible socie­tie of all the faithfull in the worlde. Where by (inuisible) I meane not, that any of the elect is inuisible in his corporal consi­stence, but that the vniuersall congregation of the faithfull as vniuersall, is inuisible: that is to say, that no one mortall man seeth or knoweth all true beleeuers in the church. In which sense is truely verified the saying of Elias, when hee cried out that he only was left alone. 3. Reg 19.10 For albeit it be true, that there was a visible church in Iudea vnder the good kinges, Asa and Io­saphat, 3 Reg. 15 & 18. & 22. 3. Paral. c. 16. &c. 17. euen when Elias made his complaint that he was left alone: and although also that Abdias had told Elias, that hee had hid an C. prophets by L. in a caue, so as Elias could not be ignoraunt of a visible church in the worlde; yet is it most true with all this, that the vniuersall church as vniuersall, was in­uisible to Elias; and that there were many thousandes of true beleeuers euen then in Samaria, whom [...]lias neither saw nor knew. And therefore did God answere him, saying: I haue re­serued to my selfe seuen thousand men, which haue not bowed the knee to Baall. Rom. 11. v. 3.

[Page 207]I note fourthly, that howsoeuer the visible bishops and pa­stors erre, yet doth not the vniuersal church erre, so long as the 4 faith remaineth in any one whosoeuer. I note fiftly, that as in the time of Elias, there were seuen thousand faithfull persons 5 whom he knew not: euen so were there in those daies, The church inui­sible among the papistes. when Martin Luther began his reformation, many thousandes a­mong the papists that sincerely beleeued the gospel, whom hee neither saw nor knew.

The 6 replie.

The scripture telleth vs, that the church cannot erre. For, as the Apostle saith, it is the house of the liuing God, 1. Tim. 3 15. the pillar and ground of trueth. Therefore either Gods apostle teacheth false doctrine, or els doubtlesse the trueth must euer be in the church.

The answere.

I answere, that the true church of God (which is the mysti­call body of Christ) doth neuer erre wholly and generally in the fundamentall pointes of religion, and such as are necessary for our saluation. I say first, (the true church of God) because the societie of the visible pastors, are not euer the mysticall 1 members of Christ. I say secondly, (wholly and generally) because albeit the trueth may faile for a time in the pastors of 2 the church, yet shall it neuer perish in the elect and true mem­bers thereof. For though particular churches may erre in par­ticular pointes, yet shall the whole church neuer erre, in the articles of necessary doctrine. Though the elect may erre in part, and at sometime, yet shal they neuer erre, Note how the Church cannot erre. either all gene­rally, or any one finally. For whom and in respect of whom, the church is rightly called the pillar of trueth.

This my exposition is made good by the testimonie of S. Austen, whose words be these: Secundā ergo Sabbathi non debe­mus intelligere nisi ecclesiā Christi, sed ecclesiā Christi. in sanctis, ecclesiam Christi in his qui scripti sunt in coelo, ecclesiā Christi in [...]is qui mundi huius tentationibus non cedunt. August. in Psal. 47. in praef. Ipsi enim digni sunt nomine, firmamēti. ergo ecclesia Christi in his qui firmi sunt, [Page 208] appellata est firmamentum; quae est, in quit, ecclesia dei viui, co­lumna & firmamentum veritatis. Therefore we may not vn­derstand the second of the sabboth to bee any other then the church of Christ, yet the church of Christ in the saints, the church of Christ in those, which are not ouercome with the ten­tations of this wicked world: for they are worthy the name of firmament; therefore the church of Christ is called the firma­ment in those that are firme, which is (saith hee) the church of the liuing God, Vide Augusti. lib. 7. de bapt. c. 51. tom. 6. the piller and firmament of truth: The like saying hath S. Augustine in many other places, but especial­ly where he writeth against the Donatists.

Saint Chrysostome expoundeth this place of the veritie it selfe, and not of the pastors as you papists doe: these are his expresse words, quippe veritas ecclesiae, & columna & firma­mentum est; for the veritie of the church, is both the piller and the firmament. And Anselmus holdeth flatly the opinion of Saint Austen, Chrys. homil. 11. in 1. Tim. 3. expounding the words of Saint Paul so plain­ly of the elect, as no papist is able to auoide the same, vnlesse they will reiect Anselmus, because they cannot answere him: and yet they cannot so do without blushing, because they haue hitherto reputed him for their owne: these therefore are his ex­presse words.

Domus in qua Deus habitat, ecclesia est ex multis collecta fi­delibus qui variis modis sunt docendi, Ansel. super hunc locum. & ipsa eius ecclesia est in perfectis columna, id est, sublimis & recta, & inconcussibi­lis & sustentans iuniores atque sustollens, & in eisdem perfec­tis est ipsa firmamentum veritatis; quia verbis & exemplis firmat in cordibus infirmorum, veritatem fidei & mandatorum Dei.

The house in which God dwelleth, is the whole congre­gation of the faithfull, who are to be taught diuersly: and the same church is in the perfect a piller, that is, sublime, straight, inconcussible, supporting and lifting vp the yonger sort, and in the same perfect, it is the firmament of truth, because both by words and examples it confirmeth in the hearts of the weake, the veritie of faith and Gods commandements.

Out of these words I gather first, that the house of God, whereof the Apostle writeth to Timothy, is (not the rable of [Page 207] Popes and popish prelates) but the congregation of the faith­full. I gather secondly, that it is meant as well of the laytie, 2 as of the clergy: and my reason is founded in these words of Anselmus, (who are to be taught;) for the pastors ex officio must teach the flocke, and not bee taught of the flocke. I ga­ther thirdly, that it is meant specially of the elect; & my ground is this, because Anselmus saith, it is a piller in the perfect For if there be anie perfection, it is doubtlesse in the elect and none else.

The Popes owne Doctours▪ Syluest. de eccl. §. 4. Panormitanus and Syluester doe tell vs in plaine and manifest tearmes, that it is the whole congregation of the faithfull that cannot erre: these are Syl­uesters words.

Et sic intellige glossam dicentem, quòd ecclesia quae errare non potest, dicitur non papa, sed congregatio fidelium, quae scilicet te­net fidem quam Petrus cum aliis populis docuit. And thus must the glosse be vnderstood, which saith, that the church which can­not erre, is not the pope, but the congregation of the faithfull, that is, such as hold firmely that doctrine, which Saint Peter with other (godly) people taught.

Panormitan writeth thus, Ecclesia vniuersitatis errare non potest scilicet in fide vel articulis fidei: Panormit. apud Sylues. de fide §. 9 & pro hac tantum Chri­stus in Euangelio orauit ad patrem: in aliis autem non solum ec­clesia particularis, verum etiam vniuersalis, id est, collecti [...] fi­delium seu concilium generale, errare potest.

The church vniuersall cannot erre, that is to say, in the faith or in the articles of our beliefe: Vide ipsum Pa­normi [...] de electi­one, cap. signifi­casti. and for this church onely was Christs praier, when he prayed to his father in the gospel; yet in other things, not onely the particular church, but the vniuer­sal likewise may erre, that is to say, the collection of the faith­full, or a generall councell. Yea, the Popes own decrees af­firme so much, to wit, that the church is catholicorum collectio: the congregation of the (faithfull) catholickes. And the popes own deare glosse vppon his own decrees, can. 14. quaest. [...] can. a recta, in glossa. doth most liuely de­scribe that church which cannot erre, to be the congregation of the faithful: thus is it there written in expresse tearmes.

Quaero de qua ecclesia intelligas, quod hic dicitur, quod non possit errare si de ipso papa, certum est quod papa errare potest: [Page 208] respondeo, ipsa congregatio fidelium hic dicitur ecclesia, & ta­lis ecclesia non potest non esse.

I aske thee (O Pope Luci) of what church thou vnderstan­dest that, which thou tellest vs in this place: to wit, that the church cannot erre. For if thou vnderstandest it of the Pope himselfe, it is verie certaine that the Pope may erre. I an­swere therefore, that the church is heere taken for the congre­gation of the faithfull, and such a church can neuer erre (in­deede.) Out of these words of Pope Lucius I note first, that 1 when the Pope affirmeth that the church cannot erre, then his own deere and faithful interpreter answereth roundly, that that priuiledge is not granted to the Pope, but to the whole congre­gation of the faithfull. I note secondly, that the saide glosse 2 proueth by sundrie chapters of the Popes owne cannon-law, that the Pope both may erre and hath alreadie erred, de facto. I note thirdly, that that church in which the truth alwaies 3 abideth, is the multitude of the faithfull. I therefore conclude with S. Paul, S. Augustine, Saint Chrysostome, Anselmus, Syluester, Panormitanus, the Popes owne canon-law, and popish interpreters vpon the same, that the congregation of the faithfull, is the piller and ground of truth, and that church which cannot erre.

The seauenth replie.

Christ promiseth to bee with his disciples vntill the worlds end, but the Apostles departed hence long sithence: therfore as the fathers truely gather, Mat. 28.20. he meaneth of being with the catho­like byshops, the true successours of the Apostles.

The answere.

I say first, that your popish Bishoppes of late yeares are neither catholike bishops, nor successours of the Apostles, as I haue alreadie proued▪ I say secondly, that Christ promiseth his spirituall and inuisible presence, not onely to the Apo­stles for their time, but also to the congregation of the faithful til the worlds ende: and I proue it by the testimonie of the ho­ly fathers, Saint Chrysostome, and Saint Augustine; Saint Chrysostome hath these expresse words.

Nam cum dicit: ecce ego vobiscum sum omnibus diebus vs­que [Page 209] ad consummationem seculi, nō ad eos tantummodo loquitur, sed per eos ad vniuersum prorsus orbem. Chrys. in cap. 5 [...] Mat. hom. 15. tom. 2.

For when he saith, behold, I am with you alwaies vntil the ende of the world, hee speaketh not onely to them, but to all doubtlesse that are in the whole world [...] which assertion he hath in many other places of his works.

Saint Augustine hath words so important for this end and scope, as more shall not neede to be alleaged. Thus doth hee write in flat tearmes; Non itaque fi [...] dictum est apostolis, eritis mihi testes in Hierusalem & in tota Iudaea, & Samaria, Agu. in Epist. 80. prop [...] finem. tom 2. pag. 238. &. vsque in extremum terrae, tanquam ipsi foli quibus tunc loque­batur tantum munus fuerint impleturi; sed sicut eis solis videtur dixisse quod dixit, ecce ego vobiscum sum vsque in consumma­tionem seculi quod tamen eum vniuersa ecclesiae promisisse quae aliis mortentibus, aliis nas [...]e [...]tibus hic vsque in seculi consum­mationem futura est, quis non intelliga [...]? sicut eis & iliud ait, quod ad eos omnino non pertinet: & tamen sic dictum est, tan­quam ad solos etiam pertineret, cum videritis haec omnia, scito­te quia propé est in ianu [...]: ad quos enim hoc pertinet, nisi ad eos qui in carne tunc erunt, eum omnia complebuntur?

It is not therefore so said to the Apostles, ye shalbe my wit­nesses in Hierusalem, and in al Iurie, and in Samaria, & euen to the vtmost parts of the world, as if they onely to whom he then spoke, should haue accomplished so great a matter; but as he seemeth to haue said onely to them, that which hee said (in these words) behold, I am with you to the worlds end. Which thing neuerthelesse euery one perceiueth, that he spoke it to the vniuersal church; which by the death of some, and by the birth of other some▪ shall continue to the worlds end; euen as hee saith that to them, which doth nothing at all pertaine to them; and yet is it so spoken as if it onely pertained to them, to wit, when y [...] shall see these things come to passe, knowe that it is neare [...] the doores. For to whome doth this pertaine, but to those who shall then bee liuing, when all thinges shall bee accomplished▪ In these words Saint Austen proueth plainly, that this obiection wherin the papists glory so greatly, make th [...] [...] for them: for (saith hee) these words alreadie reci­ted, one spoken to the whole congregation of the faithfull▪ [Page 210] which are or shall be to the worlds end, and this Saint Austen sheweth by two reasons:

1 First, because not onely the Apostles, but others together with them, should be his witnesses in Hierusalem and Sama­ria; albeit Christ spoke that of them, touching the bearing witnesse of him; as he spoke this to them, concerning his spiri­tual presence. And therefore as hee spoke the other to all the faithful, so did he also this: that is, promised his inuisible pre­sence, not onely to the Apostles or pastors of the church, but e­uen to all the faithful in the world.

2 Secondly, because Christ spoke that to his Apostles as per­taining onely to them, which for al that did nothing at al con­cerne them: as if he had saide; it is not a good reason to denie Christs presence to the whole church, because hee vttered the words onely to the Apostles. For since hee spoke that to the Apostles which pertained nothing to them but onely to others; much more might he speake that to them, which belonged to them with others.

The eight replie.

[...]. 16. [...]3.Christ himselfe saith▪ that the holy ghost shal teach the A­postles al trueth, euen many things whereof they were not ca­pable then; and therefore did he be serue those things, till the comming of the holy ghost.

The answere.

I answere, that the holy ghost after Christs ascension taught the Apostles al truth, euen such things as Christ had reserued; and that by reason of their [...]uditie and imperfection in concei­ [...]g heauenly doctrine: yet those things so reserued, and the truth so taught was nothing else, but a manifest explication of the selfe same veritie, which they in briefe before had heard. For the holy ghost did coyne no new doctrine, The holyghost [...]aught no new [...]octrine, but onely reuealed [...]he true sense of such things [...]s the Apostles did not vnder­ [...]and. nor reueale anie new articles of faith: but onely taught the Apostles the true s [...]nse of Christs words, which before for their dulnesse, they were not able to perceiue which sense they being directed by the instinct of the holy ghost, deliuered to the whole world; first, by word, and afterward by writing.

Al this I proue by two euident demonstrations: first because 1 Christ himself doth so expoūd himself, in these words folowing [Page 211] He shal teach you all things, and bring all things to your re­membrance which I haue told you: which saying must bee wel noted, Iohn. 14 vers. 26. because the latter words are a plaine declaration of the former; as if Christ had said: all things which the holy ghost shall teach the apostles after my departure, It is the selfe same doctrine but more plainly declared. are no newe doctrine, but the very same things which they heard before of me, and they differ onely in this, that the Apostles doe more plainely vnderstand them, by the assistance of the holy ghost.

Secondly, because the best learned popish doctors, do holde 2 the same opinion. For Melchior Canus hath these words: Nec vllas in fide nouas reuelationes ecclesia habet: Canus de locis lib. 3. c. 4. for the church hath no new reuelations in matters of faith. Thus saith Christ himselfe, and thus teacheth their owne doctour, and yet would the papists enforce vs, daily to admit new doctrines from the church of Rome.

The ninth replie.

Peter is the rocke of the church, against which hell-gates shall neuer preuaile: Mat. 16. vers. 18. therfore Saint Peters successors can ne­uer erre.

The answere.

I answere, that not Saint Peter, but the confession which he made, is that rocke of the church, against which hell gates shal not preuaile. And this is not my opinion onely, but Saint Be­da, Saint Austen, Saint Chrysostome, Saint Hylarie, and sun­drie verie learned papists, doe teach the same doctrine constant­ly. These are Saint Austens wordes: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram quam confessus es, Aug. de verb. Dom. ser. 13. super hanc petram quam cognouisti dicens, tu es Christus filius Dei viui, aedificabo ecclesiam meam. Id est, super meipsum filium Dei viui, aedificabo ecclesiam meam: super me edificabo te, non me super te: thou art Peter (saith Christ) and vppon this rocke which thou hast confessed, vpon this rocke which thou hast acknowledged, These are most plaine words. say­ing: thou art Christ the sonne of the liuing God, will I build my church, that is, vpon my selfe the sonne of the liuing God will I build my church, vppon my selfe will I build thee, not my selfe vpon thee.

[Page 212]Saint Chrysostome writeth thus: Columnae quidem, quoni­am virtute sua ecclesiae robur sunt: Chrys. serm de p [...]nt. tom▪ 3. fundamentum, quòd in con­fessione insorum fundata est ecclesia, dicente domino: Tu es Pe­trus, & super hanc petram fundabo ecclesiam meam. The A­postles are the pillers, because by their vertue they are the strength of the Church: they are the foundation, because the Church is built in their confession; when the Lorde saieth: thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke will I build my church. Loe, this text vpon which the Papists build their popish pri­macie, is vnderstood of all the Apostles, not of Peter alone; nei­ther is the church built vpon any of their persons, but vpon the ioynt confession of them all: Saint Bede hold­eth the same opi­nion. for Peter made the confession in the name of them all, as Saint Chrysostome truely saith, which confoundeth the Papists vtterly.

S. Hylarie hath these words: Haec fides ecclesiae fundamen­tum est: Hila [...]. de Trinit. lib. 6. P. 103. per hanc fidem, infirmae aduersus eam sunt portae infero­rum: haec fides regni caelestis habet claues: this faith is the foundation of the church: by this faith hell gates shall not pre­uaile against it; this faith hath the keyes of heauen.

The receiued popish glosse vpon this text, doth vnderstand by the rocke, Peters faith, and the confession which he made. Panormitan and Syluester both being great papists, Gloss. in mat. 16. See Panormitan, de electione, cap. significasti. are of the same opinion.

The tenth replie.

Christ prayed for Peter, that his faith should neuer faile: therefore the Pope cannot erre. Luke. 22. ver, 32.

The answere.

1 I say first, that the Popes faith both may faile, and hath fai­led de facto, as I haue proued at large in my booke of Mo­tiues. 2 I say secondly, that the insuffiencie of this consequent 3 is vnfolded, in many places of this chapter. I say thirdly, that as Christ prayed for Peter, so did he also for the rest of the A­postles, & for the whole church. And this I do not barely say, but I wil proue it by the verdicte of the holy fathers, as also of your own doctors: & first by Christ Iesus his own declaratiō.

[Page 213]Concerning your Pope, all wise men in the world worthily deride you papists, for your vaine, ridiculous, and fabulous conceits, of his faith. For first the truth enforceth you to grant (as I haue proued in my Motiues) that your Pope may holde 1 false opinions in matters of faith, either sitting in his chaire, or walking in his garden, or looking about him in his Bel-vidê­re, or riding on his white palfrey, or lying in his bed waking, or at the table eating, or while he giueth pardons and Iubilees. Secondly, that hee may vtter the same errour and false faith, 2 secretly to his friends. Thirdly, that he may publish the same in his Extrauagants, Epistles, and printed bookes. Which 3. 3 grants sufficiently ouerthrow your popes supposed priuilege, if nothing else could be said against the same. Three grants of the papists do vterly ouerthrow the popes sup­posed priuiledge. Concerning Pe­ters faith, it is certaine, that Christ prayed as well for al the e­lect as for Peter, and directed his words not to Peter, as to one priuat man, but as to one representing the whole church: and consequently, whatsoeuer Christ said or did touching Pe­ters faith, must perforce bee vnderstoode of the faith of the whole church; which, as is proued, shall neuer faile indeede. This being once made good, your mightie obiection (wherin ye glorie much,) wil bee of no force at all. My first reason is contained in Christs owne words, which are these: Ioh. 27. vers. 9 I pray not for the worlde, but for them which thou hast giuen mee, for they are thine. In which words it is cleare, that Christ praieth onely for Peter, but for al his disciples as wel as for him; and he sheweth the equitie of his petition, by sundrie reasons. First 1 because hee prayeth for Gods friends. Secondly, because he 2 prayeth for Gods elect. Thirdly, because of the vnspeakeable 3 vnion, betweene his father and himselfe. Fourthly, because he 4 is glorified in them, & so is his father also. Fiftly, because they 5 are enuironed with many tentations of this wicked world. Ioh. 17. vers. 20. A­gaine, Christ saith, I pray not for these only, but for them also, that shall beleeue in me through their word. In which words his former praier which seemed to be made for his disciples on­ly is nowe extended to all the faithfull vntil the worlds ende, a sentence doubtlesse replenished with all solace, towardes vs and the whole Church of God, as which is the onely foun­dation of our saluation, to witte, that Christ did no lesse [Page 214] pray for vs, then he did for his owne apostles. And this reason is confirmed in an other place, where Christ promiseth to be a­mong those that are gathered in his name, Matt. 18.19, 20. though they be but two in number. Which words (as our Iesuite Bellarmine doth grant) are meant aswel of the Laicall as Ecclesiasticall sort.

The second rea­son.My second reason is grounded vpon the interpretation of the ancient fathers. S. Austen hath these expresse words; Et Pe­tro dicit, Aug. in quaest. mixtis. q 75. to. 4 Ecce Satanas expostulauit vt vos ventilet sicut triticū, ego autem rogaui pro te, vt non deficiat fides tua, & tu tandem conuersus, confirma fratres tuos. Quid ambigitur? pro Petro rogabat, & pro Iacobo & Ioanne non rogabat vt caeteros tace­am? manifestum est in Petro omnes contineri, quia & in alio lo­co dicit, ego pro his rogo, quos mihi dedisti pater, & volo vt v­bi ego sum, & ipsi sint mecum. And he saith to Peter, Behold, sathan hath desired to winnow you as wheat, but I haue pray­ed for thee, that thy faith faile not; therefore thou once conuer­ted, confirme thy brethren. What doubt is there? Did hee pray for Peter, and did he not also pray for Iames and Iohn, to say nothing of the rest? It is plaine, that in Peter all the rest are meant, because hee saith in an other place: I pray for these, O Father, which thou hast giuen mee, and desire that they may be with mee where I am. Orig. homil. [...]. in Matth, Origen, who liued manie yeeres afore saint Austen, affirmeth in a large discourse vpon saint Matthew, that all things spoken of Peter touching the church and the keyes, are to be vnderstoode of all the rest. And the collection of Origen is euident, euen by natural reason: For if Christ prayed not as well for the rest as for Peter, of small credite were a great part of the holy scripture. An argument insoluble. A reason doubt­lesse insoluble for all papists in the worlde. For if they coulde faile in their faith, they could also faile in their writing: and yet that they could not so faile, was by vertue of Christs prayer.

The third reason.My third reason is the flatte opinion and constant doctrine of great learned papists. Panormitanus was their skilful Cano­nist, their religious abbot, and their renowmed archbishop: and consequently, his authority must needs gall and confound them all, Panorm. apud Syluest. de fide §. 9. de conc. §. 3 his wordes are these; Et pro hac tantùm Christus in e­uangelio orauit ad patrem, ego rogaui prote. And for this (he meaneth the vniuersall church) Christ onely prayed to his fa­ther [Page 215] in the gospel, when he saide; I haue prayed for thee that thy faith faile not. Behold here (gentle Reader) and yeelde thine indifferent censure. When Christ (saith the great papist Panorm.) prayed that Peters faith should not faile, hee pray­ed for the faith of the vniuersall church, whose faith shal neuer faile indeede. The place is worthie to be noted. And the said Panormitan prooueth his opinion directly, by many texts of the popes Canon law. de Elect. cap. significasti.

Alphonsus à Castro a religious popish Carthusian hath these wordes; Non dubitamus an haereticum esse, & papam esse, Alphons. lib. 1. de haeres. c. 4. coire in vnum possint, infra: Non enim credo aliquem esse adeo im­pudentem papae assentatorem vt ei tribuere hoc velit, vt nec er­rare, nec in interpretatione sacrarum literarum hallucinari possit: Wee doubt not, whether one man may be a pope and an heretike both together. For I beleeue there is none so shamelesse a flatterer of the Pope, that will ascribe this vnto him, that he can neither erre, nor be deceiued in the exposition of the scriptures.

The eleuenth reply.

All Christs sheepe are committed to Peter, Ioh, 21. vers. 16 and consequent­ly to the pope, Ergo

The answer.

I say first, that the bishop of Rome is not saint Peters suc­ [...]essor, 1 and I haue already prooued it effectually. I say second­ly, that all Christs sheepe were committed to all the apostles 2 in like manner. For Christ gaue all his apostles charge and authoritie, to go into all the worlde, and to teach all nations. Which answer saint Austen sheweth excellently, in the person of saint Peter to be accomplished: his owne words are these; Ecclesiae catholicae personam sustinet Petrus, & cùm ei dicitur, August. de agon. Christ c. 30. to. 3. ad omnes dicitur: amas me? pasce oues meas. Peter representeth the person of the church catholique, and when it is said to him, it is said to all: Louest thou me? Feede my sheepe. Loe, the popish bulwarke is battered downe.

CHAP. III. Of the marriage of priests and ministers of the church.

The first Proposition.

AL Ministers which are not papists, nor subiect to the lawes and rules of Poperie, may lawfully marry, euen by the do­ctrine of the Church of Rome: albeit the vulgar sorte of Pa­pists, most bitterly exclaime against the same. I proue it, be­cause all such ministers are meere lay men, by the iudgement of the church of Rome: Let the seely vulgar papists note well this proposition. which church for all that, onely debar­reth persons ecclesiasticall, from the freedome of honourable wedlocke. This probation is so euident, as no learned papist can or will denie the same. Peruse the end of the seauenth pro­position following, and it will satisfie thee in all respects.

The second Proposition.

Marriage was lawfull for all priests and other ministers of the church, during all the time of the olde Testament. This proposition is cleere, to all such as diligently reuolue the holie Bibles; neither doe I know any learned papist, that by worde or writing denyeth the same. For the holie prophet Ieremie was the son of Helkiah, Ierem. 1.1. 1. Sam. 1. vers. 3. Exod. 18.1, & 2. who was one of the priests that were at Anathoth. Hophni and Phinehas were the sonnes of Heli the priest, Sephora was the daughter of Iethro the priest of Midian: and Saint Iohn Baptist was the sonne of Zachari­as the priest, to whome the angell of God was sent to bring him glad tidings. The tidings were these, that Elizabeth his wife should beare him a sonne, Luc. 1. vers. 8, 9, 13, 14, 18, 19. albeit she was barren, and well stricken in age. And he receiued the message while he was oc­cupied in prayer, and in burning of incense at the right side of the al [...]are. Whereby it clearely appeareth, how acceptable the 1 marriage of priests was then in Gods sight. For first, Saint Iohn was a very holie man, and the precursor of our Sauiour Christ. Secondly, Zacharias and Elizabeth his wife were [Page 217] both iust, and walked in Gods commaundements without re­proofe. Thirdly, the angell of God was sent to Zacharias, to 2 tell him that his wife should conceiue and beare him a sonne. 3 Fourthly, this message was brought him euen then, when he executed his priestly function. All which circumstances well 4 obserued, do proue vndoubtedly, that the marriages of priests are honourable in Gods sight.

The third Proposition.

Marriage is lawfull for priests and other ministers of the church, euen now in the time of the new testament. Where by the word (priests) I vnderstand all such as are admitted to preach Gods worde, and to administer the holy sacraments. This proposition may be prooued, by many waightie and im­portant reasons. First, because no text in the new Testament can be alleadged, which debarreth the ministers thereof from 1 the benefite of marriage graunted in the olde. If any Papist will say that there is some such text in the new testament, let him shew that text, and wee will beleeue him. In the meane season, hee must pardon vs, if wee giue not credite to his words.

Secondly, because the apostle prooueth in two seuerall pla­ces, that all priests may be married. Where, what I meane by 2 priests, is already shewed. The first place is that reason which Saint Paule maketh to Timothie, and is contained in these wordes: [...], A Bi­shop therefore must be vnreproueable, the husband of one wife. 1. Tim. 3. vers 2. This text of holy scripture (if it be throughly marked) doeth plainely conuince, that it is lawfull for a Bishop to marry. Let vs therefore exactly examine the true meaning and sense there­of.

The Papists to maintaine their diabolicall doctrine of sin­gle life, would rack this text to those wiues, which bishops had before they were admitted to ecclesiasticall function, A shameful wresting of the holy scripture. but that is a forced and violent exposition, contrary to the true mean­ing of the apostle. For Saint Paule among other vertues conuenient for a Bishoppe, requireth this for one, that hee bee not coupled to more wiues then one at once. Nneither is [Page 218] it possible to imagine any other true sense, of this present text. 1 For first, it is not of necessitie, that a bishop haue a wife; and yet doth the Apostle say, that hee must be the husband of one wife. For both they and wee agree in this, that one may be a lawfull bishop, and yet liue vnmarried.

2 Againe, the apostle speaketh in the present tence (must be the wife:) and not, (must haue been the wife) so that the glosse of the papistes must needes be false, who expound the wordes, of the time already past.

3 Thirdly, the Apostles wordes must needes be verified, of mariage in some sense. But first, it cannot be meant of mariage already past, because the verbe is of the time present. Again, it cannot be meant of the necessitie of marriage, because a Bishop may lawfully liue vnmarried. The true mea­ning of S. Paul. Therefore thirdly, this must needes be the true meaning thereof: to wit, that a bishop may marry if he list, but yet not haue many wiues at one and the same time, as the Iewes and the Gentiles had. And to this ex­position doe accord not only S. Chrysostome and Theophilact, but also their owne deere Cardinall Caietane.

Chrysost. in 1. Tim. c. 3. hom. 10.S. Chrysostome hath these expresse wordes; Non hoc veluti sanciens dicit, quasi non liceat absque vxore episcopum fieri sed eius rei modum constituens. Iudaeis quippe licitum erat etiam se­cundo matrimonio iungi, & duas itidem simul habere vxores; honorabiles enim nuptiae.

Behold how the fathers and scrip­tures agree with priests marriage.He saith not this, meaning to establish a law, as though none could be a bishop, who hath not a wife; but his purpose is, to appoint a measure in that behalfe. For the Iewes might not only be twise married, but also haue two wiues at once. For marriage is an honourable thing. The apostle therefore spea­keth against Polygamie. Hier. in cap. 1. ad Tit. Yea, S. Hierome confesseth that sun­dry writers expound this place, against the Polygamie of the Iewes.

The same S. Chrysostome in another place, hath these gol­den words; Chrysost. in 2. c ad Titum, hom. 2 Obstruere prorsus intendit haereticorum ora qui nup­tias damnant, ostendens eam rem culpâ carere, imo ita esse pretio­sam, vt cum ipsa etiam possit quispiam ad sanctum episcopatus solium s [...]buehi.

The Apostle intendeth to confound the heretiques, that con­demne [Page 219] marriage; declaring that it is faultlesse, and a thing so pretious, as a man may with it be promoted to the holy functi­on of a bishop. Thus saith S. Chrysostome, whose wordes are so plaine and pithie, as no papist is able to wrest and writhe them to serue his turne. For first, Note well what is here said. S. Chrysostome prooueth marriage to be honourable and holy, against the heretickes that condemned it, and that because a Bishoppes function is honourable and holie, who for all that may bee a mar­ried man. Which argument were vaine and friuolous, if Saint Chrysostome should speake of a Bishops marriage, while he was a meere lay man. For hereupon would it follow necessa­rily, that tyrannie, persecution, adultery, and murder, should be honourable, aswell as honest wedlocke. I prooue it, The probation conuinceth. because no disparitie can be giuen betweene S. Chrysostomes reason▪ and this of mine. For first; as the function of a bishop is honourable, so 1 is the function of an Apostle, so is the function of a prophet. A­gaine, as a married man may be a bishop, so may a persecutor 2 of Christes church be an apostle, for S. Paul was both: so may an adulterer, so may a murderer be an holy prophet: for good king Dauid was all three. Thirdly, as tyrannie is a great sin, [...]lbeit once a tyrant may afterward become an apostle: and as 3 adultery and murder be greeuous crimes, although once an a­dulterer and once a murderer may afterward bee an holy pro­phet; euen so doubtlesse, marriage may be an vnlawfull thing; albeit once a married man, may afterward be an holy bishop. And so S. Chrysostome coulde not well conclude marriage to be lawful, because once a married man may be a Bishop. Answere, O Se­minarie priestes, or els recant your doctrine. S. Chry­sostome saith yet further, that euen with it, eumeâ, with holie wedlocke, one may be made a bishop; euen while hee is a mar­ried man. For as the father and the sonne, so also the husband and the wife be relatiues and correlatiues, whose nature is (as all Logicians graunt) to place and displace, be and not be, liue and die all at once. For so soone as a man beginneth to be a fa­ther, so soone hath he a childe; and so soone as hee ceaseth to haue a childe, so soone ceaseth he to be a father, although he still remaine a man. And euen so is it with the husband and the wife. Adde hereunto, that S. Chrysostome should not say, (with wed­locke,) but, (after it,) if he meant as the papistes woulde haue [Page 220] him to doe. I therefore conclude, that if S. Chrysostome meane not of a Bishoppes marriage, during the very time hee is a bishop, Theoph. in hunc loc [...]m. his argument is vaine and friuolous. And in this argu­ment, Theophilactus subscribeth to S. Chrysostome.

The second place is that reason, which S. Paule maketh to the Corinthians, and is conteined in these wordes; [...]; 1. Cor. 9. v. 5. Haue we not power to leade about a sister, a wife, aswel as the rest of the apostles, and as the brethren of the Lorde and Cephas?

By this it appeareth manifestly, (if it be well marked,) that S. Peter and other of the apostles were married; and that they did leade their wiues about with them, The popish expo­sition of this place, is ridicu­lous. when they went abroad preaching the holy gospel. For first, the Greeke worde in the 1 originall, signifieth a wife as well as a woman. Secondly, the 2 word (carrying about) argueth a certaine interest and right, in 3 the partie that is carried about. Thirdly, it had been a very 4 scandalous thing, that the apostles being single men, shoulde carry strange women about with them. Fourthly, this place cannot be vnderstoode of riche matrones; because such women would haue relieued the apostles, and not haue suffered them to be chargeable to their auditors: and yet doth the apostle here speake of such women, as were relieued by the preaching of the 5 Gospel. Fiftly, if the Greeke word ( [...],) be not here taken for a wife, but for a woman, it must needes be a vain and chil­dish 6 addition, because euery sister is a woman. Sixtly, because S. Cl [...]ment, and Eusebius Caesariensis, expound this place of S. Paules wife, Euseb. hist. lib. 3. secundum. Ruffi. and not of any other woman.

Iohannes Christophorsonus, a great papist, alledgeth S. Cle­ments wordes, out of Eusebius in this maner.

Clemens deinceps apostolos qui matrimonium contraxisse re­periuntur, Euseb. lib. 3 hist. cap. 24. secundum Christophor. en [...]merat, ídque contra eorum sententiam, qui nup­tias tollere abrogareque instituerent Numinquit sunt apostolos improbaturi: Petrus enim & Philippus, liberos procrearunt. Philippus filias viri collocauit in matrimonium. Paulus etiam non veretur in quadam epistola, contugis suae mentionem facere; quam eò minime secum circumduxit, quò facilius liberius (que) suo fungeretur ministerio.

[Page 221] Clement afterward reckoneth the apostles, who are knowne to haue been married men; and that against their opinion, who endeuoured to abrogate and take away marriage. Will they (saith he) condemne the apostles? for both Peter and Philip begat children, and Philip bestowed his daughters vpon hus­bandes in marriage. Paul also blusheth not in one of his Epi­stles, to make mention of his wife▪ Phil. cap. 4. v. 3 whom he woulde not carrie about with him, to the end hee might preach the gospel more freely. See the first proposition following.

The first obiection.

It is cleere, that S. Paul would not marry his owne sister; and therefore the woman he speaketh of, could not be his wife.

The answere.

I answere, that the names of brother and sister in the primi­tiue church, were proper to the faithfull and true beleeuers. Sundrie wiues also in those daies, were of a dissonant religion from their husbands. S. Paule therefore to shew his wife to be a christian, and a true beleeuer, calleth her a sister. As if he had said, the woman I speake of, is not only my wife, but withall a christian and a true beleeuer.

The 2. obiection.

These women that S. Paul speaketh of, were not the wiues of the apostles, but cer [...]aine deuout women, that followed the Apostles for zeale of the gospel; as we reade of many women that followed Christ, and did not thereby commit any scandall at all.

The answere.

I say first, that the women S. Paule speaketh of, were the wiues of the apostles as I haue proued. I say secondly, y t it is 1 one thing to follow voluntarily, as the women did our sauiour 2 Christ; and another thing to be led about, as were the women of whom the apostle speaketh. I say thirdly, that it was an vsual and ordinary thing▪ aswell for women as for men, 3 [Page 222] to resort to Hierusalem, whither these women followed Christ. I say fourthly, that these wom [...]n were many togither, and 4 went in the company of their husbandes and neighbours; and so they could not be subiect to any scandal at al. But if the Apo­stles were single men, and went into seuerall partes of the worlde, and led single women about with them, so must they then needes be subiect vnto scandall; vnlesse they were, as 5 is said, their lawfull wiues indeed. I say fiftly, that if they were old women, they could not endure the labours of so pain­full and long iournies. 1. Tim. 5. v. 9.14 And if they were yong women, or vn­der threescore, they ought to marry according to Paules doc­trine.

The 4. proposition.

Marriage was deemed lawful for all sortes of people; aswel for ecclesiasticall persons as others: & that for many hundreth 1 yeares togither, after Christes glorious ascension into heauen. This proposition I prooue many waies; First, because Peter, 2 Iames, Paul, Philip, and the rest of the apostles, were all married, as is already prooued. Secondly, because sundrie of the holy fathers, Greg. Nazianz. Orat. de funer. Pat. orat. 28.27. had wiues and children. S. Gregory Nazian­zene was a bishops sonne, and admitted to the pastorall charge by his father in his life time. S. Cheremon the bishop of Nico­polis in Egypt, was a married man and a stout confessor. For both he and his wife being wel stricken in year [...]s, Eusebius hist. lib. 6. ca. 31. Chrysost. in ora­tione de Philog. fled from per­secution to a mountaine in Arabia; from whence they neither returned, neither were after that seene of any man. S. Philo­gonius so highly commended by S. Chrysostome, was a mar­ried bishop, and had a daughter.

S. Spiridion, who wrought wonderfull myracles in his life time, Socrates hist. lib. 1. cap. 8. Hist trip. lib. 1. cap. 10. was the bishop of Cyprus, and a married man; he had a daughter Irene by name: who being full of pietie and sancti­monie of life, died a virgine. This married bishop liued about 350. yeares after Christ. Hist. trip. lib. 6. cap. 14. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 10. Eupsychius the bishop of Caesaria was a married man, and soone after his marriage martyred for Christ Iesus. For (as Nicephorus and Cassiodorus report in their ecclesiasticall histories) he was put to death, being as yet [Page 223] in manner a new married man. Thirdly, because the Popes owne canon lawe telleth vs, that many Popes were the 3 sons of priests, to wit Bonifacius, Agapitus, Theodorus, Sylue­rius, Foelix, Hosius, Gelasius, Deusdedit; and many others. But perhaps our papists will say, that all these were bastards, Dist. 56 cap. O [...] ­us. and answer with their glosse, that vitium tollitur per successionem, the fault is taken away by succession. Oh, Glossa ibidem. what will not po­perie doe? But yet wee may put them in mind of another ca­non, which telleth them, Dist. 56. cap Ce­nom [...]ncus. that al these Popes aforenamed were legitimate children, because in those dayes Popes and Bi­shops might marrie lawfully. Which assertion, proueth exact­ly my proposition.

Fourthly, because many councels haue decreed this veritie; and the Apostles themselues in their canons, haue set down 4 this decree.

Episcopus, aut presbyter, aut diaconus, Can. 6. Apostol. vxorem suam praetextu religionis non abiicito: si abiicit, segregator à communione; si perseuerat, deponator:

Let neither Bishop, nor Priest, nor Deacon, put away his wife vnder pretence of religion: if hee so doe, let him be excom­municate; if he cont [...]ue, let him be deposed.

Out of these words I note first, that in the dayes of the 1 Apostles, it was lawfull for Bishoppes, Priests, and Dea­cons to haue wiues. I note secondly, that if either Bishop, 2 priest, or Deacon, shoulde put away his wife vnder pretence of (holynesse or) religion; for that his offence, hee ought to bee 3 excommunicated. I note thirdly, that if the Bishoppe, priest, or Deacon, would not receiue his wife againe, whome he had put away vnder pretence of holinesse, (which the Pope this day so straitly commaundeth,) then such Priest, Bishoppe, and Deacon, ought to bee depriued of his liuing. I note fourthly, that these Canons how soeuer they be indeede, are 4 highly magnified of the papists, and therefore must they of ne­cessitie, be a forceable testimonie against them.

In the councell of Ancyra it was decreed, that the deacons, who in the time of their orders saide they woulde marrie, shoulde continue still in the ministerie, Con. Ancyr. can. 10. euen after the celebra­tion of their marriage. Where note, that this councell was [Page 224] holden about three hundred and eight yeeres after Christs in­carnation. Anno. Dom. 308

The councel of Gangra accursed him, that thought a marri­ed priest might not minister the holy communion. Conc. Gangr. cap. 4. Sozome [...]. ib. 3. cap. 13.

The third councell of Constantinople (the sixt generall sy­node so called) decreed, that Priests, Deacons, and subdea­cons, Conc. Constan­ [...]in 3. can. 13. should continue with their lawfull wiues, and bege [...]te children, at al such time & times, as they were not in actual ex­ecution of the ministerie: The councel confesseth that they hold against the Church of Rome. albeit they knew the church of Rome to haue another custome. This famous generall councel was holden about the yere of our Lord 681. where were pre­sent two hundred eightie and nine bishops: al which though so many in number, Anno. Dom. 681 and liuing so manie yeeres after Christ, con­fessed neuerthelesse, that the marriage of Priests was a law­full thing.

The fift Proposition.

Note the eight proposition in the third buil­ding.The prohibition of marriage in ecclesiastical persons, is not onely against Gods holy ordinance, but withall, the flat doc­trine of the deuill.

The former part of this proposition, I proue sundrie waies: First, 1. Cor. 7. vers. 2 Saint Paul willeth euerie man to haue his wife, and e­uery 1 woman to haue her husband, and that for this end and purpose, to auoid fornication. Out of which words I note first, that where euerie man is named, there doubtlesse no man is excepted. I note secondly, that marriage is a soueraigne me­dicine 2 against fornication, and therefore ought to be vsed of all such, as finde themselues grieued with that disease. And con­sequently, since that disease is as well incident to persons ec­clesiasticall as secular, the medicine is as necessarie and as lawful for the one sort, as it is for the other. For which cause Paphnutius spake openly in the councel of Nice, that it was vnlawfull to debarre Bishops and Priests from their wiues, but hereof more at large heereafter.

2 Secondly, S. Paule hauing commended the estate of the vnmarried and widowes, 1. Cor. 7. [...]. as more conuenient and profitable; doth forthwith wish those that cannot abstaine, to vse the reme­die [Page 225] of marriage. And hee yeeldeth this reason, because it is better to marrie then to burne.

Thirdly, marriage is honourable among all, and the vnde­filed 3 bed; but whoremongers and adulterers God wil iudge. Hebr. 1 [...]. vers. [...] Out of which words I note first, that since marriage is honou­rable in all sorts of men, it ought not to be blamed in persons ecclesiasticall, vnlesse happily which the Apostle perceiued not, their function taketh from them the nature of men. I note se­condly the antithesis, which the Apostle here maketh, for as adulterie shal be punished in all sorts of people none at all ex­cepted, euen so must marriage bee honourable in all sorts, no one or other exempted from the same. And where the wound is common to all, Haymo in [...] Locum. there the medicine must not be applied onely to some few: For as Haymo gathereth learnedly, adulterers are therefore iustly punished, because the remedie of wedlocke is granted to them: nowe if this learned writer (who liued aboue 700 yeeres agoe,) conclude effectually out of S. Paul, as euerie indifferent reader will say hee doth, then doubtlesse must it folow necessarily, that either ecclesiastical persons may as lawfully marrie as others; or else that they cannot bee so iustly punished for fornication, as other men ought to be. This illation is so euident, Note well thi [...] illation▪ as none with right reason will denie the same

Fourthly, Saint Paul confesseth plainely, that hee hath no authoritie to command single life or verginitie; 1. Cor. 7. vers. 25 therefore 4 the Pope chalengeth greater authoritie then the Apostle, when he commandeth to abstaine from marriage.

Fiftly, Christ appointeth marriage for all such as are ney­ther 5 eunuches made by men, nor by the impotencie of nature, Mat. 19. ver. 12 nor by the gift of continencie; but the pope chargeth them that are eunuches no way, to abstaine from marriage solemnely: therefore the popes commaundement is against Gods holy or­dinance. Theodoretus confirmeth this point, in these words; Theodoret. in 1▪ Timoth. 4. Re­ctè autem posuit illud, prohibentium contrahere matrimonium. Neque enim celibatum ac continentiam vituperat sed eos accu­sat qui lege lata ea sequi cōpellunt: He put that rightly, forbid­ding to marry: he blameth not single life & continencie, but ac­cuseth them that by positiue lawes, compel to put such things [Page 226] in execution. This lawe therefore of the pope is intolle­rable.

For which cause saint Clemens auoucheth them to do iniury to nature, Clem. Alexand. in paedagog. lib. 2. cap, 10. that will not vse wedlocke for procreation of chil­dren.

The latter parte of this proposition the apostle setteth downe so plainely, as it is needelesse to say any more in that behalfe. These are Saint Paules owne wordes: But the spirit speaketh euidently, that in the latter times, some shall depart from the faith, [...]. Tim. 4.1, 2, 3 and shall giue heede vnto spirites of er­rour, and doctrines of deuilles, which speake lies through hy­pocrisie, and haue their consciences burned with an hote yron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstaine from meats. In these wordes it is very cleere, that saint Paul termeth the prohibition of marriage and of meates; the flat doctrine of the deuill. For, after hee had declared wherein the mysterie of true religion consisteth, which is taught in the true church of Christ: Prohibition of marriage is the doctrine of An­ [...]christ. hee foorthwith giueth euident markes of the mysterie of iniquitie, which is maintained in the false church of Anti­christ, in whose synagogue the highest points of religion are the prohibition of marriage and of meates. And who seeth not this day, this to bee the state of the church of Rome? as in which church they are specially, and in a manner onely reputed religious, who obey the prohibition of marriage and also of meates.

And it will not helpe the Papistes to say, as their woon­ted manner is; that they neither prohibite marriage gene­rally, 1 nor as an vnlawfull thing. For first, saint Paul spea­keth not generally of marriage, but of the precise marriage of Bishoppes, Priests, and Deacons. This doe I prooue, because so soone as hee had declared the duetie of Bishoppes, Priestes, and Deacons, with their wiues and children; by and by in the beginning of the next chapter, hee addeth; that in the latter dayes marriage shall bee prohibited, by the doc­trine of the deuill. Where the worde (But) doeth effectu­ally insinuate; that he speaketh precisely of the marriage of ec­clesiasticall persons by him aboue named.

2 Againe, the words (Forbidding and Commanding) argue [Page 227] authoritie in them that restraine marriage: and so it partaineth not onely to the old heretikes, the Manichees, the Tatians, the Eucratites, the Marcionists, the Patritians, and the Aposto­lickes, but much more to the late Popes of Rome, who strict­ly commaunde the whole world to abstaine from that, whereof God himselfe hath granted the lawfull vse. For what is to bee extolled aboue God, 2. Thes. 2. ver 4. if not to alter and chang his holie words?

Bishops, Priests and Deacons, haue alwaies beene mar­ried in the East church, euen from our Sauiour Christ, vn­till these our dayes. This I proue by the testimonie of the sixt generall councell of Constantinople; where 289. Bishoppes were assembled, in the yeare of our Lorde 677. In the thir­teenth canon of this famous councill, three speciall things are decreed: First, that Priests, Deacons, and subdeacons, may 1 haue the lawfull vse of wedlocke, at such times as they do not execute the ministerie. Secondly, this councell excommuni­cateth all those Priests and Deacons, that after their orders 2 put away their former wiues vnder pretence of religion. Thirdly, it excommunicateth all such as labour to separate 3 Priests and Deacons, from the vse and companie of their wiues. And after all this, this great synode addeth this wor­thie and memorable obseruation, to witte, Small account of the church of Rome. that they haue thus decreed, albeit the lawes of Rome be otherwise. Where I note by the way, that so many learned bishoppes contemned the vsurped primacie of the church of Rome.

I proue it secondly, by the verdict of their owne canon law, which is the flatte opinion of Pope Ʋrban, as their owne Gra­tian 2 telleth vs, his expresse words are these.

Cum ergo ex sacerdotibus nati, Dist. 56. cap. Cenomanens. in summos pontifices supra legantur esse pro [...]oti; non sunt intelligendi de fornicatione, sed de legitimis coniugiis nati, quae sacerdotibus ante prohibiti­onem vbique licita erant, & in orientali ecclesia vsque hodie eis licere probantur.

When therefore wee reade, that the sonnes of Priests are made Popes, wee must not vnderstand bastardes, but sonnes borne in honest marriage, which marriage was euery where lawfull for Priests, before the (late) prohibition, and is also [Page 228] lawfull this day in the East Church, for which cause the late councell of Florence, left the marriage of Priests to the free e­lection of the Greekes. Yea, their owne deare Fryer, and graue archbishoppe Antoninus, Antoninus. p. 2. Tit. 11. ca. 2. §. 9 confirmeth the same in these words; Quia Graci etiam in sacerdotio coniugio vtuntur. For the Greekes ioyne the vse of matrimonie, euen with the priest­hood.

Priests were mar­ried for the space of 400. yeares after Christ.Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, were likewise married in the West and Latin church, for the space almost of foure hun­dred yeares, without any prohibition at all. And afterward in some places, for many hundreth yeeres. This is the proba­tion.

After that Christ hadde granted marriage for all men, ap­pointing such to vse it, for an wholsome medicine, as wanted the gift of continencie; after that Saint Paul had pronounced freely, marriage to bee honourable in all sorts of men; after that the Apostles had decreed, that neither Bishops, Priests, nor deacons, shoulde leaue the companie of their wiues vnder pretence of religion; after that many holy Bishops, priests, and deacons, had liued laudably in the Church, and had vsed the honest hel [...] of holy wedlocke aboue three hundreth, eightie and fiue yeares, (al which I haue alreadie proued;) then one Syri­cius aduaunced to the popedome, in the yeare of Christ 385. seduced by Satan, published wicked doctrine, and prohibited marriage as an vnlawfull thing. Anno dom. 385 Which matter because it is verie impor [...]ant, and the wordes of our holy father the pope so blasphemous, as hardly anie will beleeue him to haue so written, Videtu dist. 8 [...]. cap. proposuist. &c. plurimos. but hee that readeth the same; I will alleage his wordes at large. Thus therefore doth hee write in expresse tearmes.

Quod dignum, & pudicum, & honestum est, suademus, vt sacerdotes & Leuitae cum suis vxoribus non coeant, quia in ministerio diuino quotidianis necessitatibus occupantur: ad Corinthios namque sic Paulus scribit, Syritius in Epi­stola ad Aphric. tom. 1. conc. Abstinete vos vt vace­tis orationi: si ergo Laicis abstinentia imperatur, vt possint deprecantes audiri; quanto magis sacerdos vtisque omni mo­mento paratus esse debet munditiae puritate securus, ne aut sacrificium offerat, aut baptizare cogatur? quisi contamina­tus [Page 229] est carnali concupiscentia, quid faciet? excusabitur? qua conscientia exaudiri se credit? cum dictum sit, omnia munda mundis, coinquinatis autem & infidelibus nihil mundum. Qua d [...]re hortor, moneo, rogo, tollatur hoc opprobrium quod potest iure etiam gentilitas accusare. Infra: qui autem in carne sunt, Deo placere non possunt.

Wee councell that, that is meete, chast and honest; that Priests and deacons haue no copulation with their Wiues, because they haue daylie businesse in the diuine ministerie, for Paul writeth thus to the Corinthians; doe yee abstaine, that ye may giue your selues to prayer. If therefore Lay men be com­manded to abstaine, that they may be heard when they pray, how much more ought a Priest alwaie to be readie in the puri­tie of cleanelinesse, lest either hee offer sacrifice, or bee constrai­ned to baptize? who if hee be pulluted with carnall concupi­scence, what shall hee doe? shall hee bee excused? With what conscience doth hee thinke to bee heard? when it is saide, all things are cleane to the cleane, but to the polluted and infi­delles nothing is cleane. Wherefore I exhort, admonish, and require, that this rebuke bee taken away, which euen the Gentils may iustly reproue: for they that are in the flesh, can­not please God.

Out of these words of our disholy Syricius, I note first, 1 that when hee came to his popedome hee founde Priests and Deacons married: which I gather out of these wordes ( cum suis vxoribus, with their wiues.) I note secondly, that in his time, Priests and Deacons, hadde the vse of holy wedlocke, 2 and begatte children: which I gather out of these wordes, ( vt sacerdotes & Leuitae cum suis vxoribus non coeant, that Priests and Deacons haue not copulation with their Wiues) For if Priests and Deacons hadde then abstained from co­pulation with their Wiues, Pope Syritius found priests married when he came to the popedome. hee needed not to haue forbid­den the same. I note thirdely, that for the space of three hundreth eightie fiue yeeres (for so long after Christ was Syritius) Bishoppes, Priests, and Deacons were married 3 without controlement.

I note fourthly, that this Syritius tearmeth holy wedlocke, the pollution of carnall concupiscence; which I gather out of 4 [Page 230] these wordes, Si contaminatus est carnali concupiscentia, quid faciet? If he be polluted with carnal concupiscence, what shal he do? [...]. Tim. [...].1, 2, 3. I adde hereunto, that this is the flat doctrine of the di­uell; and saint Paul is my witnes therein.

5 I note fiftly, that hee calleth wedlocke such a vice, as the Gentiles may iustly reprooue. Which I gather out of these wordes, Quod potest iure etiam Gentilitas accusare, which the Gentiles may iustly accuse.

6 I note sixtly, that wedlocke is such a carnall thing, as one cannot please God in the same. Which I gather out of these words, Qua conscientia exaudiri se credit ▪ With what con­science doth he thinke to be heard? Out of these wordes also, Qui autem in carne sunt, Behold here the [...]lat doctrine of [...]euilles. Deo placere non possunt: but they that are in the flesh, cannot please God. For these are the weightie reasons; by which, and through which, our holy father Syriti­us, would disswade Bishops and priestes from holy wedlocke: to wit, because marriage is vncleanenesse, filthtenesse, carnall concupiscence; because married men can not bee heard of God; because married men can not please God: which to haue onely recited, is a sufficient confutation.

The probation of the second [...]art of the pro­ [...]osition.I say in my position, that after the wicked prohibition of Sy­ritius, priests were afterward married in some places for ma­ny 1 hundreth yeeres. And I prooue the same: First, because two hundred and sixe yeeres after pope, Dist. 28. cap. de [...]yracus. vrbis. Pelagius the second was content to admit the bishop of Syracusa, although hee were a married man, and had a wife and children. Neither was that Bishop then vrged to forsake the vse of holy wed­locke. Panorm. de cleri­ [...]is coniugatis, [...]ap. Cum olim. For as cardinall Panormitan telleth them, experience teacheth their prohibition of marriage to be most wicked, as which enforceth their priests to sinne greeuously by vngodly copulation, whereas they might liue chastely with their owne wiues. Their owne Polidore singeth the same song; both their expresse wordes shall be alleadged in the ende of the next chapter.

Dist. 28. cap. de Syracus.Their owne Gratianus in the before named distinction, doeth inferre out of Pope Pelagius his wordes in this man­ner:

Siue ergo presbyter, siue diaconus, siue subdiaconus fuerit; [Page 231] apparet, quod in praefatis ordinibus constituti, licitè matri­monio vti possunt.

Whether therefore he be priest, deacon, or subdeacon, it is cleare, that such as are within the aforenamed orders, may lawfully haue the vse of matrimonie.

Out of these words of Gratianus, who was a papist, and a great fauourer of the pope; I inferre against the doctrine of the pope, that priestes, Deacons, and Subdeacons, may not onely bee married, but euen while they be married, haue the vse of holie wedlocke, which is a point doubtlesse, verie well woorthie the obseruation. To this testimonie of Gra­tianus, the papistes cannot possibly frame any answere, vn­lesse they will crie, fire and faggot, for their owne Doc­tour.

I prooue it secondly, because Pope Nicholas, who liued 2 aboue three hundred yeeres after Pelagius, was so farre from disquieting married priests, Dist. 28. cap. vit. that when the Bulgarians com­plained of that fault so supposed, hee perswaded them to be content, and not to dishonour their married priestes. This the Reader shall finde to bee so, in the popes owne Canon lawe.

I prooue it thirdly, because the constitution of Pelagius 3 was of force in Sicilia, onely three yeeres before the pope­dome of Gregorie the first. Which was more then two hun­dred yeeres, after the popedome of Syritius. Thus therefore doth pope Gregorie write:

Ante triennium omnium ecclesiarum subdiaconi Siciliae pro­hibiti fuerant, Dist. 31. ca pri [...]. vt more Romanae ecclesiae suis vxoribus nullate­nus misceantur; quod mihi durum atque incompetens videtur, vt qui vsum continentiae non inuenit, neque castitatem promi­sit, compellatur à sua vxore separari.

Three yeeres agoe, all subdeacons in Sicilia were charged to forbeare the vse of holy wedlocke, according to the custome of the Roman church. Which seemeth to me a very hard and vnconuenient thing, that he who neither hath the gift of con­tinencie, neither hath vowed chastitie, should forcibly be sepa­rated from his wife.

Out of these wordes I gather first, that the lawes of single 1 [Page 232] life tooke onely place in Sicilia, about three yeeres before the 2 time of Gregorie the first. I gather secondly, that it is a dia­bolicall thing to compel such to forbeare marriage, as neyther haue the gift of continencie, neyther yet haue vowed chastitie. 1 Hereupon I inferre these two corollaries: first, that all Bi­shops and Ministers in our churches, may this day marry law­fully; 2 and that by the iudgement of pope Gregorie. Second­ly, that the marriage of all secular popish priests, is likewise lawfull; and that by the doctrine of their owne pope Gregory, because none of them are votaries. For to the vowe which they call annexed, they are no more bound in the weast church then in the east. And yet all of the east church are free, as you haue heard in the sixt proposition. But this pope was not con­stant to him selfe in this point of doctrine, and therefore was his constitution disanulled by the sixt generall synode, Anno Dom 680 about fiftie yeeres after.

Lambert. in chron. an. 1074In other countries, at other times the marriage of priests was abolished. They were maried in Germanie aboue 1000. yeeres together. See Lambertus.

The obiection.

The marriage of bishops and priests was forbidden by the generall councell of Nice: therefore Syricius was not the first author thereof, as who liued almost 100. yeeres after the same.

The answere.

1 I say first, that satan, who goeth about as a roaring lion, to make a prey of our soules; Peruse the first proposition. laboured busily to haue his doctrine established by the famous councel of Nice. For as I haue pro­ued out of S. Paul, the prohibition of mariage euen in priests is the doctrine of the deuill.

2 I say secondly, that God, who neuer hath beene, is, or will be wanting to his church in necessary points of doctrine; raised vp his seruant holy Paphnutius, a man famous by ma­nifold miracles in his life time: and that for this end & purpose, that he might gainsay and hinder that wicked and vngodly law, which the fathers assembled at Nice, were about to bring into [Page 233] the church. I say thirdly, that Paphnutius excited by the spirite of God, stood vp in the midst of the councell, and cried aloud; 3 that to forbid marriage to priestes, was too seuere a lawe; be­cause marriage was honourable in all sortes of men. Sozo. lib. 1. c. 22. Thus writeth Cassiodorus; thus writeth Socrates; thus writeth So­zomenus. I say fourthly, that the lawe which the fathers then thought to haue made, was a new law, neuer heard of before. 4 I prooue it, because Socrates hath these expresse words; Visum erat episcopis legem nouam in ecclesiā introducere. Socrat. lib. 1. c. 8. The bishops thought indeed, to haue brought a new law into the church. I say fiftly, that the councell was perswaded with Paphnutius his oration, and referred the whole matter to euery priests free 5 election, making no law in that behalfe. For Cassiodorus hath these expresse wordes; Synodus (que) laudauit sententiam cius, & nihil ex hac parte sanciuit, sed hoc in vniuscuius (que) voluntate, Hist. tripart. lib. 2. c. 14. non in necessitate dimisit. And the Synode cōmended his opi­nion, and so decreed nothing in the matter; but left it in euerie mans election, to doe what he thought good without compul­sion. I say sixtly, that Paphnutius affirmed the coniugal actes 6 of priestes with their wiues, to be chastitie. I therefore con­clude, that albeit the bishops in the councell of Nice assembled, woulde indeed haue made a newe and straunge lawe against the marriage of priestes; Sozomen. & So­crates vbi supra. yet did the spirite of God speaking in Paphnutius, vtterly disswade them from that vngodly purpose.

The replie.

It was somtime lawful for married men to be made priests, (because in the beginning necessitie so required) but it was ne­uer lawfull for priestes to be married men; and therefore Paph­nutius pleaded only for the former, alledging the old custome of the church against the latter.

The answere.

I affirme first, that Paphnutius pronounced it an honou­rable thing, euen for priestes to lie with their lawfully mar­ried 1 wiues. I affirme secondly, that forasmuch as it was lawfull in those dayes for Priestes to marry wiues and to 2 [Page 234] lie with them; (for if it had not been lawful, the councell would not haue yeelded to Paphnutius therein) it must needes follow, Note well and keepe it minde. that either the pope hath power to alter Gods lawe, which no papist will auouch; or els that it is this day lawfull by Gods law for priestes to marry wiues, and to haue coniugall actes 3 with them, as they had in former time. And consequently, that the popes discipline, is the flat doctrine of diuels. I say thirdly, that although Socrates and Sozomenus ascribe it to the old tra­dition of the church, for vnmarried priestes so to continue; yet doth not Cassiodorus make any mentiō thereof, in his Tripar­tite collection. And howsoeuer Paphnutius alledged tradition, to mitigate the seuere lawes intended by the councell; yet it is very certaine, that such tradition was neither generall nor di­uine. I prooue it first, because otherwise the Greeke church 1 would haue admitted it, which for all that it neuer did, as is 2 already shewed. I prooue it secondly, because the priestes in Bulgaria were married in pope Nicholas his time, and the Subdeacons of Sicilia vntill the daies almost of pope Grego­rie. See the seuenth proposition. 3 I prooue it thirdly, because their owne popishe champions and canon law, doe witnesse the same with me. For first, where 1 the second councel of Carthage woulde ascribe this obseruation to the doctrine of the apostles and antiquitie; [...] 4. c. cum in [...] there Gratianus steppeth in and telleth vs, that the apostles taught so by exam­ple, 2(but not by word.) Againe, their owne glosse affirmeth, that the antiquitie the councell speaketh of, is but from the time of Syritius: These are the expresse wordes of the glosse (For I will neither conceale any thing that maketh for them, neither inuent any thing of mine owne braine to preuaile against them) A tempore Syritij, Glossa. dist. 84 c. Cum in praeter. hic vocat antiquitatem. Antiquitie here na­med is from the time of Syritius. And a little before, the same glosse hath these memorable wordes; Dicunt, quod ista capita facta fuerunt ante tempus Gregorij qui introduxit continentiam subdiaconibus▪ presbyteris verò & diaconibus Syricius intro­duxit Imò dicunt quod olim sacerdotes poterant contrahere ante Syricium. They say that these chapters were made before the time of Gregory, who debarred subdeacons of marriage; b [...]t Syritius made the law against priestes and deacons. Yea, they say that Priestes might of old time haue married, euen till the [Page 235] of Syritius. Loe, Pope Syritius the first man, that forbad marriage to priestes. all this diuelish doctrine against the marri­age of priestes, began of pope Syritius by their owne confes­sion. Let this be noted.

I say fourthly, that the tradition which Socrates and Sozo­menus speake of, was by example, and not by doctrine, as both 4 Gratianus and the glosse expound them. For these are the ex­presse wordes of the glosse; Ergo apostoli docuerunt exemplo, Glossa vbi supr. & opere, & admonitione, non institutione, vel constitutione. Ther­fore the apostles taught it by example, deede, and admonition, and not by any law or constitution. And so the Nycene councel, maketh in euery respect against the papistes.

The 6. proposition.

The marriage of moonkes, and other votaries is true and lawfull matrimonie, See the first pro­position, and conferre it with this. and cannot be dissolued by the power of man. This proposition consisteth of two partes, as is appa­rant. Touthing the latter part, no power vpon earth hath au­thoritie to institute sacramentes, or to alter the same. For no inferiour hath authoritie ouer his superiour, no subiect ouer his Soueraigne, no creature ouer the creator. This point I haue prooued sufficiently, in my booke of Motiues. The diffi­cultie therefore resteth in the former part, which it remaineth that I prooue.

The papistes assigne two kindes of vowes; to wit, votum simplex ac solenne, a single vow, and a vow solemne. They call that a solemne vow, which moonkes, friers, nunnes, and other religious persons make; and all the rest, they repute vowes simple. This distinction layd as a sound foundation, they e­rect a manifold building thereupon, in maner and forme follow­ing.

The first building.

Whosoeuer marrieth after the single vow of continencie, he or she sinneth mortally, but the mariage holdeth, and is of force. Thus teach all popish doctors with vniforme consent. Ange­lus, Rosilla, Calderinus, Couarrunias, Paludanus, Maior, Silue­ster; Nauarrus, Fumus, Scotus, Sotus, Aquinas, and the rest. I [Page 236] will only alledge the wordes of [...]umus in the name of all, who writeth in this manner; Fumus de matr. §. 55. Secundum impedimentum est votum sim­plex. Nam qui vouit castitatem simpliciter, si contrahat, morta­liter peccat, violans fidem deo datam, tame [...] tenet matrimonium. The second impediment is a single vow: for hee that voweth chastitie simply, if he afterward marry, committeth a mortall sinne in breaking his promise made to God, but yet the matri­monie holdeth and is of force.

The second building.

Euery marriage of man and woman made after the solemne vow of approoued religion, is not only damnable in the partie contrahent, but also void and of no force at all. This likewise teach all popish doctors, Aquinas, Couarru [...]ias, Siluester, Na­uarre, and the rest. Fumus hath these wordes.

Fumus de matr. §. 8 & lib. 6. de vo [...]o cap. vnico. Tertium impedimentum est votum non quodcun (que) sed solenne religionis approbatae, siue fuerit professio expresse siue tacitè facta, quia impedit, ne quis possit contrahere matrimonium, & si contrahat, est nullum.

The third impediment is a vow; yet not euery one, but the solemne vow of approoued religion, whether profession bee made expressely or virtually, because it so hindereth as none can marrie; and if they doe marry, such matrimony is none at all. Where note, that the papistes call that only approoued religi­on, which is confirmed by the pope or bishop of Rome.

The third building.

Matrimonie euen after the solemne vow of religion, is law­full and of force; so it be done by and with the popes dispensa­tion. This doctrine is taught vs, by many learned papists, An­toninus, Richardus, Hugo, Innocentius, Couarruuias, and by the reall practise of sundry popes. Thus writeth Antoninus, whom I alledge in the name of the rest.

A [...]ton p. 2. tit. 11 cap 2. §. 9. Papa dispensare potest in statuto concilij vniuersalis. De voto solenni per professionem etiam patet, quod licet papa non possit facere quod professus non fuit professus, potest tamen facere quod non sit obligatus religioni, & ad votum religionis; quiae [Page 237] in omni voto intelligitur, excepta authoritate papae. Infra; & communiter canonistae tenent quod papa potest dispensare in vo­to solenni religionis, non quidem tantum vt sit religiosus & non seruet vota; sed de religioso potest facere laicum, ex magna cau­sa vrgente.

The pope can dispense, in the decrees of a generall councell. It is also cleere, that he can dispense in a solemne vow by pro­fession. For although the pope cannot make a professed person not to haue been professed, yet can he this doe, What is it, that the pope cannot doe? that the profes­sed person shal neither be boūd to his religion, nor to his vow: because we must vnderstand, that in euery vow the popes au­thoritie is excepted: and the Canonistes doe commonly holde, that the pope can dispense in the solemne vowe of religion, not only that one be still a religious person and keepe not his vow; but of a religious person hee can make a meere lay man, vpon an vrgent cause.

The fourth building.

A solemne vow hath not force of it selfe, and of it owne na­ture, to dissolue matrimonie, and to make the solemne vota­ries vncapable thereof: but all the force and efficacie it hath therein, is wholly deriued from the ordinance of the church of Rome. This teacheth their owne deere frier, and reuerend bi­shop Iosephus Angles, whose doctrine is approoued by the late popes of Rome. Thus therefore doth Iosephus write:

Ratio praecisa ob quam votum solenne dirimit matrimonium contrahendum, & vouentes solenniter inhabilitat, Iosephus Angl. in 4. s. p. 2. q. de vo­to, att. 6. diffic. 1. est ecclesiae institutio; quae vt consanguineos intra quartum gradum, ita huiusmodi personas ad contrahendum inhabilitat. Definita est a Bonifacio 8. cap. vnico, de vo [...]o in 6. vbi solum constituit Rom. pontif. discrimen inter votum solenne, & matrimonium. Deinde quia possit ecclesia instituere, vt in mundo nullum sit votū solēne matrimoniū dirimens; quare voti solennitas est ab ecclesia, & nō a deo; ex nullo enim loco sacrae scripturae colligitur inhabilitas vouentis solenniter, vt contrahere non possit. Nam per traditio­nem quae fit in voto solenni, non est ex iure diuino & naturali inhabilis vouens adalium statum▪ quia subdiaconus & diaconus tradunt se deo voto solenni castitatis & obedientiae, & tamen papa cum illis saepissimê dispensat, vt Soto concedit.

[Page 238]The precise reason, for which a solemne vow dissolueth ma­trimonie to bee contracted, O wicked church of Rome? most happy are they, who are made free from thy brutish thral­dome. and disableth those that solemnely vow it, is the institution of the church (of Rome,) which as it inableth kinsfolkes within the fourth degree to contract mar­riage, so doth it also the said votaries. Bonifacius the eight hath so defined, where the bishop of Rome onely appointeth the dif­ference, betweene a solemne vow and matrimonie. Againe, be­cause the church (of Rome) might make a law, that no solemne vow in the worlde should dissolue wedlocke; wherefore the so­lemnitie of the vow is of the church, and not of God. For the inabilitie of the solemne vower, so as he cannot marrie, is not gathered out of any place of the holy scripture. For by the tra­dition which is in the solemne vow, the person vowing is not inabled to another state, either by the law diuine, or law of na­ture; because Deacons, and Subdeacons deliuer vp them­selues to God, by the solemne vow of chastitie and obedience; and for all that, the pope often dispenseth with them, as Soto graunteth.

Nauarrus auoucheth constantly, and without blushing, that many popes haue dispensed, de facto, with professed moonkes, and that in the way of marriage; these are his wordes:

Nauarrus de iu­diciis notab. 3. p. 275. Papa potest dispensare cum monacho iam professo, vt contra­hat matrimonium; imò de facto multi papae dispensarunt.

The pope can dispense with a moonke already professed, that he may become a married man. For many popes, de facto, haue dispensed so.

Couarruuias, Richardus, Paludanus, Scotus, Caietanus, and Antoninus, hold the selfe same opinion.

The fift building.

The vow single is of one and the same nature with the vow solemne, not distinguished by any essentiall but meere acciden­tall difference. For thus writeth their owne Iosephus Angles.

Ioseph. Angles in 4. q. de voto, ar. 6 diffic. 2. Votum solenne & simplex, ex parte subiecti specie acciden­tali differunt, propterea quod voti simplicis subiectum est ad cō ­trahendum matrimonium habile, licet contrahendo peccet. At verò subiectum voti solennis, est ad contractum matrimonialem [Page 239] inhabile, transgressiones voti simplicis & solemnis eiusdem spe­ciei sunt, etiamsi qui solenniter vouet grauius peccet: ratio est, quia specifica differentia actuum est penes obiecta; & cum idem sit vtriusque voti obiectum, nempe seruare continentiam, erunt actus eiusdem speciei, erit tamen voti solemnis transgressio gra­uior, ratione perfectioris status.

The vow solemne and single differ accidentally in respect of the subiect, These buildings and distinctions well obserued, poperie will receiue a deadly wound. because the subiect of the single vow is able to con­tract matrimonie, albeit he sinne in so contracting: but the sub­iect of a solemne vow, is inabled to matrimoniall contract: the transgressions of the vowe single and solemne are of the same nature or kind, albeit hee that maketh the solemne vow, sinneth more grieuously: the reason is, because the specificall dif­ference of acts, resteth in the obiects; and since there is one ob­iect of both the vowes, to wit, to keepe chastitie▪ the acts shall bee of the same nature or kinde; neuerthelesse, the trans­gression of the solemne vow shall be greater, by reason of the perfecter state.

Thus reasoneth Frier Ioseph, after the opinion of other po­pish doctours: and his discourse is euident, because euerie specificall difference morall, ariseth of the obiects; and con­sequently, since the obiect of vow single is one and the same with the vowe solemne, the difference betweene them can no way be essentiall.

The sixt building.

All secular Priests are so free from the solemne vow, annex­ed by the church of Rome to ecclesiasticall orders, as their mar­riage is perfect and of force, notwithstanding the supposed dis­soluing impediment thereof. I proue it first, because Scotus, Nauarre, Iosephus Angles and others doe grant, that this vow is onely annexed by the ordinance of the church, as shall 1 appeare more at large in the ende of this chapter.

I prooue it secondly, because if the secular priests [...]e vo­taries, their vowe must either be by the worde spoken, or by the deede done: not the first, This dilemma catcheth the Pope by the nose. because no such word can be pro­ued; 2 neither the second, because if the art it selfe in taking or­ders, shoulde be the vowe annexed; it would follow thereupon [Page 240] necessarily, that the Greekes likewise should become votaries, as who doe the selfe same thing. Who for all that were neuer votaries, as Gratianus, Syluester, and other popish doctours do affirme. I proue it thirdly, because when two things are essentially and really distinguished, the grant of the one doth necessarily include the graunt of the other: and yet is the so­lemne vow of chastitie, Nauar. in e [...]chir. cap. 22. §. 18. essentially and really distinct from sa­cred orders; as I haue proued out of Iosephus in the fourth building, and as is apparant by Nauarre in his Enchiridion. Gratian their owne doctour maketh this case cleere: see his as­sertion in the next chapter, in the answere to the first obiection.

The seauenth building,

The solemne vowe of chastitie imposed onely by the power of man, cannot alter the institution of God, and take away the liberty by him granted vnto man. For proofe hereof, their own deare fryer Antoninus, some time archbishoppe of Florence, shall suffice, who telleth our holy father the Pope, that God is his superiour, and that he therefore cannot alter any one i [...]te of his law: these are his expresse words.

Anton. de potest. papae p. 3. Tit. 22. cap. 3. §. 1. Quantum verò ad illa quae sunt de iure naturali vel diuino iurisdictio seu potestas papalis non se extendit, sic verò quod i­sta possit mutare, vel etiam dare eis vim obligandi: & ratio est quia inferior non potest mutare leges superioris: Deus autem superior ad papam.

Concerning those things which are of the law of nature, or law diuine, iurisdiction or papall power doth not extend it self, so to wit, that the pope can change these things, or giue power obligatiue vnto them: and the reason is, because an inferi­our cannot change the laws of his superior, and God is superi­our 1 to the Pope. Franciscus a Victoria, and other learned Pa­pists hold the same opinion, but Antoninus his testimonie is sufficient.

The proofe of the proposition.

This foundation and these seauen buildings onely conside­red, my proposition afore rehearsed will be cleare and manifest: [Page 241] for first, if single life be only imposed by the law of man, as the seauenth building proueth; secondly, if secular priests can no 1 way be proued votaries, as in the sixt building is shewed; thirdly, 2 if the vow single be of one and the selfe same nature with the 3 solemne, differing only accidentally from it as the fift building 4 affirmeth; fourthly, if the solemne vow hath not force of it selfe 5 to dissolue marriage, as the fourth building teacheth; fiftly, if the popes dispensation can make marriage of force, after the solemn vow, as the third building conuinceth; sixtly, if marriage made after the single vow, be of force, as the first building de­clareth euidently, (which single vow for all that, is of the same essence and nature with the solemne vow, as is already said: I conclude with this ineuitable illacion, that the marriage not on­ly of secular priests, but euen of Monks, Fryers, and all reli­gious votaries, is sound, perfect, and of force.

An important obiection, against the sixt proposition.

Refuse the youger widowes, for when they haue begun to waxe wanton against Christ, they will marrie, hauing damna­tion because they haue broken the first faith. 1. Tim. 5. v. 11.2 [...] This place of S. Paule, sundrie of the fathers expound of the vow of chastitie, neither can it possibly admit any other sence.

The answere.

I say first, that though sundrie of the fathers thinke it sinne to marrie after the vow of chastitie, and that by reason of this 1 place, yet doth the same fathers repute such marriages, to be true and perfect matrimonie: for saint Epiphanius writeth in this manner.

Melius est ita (que) vnum peccatum habere, & non plura: melius est lapsum à cursu, palam sibi vxorem sumere secundum legem, & à virginitate multo tempore poenitentiam agere & sic rur­sus ad ecclesiam induci, velut qui mala operatus est, Epiphan. h [...]res. 61 libro. [...] pag. 167. velut lap­su [...] & fractum, & obligatione opus habentem; & non quoti­die occultis iaculis sauciari ab improbitaete quae à Diabolo ipsi infertur.

It is better therfore to haue one sin, & not many: it is better for one that is fallen from his course, openly to marrie a wife, according to the law, and to repent a long time from his vir­ginitie, [Page 242] and so to be restored againe into the church, as one tha hath done wickedly, as one that is fallen and broken, and hath need of binding vp, and not to be daily wounded with the se­cret darts of that wickednes which the diuell putteth in him. Thus writeth Epiph [...]nius, shewing plainely to the reader, that he condemneth not the marriage in vowed persons, monkes, or nunnes, but the falling from their gudly purpose.

S. Cyprian hauing sharply inueyed against the licen [...]ious life of certaine deacons and vowed virgins, exhorteth them at the length to marry, that cannot, or wil not liue continent & chast: these are his words: Cypri. libr. 1 e­pist. 11. ad Pom­pon. Quod si ex fide se Christo dedi [...]auerunt, pudicè & caste sine vlla fabula perseuerent; ita fortes & stabiles praemium virginitatis expectent si autem perseuerare nolunt, vel non possunt▪ melius est nubant quam inignem delictis suis cadant.

If they haue betrothed themselues to Christ by faith, let them continue honestly and chastely without all mockerie; so as they may in fortitude and stabilitie expect the reward of vir­ginitie: but if they wil not, or cannot perseuere; it is better that they marry, then that they fall into the fire with their misbeha­uiour. Thus saith saint Cyprian, declaring very plainely, that he approoueth the marriages of affianced and vowed virgines.

S. Austen, although he vnderstand by the first faith, the vow of chastitie; yet doth he flatly allow marriage after the breach thereof: August. in Psal. 75. prope finem tom. 8. these are his expresse wordes: Hoc dico nubere licet antequam voueat, superbire nunquam licet. O tu virgo Dei, nu­bere noluisti quod licet, extollis te quod non licet. Melior virgo humilis, quam maritata humilis; sed melior maritata humilis, quam virgo superba Que autem resp [...]xerit ad nuptias, non quod voluit nubere damnatur, sed quod iam ante recesserat & fit vx­or Loth respiciendo retrorsum This I say, it is lawful to mar­ry before she vow, it is neuer lawful to be proud. O thou virgin of God, thou wouldst not marry, which is lawful for thee to do, [...], damnation is not for marri­age, but for the breach of pro­mise. but thou waxest prou [...], which thou maist not do. An humble virgin is better then an humble maried woman; but an humble maried woman is better then a proud virgin. Yet she that hath looke [...] backe to marriage, is damned; not because shee would marry, but because she had alredy departed (from her holy pur­pose) and is become Lots wife, in looking backe againe.

[Page 243]The same S. Augustine hath in another place of his works such a plaine declaration of his mind in this point, as whosoe­uer shall once reade or heare his words, cannot but perceiue the same. Thus therefore doth he write expressely, I wil not alter or change one word. Postremò, damnantur tales, Augustin. de [...]e no viduitatis. cap 9. & cap. 1 [...] tom. 4· non quia con­iugalem fidem posterius inierunt, sed quia cōtinentiae primam fi­dem irritam fecerunt. Quod vt breuiter insinuaret Apost. no­luit eas dicere habere damnaetionem, quae postamplioris sanctita­tis propositum nubunt, non quiae non damnentur, sed ne in eis ip­sae nuptiae damnari putarentur. Infra: proinde qui dicunt ta­lium nuptias non esse nuptias, sed potius adulteria, non mihi vi­dentur satis acutè ac diligenter considerare quid dicant. In fine, such are damned, not because they are afterward marri [...]d, but because they haue made void the first promise of chastity: which thing the Apostle intending briefly to insinuate, would not say that they were damned, who marie after the purpose of larger sanctimonie, not bicause they are not damned, but lest he shuld seeme to condemn their marriages in them: therfore they that say the marriages of such are no marriages, but rather adulte­ries; seeme to mee, not to consider exactly and aduisedly what they say. By which words of S. Austen it is cleare, that he is so far from cōdemning the matrimonies of those v [...]tiue wi­dowes, which cannot liue continently as hee reputeth them for perfect, true, and lawfull marriages.

I say secondly, that marriage after a solemne vow, ought to be deemed perfect & of force, euen with the Pope himselfe: Caelest. 3. extra. qui clerici & vo­uent. lib. 4. Tit. 6 cap. 6. for thus is it written in his owne canon law; votum simplex apud deum non minus ligat, quam solemne: the simple or single vow bindeth no lesse afore God, then doth the solemne: and yet as I haue already proued, marriage is perfit after the single vow, e­uen by the popes alowance; therfore with no reasō can he denie it to be perfit also, after the double or solemne vow: for vnlesse the pope wil impudently say, y t his power is greter then gods, he must perforce admit this to be so. And it is a friuolous sup­posed euasion to say, that there is a deliuery of the party in the vow solemne, not so in the single: for thus writeth their owne doctor Scotus. Alia ratio est, quod vouens solemniter, Scotus in. 4. S. dist. 38. quaest. 2 in mod. mittit in possessionem illum cui vouit solemniter, vouens autem priuaté; [Page 244] non, sed quasi promittit: sed haec valet minus quam secunda, quia omnia intrinseca voto, vt respicit actum voluntatis, per quem ob ligat se vouendo, & transfert dominium suum in alterum; omnia inquam, istae sunt aequalia hinc iude. Igitur non magis datio hic, quam ibi; nec promissio ibi, quam hic. Another reason is this; that he who makes a solemne vow, puts him to whom he vow­eth, in possession; but so doth not he that maketh a single vow, but only giueth his promise. This reason is worse then the se­cond; for al things that be of the substance of the vow, as a vow concerneth the act of the mind, whereby the mind bindes it selfe by vowing, & transposeth the ownership of it selfe to another, al these things I say, are of like weight on either side: therfore there is no more deliuerie in the vow solemne, then in the sin­gle; nor more promise in the one then in the other.

3 I say thirdly, that the widows whose vowes Paul admit­teth, 1 must be no lesse then 60. yeres of age; but the pope bids al to take the mantle & the ring, at what age they list. S. Paul 2 would haue them then to promise, when the heat of lust is past; but the pope aduiseth them to come, euē when lust rageth most 3 of all. S. Paul would first haue them try their strength, & then to promise; but the pope bids promise roundly, thogh they per­forme 4 neuer so slenderly. S. Paul willed the promise of single life, because they could not both serue the church and their hus­bands; but the pope requireth the vow of single life, thereby 5 pharisaically to merit heauen. S. Paul exhorts the yonger wi­dows to vse marriage, as a soueraine remedy against sin; but y e pope inforceth the yongest of al, to contemn marriage as a pol­luted 6 & vnlawful thing. S. Pauls widowes were godly occu­pied in ministring to the sicke, to the poorer sort, yea & to stran­gers in way of christian hospitality; but the popes so supposed virgins, are free from al honest exercise, & liue idely, after their owne sensual pleasures: & so the popes counterfeit and hypo­critical Nuns, haue no affinitie with S. Pauls holy widowes.

4 I say fourthly, that the first faith whereof S. Paul speakes, may very fitly be vnderstood of the promise made in baptisme. And I proue it, because the first promise of these widows was this; to wit, that they would continue in christian religion, & in the puritie of honest life & good maners. The second faith or [Page 245] promise was that, which these widowes made when they were married, to wit, that they would be louing, diligent, carefull, & obedient to their husbands; and aboue all the rest, keep their coniugall faith. The third faith was that, which these widowes made to the bishop & the whole church; to wit, that they would execute their deaconship honestly & faithfully, & constantly per­seuer therein to the end. The yonger widowes waxing wanton against Christ, did not only breake their last promise, forsaking the ministery of the church: but their first and most holy promis made in baptisme, while they departing from the purity of ho­nest life and religion, consecrated themselues to paganisme and infidelitie, and so purchased to themselues Gods wrath & eter­nal damnation. The first faith i [...] baptisme, what i [...] was, and how it was broken. Therefore the apostle maketh no mention of a­ny vow, but only reproueth vnconstant women, who being re­lieued a long time by the common tresure of the congregation, to minister to the sicke persons, did afterward both forsake their promise & Christ too, and became heathens running after sa­tan. For this is euident by the words of the 15. verse of the 5. chapter, from whence the obiection is taken: where the apostle saith, that some widowes are already turned back (from Christ their guide, to whom they had dedicated thēselues in baptisme, & folowed) after satan. It wil not serue the papists to say after their wonted maner, that marriage breaketh not our promise made in baptisme. The confirmati­on of the answ [...] For albeit the faith of baptisme be not brokē by marrying absolutely and simply, yet is it indeede broken by marrieng against Christ; that is, by marrying in such maner, as they renounce christianitie. And this my answer is confirmed, because, if the apostle had meant otherwise, he would haue cal­led it the last faith, and not the first.

I say fiftly, that these words (for when they shall wax wan­ton against Christ, they wil marry) do euidently proue, that S. 5 Paul meaneth the promise made in baptisme: and I desire the gentle reader to marke my discourse attentiuely: for this obiec­tion is the bulwarke, to defend this article of poperie.

I therefore note first, that these foure things are really distin­guished 1 in S. Paul; to wit, the waxing wanton of the widows; the marriage of the widowes; the damnation of the widowes; and the breach of their faith.

[Page 246] 2 I note secondly, that the wantonnes of the widows, was be­fore their marriage; for so the apostle saith expresly.

3 I note thirdly, that the widowes promised in their baptisme to keepe Gods holy commaundements, among which one is this: Non concupisces, Thou shalt not lust.

Rom. 7.7. 4 I note fourthly, y t the breach of euery commandement, deser­ueth eternal death. For so saith the apostle, [...]: Rom. 6. vers. 23 for y e reward of sin is death. And another scripture saith;

[...]
Deut. 27.26.
[...]

Accursed be he that confirmeth not the words of this lawe, Galat. 3.10. in doing them: for as saint Iames saith, though a man keep all the residue of the law, Iames 2. verse 10 yet if he offend in any one point, he becom­meth guiltie of all.

I note fiftly, that by Gods law we are bound to refer all our 5 workes, all our words, and al our thoughts, to his honour and glory (for so teacheth his apostle:) and consequently, that the wantonnes of the yonger widowes, was a breach of Gods ho­ly laws. 1. Cor. 10. ver. 31 These points obserued, I conclude, that the yonger widows had damnation, not for marrying, but for being wan­ton before their marriage. For in being wanton against Christ, they brake their first faith made in baptisme, that is, they performed not that obedience they promised in baptisme; & in not per­forming that obedience they deserued eternal death; and so they had damnation, bicause they were wanton against Christ. S. Paul saith not, that they had damnation bicause they married, (which must be wel marked) but bicause they made voide their first faith in breaking Gods cōmandements, as ye haue heard.

6 I say sixtly, that saint Paul is so far from condemning mar­riage, in the yonger widowes after their promise or vow which the papists would most willingly father vpon him, as he exhor­teth them to marry, euen after such their promise or vowe. I prooue it, (note wel what I say) because so soone as hee hath willed the yonger widowes to marry in the 14. verse; foorth­with in the 15. verse, he yeeldeth the reason of that his aduise, to wit, because certaine are already turned backe after Satan. Now, in the 15. verse he must needs speake of such widowes, [Page 247] as were receiued into the ministerie of the church; because none could be turned backe from that, to which they neuer were ad­mitted: he therfore speaketh likewise of the betrothed widows, in the next verse before; which I make euident three wayes; first, because otherwise his illation in the 15. verse, shoulde be 1 foolish & friuolous; foolish, because it could haue no connexion with the 14. verse; friuolous, for that it could not conclude his purpose: secondly, because he had already in the 11. verse char­ged 2 the bishop Timothy, not to receiue any widow vnder the age of 60. yeeres. This conclusion therefore being made touching the widowes not yet admitted, he goeth forward and giueth his aduise, for the yonger widowes then receiued of the church: as if he had saide; for as much as some of the yonger sort haue alreadie beene wanton and followed sathan, and there is also danger in the rest: I decree, that hereafter none vnder 60. yeares be receiued; and I exhort the yonger alreadie re­ceiued and desirous to marrie, to betake themselues to holie wedlocke, to bring forth children, to be housewiues, and so to giue no occasion to the aduersarie to speake euill. Thirdly, 3 because otherwise Saint Paul should equiuocate verie grosse­ly, in one and the selfe same reason: giuing one signification to the same word in the premisses, & an other in the consecution. Thus much of this obiection in special, and of the mariages of Bishops, priests, deacons, and religious persons, in generall: as also of the first [...]rohibition against the same. It nowe re­maineth for the complement of this discourse, that I solue cer­taine obiections made generally against this doctrine, for which shalbe assigned the next chapter.

CHAP. IIII. Of certaine generall obiections against the marriages of Priests, with briefe solutions of the same.

The first obiection.

BE sanctified therefore and be holy, Leuit. 11.44. for I am holy (your lord and God:) I answer, that al the Israelits were commanded to be sanctified & to be holy, aswel as were the priests, and so▪ if this argument were of force in popish sence, al people aswel as priestes, shoulde abstaine from the vse of holy wedlocke, yea, the priests were euen then married, as is already proued.

The second obiection.

I would haue you without care: the vnmarried careth for the things of the lord, how he may please the Lord; but he that is married careth for the things of the world, 1. Cor. 7. vers 32. how hee may please his wife: therefore priests ought not to be married.

The answere.

I say first, that S. Paul preferreth the state of the vnmar­ried, 1 before the condition of the married. For he saith indeede, that the vnmarried doth better, if he can so continue, albeit in marrying he sinneth not: [...]ngle life, how it is better. yet this is not in respect of any holi­nes that resulteth out of single life, but because the vnmarried is more free from the cares of the world, and so more apt for­studie & the seruice of God. I say secondly, that S. Paul neuer 2 meant to enforce any person, either to be married, or to leade a single life, & therfore did he say that he sought for the cōmodity of the Corinthians, but not to entangle thē in the snare: as if he had said, if I shuld go about to bar you of mariage, I shuld tangle you in a snare. I say thirdly, y t a man may be as holy in ma­riage, 3 as if he liued vnmarried to his liues end, which S. Hie­rome though a great patron of single life, both grauely consi­dered, and sincerely acknowledged: for he saith, that Abraham pleased God no lesse in wedlocke, then virgins doe in their sin­gle life: these are his expresse words, as the popish canon law reciteth them: C. 32. q. 4. c▪ 7. Abraham placuit in coniugio sicut nunc virgi­nes placent in castitate: seruiuit ille legi & tempori suo serui­amus & nos legi & tempori nostro, in quos fines coelorum deue­nerunt. Abraham pleased (God) in marriage, euen as virgins now please in chastity: hee serued the law and his time; let vs also vpon whom the ends of the world is come, serue the law & our time. Yea S. Nazianzene saith, that his father being a bishop, was greatly holpen in pietie by his wife: & the same S. Gregory saith in another place, Nazianz. in o [...]at. [...]un [...]b. pro patre orat. 28. tom. 2. that neither marriage nor single life, doth either ioyne vs to God or to the world, or withdraw vs from god, or from the world. This is confirmed by S. Chry­sostome in these words: In epitaph. Gor­goniae orat. 25. Nuptiae licet difficultatis in se plurimum habeant, ita tamen assumi possunt, vt perfectiori vitae impedi­mento non sint. Chrys. in 1. Tim. homil. 10. Although marriage haue great trouble in it self, yet may it so be vsed as it shalbe no hindrance to per [...]t life. S. [Page 249] Austen after that he had auouched holy life to be nothing aba­ted, August. in quaest. mix. q. 12. in fine. in holy Samuel and Zacharias by reason of their marria­ges: by and by he addeth these words: Qua ergo ratione accu­satur quod minime obesse probatur? & quis neget bonum debere dici, quod neminem laedit. How therefore is that thing accused, which is proued to do no hurt? & who denieth that that ought to be called good, which bringeth harme to none? S. Clemens Alexandrinus giueth a sufficient solution to this obiection, Clemens Alex. lib. 3. stromat. in these expresse words: Annon permittitur etiam ei qui vxorem duxit, vna cum cōiugio etiam esse solicitum de iis quae sunt domi­ni? sequitur: ambae enim sunt sanctae in domino: haec quidem vt vxor, illa verò vt virgo: cannot she also that is married toge­ther with hir marriage, seeke the things that pertaine to the Lord? for they both are holy in the lord: this as a wife, she as a virgin. Nicephorus though he were caried away with sundry er­rors of his time, Niceph. lib. 11. cap. 19. yet doth he make S. Gregory who was a mar­ried bishop, equal with S. Basill his brother who led a single life: these are his words: Et quamuis is coniugē habuerit, rebus tamen aliis fratri minimè cessit: & though he were married, yet was he nothing inferior to his brother in other things. In fine, S Ambrose saith thus: Amber. in cor. cap. 7. prope [...] ­dem. Quid ergo dicimus si virgines de deo co­gitant & iunctae viris demundo, qu espes relinqutur nubentibus apud deum? si enim ita est, dubium est de salute eorum: nam vide­mus virgines de seculo cogitare, & matrimonio iunctos domini­cis studere operibus. What therfore say we, if virgins think of god, and the married of the world, what hope haue the married with God? for if it be so, their saluation is in doubt: for we see that virgins do thinke of the world, and that married men are careful for the works of the Lord.

The third obiection.

Defraude not one another but for praier sake, saith S. Paul ergo priests that must euer pray, must euer abstaine.

The answere. 1. Cor. 7. vers. 5.

I say first that S. Paul doth here shew the necessity of mar­riage, in that he disswadeth not from abstinence saue onely for praier sake. I say secondly, that priests must not euer be occu­pied in prayer no more then lay men: their nature and condi­on, requireth conuenient recreation.

[Page 250]I say thirdly, that y e apostle speaketh not here of euery kind 3 of praier, but of extraordinary praier, appointed for vrgent ex­traordinary causes: which kinde of praiers, must alwaies haue fasting ioyned with them, as the apostle doth expressely say: and so if the papistes will needes haue the apostle to speake of vsuall and daily praier, then must their priestes vsually and dai­ly fast; Leuit. 10. v. 9. which I weene their fatted headed moonkes will neuer agree vnto, or at least neuer put in practise. Yea they must con­tinually absteine from wine, for so the law required.

The fourth obiection.

When Dauid to satisfie his hunger being vrgent, required of Abimelech the priest, 1. Kin. 21. v. 3.4. some cakes of bread, or what els came to hand; Abimelech answered that hee had no common bread: but if he and his companie were not polluted with women hee would giue them hallowed bread. Now it is cleere, that A­bimelech meant of their lawfull wiues, because hee coulde not suspect holy Dauid, to haue been polluted with naughtie women. If therefore lawfull wedlocke did so pollute secular persons, that for the vse therof, they might not eate the Shew bread: how much more shall the vse of wedlocke pollute priests of the new testament, that they may not eate Christes body in the holy masse?

The answere.

1 I say first, that how holy your Masse is, shal by Gods grace 2 appeare in conuenient place. I say secondly, that wedlocke is an honourable and vndefiled bed, and therefore cannot pol­lute such persons, as vse the same lawfully and in the feare of God. Yea if the vse thereof had not been lawfull, euen in Bi­shops and other ministers of the church; holy Paphnutius durst not haue defended the same publikely, in the presence of so ma­ny learned men at Nice: who for all that did so, and was ther­fore not onely highly commended, but the whole councell als­agreed to his godly motion. I say thirdly, that there were ma­ny 3 legall contamination, aswel in men as in women, (whereof [Page 251] who list may see at large in Leniticus,) but neither was the lawfull matrimoniall act reputed any of them; Leu. 15. per [...] See cap. 21 22. neither do those legall ceremonies concerne vs of the newe testament, but the true puritie signified by the same; that is, Christian purificati­on wrought in the bloud of Christ Iesus, and apprehended by a true, sincere, and liuely faith. I say fourthly, that many legal contam [...]nations were no other sinnes, then the manifold popish 4 irregularities, then nocturne pollutions done without consent of the patient: which neuerthelesse the best learned papistes will haue to be no sinne at all. I say fiftly, that Abimelech in­quired of cleannesse from women, not in respect of the coniu­gall 5 act; but for many other contaminations, which might haue happened by comming neere to any woman in her monethly course. For not only the woman her self was thereby vncleane in lawe and legall ceremonie, but also all such as touched her clothes, her bed, her seate, or whatsoeuer els. Which inquisi­tion Abimilech made, least hee shoulde seeme to contemne the law: that so Dauid if perhaps he had been any way polluted le­gallie, might haue had ( saltem desiderio) purification accor­dingly. I say sixtly, that the high priest in the olde lawe was married, and begate children, and that euen in those daies 6 when he ministred to the Lord: for he was bound to offer vp in­cense on the altar, of sweete perfume, that was neere the arke of testimonie before the mercy seate; Exod. 30. v. 7.8. not this day or that day onely, but euery morning and euery euening throughout their generations for euer. Since therefore the high priestes marri­age and coniugall acts, were nothing preiudiciall to his holy function; it followeth consequently, that neither can holy wed­locke be now preiudiciall, to the ministerie of the newe Testa­ment.

The fift obiection.

The councels of Carthage, Toledo, Agatha, and some o­thers, haue flatly prohibited the marriage of priestes: which doubtlesse they would neuer haue done, if it had been a lawfull thing.

The answere.

I say first, that mans authoritie cannot abridge & take away 1 [Page 252] from man, that libertie which God himselfe hath graunted vn­to man. For the inferior cannot alter the law of his superior, as is already prooued. I say secondly, that though the pope and his late councels, doe roundly impose lawes against holy wed­locke; 2 yet doth S. Paule plainly confesse, that hee hath no au­thoritie so to doe. Praeceptum inquit, domini non habeo, consiliū autem do: I haue no commandement of the Lord, but I giue mine aduise. 1. Cor. 7. v. 15 I say thirdly, that the councell of Agatha doth 3 euidently insinuate, that the prohibition of priestes marriages was but of late yeares. Conc. Agath cap. [...]8. These are the wordes of the councell; Presbyteri, diaconi, subdiaconi, vel deinceps, quibus ducendi vxores licentia modo non est, etiam aliarum nuptiarum euitent conuiuia. Priests, deacons, subdeacons, and the rest, who this day haue not licence to marry, must not be present at the feasts of other marriages.

This councell was holden in Narbon, about 439. yeares af­ter Christ, which was 51. yeares after Pope Syricius, who first abandoned the mariage of priestes as I haue prooued. Anno Dom 439 To which time this councell of Agatha alludeth, when it saith; (who are now debarred from marriage:) as if it had said; Be­fore they might haue married, but now it is forbidden them. I say fourthly, that their owne deere Gratian in his glosse vpon 4 pope Martins wordes, confesseth matrimonie to be of so great force, euen in deacons that marry after their orders: that nei­ther the popes decree, nor the vow by him annexed to orders, is able to dissolue the same. These are his expresse wordes; Si vero diaconus a ministerio cessare voluerit, contracto matrimo­nio licitè potest vti; Dist. 27. cap. 2. diaconus. nam etsi in ordinatione sua castitatis votū obtulerit, tamen tanta est vis in sacramento coniugij, quod nec ex violatione voti potest dissolui ipsum coniugium. But if a deacon will cease from the ministerie, hee may lawfully haue the vse of wedlocke contracted in time of his deaconship: for al­though he offered the vow of chastitie when he tooke orders, yet so great is the force of matrimonie, that it cannot be dissolued by breaking the vow. Out of which words I note two things; the one, that Gratian speaketh of that matrimonie, which dea­cons contract after they be made deacons: the other, that such matrimonie is perfect & of force, notwithstāding y e vow annexed [Page 253] by popish law. To which I adde other two thinges: first, that Gratian auoucheth S. Austen to be of his opinion, This is a whip to all poperie. whose wordes he alledgeth in the next canon. Secondly, that since marriage is of force after orders in a deacon, it is so also in sub­deacons, priestes, and the rest. The reason is euident, because the vow is of the same force in all: neither can or will any lear­ned papist say the contrary.

I say fiftly, that it skilleth not much what many councels say; as I haue prooued at large in my booke of Motiues: yet here I adde one decree out of one of their councels, which ma­keth 5 the controuersie manifest. Thus therefore appointeth the first councel holden at Toledo or Toletanum.

Si quis habens vxorem fidelis concubinam habeat, non commu­nicet. Caeterum is qui non habet vxorem, & pro vxore concubi­nam habet, a communione nō repellatur, Conc. Tolet. 1. Can. 17. tantum vt vnius mu­lieris, aut vxoris, aut concubinae, vt ei placuerit, sit coniunctio­ne contentus.

If anie of the faithfull hauing a wife haue also a Concubine, let him not receiue the holy communion: but hee that hath no wife, and keepeth a concubine in steed of his wife, let him be ad­mitted to the communion; yet so as hee be content with one onely, either woman, wife, or concubine, as pleaseth him. Loe, this councell giueth a man free libertie, to keepe woman, wife, or concubine at his pleasure, so he be content with one at once. Neither doth it forbid such an one, to receiue the holie communion. Yet it prohibiteth euery priest from the commu­nion, that keepeth his lawfull wife: but the famous councels of Nice and Constantinople, were of another minde as I haue prooued.

The 6. obiection.

Vow saith the prophet, and performe vnto the Lord your God, all ye that be round about. Psal. 76 v. 11. Esaia [...], 19. v. [...]. Therefore priestes and reli­gious men and women which haue vowed, cannot marrie at all.

The answere.

I say first, that this obiection can at the most prooue onely 1 this, euen by popish doctrine; to wit that such as vow chastitie cannot marry without sinne: but not that their marriages bee not of force, or not true marriages indeed. I prooue it euident­ly, because marriages after simple or single vowes, be of force with them, and reputed as they are, for true marriages indeed. And this obiection speaketh of such vowes, because the scrip­ture is nothing acquainted with popish solemne vowes.

I say secondly, that they are not only true marriages and of 2 force, but also contracted lawfully and without sinne. I prooue it, Iudg. 11. v. 31.39 Mat 14. v. 7 10. Act. [...]3. v. [...]1. because as it is sin to make ill vowes, so is it lawful to break the same, and double sinne to performe them. This is euident in Iephthe, who to accomplish his vow, became the murderer of his own only daughter. In wicked king Herode the Tetrarch, who for sake of his vow beheaded S. Iohn the baptist. In the fourtie Iewes, who to performe their bloudie vow, say in wait to destroy S. Paule. These wicked votaries, as they sinned most greeuously in making their vowes; so did they iterate their sinne in performing the same. Who neuerthelesse shoulde haue sinned but once, if after the making of their vngodly vowes, they had ceased from the performance thereof. For which cause holy Bernard aduiseth his sister grauely, not to keepe and performe any ill vow. Bernard de modo bene viuendi, Serm 62. to. 1. p. 1699. Thus doth he write; Re­scinde fidem in malis promissis: In turpi voto muta decretum. Malum quod promisisti, non facias; Quod incautè vouisti, nō impleas; Impia est promissio, quae scelere adimpletur. Breake thy faith in euill promises; Isidor. ap. Grat. C. 22. q. 4. in m [...]lis. chaunge thy purpose in vnhonest vowes: doe not that euill which thou hast promised; performe not that which thou hast rashly vowed. That promise is wicked which is performed with wickednesse. S. Isidorus hath the selfe same resolution concerning ill vowes, as hee is alledged by Gratian. S. Bede after he had largely discoursed vpon euil pro­mises, and withall shewed that it is better euen to be periured, then to performe naughtie and wicked promises; alledged for the confirmation of his opinion, Beda apud Grat. C. 22. q. 4, si aliquid. the fact of holy Dauid in the death of Nabal. These are his wordes: Deni (que) iurauit [Page 255] Dauid per Deum, occidere Nabal virum stultum & impium, at (que) omnia quae ad eum pertinebant demoliri; sed ad primam interces­sionem Abigail foeminae prudentis mox remisit minas, reuocauit ensemin vaginam, ne (que) aliquid culpae se pro taliperiurio contra­xisse doluit. Finally, Dauid sware by God, that he would kill Nabal a foolish & wicked man, & that he would destroy all his both smal & great: yet so soon as Abigail (Nabals wife) a wife woman, made her petition to him, he abated his anger, put vp his sword, and nothing lamented the breach of his othe.

S. Ambrose hauing at large prooued by many golden testi­monies, that it was sinne to breake ill vows then to performe the same, at length alleageth the ensample of Christ himselfe, for that only purpose; these are his words: Ambr. lib. de [...] ­fic. cap. 12. Non semper igitur promissa soluenda omnia sunt: denique ipse dominus frequenter suam mutat sententiam, sicut scriptura indicat. Therefore all promises ought not to be kept at all times: for euen our Lord God himselfe doeth oftentimes change his purpose, as holie Writ beareth record. Aug. apud Gr [...] C. 22. q. 4. c [...]. magna. S. Austen reputeth it a great point of wisedome not to do that which a man hath rashly spoken: thus doth he write: Magnae sapientiae est reuocare hominem quod ma­le locutus est: It is great wisedome for a man to call backe (and not performe) that which he hath spoken vnaduisedly.

Soter who himselfe was the bishop of Rome, teacheth ex­presly, that rash promises ought not to be kept: these are his words: Si aliquid incautius aliquem iurasse contigerit, Soter in epist ad episcop. Italiae to. 1. conc. C. 22. q. 4. [...]i ali­quid. quod obseruatum in peiorem vergat exitum, illud salubri consilio mu­tandum nouerimus, & magis instante necessitate periurandum nobis, quam pro facto iuramento in aliud crimen maius diuerten­dum. If any man shall sweare vnaduisedly, which if it be per­formed bringeth greater harme; that ought to be changed, by prudent aduise: for we must rather be periured, if neede so re­quire, then for performance of our othe, to commit a greater sinne: so then it is euident, that vngodly and vnlawfull vowes ought not to be kept. But such is not the vow of single life, say the papists. This therefore must be examined.

The vow of single life is a godly vow, and so liked of Saint Paul, as he reputed them damned that kept not the same. The replie.

I answer, that it is a wicked and vngodly vow, The answer to tie our [Page 256] selues from marriage al the daies of our life: and I wil proue the same, by the best approued popish doctours, and by the doctrine established in the Romish church, and that because the replie containeth such matters as is no lesse intricate then im­portant. 1 I therefore say first, that it is a verie wicked and vn­godly act, for a man to expose himselfe to sinne. Thus much is granted, by the vniforme consent of all learned Papists: inso­much as all the Summists agree in this, that those arts which can seldome or neuer be vsed without sin, are altogether vnlaw­full. Gregorie surnamed the Great, as hee was vertuous and learned, so was he the bishop of Rome, and for that respect, of great account among the Papists; though he were no papist in deede, as now a daies papists are so knowne and called: thus doth he write:

Sunt enim pleraque negotia, quae sine peccatis exhiberi aut vix aut nullatenus possunt: Gregor. hom. 24. in euange. quae ergo ad peccatum implicant, ad haec necesse est vt post conuersionem animus non recurrat.

For there be sundrie arts, which can hardly or not at all bee practised without sinne: therefore after our conuersion wee may not haue recourse to such, as anie way draw vs to sinne. Nowe let vs applie this to the matter in hand, for it is most certaine that he exposeth himselfe to sinne, that bindeth him­selfe neuer to vse the remedie against sinne: for example, if a man should vow, that hee would neuer vse the helpe of surge­rie or phisicke, that man shoulde doubtlesse expose himselfe to the perill of death: none but senselesse bodies, will or can this denie: So in our case of single life, because God hath appoin­ted matrimonie for a remedie against sinne, so saith the Apo­stle, to auoide fornication, let euerie one haue his wife, and let euerie woman haue her husband. For which respect Saint Gregorie Nazianzene saith, 1. Cor. 7. vers. 2. Nazianz. in lau­dem. Gorgo. 2. that marriage is not so subiect to perill as single life.

2 I say secondly, that it is a great sinne, to debarre and stop the course of naturall propension: yea this is a thing so cer­taine, Aquin. 22. q· 64. [...]r. 5. as their angelicall doctour Aquinas proueth thereby the murdering of ones selfe to be sinne, bicause it is against the inclination of nature. Nowe let vs make application heereof, for the propension to beget children is naturall, as which was [Page 257] before sinne in the state of innocencie, and so hee that maketh a perpetuall vow of chastitie feeling in himselfe this propension, committeth a greeuous sinne.

I say thirdly, that it is a damnable sinne to tempt God, for 3 it is written in Gods booke, Deut. 6. ver. 16. yee shall not tempt the Lorde your God. Vppon which words the glosse receiued of all pa­pists; saith thus: Deum tentat, qui habens quid faciat, sine ra­tione committit se periculo, hee tempteth God who hauing ordinarie meanes, committeth himselfe to daunger with­out cause. This exposition is so agreeable to the text as A­quinas willingly admitteth the same. Nowe let vs applie it to the matter in hande. He that refuseth ordinarie meanes, and so committeth himselfe to perill, tempts God grieuously, as both the popish glosse and Aquinas grant; but the ordinarie meanes to auoide fornication is marriage saith the Apostle: 1. Cor. 7. ver. 2. therefore he that voweth neuer to marrie, exposeth himselfe to the danger of fornication, & thereby tempteth god grieuously, and consequently his vow is wicked and damnable.

I say fourthly, that that vow which for the obediēce of mans 4 law is preiudicial to Gods law, is wicked and damnable: Quarto principa­liter. but such is the vowe annexed in popish priests (marke well my words) therefore the vow imposed to popish priests is wicked and damnable. I say first the vow annexed, because the priests 1 do not formally vow single life, but the Pope hath annexed it to their orders by his wicked decree. I say secondly, the vowe 2 imposed, because the priestes indeede woulde willingly re­taine their libertie stil. I say thirdly, that gods law doth not 3 onely graunt libertie to marrie, 1. Cor. 7. v. 25. Mat. 19, v. 11.12 but also chargeth euerie one that hath not the gift of continencie to take a wife, & to vse holy 4 wedlocke, for the auoiding of sinne. I say fourthly, that mans law onely hath prohibited the marriage of priests, which being once proued, this fourth assertion wilbe manifest. Thus ther­fore writeth their deare Gratian in expresse words.

Copula namque sacerdotalis vel consanguineorum, nec legali, C. 26, q 2, sor [...] nec euangelica, vel apostolica auctoritate prohibetur, ecclesiasti­ca tamen lege penitus interdicitur.

For the marriage of priests or kinsfolks, is neither forbiddē by the law of Moses, nor by the lawe of the gospell, nor by the [Page 258] law of the apostles; yet is it vtterly interdicted, by the lawe of the church (of Rome.)

Marke well these wordes for Christes sake (gentle christian reader) for they are able to confound al obstinate papists in the 1 world. Obserue therefore first, that this Gratian who vttereth these words, was a verie famous popish Canonist, brother to Peter Lombard surnamed for his supposed deserts, the Mai­ster of Sentences, who was sometime bishop of Paris, and of such renowme in the popish church, as his bookes are this day read publiquely in the diuinitie schooles. Obserue second­ly, 2 that this great learned papist Gratian liued with his bro­ther Lombard about 400. yeeres agoe, euen then when the pope was in his greatest pompe and tyrannie. Obserue third­ly, that this Gratian being so learned and so renowmed among 3 the papists, did euen in the altitude of popedome, commit that to the publique view of the world, which vtterly ouerthroweth al papistrie. Obserue fourthly, that the pope and his vassalles 4 being iustly infatuated for their manifold sinnes, had not pow­er to hinder and keepe backe from the print such bookes, as vt­terly disclose their tyranny, falshood, and paltrie dealing. Oh sweete Iesus! great is thy mercy, wonderfull is thy iustice, in­finite is thy wisedome, vnsearchable are thy iudgements. Tru­ly saith the Psalmograph; Psa. 127. verse 1. Hebr. 11. ve. 29. Num. 22. vers. 28 Dan. 3. verse 25 4. Reg. 6. verse 6. Act. 12. ver. 7, 10 Vnles the Lord defend the citie, in vaine do they labour that keepe the same. Thou, O God, who causest the red sea to giue place to the Israelites; thou who causest Balaams asse to speake; thou who causest the fire to suspend it force in the burning furnace; thou who causest yron to swimme vpon the water; thou who causest lockes and brasen gates to open voluntarily; thou, thou, O mightie God of Is­rael, hast enforced Gratian that learned, famous, and zealous papist, to confesse openly for the battering downe of al popery, that the marriage of priests (which the Pope enforceth vppon them vnder paine of damnation euerlasting) is neither forbid­den by the law of Moses, nor by the lawe of thy holy gospel, nor yet by the law of thine apostles.

Caiet. in quod­libet cont. Luth▪ Caietanus their owne deare Cardinall and learned schoole­man confirmeth that which Gratian hath already said. These are his wordes;

[Page 259] Nec ratione, nec authoritate probari potest quod absolute lo­quendo, sacerdos peccet contrahendo matrimonium. Vignerius is of the verie same o­pinion, De differentii [...] voti. §. 5. ver. 14. Nam nec ordo in quantum ordo, nec ordo in quantum sacer, est impeditiuus matrimonij: siquidem sacer [...]otium non dirimit matrimonium contractum, siue ante, siue post, seclusis omnibus legibus ecclesi­asticis, stando tantum [...]is, quae habemus à Christo & apostolis.

It can neither bee proued by reason nor yet by authoritie, if we will speake absolutely, that a Priest sinneth by marrying a wife. For neither the order (of priesthood) in that it is order, neither order in that it is holy, is any hindrance vnto matrimo­nie: for priesthood breaketh not marriage, whether it be con­tracted before priesthood, or afterward, setting al ecclesiastical lawes aparte, and standing onely to those things, which wee haue of Christ and his Apostles.

Antoninus is consonant vnto Caietane, Antonin. cap. 3. Tit. 1. cap. 21. §. [...] and writeth in this manner: Episcopatus ex natura sua, non habet opponi ad matri­monium; the office of a bishoppe of his owne nature, is not op­posite vnto marriage.

Saint Clement telleth it as a wonder, that the Apostle giuing so many rules and precepts touching matrimonie, Clemens Alex­and. lib. [...] stromat should say nothing of the marriage of Priests, if it had beene a thing necessarie: these are his words.

Omnes Apostoli Epistolae, quae moderationem docent & con­tinentiam, cum & de matrimonio, & de liberorum procreatione, & de domus administratione innumerabilia praecepta contine­ant, nusquam honestum moderatumque matrimonium prohibu­erunt.

All the Epistles of the Apostle, which teach sobrietie and continent life, whereas they containe innumerable precepts touching matrimonie, bringing vp of children, and gouernment of house, yet did they no where forbidde honest and sober marriage.

I say fiftly, that to take away the christian libertie from man which God hath granted to man, is a wicked and damnable 5 sinne: and therefore doth the holy vessell of God bid vs, 1. Cor. 7. v. 23▪ to perseuer constantly therein. For after that hee hath exhorted euerie one to continue as God hath appointed, and withal hath shewed the freedome of marriage to bee granted to all, hee [Page 260] forthwith addeth these words; Ye are bought with a price, be not the seruants of men: as if he had said, to marrie or not to marrie is in your owne election, let therefore neither Iew nor Gentile ouerrule your libertie, let none entangle your consci­ences, let none bring you into faithlesse bondage, let none im­pose that heauie yoke vpon your necks, which yee are no way able to beare. Nowe by due application heereof, the vow of single life, at the least the vow annexed to priesthood, which by the law of man, spoileth vs of our christian libertie, must needs be a wicked and damnable vowe. Victor. demur. sect. 2. relect. 7. p. 280. For as the learned papist Victoria hath wel obserued, the gospell is called the law of li­bertie, because christians after the promulgation of the gospel, are onely bound to the law of nature. And yet our late popes haue made our case more intollerable, then euer was the hea­uie yoke of the Iewes. For Saint Paul chargeth vs, to stand fast in the libertie wherewith Christ hath made vs free, and not to be intangled againe with the yoke of bondage. Galat. 5. verse 1.

I say sixtly, that to abandon Gods holy ordinance is a wic­ked 6 and damnable sinne: and yet is this done as the Pope bluntishly auoucheth, by his tyrannically extorted vowes: for matrimonie contracted after priesthood, is by Gods law true and perfect matrimonie, as is alreadie proued by popish grant; and yet is such matrimonie become no matrimonie by popish vow, as the Pope would enforce vs to beleeue. Therefore by due application, the monasticall vow is a wicked and damna­ble thing.

I say seauenthly, that euerie vowe must bee de meliori bo­no, 7 of a better good, or of that which is a more holy thing: so writeth their approued doctour and canonized saint Aquinas in his theological Summe: Aquin. 22. q. 11. and therfore because the popish per­petuall vowe of single life is not of such a better good, it must needs be a wicked & vnlawful act. To prooue the saide popish vow, is not of a better good, the reader must diligently obserue these points: first, that it is one thing to speake of virginity in it 1 selfe, or as it is compared with wedlocke; and another thing to speake of it as it is perpetually vowed in such & such a person: secondly, that to leade a single life is indifferent to such per­sons 2 as haue the gift of continencie, but not to others: thirdly, [Page 261] that such intangle themselues in snares by Saint Paules doc­trine, 3 as do not know their future continuance, 1. Cor. 7. and for all that make a popish vow of single life for euer: fourthly, that it is a 4 great sinne to do any thing which is not of faith, Rom. 14. ver. 23. for so saith the apostle. Hereupon it followeth first, that the vow of single life or virginitie, is vnlawfull: the reason is euident, because it is not a better good. I prooue it, by the flat testimonie of Saint Gregorie Nazianzene, a most eloquent and learned father, who was S. Hieroms master, and taught him the holy scriptures, and for his wonderfull knowledge therein was rightly surna­med Theologus, as recordeth Simeon Metaphrastes, these are his expresse wordes;

Cum in duo haec genera vita nostra omnis diuisa sit, Gregor. Nazian. orat. 25. in lau­dem Gorgonia tom. 2. nimirum in matrimonium & caelibatū, (quorum alterum vt praestantius & diuinius, ita maioris quo (que) laboris & periculi alterum humilius quidem & abiectius, caeterum minori periculo obnoxium) vita­tis vtriusque status incommodis, quicquid in vtroque commodi erat, delegerit, in vnumque coegerit, alterius nempe sublimita­tem, alterius securitatem, fuerìtque citra supercilium pudica, cae­libatus commoda matrimonio temperans, ac reipsa ostendens neu­trum horum suapte natura tale esse, vt nos prorsus vel Deo vel mundo astringat, vel ab his penitus nos separet: Sic quidem vt alterum natura omnino fugiendum sit, alterum prorsus expeten­dum; verum mentem esse, quae & nuptias & virginitatem re­cte moderetur, atque vtrumque horum instar materiae cuiuspiam ab artifice ratione componi, & ad virtutem elaborari.

Whereas our whole life is diuided into these two kindes, to wit, into matrimonie and single life, (whereof the one as it is more excellent and diuine, so is it also of greater labour & dan­ger; the other more base and vile, but subiect to lesse danger) (Gorgonia) eschewing the discommodities of either state, hath chosen and gathered into one, what commoditie soeuer was in both, that is, the sublimitie of the one and the securitie of the o­ther. She was chaste and nothing proud, tempering the com­modities of single life with marriage, and shewing in very deede, that neither of the twaine is such of it owne nature, as can eyther ioyne vs wholy to God, or to the worlde, or with­draw vs wholy from God or from the world. So verily as the [Page 262] one ought of it owne nature be auoided, and the other to bee required: but that it is the minde that doth rightly moderate both marriage and virginitie, and that either of them must bee by reason composed of the artificer as certaine vnwrought stuffe, & so be made a vertue. These are the words of this great clarke and holy father, in which he hath learnedly described the natures and properties, both of marriage & virginitie; which I haue alleaged at large, because they are worthy of our consi­deration, and doe exactly explaine this intricate and important matter. Out of them therefore I note first, that as virginitie is 1 more excellent one way, so is it more dangerous another way, and so all things considered, there is no preeminence in either 2 of the twaine, at least not in virginitie. I note secondly, that as matrimonie is more secure and free from perill, so may it also include al the good that is in virginitie. For as S. Gregorie saith, Gorgonia being a married woman, ioyned the sublimitie & most excellent part of virginitie, with the securitie of hir chast wedlocke. I note thirdly, that by S. Gregories discourse, wed­lock 3 is to be preferred before virginitie. For al the good parts of virginitie may be included in chast wedlocke, not so the good parts of wedlocke in virginitie, that is, virginity is euer subiect to perill, from which wedlocke abideth free. I adde hereun­to, that the world may be cōtinued without virginity, although wedlocke be necessarie for the same. I note fourthly, that vir­ginitie 4 of it owne nature, can neither ioyne vs to God, nor withdraw vs from God, but is as marriage in that respect. I note fiftly, that neither wedlock nor yet virginity is a virtue of 5 it selfe, but a peece of vnwrought stuffe, which then becommeth a vertue, when it is perfectly laboured by the worker: and consequently, that virginitie hath no such perfection and me­rite as our papists doe ascribe vnto it. Clemens. Alex­ander. lib. 3. stro­mat. Clemens Alexandri­nus taught this doctrine long before Saint Gregorie.

It followeth secondly vppon the foure obseruations, that if 2 virginitie were a better good as it is considered in it selfe, (the contrarie whereof is proued) yet woulde it not follow that it were a better good, The disparitie ought to be no­ted well. as it is vowed of him or hir that hath not y e gift: the reason is euident, because our sauiour hath appointed such persons, to vse the soueraigne medicine of chast wedlocke: [Page 263] and so single life is so farre from being a better good in such persons, that it is no good at all, but a flat damnable sin. Mat. 19. vers. 11.12. 1. Cor. 7. verse 2. Be­sides this, such persons expose themselues to great perill, that is, to commit fornication, because they know not their own fu­ture state.

It followeth thirdly, that such a vowe cannot be of a better good, because it is not of faith. I proue it, because his act can­not 3 be of faith, who knoweth not whether his act please God or not, yea he contemneth God presuming to do that, which is offensiue in Gods sight. If they answere that they know God will giue them the gift for asking; I replie, that so to say is great presumption: For Christ himselfe saith, that all cannot liue single, but they onely to whom it is giuen: Mat. 19 verse 11 and saint Paul after he had wished euerie man to be as himselfe, added forth­with; but euerie one hath his proper gift of God, one after this manner, and another after that. Saint Ambrose saith, sola est virginitas quae suaderi potest, imperari non potest; 1. Cor. 7 verse. 7. Ambros. exhort. ad virgines. tom 1. p. 106. onely vir­ginitie is a thing which may be counselled, but commanded it cannot be.

I say eightly, that a lawfull and godly vowe must bee of such things as are in our owne power, & that otherwise it is of 8 no force at all. For this cause, the vowes that children made were of no force in the law of Moses, so long as they were vn­der the gouernment of their parents. In like case were the vows of wiues, & of seruants, Numer. 30. per­totum. without the consent of their hus­bands and masters, yea, all vowes of monks & other religious persons so called, which are made without consent of their ab­bots, & generals, are for this cause voide, & of no force at all: so write Aquinas, Caietanus, Couarruuias, Nauarrus Syluester, Mat. 19. verse. 11. Fumus, Antoninus, and the rest. And yet is it euident, that Chastitie is not in the power of man, for so Christ himself hath taught vs. And it is a friuolous euasion to say, that by prayer it may be obtained. For who knoweth that God will grant his prayer for single life? to whom hath God so promised? Certes, the holy Apostle praied instantly three times, that the pricke of the flesh might be taken from him, 2. Cor. 12. v. 7, 8, 9, and yet could not attaine the same. Neuerthelesse euerie idle Monke, Frier, and Nunne, when they haue presumptuously entangled themselues in the [Page 264] snare, and that without Gods appointment, nay contrary to his commaundement, will enforce God to yeeld to their de­sire. In this their impious doctrine, our papistes doubtlesse become flat Pelagians, and either for their pride will not, or for their iust blindnesse cannot see it. For Iulianus the Pelagi­an taught the selfe same doctrine, The papistes are become Pelagi­ans. and for that was christianly confuted by S. Augustine. These are S. Austens expresse wordes; Dicis enim quod dominum continentiae gloriam liber­tate electionis honorauerit, dicens, qui potest capere capiat; tan­quam hoc capiatur non dei munere, sed arbitrij libertate, & ta­ces quod supra dixerit, August. cont. Iulian: Pelagian. lib. 5. ca. 7. tom. 7. non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, sed qui­bus datum est. Vide quae taceas, quae dicas. Puto quod te pungat conscientia: sed vincit rectum timorem, cum ingerit peruersum pudorem, quoquo modo iam defendenda praecipitata sententia.

For thou saiest, that our Lord hath honoured the glorie of continencie with the freedome of election, saying; He that can take, let him take; as if this were taken not by Gods gift, but by y e free will of man, & thou concealest that which Christ said before, al men doe not receiue this word, but they to whom it is giuen. Consider well, what thou concealest, and what thou saiest. I verily thinke, that thine own conscience pricketh thee: but when a rash sentence must be defended, it bringeth in per­uerse shame, which ouercommeth godly feare. Thus saith S. Austen.

Out of these wordes I gather first, that Iulianus held this 1 opinion, that euery one might liue a chaste single life, at his 2 pleasure. I gather secondly, that for this end hee wrested the 3 holy scripture. I gather thirdly, that Iulians owne conscience condemned him for this his foolishe opinion, as S. Austen thought: and so gentle reader, thou seest euidently, that late poperie is become flat Pelagianisme.

But our papists in great furie exclaime bitterly against vs & say, y t God denieth vs nothing, that is necessary for our salua­tion: which I willingly admit, telling them withall, that we may attaine eternall saluation, aswell by marriage as by sin­gle life. 1. Cor. 7. v. 9. And heereunto I adde, that matrimonie is ordained for the saluation of al such as cannot liue a continent single life: and therfore saith the Apostle; if they cannot absteine, let them [Page 265] marry, for it is better to marry then to burne. Againe, albeit God should graunt their requestes for a time, yet would it not follow that they shuld so continue to the end of their liues. 1. Cor. 7. verse 12 For as S. Paul aduiseth, hee that seemeth to stand, ought to take good heed least he fall.

I say ninthly, that vowes which are not voluntary and free from all coaction, are not only wicked, but of no force at all. So 9 write the best popish doctors, Aquinas, Lombardus, Aquinas 22. q. 88 ar. 2. corp. Lomb. in 4. dist. 38. Anton. p. 2. tit. 11 c. 1. §. 1. Fumus, de vo [...]o, §. 1. Syluest. de voto primo. §. 1. Antoni­nus, Nauarrus, Syluester, Angelus, Fumus and the rest. And who knoweth not that Romish priestes, moonkes and others of that irreligious crew, doe yeeld to the perpetuall vow of single life by coaction, and reluctante conscientia? it is manifest doubt­lesse in all such as want the supernaturall gift. For since they can neither freely be admitted to the ecclesiasticall ministerie, nor yet professed in the monasterie, and so enioy the expected commodities thereof: at length they condescend by popish re­straint, to admit the vowe of single life. For howsoeuer God shal bestowe his gift of continent single life, it is decreed before hand, that the yonger brothers of the house of Farnesus, & Co­lumna, Vrsinus, and such like, shalbe cardinals bound to single life. So is it commonly intended by gentle men, otherwise ver­tuous and of good worship, that their yonger sonnes shalbe the parsons of such and such fat liuings, wherof themselues are the patrones; although they be as vnfit for the popish annexed vow, as euer was Sardanapalus that effeminate wanton.

I say tenthly, that al vowes are wicked and vnlawful which 10 are either of things indifferēt, or of vnlawful things, or against any commandement. So write Antoninus, Fumus, Vignerius, Vigner. de virtu [...] inst. c. 5. § 5. v. [...]4. Ant. & Fum. v [...]i supr. and other approoued papistes. All which neuerthelesse are tru­ly verified, of the popish vowes of single life. For first, virgi­nitie is a thing meere indifferent, and no vertue till it be right­ly 1 laboured by the workman, as I haue prooued out of S. Gregorie Nazianzene ▪ Secondly, the vowe of virginitie or 2 single life in such as want the gift, is against Gods holy com­mandement expressed not onely in S. Paul, 1. Cor. 7. v. [...]. Mat. 19. v. 1 [...] but also in his ho­ly gospel. For when Christ saith, he y t can take, let him take; he saith also consequently & virtually, he y t cannot take, let him not take: as if he had said; whosoeuer can with a good conscience [Page 266] absteine from wedlocke, let him so doe; but he that cannot, let him marry a wife, because that is expedient for his saluation. S, Paul doth so interpret Christ, in other wordes equiualent. I say vnto the vnmarried, and vnto the widowes, it is good for them if they abide euen as I doe: 1. Cor. 7. v. 8.9. but if they cannot abstein, let them marry, for it is better to marry then to burn. Thirdly, virginitie vowed as a worke of supererogation, of merite, and perfection, is a wicked and superstitious thing, and yet is this the popishe maner of vowing the same: for thus writeth Viguerius, their learned professor of diuinitie and Dominican frier. Viguer. vbi supr. Dicitur melius bonum, quia est supererogationis, & quia iuducit ad perfectionē, vt castitas, paupertas, & obedientia. It is called the better good, for that it is a worke of supererogati­on, and because it bringeth vs to perfection; as chastitie, pouer­tie, and obedience. Now that none of our workes be perfect, or rightly termed workes of supererogation; I haue prooued copiously, in the fift conclusion of the second chapter of my Motiues. I therfore conclude, that perpetuall vowes of single life in the Romish Church, are vaine, rash, impious, and most execrable in Gods sight.

The perioch of the chapter.

Priestes were married in the olde lawe, and in time of the new testament, in the East church, and in the West: Many popes of Rome, were the sonnes of priests: neither were they bastardes, but legitimate children. Many holy and learned bi­shops, were married men▪ S. Gregory, S. Spiridion, S. Cheremon, S. Philogonius, S. Eupsichius. S. Paphnutius defended the mar­riage of priestes publickly in the councell of Nice, and auou­ched in the spirite of God, that the vse of holy wedlocke was honourable in them, euen in time of their priesthood. S. Chere­mon and his wife fled togither from persecution, euen at that time when he was Bishop of Nicopolis. Eupsichius was the bi­shop of Cesarea and forthwith after his marriage martyred for Christ Iesus. The apostles themselues were married, begate children, and carried their wiues about with them, while they preached the gospel abroad in the countrey. Clergie men vsed [Page 267] the benefite of marriage aswell as secular persons, vntill the vntimely birth of wicked pope Syritius. Bishops, priests, and all religious persons so termed, may most lawfully marry by the lawes of God, and are onely debarred thereof by the odible lawes of man, or rather to vse the apostles wordes, by the detestable doctrine of Satan. All this I haue proued effectually in this present chapter. Yea, the marriage of priestes was vsed without restraint in Germanie, for the space of a thousand seuentie and foure yeares, after Christes sacred incarnation. Anno Dom. 1074. That is, vntill the daies of the vngratious pope Hildebrand, who termed himselfe Gregorie the seuenth, who crept into the popedome by naughty meanes, in the yeare of Christ 1074. And because I wil charge the Papistes with nothing, but that which they shall neuer be able to denie; their own deare moonk Lambertus Schafnaburgensis, (a man whom their trusty friend Ar. Pontacus Burdegalensis, affirmeth to haue handled the hi­stories of his time very exactly) shalbe my witnesse against the pope, and popishly prohibited marriages. This writer so au­thenticall as ye heare, writeth in this maner;

Hildebrandus papa cum episcopis Italiae conueniens iam fre­quentibus synodis decreuerat, Lambert. Sch [...] ­nab Chron. vt secundum instituta antiquo­rum canonum presbyteri vxores non habeant, habentes aut di­mittant, aut deponantur; Anno. Dom. 1074. nec quispam omnino ad sacerdotium admittatur, qui non in perpetuum continentiam vitamque cae­libemprofiteatur. Sequitur; aduersus hoc decretum protinus ve­hementer infremuit tota factio clericorum, hominem plane haereticum & vesani dogmatis esse clamitans, qui oblitus ser­monis domini, quo ait, non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, qui po­test capere capiat; & Apostolus, qui se non continet, nubat; melius est enim nubere quam vri, violenta exactione homines viuere cogeret ritu angelorum, & dum consuetum cursum naturae negaret, fornicationi & immunditiei fraena laxaret.

Pope Hildebrand togither with the Bishoppes of Italie de­creed in frequent Synodes, that after the ordinaunces of olde canons, priestes shoulde not haue wiues; and that suche as had wiues, shoulde either put them awaie, or bee depriued of their liuinges; and that none shoulde be admitted to the or­der of priesthoode, but hee that woulde professe the per­petual [Page 268] vow of single life. Against this decree the whole faction of the clergy stormed wonderfully, exclaming that Hildebrand was mad & a flat heretike, as who had forgotten the words of the Lord, who saith that all cannot liue continent, and the A­postle saith, hee that cannot abstaine, let him marrie; for it is better to marrie, then to be burnt; and would violently compel men to liue like angels; and while hee denied the accustomed course of nature, gaue libertie to fornication and vncleannesse. Out of which wordes I note first, that this Lambertus was a 1 Monke, and a great patron of poperie, which I proue by two reasons; first, for that hee tearmed it a faction, to withstand Pope Hildebrands wicked decree. Again, because he affirmeth the late prohibition of priests marriage, to bee according to the old canons, which canons for al that, were not before the daies 2 of the late Pope Syricius, as I haue proued. I note secondly, that since this Lambert was a great and zealous papist, all must needs be of good credit, that he saith against the papists, and popish doctrine. I note thirdly, that priests were marri­ed 3 in Germanie, aboue one thousand seuentie yeeres after Christ, that is, till the time of this wicked Hildebrand. I note 4 fourthly, that it was so strange a thing in those dayes to speake against the mariage of priests in Germanie, that they reputed Pope Hildebrand a madde man and an heretique, for with­standing the same. And yet such is the fondnesse and mad­nesse of the common sorte this daye, that they deeme them mad men and heretikes, who speake in defence thereof. I note 5 fiftly, that all the learned in Germanie proued the Pope an heretike, by the flatte testimonie of Christ and his Apostle. I 6 note sixtly, that by the verdict of all the learned in Germanie, that great and goodly country, Pope Hildebrand did not only enforce them violently against their auncient custome, but withall did open the window to al filthie liuing. Priests were also married in our owne countrey of England, till the late dayes of the saide Pope Hildebrand, if wee will beleeue our owne English Chronicles.

Polidorus another deare friend of the papists, shall tell them what he thinks of the Popes proceeding, touching the marri­age of priests: thus doth he write.

[Page 269] Illud tamen dixerim, tantum abfuisse, vt ista coacta castitas il­lam coniugalem vicerit, Polidorus. lib. 5▪ cap. 4. in fide. vt etiam nullius delicti crimen maius ordini dedecus, plus malireligioni, plus doloris omnib bonis im­presserit, inusserit, attulerit, quam sacerdotum libidinis labes: proinde forsitan tam è republica christiana quam ex ordinis vsu esset; vt tandem aliquando ius publici matrimoni [...] sacerdotibus restitueretur: quod illi sine infamia sanctè potius colerent, quam se spurcissimè eiuscemodi naturae vitio turpificarent.

Yet this I wil say, that this compelled chastitie (of priests,) was so far frō excelling chastity in wedlock, as no crime what­soeuer hath brought greater shame to priesthood, more harme to religion, more griefe to all good men, then the vnchast life of priests. Therefore, perhaps it were no lesse necessarie for the publike weale of christendome, then for the order of priesthood, that once againe priests might marrie publikely, that so they might liue honestly & without shame, & not pollute themselues so filthily. This is the iudgemēt of their own popish Polidore, who being an Italian knewe best the Romish fashion. He con­fesseth plainly as you see, that priests were maried in old time, wishing for great causes that it were so againe. Their great Cardinall Panormitanus giueth so worthie a testimony of this controuersie, as which being well marked, will confoūd al pa­pists in the world: these be his words; Continentia nō est in cle­ricis secularibus de substantia ordinis, nec de iure diuino, Panormita [...]. de clerie. co [...]ugati [...]. cap. cum Olim. quia a­liàs Graeci peccarent, nec excusaret eos consuetudo. Sequitur: & non solum credo potestateminesse ecclesiae hoc condendi sed credo pro bono & salute esset animarum▪ quod esset salubre statutum, vt volentes possint contrahere, quia experiētia docente, contra­rius prorsus effectus sequitur ex illa lege continentiae, cum hodie non viuant spiritualiter, nec sint mundi, sed maculantur illici­to coitu cum eorum grauiss▪ peccato, vbi cum propria vxore esset castitas: Continencie in secular priests, is not of the substance of their orders, nor of the law diuine, because otherwise the Greeks should sinne, and their custome could not excuse them: and I doe not onely beleeue that the church can make such a law, but also that such a law were for the good, and for the sal­uation of soules, that such as would might marrie; because ex­perience teacheth, that a contrarie effect followeth of that lawe [Page 270] of continencie, since this day they liue not spiritually, neither are cleane, but are polluted in vnlawfull copulation with their sinne most greeuous, though they might liue chastly with their owne wiues. Out of which wordes of Panormitan, 1(who was their canonist, their Abbot, their archbishop, their cardinall,) I note first, that the prohibition of marriage in se­cular priestes, is neither of the substance of the ministerie nor by the law of God, but onely enforced by the law of man. I note secondly, that priestes marriage may be honourable and honest 2 chastitie. I note thirdly, that the prohibition of priestes marri­age, 3 is against their soules health, as which causeth the priests to sin damnably. Out of which notes I inferre this memora­ble corollary, that the prohibition of priests marriage is against Gods law, against the health of mens soules, and against the good of the common weale, and that by constant popish doctrin. So then, the pope is neuer able, to purge himself of his shame­ful dealing.

CHAP. V. Of popish pardons, and the originall thereof.

I Haue spoken so copiously of popish pardons, in my booke of Motiues; as much more shall not be needfull, in this place. There I prooued by the testimonie of Roffensis, Syluester, and other popish doctors, that popish pardons are not grounded in or vpon the word of god; as also that they crept into the church, long after Christes ascension into heauen.

Anno. Dom. 1300 Bonifacius the eight of that name, (who began his pope­dome as a foxe, continued in it, as a wolf, and ended it as a dog, their owne writers Platina and Carranza so affirming) was the first bishop of Rome, that euer tooke vpon him to pardon sinne by publique bulles. He appointed a Iubilee, and graun­ted full remission of al sinnes, Platina in Boni­fac. 8, in med. to such as would come in pilgri­mage to Rome. Their owne Platina hath these expresse wordes: Iubilaeum idem retulit anno millesimo trecentesimo, quo plenam delictorum omnium remissionem his praestabat, qui limina apostolorum visitassent, ad exemplum veteris testa­menti. (Pope Boniface) brought againe the Iubilee, after 1300. yeares, and gaue full pardon of all sinnes to those that did visite S. Peters Church (in Vaticano at Rome,) after [Page 271] the example of the olde lawe. Out of these words I note first, that the old iubilee was neuer heard of in Christs church til the 1 time of Bonifacius our Iewish pope. I proue it by the word ( retulit) he brought again (from the Iewes.) I note secondly, that the church was free frō popish pardons, the space of 1300 2 yeares, so as popish pardons are not yet 300. yeares old, albe­it sillie people do so magnifie the same. I note thirdly, that this pope pardoned not only the paine, but euen the sin it selfe, yea 3 all sinnes whatsoeuer. Though our latter papists to hide their shame if it could be, do violently interpret him of the pain. I note fourthly, that this good father Maliface brought again the Iewish ceremonial law. I note fiftly, that the remission of 4 the olde law (which they pretend apishly to imitate) was not of sins, but of debts, lands, bondage, & such like, which the pope 5 vseth not to pardon: Leu. 25. vers. 10. & [...] and yet forsooth he would be thought to bring the Iubilee againe.

Two hundreth yeares after this, that is, 1500. yeares after Christ, pope Alexander the sixt appointed his Iubilee, An, Dom. 1500 and like pardons, not onely for comming to Rome, but to all persons in all places wheresoeuer. So writeth their own Polydore, and Platina accordeth therunto: for the rest see my Motiues in this point.

The first obiection.

The church of God vsed to giue pardons, Polidor. lib. [...]. cap. 1. aboue a thousand and two hundred yeares sithence, as appeareth by the great councell of Nice, and by other ancient synods. Yea S. Grego­rie gaue pardon, to al those that did visit the churches at Rome

The answere.

I say first, that Emperors, kings, absolute princes, & com­mon 1 weales independent, may lawfully pardon malefactours, the due circumstances of times, places and persons wel consi­dered: and so may one neighbour pardon an other, for trespas­ses done vnto him. I say secondly, that in the primitiue church, 2 such as were notorius offenders, & had giuen publike scandall to y e church, were inioyned by the church, to do publike penance for their publike faults, before they could be admitted into the church again. Which thing is this day obserued in all reformed churches abroad, and in all particular churches (God be than­ked for it) throughout the Realme of England.

[Page 272] 3 I say thirdly, that in the ancient churches, many yeares of penance (or publike exercises of humiliation) were ordained for euerie publike grieuous offence. Whereupon it followed, that when many penitent persons gaue euident tokens of tru inter­nal remorse, for their former scandalous conuersation; then the church thought good to giue to such persons, some relaxatiō of their so inioyned publike penance: which maner of pardoning is plainely acknowledged in the holy councel of Nice. These are the expresse words. De his qui praeter necessitatem praeuari­cati sunt, Conc. 1. Nicen. [...]an. 11. aut propter ablationem facultatum, aut propter peri­culum, aut aliquid huiusmodi, quod factum est sub tyrannide Li­cini [...]; placuit sanctae synodo licet sint indigni misericordia, tamē aliquid circa e [...]s humanitatis ostendi. Concerning those that haue voluntarily transgressed, or for feare to lose their worldely goods, or for danger, or anie such like occasion, as chanced in time of Licinius his persecution; to such although they be vn­worthie of mercie, yet is it the holy councels mind, to graunt them some pardon or relaxation in that behalfe.

In the councel of Arles, and in the councell of Ancyra, the like pardon is granted to penitent offenders: Conc. 2. Arelat can. 10. conc. Ancyr. can. 2. of which kind of pardons, the ancient fathers Irenaeus, Tertullianus, Eusebius, Sozomenus, and others, do often make relation. Yea, of this sort were the pardons that Saint Gregorie gaue: but of late popish pardons, that is, of applying to whom they list, & when they list, as well to the liuing as to the dead, the merites of Christ and of his saints, as condigne satisfaction for their sins: for of such pardons no councell, no father, no ancient approued Historiographer, maketh any mention at all. Which thing I haue plainely proued, in the third conclusion of the second chap­ter of my Motiues.

The second obiection.

The keyes of heauen were giuen to Saint Peter, and conse­quently to his successours the bishops of Rome, Mat. 16.19. and withall promise was made vnto him, that whatsoeuer hee should binde on earth, the same should be bound in heauen, & whatsoeuer hee should loose on earth, should be loosed in heauen: nowe to loose sins is nothing else, but to giue a pardon or indulgence for the same.

The answere. 1

I say first, that vpon the grosse interpretation of these words, many popish priests haue arrogantly & presumptuously taken vpon them like the proude pharises, to condemne the innocents and to loose the guiltie persons; whereas before God, not the sentence of the priests, but the life of the persons charged is enquired of. Thus writeth S. Hierome, adding that priests can bind and loose sinners no otherwise now in the new testament, then they did binde and loose the Leapers in the old law: D. Hierom. [...] cap 16. Matt. that is, not to forgiue sinnes perfitly and indeede, but to declare by Gods word, the sinnes of penitent persons to be forgiuen in Gods sight; euen as the priests in Moses law did not purge the Leapers, Luc. 5. Mat. 8. Mat. 1.44. Leuit▪ 13. per totum. but onely declared those whom God had purged alreadie, to be cleane and free from the leprosie: for as the go­spel witnesseth, none but God can forgiue sinne.

I say secondly, Luc. 5.21. that all the rest of the Apostles had the selfe same power granted to them all, which is here promised to S. 2 Peter: for so saith Christ himselfe in another place, where hee performeth his promise nowe made to Peter, in the person of thē al: & consequently, if the Pope could pardon, as fondly is i­magined; Mut. 18. v. 18. Ioan. 20. vers. 22.23. yet might al other bishops do the same euen aswel as he. So S. Austen, S. Ambrose, S. Chrysostome, S. Hylary, O­rigen, Theophilacte, and others do confesse.

I say thirdly, that S. Peter and the other Apostles haue not power granted by the scripture to forgiue sin, but onely to de­clare and pronounce according to the scripture, that God hath forgiuen to truely penitent persons all their sins. For they can 3 but onely declare the sinnes to be forgiuen, which are by Christ forgiuen already, as the priests in the olde law could not purge any from the leprosie indeede, but only make declaration of the truth; as ye haue heard out of S. Hierome. The learned po­pish Cardinal Hugo, (to the euerlasting confusion of all impe­nitent and obstinate papists) confirmeth S. Hieromes opini­on in these expresse words: Vinculo culpae & poenae debitae non potest [...]um sacerdos ligare vel soluere, Hugo in. 16. Mat sed tantum ligatū vel absolutū ostēdere; sicut sacerdos Leuiticus non faciebat vel mun­dabat leprosum, sed tantum infectum vel mundū ostendebat. The priest cannot bind him with the bond of sin and due punishment, [Page 274] either loose him frō the same, but only declare him to be bound or absolued (in Gods sight) euen as the Leuitical priest did not make or clense him that had the leprosie, but onely shewed him to be infected or clensed.

Their own schoole doctour Durandus singeth the same song, in these expresse words; Claues nihil operantur ad dimissionem culpae vel maculae, Durand. in. 4. s. d. 18. q. 2. quia deordinatio actus tollitur per eius ordi­nationem, dum bene displicet, quod malè placuit. The keyes work nothing to the remission of the fault or blemish, because the deordination of the act is taken away by well ordering the same, while that displeaseth well, which pleased euil.

Thus we see by popish grant and doctrine, that the metapho­rical keyes (whereof the papists boast so much) can neuer put a­way sinne, neither can any priest absolue any person from sin, or from the paine due for sinne, saue onely by declaring his sins to be forgiuen, as is said.

The replie.

[...] 9. vers. 2.8It is euident in the holy gospel, that not onely God can for­giue sin by his own power, but men also by authority & com­mission receiued from him: for when Christ had forgiuen the sicke man his sinnes the people maruailed, and glorified God, which had giuen such power vnto men.

The answere.

I answere, that our sauior Christ in forgiuing the sicke mans sins, L [...]t this point be well marked. shewed himselfe to be tru God: which maner of proofe had bin none indeed, if any but god could haue done the same, which point I wish the gentle reader to obserue attentiuely. For the Pharises charged him with blasphemy, as who not being god, yet toke vpon him the office of God, in forgiuing sins. Whose opinion for all that, Christ himselfe approued, & for ratificati­on thereof, shewed by an euident external miracle, that he was god indeed, so as they could no longer be in suspence of y e mat­ter, Mat 9. vers. [...]. but that yee may know (saith Christ) that the son of man hath power to forgiue sins (then said he to the sick of the palsie) arise, take vp thy bed, and goe into thy house; as if he had said, I confesse that I am God, and that yee may knowe the same euidently, I make the sicke man whole with mine onelie worde, which if I were not God indeede, I could neuer doe. [Page 275] This case S. Chrysostome maketh so plaine, as none that once reade or heare his wordes, can stand any longer in doubt ther­of. Thus doth he write in expresse termes. Videamus quid ip­se ait, vtrum opinionem eorum improbauerit, Chrysost. in ca. 9. Mat. hom 30. tom. 2. p. 275. an potius compro­bauerit: nisi enim aequalis esset patri, dixisset; quid mihi tribui­tis non competentem opinionem? procul ego absum à tanta pote­state. Nunc verò nihil horum dixit, sed contra, tam verbo quam signo affirmauit. Ita quoniam solet esse audientibus molestum, vt aliquis de seipso apertius dicat, aliorum verbis & signo deum se patri (que) aequalem esse ostendit; & quod mirabilius est, non per amicos solum, verum etiam per inimicos hoc peragit, vt & vir­tutis & sapientiae suae pelagus pateat. Let vs see what he saith, whether hee reprooued their opinion, or rather approoued the same. For if he had not been equall with his father, he woulde haue said; why doe ye ascribe to me that incompetent opinion? I am farre off from that so great power: yet now hee saith no such thing, but contrariwise affirmeth it both by word and mi­racle. So because it is woont to bee greeuous to the hearers, that any man should speake openly of himselfe; he sheweth both by the testimonie of others and by myracle, that he is God, and equall with his father; and which is more wonderfull, this he doth not only by his friendes, but euen by his enemies, that so aswell his power as his wisdom may be known aboundantly.

Out of which words I note first, y t Christ approued the opi­niō of the Pharisies, who held that only God could forgiue sin. 1

I note secondly, that if Christ had not been equall with God 2 the father, he would neuer haue taken vpon him to pardon sin; and consequently, The pope is worse then the diuell. that the pope who will giue a generall par­don of al sinnes, must by S. Chrysostomes iudgement, be either as good as God, or worse then the diuell. I note thirdly, that it was needfull for Christ to shew himselfe to be God; because 3 otherwise he might iustly haue been charged with blasphemie, because he did pardon sin. And consequently, y t our pope and his popish vassals, our Iesuites, moonkes, and friers, must ei­ther prooue themselues Gods, by signes and myracles; or else confesse themselues to blaspheme God, while they remit and pardon sinne. For they all chalenge this power of remitting sinne, in their (so termed) sacrament of penance.

[Page 276]S. Ambrose and S. Hilary both are of the very same iudge­ment, S. Ambrose writeth in this maner. Cognosce interioris homines sanitatem; Ambros. lib. 5. in [...]ucam. cap. 5. in [...]. cui peccata donantur: quae cum Iudaei asse­runt à solo Deo posse concedi, Deum vtique confitentur suóque iu­dicio perfidiam suam produnt; qui vt opus astruant, personam negant. Sequitur; magna itaque infidae plebis amentia, vt cum confessa fuerit solius dei esse donare peccata, nō credat deo pecca ta donanti. Acknowledge the curing of the inward man, whose sins are forgiuen: which when the Iewes confesse that onely God can forgiue, they doubtlesse confesse him to be God, & by their owne iudgement bewray their false faith, who to establish the work, denie the person. Great therfore is the incredulitie of faithles people, who confessing that only God can forgiue sins, doth not for all that beleeue in God that forgiueth sins.

S. Hilary hath these words; Mouet Scribas remissum ab ho­mine peccatam; [...]il [...] can [...]. in [...]. hominem enim tantum in Iesu Christo contueban­tur, & remissum ab eo, quod lex laxare non poterat: fides enim sola iustificat. Deinde murmurationem eorum dominus introspi­cit, dicitque facile esse filio hominis in terra peccata dimittere: verum enim nemo potest dimittere peccata, nisi solus Deus; ergo qui remittit, Deus est, quia nemo remittit nisi Deus. It stirreth the Scribes that a man should forgiue sin, because they beheld in Iesu Christ onely a man, (not God) and that to be forgiuen by him, which the law could not release: For faith onely iusti­fieth. Afterward the Lord looketh into their murmuring, and saith that it is easie for the son of man to forgiue sins on earth, for it is true, that no man can forgiue sinnes, but onely God, therefore he that remitteth sinnes, is God, because no man re­mitteth sinnes but God. By these testimonies it is euident, that God, and onely God can forgiue sins, & that our sauiour Christ did effectually, proue himselfe to be God, in that he could for­giue sin. Which kind of reasoning had been of no force at all, if others beside god, as monks & Iesuits could haue remitted sin.

The replie.

The text saith, that the faithfull people did glorifie God, for that he gaue such power to men, as to remit sins and to do mi­racles; knowing that so to doe by commission from God, was not against his glory.

The answere.

I answer, that although sundry of the people were reuerent­ly affected towards Christ, by reason of his miracles; yet did they not behold or confesse God manifested in the flesh, but still thought Christ to be a pure man, though a great and holy pro­phet. And the reason hereof is euident, because they did not ac­knowledge Christ to be God, but to haue receiued that power from God, as an holy man: for as the text saith, the multitudes seeing it, were afraid and glorified God, that gaue such power vnto men. Out of which words I note first, that they beleeued not Christ to be God, because they were afraid. For as Saint Iohn saith, he that confesseth Iesus to be the sonne of God, 1. Iohn. 4.15. [...] wil loue him and be without feare. I note secondly, that they gaue glorie to god, but not to the Sauior of the world: for albeit that no man but Christ wrought the miracles, yet did they glorifie God for giuing such power to men, whereby it is cleare, that they esteemed of him, as of a pure man; and that god had giuen that power to others as well as to him, otherwise they would haue spoken in the singular number, and not in the plu­rall; of onely Christ whom they saw, and not of moe, whome they neither saw, nor could see, working in that diuine maner. I note thirdly, that it is a bluntish kinde of disputation, when the conceit of the vulgar sort, is alleaged to refute Christs di­uine reasoning.

The third obiection.

S. Paul himselfe gaue pardon to the incestuous Corinthian, 1. Cor. 5. vers. 1· 2. Cor. 2. vers. 10 who had committed fornication with his fathers wife.

The answere

I say first, that if popish pardons should be grounded vpon this place, it would follow by a necessarie consecution, that the 1 Pope himselfe could pardon no more, then euerie simple priest; which sequele I coniecture cannot well stand with the Popes liking. I proue it, because the other ministers in Corinth gaue the selfe same pardon with S. Paul: and therfore doth the A­postle say; To whom ye pardon anie thing, I also pardon. 2. Cor. 2. ve. 10.

I say secondly, that popish confession must of necessity go be­fore popish pardoning, in al such as sin mortally; and therefore 2 since the apostle doth not once name popish confession, it fol­loweth [Page 278] perforce, that he neither speaketh of popish pardoning.

I say thirdly, that the pardoning whereof S. Paul speak­keth, is nothing else, but that he who was excommunicate for his publique trespas, may, after signes of true remorce, be re­stored to the church againe; and after their sharpe censure of correction, 2. Cor. 2. vers. 6, 7, 8. find pardon and mercie at their hands. This much I prooue out of saint Paules owne words, which are these; It is sufficient to the same man, that he was rebuked of many; so now contrariwise ye ought rather to forgiue him and comfort him, lest he should be swallowed vp with ouermuch heauines. Wherefore I pray you, that ye would confirme your loue to­wards him. After this graue and godly exhortation, he adioy­neth these words; To whom ye forgiue any thing, I forgiue al­so: as if hee had saide; if yee be content to receiue him into the church againe, I am therewith well pleased. For he yeeldeth two reasons why the church of Corinth ought to pardon the excommunicate person: the one is, for that hee seemed to haue giuen sufficient signes of his vnfained repentance: the other is, lest too much rigour of correction should bring him to despera­tion. For which cause S. Paul requesteth them to declare the consent of the whole congregation, that hee was taken againe for a brother and pardoned for his offence. So then S. Paul and the church of Corinth did pardon no otherwise indeede, but euen as we our selues are taught to pardon in the Lords prai­er, saying; and pardon vs our trespasses, as we pardon or for­giue 4 them that offend against vs.

I say fourthly, that the renowmed popish Thomist Syluester Prierias, sometime maister of their so termed sacred pallace, confesseth plainely according to right and reason, that popish pardons were neither knowne to vs by this place of S. Paul, neither yet by any other place of the whole scripture: these are his expresse words: Syluest. de indul­gent. §. 1.

Indulgentia nobis per scripturam minimè innotuit▪ licet in­ducatur illud, 2. Corin. 2. si quid donaui vobis; sed nec per dicta antiquorum doctorum, sed modernorum. Dicitur enim Grego­rius indulgentiam septennem in stationibus Romae posuisse, & quia ecclesia hoc facit & seruat, credendum est ita esse, quia re­gitur spiritu sancto.

[Page 279]The popes pardons (saieth frier Syluester their surnamed absolutus theologus) were neuer knowne to vs by the Scrip­tures, although some alledge S. Paul to the Corinthians for that purpose; neither were they knowne by the ancient fathers, but onely by late writers. For Gregorie is said to haue appoin­ted seuen yeeres of indulgence, in his stations at Rome. And because the church (of Rome) this doth, and thus obserueth, we must beleeue it to be so, for the church is gouerned by y e holy ghost. Out of these words I note first, that this frier Syluester was a man of great fame among the papists, & for his singular 1 learning reputed an absolute diuine, and therefore that his te­stimonie must needs be very authenticall among the papists.

I note secondly, that Antoninus a learned papist, who was the archbishop of Florence euen in the altitude of popedome, 2 holdeth the selfe same opinion, and hath the very same wordes now recited out of Syluester.

I note thirdly, that popish pardons can neither be proued by the scriptures, nor by the ancient fathers; and consequently, 3 that pope Boniface the eight of that name was the first foun­der thereof, as is already proued. For albeit Syluester seemeth here to ascribe the originall of some kind of pardoning to Gre­gorie yet doth he onely tel that by heare-say; and besides that, Gregorie either gaue no pardons in deede, (which is very pro­bable) or at the most, he pardoned after saint Paules manner, some part of seuerity inioyned by the church.

I note fourthly, that the chiefest ground vppon which Po­pish 4 pardoning is built, is the bare and naked commaunde­ment of the pope. For whatsoeuer the church saith (that is to say the pope) that must be beleeued, because forsooth the pope cannot erre: but yet that he both may erre, and hath alreadie erred de facto; I haue prooued aboundantly in my Booke of Motiues, where the gentle Reader shall finde the opinions of other popish doctors, most fit for this end and purpose. Shame­lesse and impudent therefore are the papists, when they blush not to father their Romish pardons vpon saint Paul.

The reply.

In the councell of Laterane (which was almost an hundred yeeres before pope Bonifacius) mention is made of pardons [Page 280] with good liking of the same, yea S. Gregorie appointed sta­tions and granted pardons for frequenting them.

The answere.

I say first, that in processe of time when sinne increased, and 1 the people waxed slow in accomplishing ecclesiasticall satisfac­tion inioyned; redemptions, and commutations succeeded in the place thereof, and canonicall discipline began to decay, as their owne Burchardus writeth, about the yeere of Christ 1020.

I say secondly, that by little, and little after such redemptions 2 & commutations, superstitious opinions were instilled into the minds of the vulgar people, as that the fulfilling of the multe inioined by the church, was necessarie for saluatiō, & able to sa­tisfie the iust iudgement of God; that god required much more satisfaction then was so inioyned, and that for the same they must either satisfie in this life, or afterward in purgatorie, if they were not pardoned by the pope.

3 I say thirdly, that albeit penance, satisfaction, or canonicall discipline vsed in the olde church and auncient councels, (which was nothing else but a ciuill multe imposed to publike offen­ders, Penance satisfac­tion and cano­nical discipline is al one to the old writers. not to satisfie Gods iudgement, but to bridle ill life, and to keepe comely order in the church) was by little and little changed into superstitious popish satisfaction, yet had not that execrable doctrine gotten place in the church in the time of the Lateran councel. Concill. 1. later. can. 62. I proue it, because that councel maketh men­tion onely, de poenitentiis iniunctis, of penance inioyned, which was holden Anno Dom. 2215.

4 I say fourthly, that the bishoppe of Rome (now called Pope [...], might haue released or pardoned in his owne chur­ches and iurisdiction, (as Cornelius and other good bishoppes did) such ligaments, mults, or canonicall corrections as he had inioyned to publike offenders: and perhappes Gregorie the Great granted some such pardons indeede, but that hee gaue pardons for sinne and to satisfie Gods iustice, as Popes this day doe, it can neuer be proued out of his works.

The fourth obiection.

The blessed virgin Marie, holy Iob and manie others, haue [Page 281] suffered much more then was needefull for their owne sinnes. And saint Paul saith of himselfe, Coloss. 1.24. that he supplied the wants of Christs passion for his church: which super abundant satisfac­tions of S. Paul and others, bicause they were not determined by themselues to this or that particular person; it pertaineth to the supreme pastour the popes holines, to make application thereof as he seeth cause. Which application is termed par­doning, for that when the pope applieth twentie degrees of the satisfaction of Christ, or of S. Paul, or some other saint, to one of his nunnes, monkes, or iesuites; then so many degrees of satisfaction are pardoned to such a nunne, monke, or iesuite, which the saide nunne, monke, or iesuite should otherwise haue done, either in this life or else in purgatorie.

The answer.

I say first that no saint did or can suffer so much as is suffici­ent 1 for his sinnes. And I prooue it euidently, because the best learned papists graunt freely and truely, that euery mortall sin hath in it infinite deformitie, as which is an auersion from God of infinite maiestie, and consequently that God requireth infinite satisfaction for the same: yet so it is that pure man is vncapable of euery infinit action (for otherwise he should be an other God;) and consequently, mans actions of which no one among all can be infinite, can not yeeld condigne compensation for one only mortall sin: and yet is euery sin mortall indeed, as I haue prooued in my Motiues, euen by popish doctrine. Per­vse the eight article of Dissention in the second Booke of the said Motiues, and thou shalt see euidently, that not only Ger­son, Durand, Baius, Roffensis, and Almayn (who al were renow­med papists) but euen the common schooles of late dayes doe holde the same opinion.

I say secondly, that God hath alreadie rewarded euerie saint 2 in heauen, (as he will also in time rewarde euerie saint nowe on earth) f [...]r aboue their deserts. Which I prooue briefly by these two reasons: first, because S. Paul so teacheth vs, when he saith that the sufferings of this life, Rom. [...].1 [...] are not worthy of the glory to come. Which saying I haue answered at large in [Page 282] my Motiues, there answering all replies that can be made a­gainst 2 the same. Secondly, because it is the popes owne doc­trine, if papistes were constant to their owne writing. For thus writeth their owne deere frier, Io. de Combis libr. 5. Tholog. ver. cap. 11. M. Iohn de Combis; Hoc patet, qui [...] deus semper remunerat supra meritum, sicut punit citra condignum: This is euident (saith our holy frier Iohn) because God euermore rewardeth vs aboue our desertes, and puni­sheth vs lesse then we be worthie. So then the popes holinesse may apply to himselfe, all the superaboundant merites of his holy nunnes, moonkes, and Iesuites, and flee to heauen as a bird without fethers. I say thirdly, that the want whereof the 3 apostle speaketh, is not in the proper passion of Christ, which was of infinite vertue, of infinite worthinesse, of infinite digni­tie; yea, of such force and efficacie, as the least drop of his most pretious bloud (being the bloud both of God and man, by reason of hypostaticall vnion,) was sufficient for the sinnes of the whole world, and of ten thousand thousand worldes mo, if so many had been.

4 I say fourthly, that God in his eternall decree appointed a certaine measure of afflictions, which not onely Christ shoulde suffer in his owne naturall bodie, but also which his mystical body should suffer the congregation of the faithfull, before the full accomplishment of their glory. Which thing is very eui­dent by the answere made to the holy martyrs concerning their complaintes presented before the maiestie of God. For thus is it written in Gods booke: How long Lord which art holy and true, doest not thou iudge and auenge our bloud, on them that dwell on the earth? and it was said vnto them, that they should rest for a little season, Apocalip. 6. v. 10 11. vntill their fellowe seruauntes and their brethren who should be killed as they were, were fulfilled. Thus saith holy writ.

Out of these wordes of the holy scripture, I note first, that God in his secret counsell hath decreed, aswell the number as 1 the persons that shall suffer in his church.

I note secondly, that the afflictions of Gods children shall 2 not wholly cease, vntill the generall day of doome.

3 I note thirdly, that God will auenge at that dreadfull day, all iniuries done vnto his saintes.

[Page 283]These annotations well obserued, this illation will ma­nifestly result out of the same; to wit, 1. Cor. 5. v. 7. 1. Ioan. 2. Heb. 10. v. 14. Osee, 13.4. Esai. 43.25.53.5. 1. Tim. 2. v. 5. that the afflictions wher­of S. Paule speaketh to the Colossians, were not satisfactions for the sinnes of the church: (for so to suffer was the peculiar office of Christ our only sauiour,) but they were testimonies of y e zeale and patience which ought to be in the church, and of that conformitie which is required betweene the members of the mysticall body and the head. Which sense may easily be ga­thered out of Anselmus his golden glosse, vpon the apostles wordes in this place. Thus doth he write;

Adimpleo inquit, ea quae desunt. Cui desunt? in carne mea. Nam in carne Christi quam virgo peperit nihil passionum deest, Anselm. in 2. cap. Colost. sed omnes in illa passiones sunt impletae; sed adhuc restat pars passionum eius in mea carne, quas quotidie tolero pro vniuersali corpore eius quod est ecclesia. Si enim ab eruditione fidelium ces­sarem, has passiones ab infidelibus non sustinerem. Sed quia sem­per ecclesiae studeo prodesse, semper aduersa cogor tolerare.

I fulfill saith he, those thinges that want. To whom doe they want? in my flesh. For in Christes flesh which the virgine bore, no passion at all wanted, but all passions were fulfilled in it; neuerthelesse some part of his passions yet remaineth in my flesh, which I dayly suffer for his vniuersall body which is the church. For if I should leaue off from instructing the faithful, I might be free frō these persecutions of Infidels. But because I euer desire to profite the church, I am alway enforced to a­bide persecution.

Out of this graue, vertuous, and learned commentarie, I 1 note first, that Christes passion was most absolute and perfect in it selfe.

I note secondly, that some passions of Christ yet remained, 2 which S. Paule ought to suffer in his flesh. Where obserue by the way, that the afflictions of the faithful, are reputed Christes own passions: for when Paul persecuted his disciples, he cried aloud; Saule, Saule, why persecutest thou me? Act. 9. v. [...]. I am Iesus whom thou persecutest, it is hard for thee to kicke against the pricke.

I note thirdly, that the afflictions which S. Paul susteined, were for the good of the whole church: yet not by the way of 3 [Page 284] satisfaction, but by the ordinary meanes of christian instruction. For as Anselmus truely saith; afflictions came to the apostle, because he preached the gospel. From preaching whereof if he would haue ceased, Anselm. vbi sup. S. Ambrose ex­poundeth this text in the selfe same maner. he might haue been free from his passions here mentioned. Where we must diligently obserue, that God appointed when, where, and how long S. Paul should preach the gospel, for the good of the whole church. In regard wher­of S. Paule pronounced woe vnto himselfe, if hee shoulde not preach the gospel. 1. Cor 9. v. 17. Heb 10. v. 12.14 1. Pet. 3. ve. 18. 2. Tim. 3. v. 11.12 Rom. 8. v. 17.18. 1. Pet. 2. v. 21. To which preaching of the gospel these pas­sions were annexed, as the complement of Christes passions: not of his passions in himselfe, but in the church his mysticall body. For as hee suffered once for all in himselfe, for the re­demption of the world, so doth he still suffer daily in his mem­bers. For he hath appointed his elect to suffer much tribulati­on, before they shall possesse eternall rest. Notwithstanding that the glory which we expect doth a thousand fold surmount the miserie of our afflictions. First therefore, since the afflic­tions 1 of Gods saints be reputed Christes owne passions: Se­condly, 2 since S. Paule was appointed when, where, and how 3 long he should preach the Gospel: Thirdly, since S. Paule, when he wrote to the Colossians, had not preached the gospel 4 so simply and so largely as he was appointed: Fourthly, since he coulde not possibly preach the gospel, but perforce hee must 5 suffer persecution for the same: Fiftly, since the taske of prea­ching was inioyned him, for the benefite of the church, which is Christes mysticall body: I conclude, that when S. Paule said he in his flesh supplied y e wants of Christes passions for his body the church; he meant nothing els thereby, but that he suffered affliction while hee preached the gospel, as God had appointed for the good of his church. And so there is no place in S. Paule for popish pardons, though the papistes glorie a­boue measure in this text.

The first replie.

Our blessed ladie the virgin Mary, was not onely borne and conceiued without sinne, but liued all her life without sin, [Page 285] as Saint Austen and the church beleeueth. Therefore she at least, had good store of merites and satisfactions for others; for though she suffered intollerable anguish and griefe, yet had she being free from sinne, no need at all to suffer for her selfe. Luc. 2. v. 3 [...].

The answere.

I say first, that what the late churche of Rome beleeueth, is not much materiall; because it is become the whore of Ba­bylon, 1 as I haue prooued copiously.

I say secondly, that though the blessed virgin had great grace and sanctification bestowed on her, as who was not onely the 2 mother of man, but of God also; yet was she conceiued in origi­nall sinne vndoubtedly. For so the holy scripture doth conuince, so the auncient fathers affirme, so the best approoued popishe doctors graunt, and so right reason doth euidently conclude. As by one man (saith the apostles) sinne entered into the world, and death by sinne, and so death went ouer all men, in whom all men haue sinned. Againe, as by the offence of one, Rom. 5. v. 12. the fault came on all men to condemnation, so by the iustifying of one, verse 18. the benefite abounded towarde all men to the iustification of life. And in another place, there is none righteous, no not one.Againe, in another place; Rom. 3. v. 1 [...]. Gal. 3. v. 22. the scripture hath concluded al vnder sin, y t the promise by the faith of Iesus Christ, should be giuen to them that beleeue. And the holy Psalmographe saith▪ Enter not into iudgement with thy seruaunt, Psal 143. v. 2. for in thy sight shall none that liueth be iustified. All which textes and such like are gene­rally spoken of all, no one nor other is exempt.

S. Ambrose hath a long discourse, in which he prooueth that none but onely Iesus Christ is void of sinne. Ambro. in Psal. 118. circa med. These among o­thers are his wordes. Omnes intra retia erant, imò adhuc intra retia sumus; quia nemo sine peccato nisi solus Iesus, quem non cognoscentem peccatum peccatum pro nobis fecit pater. Infra; ve­nit ad laqueos Iesus, vt Adam solueret; venit liberare quod peri­erat Omnes retibus tenebamur; nullus alium eruere poterat, cum seipsum non possit eruere.

All were in the nettes, yea we are yet in the nets; because none is without sinne but onely Iesus, whom when hee [Page 286] knewe no sinne, the father made him a sacrifice for sinne, in our behalfe. Iesus came to the snare, that hee might loose A­dam; he came to deliuer, that which was lost. We were al ta­ken in the net, we could not deliuer one another, when no man could deliuer himselfe.

S. Augustine teacheth the same veritie in many places of his workes, but I wil content my selfe with one or two. Thus therfore doth he write vpon the 34. Psalm; sic ergo peccatum domini quod factum est de peccato, quia inde carnem assumpsit, de massa ipsa quae mortem meruerat ex peccato. Aug. in Psal. 34. conc. 2. tom. 8. Etenim vt cele­rius dicam, Maria ex Adam mortua propter peccatum Adae, A­dam mortuus est propter peccatum, & caro domini ex Maria mortua est propter delenda peccata.

Euen so therefore (is it called) the sinne of the Lord, which is made of sinne; because hee tooke flesh from thence, of that masse which had deserued death by reason of sin. For to speake more brieflie; Mary descending of Adam, is dead by reason of Adams sinne; Adam is dead for his owne sin; and our Lords flesh of Mary, is dead to put away sinne.

Aug. de Genes. ad literam, libr. 10. c. [...]8. tom. 3.S. Augustine in another place hath these wordes; Proinde corpus Christi quamuis ex carne foeminae assumptum est, quae de illa carnis peccati propagine concepta fuerat; tamen quia non sic in ea conceptum est, quomodo erat illa concepta, nec ipsa erat caro peccati, sed similitudo carnis peccati.

Therefore Christes body, although it were assumpted of the flesh of a woman, which was conceiued of the stocke of the flesh of sinne, yet because it was not so conceiued in it, as it was conceiued: therefore was it not the flesh of sinne, but (only) the similitude of the flesh of sinne.

The same S. Augustine in another place, writeth in this maner; Aug. cont. Iul. Pelag. libr. 5. c. 9. tom. 7. Sine dubio caro Christi non est caro peccati, sed similis carni peccati; quid restat vt intelligamus, nisi ea excepta omnem reliquam humanam carnem esse peccati? & hinc apparet illam concupiscentiam per quam Christus concipi noluit, fecisse in ge­nere humano propaginē mali; quia Mariae corpus quamuis inde venerit, tamen eam non traiecit in corpus, quod non inde con­cepit.

Doubtlesse Christes flesh is not the flesh of sinne, but only [Page 287] like to the flesh of sinne; what therefore must wee vnderstande, but that all other mens flesh besides it, is the flesh of sinne? And heereuppon it is cleare, that that concupiscence by which Christ would not be conceiued, dispersed sin throughout man­kind, because the body of Marie though it came from thence, yet could it not conuey that into the bodie, which was not con­ceiued thereupon, (but of the holy ghost.) These words of S. Austen and Saint Ambrose are so plaine and easie, as they neede no declaration,

Thomas Aquinas, albeit hee constantly defendeth, that the blessed virgin was neither borne in sinne, nor yet sinned actu­ally after hir birth more or lesse, graunteth for all that, that shee was conceiued in originall sinne: and hee prooueth it by two euident reasons, whereof this is one. Aquina p. 3 q. 27 ar. 2. in. corpore Sanctificatio de qua loquimur, non est nisi emundatio à peccato originali, culpa au­tem non potest emundari nisi per gratiam, cuius subiec­tum est sola creatura rationalis, & ideo ante infusionem ani­mae rationalis B. virgo sanctificata non fuit.

Sanctification whereof we now speake (saith the cheefest popish doctour,) is nothing else but a clensing from origi­nall sinne, but sinne cannot bee purged without grace, whose subiect can be nothing but a reasonable creature, and therefore the blessed virgin could not be sanctified from sin, before a rea­sonable soule was infused into her bodie. This argument of Aquinas is so inuincible in popish manner of proceeding, as no Iesuite in the world (though they all hold the contrarie) can inuent a sufficient solution for the same.

Deuout and holy Bernarde (whose authoritie is great with all Papists) holdeth the same opinion with Aquinas. Bernard. epist. 174. ad Canon. Ludg. For al­beit hee sharply reproue the practise of the cathedrall church of Lions for keeping the festiuitie of the conception of the blessed virgin, calling that practise the noueltie of presumption, the mother of temeritie, sister of superstition, and the daughter of leuitie: yet doth he hold that shee was borne without sinne, and [...] continued all her life.

All learned men that euer wrote before our seditious lately hatched Iesuites, confesse the conception of the blessed virgin, to haue beene polluted with sinne: and I prooue it by an irre­fragable [Page 288] demonstration. First, because the blessed virgin, if she had euer beene free from sinne, Mat. 1.21. 1. Tim. 4.10. should haue needed no Sa­uiour, nor had anie Sauior, and so Christ should not haue bin her Iesus: which to say, is both against the scripture, and a­gainst the honour of that holy virgin. Bernardus and Aquinas saw the force of this reason, and grauely vrged the same. Yea, the holy virgin renounceth flatly their hereticall and hypocri­ticall doctrine, in her humble thankes to God for her saluati­on. Luc. 1.46. My soule (saith she) doth magnifie the Lord, and my spi­rit reioyceth in God my sauiour. For this cause Bernard cry­eth out in these words; Bernard. vbi sup. Non est hoc virginem honorare, sed ho­nori detrahere. The virgin is not this way honored, but great­ly dishonored. Secondly, because as Bernard saieth, Where lust is, there must needs be sinne: and therefore since the virgin was conceiued with lust, or else (as they dare not say) by the holy ghost; it followeth, that she was conceiued in sinne. O­ther reasons the same Bernard hath, but these may suffice.

The second reply.

But saint Austen saith that hee will alway except the holy virgine Mary, when he disputeth or reasoneth of sinners or sinne.

The answer.

I say first, that saint Austen confesseth flatly (as you haue 1 heard) that the blessed virgin was vndoubtedly conceiued in o­riginal 2 sin. I say secondly, that originall sin is of infinite defor­mitie (as is already proued;) and consequently, that the blessed virgin being polluted therewith, was neuer able to yeeld con­digne compensation for the same, howe great soeuer her holi­nesse was afterward: the reason is afore yeelded, for that the infinit malice of sin, surmounteth the value of the finite actions of all creatures. And if she were not able to satisfie for her own sinnes, much lesse had shee any surplussage of satisfaction left, which may serue to binde vp the popes pardons, for the sins of others. I say thirdly, that albeit S. Austen would not for the 3 honor of our Sauior, as he saith, call the blessed virgin into question touching sin; yet doth he not affirm her to haue bin void of [Page 289] all actual sinne, but seemeth rather to hold the contrary. For he addeth these words, Vnde enim scimus, quod ei plus gratiae colla tum fuerit ad vincendum omni ex parte peccatum, Aug. de Nat. & Grat. c. 36. tom▪ [...] quae concipere ac parere meruit, quem constat nullum habuisse peccatum. For how know we that she had more grace giuen her to ouercome all sinne, who did conceiue and beare him, that certainely was free from al sin? In which words S. Austen sheweth plainly, that he can not tell, whether the blessed virgin was voide of all actuall sinne or no: yet is he vnwilling to call her into question, for the honour of our Lord Iesus, whose mother she was ac­cording to the flesh. Yea, Saint Austen in his questions vp­on the new testament, (if it be his worke,) confesseth freely, that she sinned for want of faith. These are his expresse words; Hoc vtique significauit, Aug. in q. nou. test. q. 73. tom. 4. quia etiam Maria per quam gestum est mysterium incarnationis saluatoris, in morte domini dubitaret, ita tamen vt in resurrectione firmaretur. This verily is signifi­ed, that Marie by whome was accomplished the misterie of the incarnation of our Sauiour, doubted in the death of our Lord, yet so as she was confirmed in his resurrection. Thus hee writeth, and yet knoweth euerie child, that to doubt in matters of faith is no little sinne.

S. Basil dissenteth nothing from Saint Augustine, Basil. apud Aqu. p. 3. q. 27. ar. 4. ad 2. when hee telleth vs, that the blessed virgin standing by the crosse, wauered and was doubtfull in her minde, while shee behelde on one side, what miserie hee suffered, on the other side, what wonders he had done.

Saint Chrysostome affirmeth so expressely that the blessed virgin sinned, Aquin. 3. p. q. 27▪ ar. 4. ad 3. that their angelicall doctour Aquinas is enfor­ced to vse this sillie shift, for a colorable answere to his words; to wit, that hee was excessiue in his words. But who wil not rather thinke, that hee was presumptuous in his answere. These are S. Chrysostomes expresse words, Quae estmater mea, & fratres mei aiebat; Chrysost. hom [...]. 20. in Ioan. 10. siquidem nō adhuc debitam de ipso opini­onem habebant, sed more matrum Maria iure omnia filio se prae­cepturam censebat, cum tanquam dominum colere & reuereri licebat; ideo in hunc modum respondit: who is my mother, & my brethren said Christ, for they had not yet a right opiniō of him; but Mary after the maner of mothers, thought she might com­mand [Page 290] her sonne to do all things, albeit she might well haue honored him as her Lord; therfore did he answer in this maner. Againe he saith thus: [...]aulo superius Optabat enim vt tam hominum gratiam concilia­ret, & ipsa clarior filij gratia efficeretur, & fortasse aliquo hu­mano afficiebatur affectu For she wished, that now he would win the fauor of men, & that she might be more famous for his sake; and perhappes she was touched with some humane affec­tion. Againe, in another place he saith thus: Ambitione qua­dam ac ostentatione commoti, foris eum in praesentia omnium e­uocarunt, vt viderentur facile ac magna cum potestate Christo imperare. Chrys. hom. 45. in mat▪ to, 2. Infra; vnde patet inani quadam gloria illos commo­tos fuisse, nihil adhuc magni de ipso cogitantes, quod apertius Ioannes significauit, dicens; quia neque fratres eius credebant in eum. They being tickled with ambition and vaine glorie, called him out in the presence of all, that they might seeme to command Christ at their pleasure, and with authoritie. Wher­vpon it is cleare that they were tickled with vaine glorie, ha­uing no great opinion on him as yet, which Iohn signified e­uidently, when he saide; For neither did his brethren beleeue in him.

Saint Hierome shall conclude this point, (which I haue handled more at large, because many stumble at it, and fewe seeme to vnderstand it well) these are his expresse words; Con­clusit Deus omnes sub peccato, vt omnium misereatur, absque eo solo; Hier. ad Algas. q. 8. tom. 4. in fine qui peccatum non fecit, nec inuentus est dolus in ore eius. God hath shut vp all vnder sinne, that he may shew mercie vn­to all, him onely excepting that sinned not, neither was there guile found in his mouth.

The third replie.

She was Christs mother, and therefore was more blessed then al other women.

The answere.

I confesse willingly, that shee was blessed aboue all wo­men, and yet that shee was a sinner, and had Christ not one­ly for her sonne, but euen for her Lorde and Sauiour; nei­ther was it so great a grace simplie and barely to beare [Page 291] Christ as the Papists faine it to be: but the holy fathers S. Austen and S. Chrysostome shal tel vs what they thinke ther­of. S. Austen hath these expresse words. Hoc in ea magnificauit dominus, quia fecit voluntatem patris, August. tract. 10 in Ioan tom. 9. non quia caro genuit carnē. Propterea cum dominus in turba admirabilis videretur faciens signa & prodigia, & ostendens quid lateret in carne, ad­miratae quaedam animae dixerunt, foelix venter qui te portauit: & ille, imò foelices qui audiunt verbum Dei & custodiūt illud; hoc est dicere, & mater mea quam appellatis foelicem, inde foe­lix quia verbum Dei custodit, non quia in illa verbum caro factum est, & habitauit in nobis; sed quia custodit ipsum ver­bum Dei per quod facta est, & quod in illa caro factum est.

Our Lord magnified this in her, for that she did the will of his father, not because her flesh bare his flesh. Therfore when our Lord seemed admirable to the people, working signes and myracles, and shewing what was hidde in the flesh, the peo­ple maruelling saide, happie is the bellie that bare thee, and hee answered; yea happie are they that heare the word of God and keepe it, that is to say, my mother whom ye cal happie, is therefore happie because she keepeth the word of God, not be­cause the word was made flesh in her and dwelt in vs, but be­cause shee keepeth Gods worde by which she was made, and which was made flesh in her. Againe, in another place he wri­teth thus; Beatior ergo Maria percipiendo fidem Christi, quam concipiendo carnem Christi. Nam & dicenti cuidam, beatus ven­ter qui te portauit, ipse respondit: August. de sanc, virgin. cap. 3 tom. 6. imo beati quiaudiunt verbum Dei, & custodiunt: denique fratribus eius, id est, secundum carnē cognatis, qui non in eum crediderūt, quid profuit illa cognatio? Sic & materna propinquitas nihil Mariae pofuisset, nisi foelici­us Christum corde quam carne gestasset. Therefore Marie was more blessed in receiuing the faith of Christ, then in conceiuing y e flesh of Christ: for he answered to one that said, blessed is the wombe that bare thee: yea, blessed are they that heare the word of God and keepe it. Finally his brethren, that is, his kins­men in y e flesh, that beleeued not in him, what good had they by that kinred? And euen so motherly kinred had doone Marie no good, vnlesse shee had borne Christ more blessedly in her heart, then she bare him in her flesh.

[Page 292]S. Chrysostome hath these expresse words. Ea sententia dic­tum existima, Chrysos. hom. 20 [...] Ioan. tom. 3. non quod matrem negligeret, sed quod nihil vtili­tatis ei matris nomē allaturū ostēderet▪ nisi bonitate & fide prae­staret. Infra, Nam si id profuturum erat per se Mariae, profuisset etiam Iudaeis, quorum consanguineus erat Christus secundum carnem, profuisset ciuitati in qua natus est, profuisset fra [...]ribus. Atqui dum fratres verum suarum curam habuerunt, nihil eis propinquitatis nomen profuit, sed cum reliquo mundo dam­nati erant. Thinke that Christ spoke that, not because he had no care of his mother, but because he woulde shew the name of a mother to profit her nothing, vnlesse she were better in pietie and faith. For if that could haue done Marie good of it selfe, it would also haue profited the Iewes, it would haue profited the citie in which he was borne, it would haue profited his bre­thren: but while our Lords brethren set their hearts vpon their owne worldly matters, the name of kinred did them no good at all, they were damned with others in the world.

The fift obiection.

Nathan the Prophet brought word to Dauid, that God had forgiuen him his sinne, and that he should not die, neuerthelesse because Dauid caused Gods enimies to blaspheme by reason of that his sin, God punished him by the death of his child. So Dauid being penitent for his sinne in numbring the people, 2 Reg. 12. v 13. [...]. Reg. 4. v. 10.11, 12, 1 [...]. obtained remission of the fault, and yet suffered three daies pe­stilence in his people. So God forgaue the Israelites their rebellious murmurings against him, Numer. 14. v. 20.23. & yet for that fault none of them coulde enter into the lande of promise: so in baptisme also our sinnes are freely forgiuen vs, and yet do we still suffer temporall paines for the same, al the daies of our life. Which texts of holy scripture, and others of like sort do plainely insi­nuate, Rom. 8. vers. 1. that after God hath forgiuen vs our sins, and remitted both the fault and the eternall paine, there still remaineth some temporall satisfaction to bee done for the same, either in this world or in purgatorie, which satisfaction is accomplished in the popes pardons, while he maketh application of the supera­boundant passions of holy men and women, locked vp in the treasure of the church of Rome.

The answere.

[Page 293]I say first, that when God forgiueth vs any sin, he freeth vs as wel from the pain as frō the fault: which I proue by many rea­sons. 1 First because otherwise Gods works should be impefect, though holy writ hold them most perfect, when it saith, Dei per­fecta sunt opera, Gods works are perfect: which in the origi­nall and Hebrew is vttered more significantly, Deut. [...]2.4. where God is called [...] a stone or rocke, noting vnto vs that his workes are done with power and might, and therefore with all exact perfection. And doubtles, if his act in forgiuing sin be perfect, as it is most perfect, then after God hath remitted the fault, there can remain no satisfactiō for the same. Secondly if mans act should bee a partiall satisfaction for sinne, then coulde not Christ be a perfect and absolute redeemer; but as it were a ioynt redeemer, together with man. Thirdly, the fault is ne­uer truly & perfectly forgiuen, where payment is still required for the same. Fourthly, God (who is faithful in al his promi­ses) hath promised to forget all our iniquities, when soeuer we truely become penitent for the same; & yet can be not possiblie forget that, for which he requireth our satisfaction. Fiftly, Ezech. 18. v. 22 [...] God absolueth in baptisme A culpa & paena▪ say the papists al the papists grant with vniform consent generally, that in baptisme & martyrdome god remits sins wholly and perfectly, aswel in respect of the pain as of the fault, and yet can they neuer yeeld any sufficient disparitie, betweene the forgiuenes of our sins, be­fore & after baptisme, whereupon they may build their fondly forged satisfaction. This is a mighty reason, as which troubled me al the while I was a papist, & because I could neuer reade or inuent anie sufficient solution to the same (though at that time I would most willingly haue done it,) it was one motiue to excite mee against their superstitious and idololatricall doc­trine: in regard hereof, grauely, learnedly, and christianly saith S. Augustine, August. serm. 14.1· de tempore to. 10. Christus communicando nobiscum sine culpa poe­nam, & culpam soluit & poenam: Christ while hee tooke part with vs of our paine without sin, purged vs both from the sin and from the paine due for sin. I say secondly, that the punish­ment 2 which God layeth on vs, after he hath remitted and for­giuen vs our sins, are not satisfactions for our sins committed, but they are fatherly correctious to teach vs our duties to mi­nister to vs fit matter of spiritual exercises, and to keep vs and [Page 294] others from sinne to come; as also to ingraffe in our hearts, how odious a thing sin is in Gods sight. This to be so, Chry­sostome rightly surnamed Os aureum, [...]hrysost serm. [...] poeni [...] & con­ [...]ss. to.▪ 5. p. 907. golden mouth, vttereth very perspicuously in these golden words; Nam ne peccantes & inulti manentes nos efficeremur deteriores non remisit nobis sup­plicium, sed vidit hoc manifeste, quod peccatis ipsis non m [...]nus damnosum sit non puniri; propter hoc imponit poenam, non exi­gens supplicium de peccatis, sed ad futura nos corrigens. For lest we our selues should be made worse, if wee should not be punished when we offend; God forgaue vs not the punishment, for that he saw euidently, that it was no lesse hurtfull to sinne it selfe, if it should not be punished. For which cause he impo­seth paine vpon vs, not requiring satisfaction for the sinnes, but correcting vs for that which is to come. Out of these wordes I note first, that if we should escape vnpunished when we sin, we would be more prone to sin again. I note secondly, that the punishment which God la [...]eth on vs, is not any part of satisfac­tion for our sinne committed, but a fatherly correction to keepe vs from sinning so againe. I note thirdly, that saint Chryso­stome was not acquainted with popish pardons, wherewith the world is this day so pestered. I note fourthly, that whosoeuer disliketh this my answer, must reprooue saint Chrysostome for the same, as from whom I receiued it. And yet indeede, hee saith nothing which holy writ hath not taught vs long before. For as wise Salomon saith, Prou. 13.24. He that spareth the rodde, hateth the childe; but he that loueth him, chasteneth him betime. I blesse thee (saith Tobie) O Lord God of Israel; Tob. 11. v. 14. because thou hast scourged me: Ierem. 31.18. Thou hast corrected me (saith Ephraim) and I was chastised as an vntamed heiffer. Whom the Lord lo­ueth (saith saint Paul) him he chasteneth; Hebr. 12. vers. 6. and he scourgeth e­uery sonne that he receiueth. As many as I loue (saith God) I rebuke and chasten, Apoc. 3. vers. 19. be zealous therefore and amend. Marke these wordes well, gentle Reader. God correcteth vs not in way of satisfaction, which we are neuer able to performe (as I haue prooued more at large in my booke of Motiues;) but that we may repent, turne to him, and amend our sinfull liues. For this cause saieth the Psalmograph; Blessed is the man whom thou chastisest (O Lord) and teachest him in thy lawe; Psal. 9 4. v. 12. [Page 295] that thou mayest giue him rest from the dayes of euill, while the pit is digged for the wicked. For as saint Paul saieth, If we would iudge our selues (by true faith and repentance) wee should not be iudged. But when we are iudged, 1. Cor. 11.31. we are chaste­ned of the Lord, that wee should not be condemned with the world: which Christ himselfe confirmed, when he willed the adultresse to goe and to sinne no more. Ioh. 8.11.

The sixt obiection.

S. Paul exhorted the Corinthians, who abounded in goods, 2. Cor. 8.13, 14 but wanted merites, to bestow money largely on the saints at Ierusalem, that so they might be partakers of their merites. Therefore it is very lawful to procure pardon with our mony, by the application of godly mens merites vnto vs.

The answere.

S. Paul meaneth nothing lesse, then that the Hierosolymi­tains should sell spirituall things for money. For when Sy­mon the sorcerer euen after his baptisme, Act. 8.19, 20. would haue bought the distribution of holy things with money: then saide saint Peter to him, Thy money perish with thee; because thou thin­kest, that the gift of God may be gotten with money. But the apostle exhorteth the richer sort at Corinth, to minister compe­tently to the faithfull at Ierusalem, for their necessarie releefe and sustentation: and this to do the rather, for that heretofore they receiued the gospel from thence, so that there may bee an analogicall or proportionable equalitie betweene them. For liberalitie ought to be mutuall among christians: and as the a­postle saith in another place, 1. Cor. 9.11. It is no great thing for them that haue sowen to vs spirituall things, to reape part of our carnall things. Thus seemeth Chrysostome to vnderstand this place, whose wordes are these; Chrysost. sup. hunc loc. hom. 17. in fine. Haec autem dicebat etiam diuitum su­perbiam deprimens, ostendens quod post hanc vitam in maiori dignitate spirituales futuri sint: He spake these things to abate the pride of rich men, shewing that after this life the godly shal be in greater dignitie: as if he had saide, esteeme not better of [Page 296] your selues, because ye haue more worldly wealth; but distri­bute such things liberally, and seeke to abound in spirituall things, that so there may be an equalitie.

The seuenth obiection.

The article of our creed (I beleeue the communiō of saints) doth plainely shew, that ones satisfaction may be applied to an other, which is that application that the pope maketh, when he giues pardons.

The answer.

I answer, that the duties of charitie, are & ought to be com­mon among the faithfull, in that they are the mysticall mem­bers of one mysticall body; 1. Cor. 12.25, 26 27. which saint Paul proueth to be so, by the example of the members in mans body. And this is that communion of saints, whereof mention is made in the Creede apostolike. But of popish pardons and merits of supererroga­tion, this article maketh no relation at all. Yea, as the apostle saith, Rom. 3.24. c. 5.1. al righteousnes, remission of sins, and eternall life, is mi­nistred to the members of the church by Christ the head. Of whose fulnes we haue all receiued, Ioh. 1.10. euen grace for grace.

CHAP. VI. Of Popish purgatorie.

OF popish purgatorie I haue spoken sufficiently, in the se­uenth chapter of the second booke of my Motiues. It will therefore here be sufficient to declare the originall thereof, and to solue the obiections against the same.

The superstitious & fond fantasies of purgatorie came from the old heathen Romanes; for as saint Austen recordeth, they had a purgatorie sacrifice: Aug. de ciuit. [...]bi. 7. cap. 7. these are his words; Ideo terminalia eodem mense Februario celebrari dicunt, cum fit sacrum purga­torium quod vocant Februm, vnde mensis nomen accepit. Ther­fore men say, that the ends of things are celebrated in the same moneth of Februarie, when the purgatorie sacrifice is made which they call Februs, whereupon the month tooke the name. Afterward Origen being too much addicted to his allegoricall speculation, Paganisme the originall of pur­gatorie. fained many odde things touching purgatorie, as the ethnicke Plato (whom he much imitateth) had done before him. After Origen others began to cal the matter into question, [Page 297] others rashly to beleeue it, others to adde many things to Ori­gens conceit. Thus by little and little it encreased, Anno. Dom. 250 till the late bishops of Rome made it an article of popish faith. But of what credite Origen ought to be in this point, his owne opini­on will declare sufficiently, as who held that the diuels should all be purged at the latter day. For of Origen thus writeth S. Austen; Aug. de ciuit. Dei libr. 21. cap. 17. Qua in re misericordior profecto fuit Origenes qui & ipsum diabolum atque angelos eius post grauiora pro meritis & diuturniora supplicia, ex illis cruciatibus eruendos atque soci­andos sanctis angelis credidit. Wherein Origen doubtles was more compassionable, who beleeued that the deuill himselfe & his angels, after great & long punishment for their demerites, should be deliuered from their torments, and placed with the holy angels. Lodouic. in com­ment. de ciuit. Origens purga­torie. And Lodouicus Ʋiues vpon the same place of S. Austen hath these wordes; Et istos quoque supplicijs liberabat Origenes, sicut ex sanctis angelis praecedente tempore diabolos faciebat, quae illius erant vicissitudines. These also did Ori­gen deliuer from punishment, as in processe of time he made of angels diuelles, such was his changeable course of dealing.

Roffensis our late popish bishoppe of Rochester confesseth a trueth in this matter; to wit, Popish purgato­rie hath no con­stant ground. that the Greekes did neuer beleeue there was a purgatorie. Againe, that purgatorie was not receiued in all places at once, neither yet generally for many hundred yeeres. His wordes I haue alleadged in the first booke of my Motiues, in the seuenth preamble.

The first obiection.

I haue loosed thy prisoners out of the pit, Zachar. cap. 9.11 wherein there is no water: Ergo, (saith our Iesuite Bellarmine) there is a pur­gatorie, for out of hell none can be loosed.

The answer.

I answer, Hier. in 9. cap. Zach. that the prophet means nothing els but that God will deliuer his church out of all dangers, howe great soeuer they seeme. Againe, this text may fitly be expounded of hell, as Saint Hierome taketh it. His wordes are these; In san­guine passionis tuae eos qui vincti in carcere tenebantur [Page 298] inferni, in quo non est vlla misericordia, tua clementia libera­sti. Thou hast deliuered in the bloud of thy testament of thy free mercie, those that were bound in the prison of hell, where there is no mercy. And indeed the merite of Christes bloud preserued vs from hell, which otherwise was prepared for vs. This text may also be vnderstood of the captiuitie of Babylon, from whence the church was deliuered.

The second obiection.

We went through fire and water, and thou hast brought vs to a place of comfort or refreshing. By this place it is cleere, that there is a purgatorie. Psal. 65. v. 12.

The answere.

I say first, that before hell had no water in it, but now there is found both fire and water, such is the constancie of popishe diuinitie.

I say secondly, that by fire and water the prophet here vnder­standeth, the victories which martyrs haue had in their mani­fold passions. That is to say, martyrs after all their crosses, miseries, and afflictions, are brought to Christ their head and true comfort. Thus doth S. Hierome expound this place, whose expresse wordes are these; Hier. in psal. 65. ver. 12. Martyrum hic ostendit victorias, quas in diuersis passionibus meruerunt; & ad vnum eos dicit refri­gerium, id est, Christum Dominum, per laqueos, per cruces, per verbera, per ignes aestusq, & alia diuersa supplicia (per quae & holocaustum acceptum effecti sunt) peruenisse. Hee sheweth the victories of martyrs, which they were worthie of in their mani­fold passions; and hee saith they came to a place of refreshing, that is, Aug. in Psal. 65 Prope finem. to Christ our Lord, through snares, through crosses, through beatinges, through fire and heate, and diuers other tortures, (through which they became an acceptable sacrifice.) S. Austen expoundeth it, in the selfe same maner.

The third obiection.

Psal. 106. v. 13.14They cried to the Lord in their trouble, and hee deliuered them from their distresse. Hee brought them out of darkenes, [Page 299] and out of the shadowe of death, and brake their bandes asun­der: Ergo there is a purgatory.

The answere.

I answere, that the whole Psalme containeth in effect no­thing els, but thankes giuing to the Lord for his great mercie, in that he hath deliuered them not onely from hell iustly deser­ued for their sinnes, Aug. hic▪ but also from the manifold dangers of this life. So writeth S. Austen vpon this Psalme, Hier. in Psal 106. and S. Hierome is of the same opinion. For these are his expresse wordes; Vin­ctum enim erat genus humanum catenis criminum, & carceri diaboli mancipatum. For mankinde was bound with the chaines of sinne, and kept in prison as a slaue by the diuell.

The 4. obiection.

He shall fine the sonnes of Leui, Malac. 3. v. 3. and purifie them as gold and siluer, that they may bring offeringes vnto the Lord in righteousnesse. Which fining say our papistes, cannot be vn­derstood but of purgatorie.

The answere.

I answere, that the prophet Malachie speaketh flatly, of the first aduent of our Sauiour Iesus Christ; who by his bitter and sacred passion, will purge his church from all her sinnes, Hier. in. 3. cap. Malach. and then shall the faithfull offer vp the sacrifice of land and thankesgiuing. Thus doth S. Hierome expound this text, nei­ther can any other glosse be consonant to the discourse of the prophet.

The 5. obiection.

S. Mathew saith, Math. 12. v. [...]2. that the sinne of the holy ghost shalbe for­giuen, neither in this worlde, neither in the worlde to come. By which wordes he giueth vs to vnderstand, that some sinnes are forgiuen in the world to come; Ergo there is a purgatorie.

The answere.

I answere, that Gods spirite knoweth best how to inter­pret the scripture, and consequently that S. Mathew meaneth nothing els by these wordes, (neither in this world, neither [Page 300] in the world to come) but that the sinne against the holy ghost, shall neuer be forgiuen. For so doth S. Marke, another Euan­gelist, interprete this selfe same text. These are the wordes; hee that blasphemeth against the holy ghost, Mat. 3. v. 29. shall neuer haue forgiuenesse, but is culpable of eternal damnation. Yea, which is a confusion to the papists. S. Mathew himself so expoundeth himselfe, Math. 12. v. 31. Chrys. hom. 42. in Mat. in the next verse aforegoing. And so doth S. Chryso­stome expound this place.

The 6. obiection.

Mat. 5. v. 26.Thou shalt not depart thence, till thou hast paied the vtter­most farthing. Ergo, after satisfaction made, or the popes par­don graunted, thou maiest come out of purgatory.

The answere.

I answere with S. Augustine, that the prison whereof S. Mathew speaketh is hell, Aug. de q. Dulci­til. q. 1 in fine. tom. 4. from whence there is no departure in deed. For hee that is once committed thither for non payment; must tarry there world without end, because hee can neuer an­swere this infinite debt.

The replie.

When he saith (vntill thou hast paied) hee giueth vs to vn­derstand, that after a certaine time, we shall come out. I aun­swere, that the word (vntill) doth not connotate the end of im­prisonment, but the continuation thereof: because so is the vsual acception of that terme, in the holy scriptures. For when S. Mathew saith, (he knew her not vntil she had brought forth her first borne sonne:) it followeth not, that he afterward knew the blessed virgine. Mat. 1. v. 25. So when it is said, (that Michol had no child to the day of her death) it followeth not, y t she had children after her death. 2. Kin. 6. v. 23. Thirdly, when our Sauiour promised to be with his disciples till the worldes end, it doth not import that he wil af­ter forsake them. Fourthly, when the prophet saith, (as the eyes of a maiden looke vnto y e hands of her mistres, Mat. 2 [...]. v. 20. so our eyes wait vpon the Lord our God, vntill hee haue mercy vpon vs) he meaneth not that our eies shal not afterward wait vpon the Lord. Psal. 122. v. 2 No, God forbid. Fiftly, when God saith (sit thou at my right hand, vntil I make thine enemies thy footstoole) he mea­neth not, Psal. 109. v. 1. that Christ shall sit no longer on his right hand. No, no, God auert.

The 7. obiection.

If any man build on this foundation, golde, siluer, pretious stones, timber, hay, or stubble; 1. Cor. 3. v. 12. euery mans worke shalbe made manifest: for the day shall declare it, because it shalbe reuealed by the fire, and the fire shall trie euery mans work of what sort it is. This fire the holy fathers doe vnderstand of purgatorie. Ergo it ought not to be denied.

The answere.

I say first, that all the fathers as well old as latter writers, confesse that S. Paules discourse is altogither metaphoricall; & 1 consequently y t no doctrine of faith can be grounded thereupon.

I say secondly, that the old writers dissent one from another, in the exposition of his text. For S. Chrysostome vnderstandeth 2 it of hell fire; Vide istos patres in hunc locum. S. Hierome of Gods examination in the day of general iudgment; S. Gregorie of the fire of tribulation in this life; S. Ambrose and S. Theodoret, of the fire of Gods iudge­mēt, & others otherwise. Gregorius Magnus hath these expresse words; Gregor. li [...]. 4 dialog. cap. 39. Quamuis hoc de igne tribulationis in hac vita nobis ad­hibito possit intelligi; albeit this place may be vnderstood, of the fire of tribulation which we suffer in this life. Out of which words I note, that although this Gregory thought there was a purgatory of small sins after this life, yet did he confesse, y t this place could proue no such thing. Hereunto I adde, that if either this text, or any other had been a sufficient warrantize for pur­gatory; aswel the Greekes as the ancient fathers, would haue receiued it; both which their own Roffensis denieth, Roff. contra Lu­ther. ar. 18. as is alrea­dy proued. I say thirdly, that it cānot possibly be vnderstood of purgatory: and I proue it effectually. First, because al martyrs 3 go straight to heauen, as al papists confesse. Secondly, because al such as haue plenary pardons frō the pope, escape purgatory, & go the ready way to heauē. Thirdly because, Ieremy, Iob. Ioh. Baptist, the blessed virgine, This third illa­tion is prooued in my Motiues, & sundry others (in whose passions of supererogation, they build the treasure of the church and popish pardons) could neuer come in purgatory; and yet doth the text say, that all aswel good as bad, must be tried by that fire, whereof the apostle speaketh in this place.

I say fourthly, y t the apostle here speaketh of y e fire of proba­tion, but not of purgation, as y e papists would haue him to doe. 1. Cor. 3. v. 13. These are y e words; vniuscuius (que) opus quale sit, ignis probabit. [Page 302] the fire shal trie euery ones worke, of what sorte it is. Which S. Austen well obserued, when he wrote in this maner; Ignis de quo locutus est eo loco apostolus Paulus, talis debet intelligi, vt ambo per eum transeant; Aug. in Euchirid. cap. 68. tom. 3. id est & qui aedificat supra hoc fun­damentum, aurum, argentum, lapides pretiosos; & qui aedificat ligna, foenum, stipulam. The fire whereof the apostle Paul spea­keth in that place, must be vnderstood to be such an one, that both sorts may passe through it; that is, aswel he that buildeth vpon this foundation, gold, siluer, or pretious stones, as he that buildeth wood, hay, or stubble.

I say fiftly, that all thinges spoken of in this text, are taken 5 metaphorically, gold, siluer, and pretious stones, doe signifie sound doctrine; timber, hay, and stubble, signifie, false doctrine; the builders are such as teach that doctrine; the day signifieth time, the daughter of trueth; and the fire signifieth Gods spirit, which reuealeth all trueths, Popish purgatory is built vpon rot­ten foundations. & maketh false doctrine knowen. This exposition is gathered out of the circumstances of the text it selfe, out of S. Ambrose, and S. Austen, and out of late popish writers. For their owne Hofmeisterus (if my memory faile me not) and their Gagnaeius also, haue this interpretation in flat and expresse termes. It is long since I read them, and I haue not now their bookes at hand; otherwise, I would haue alledged their wordes.

I say sixtly, that al such as would ground popish purgatory 6 vpon this text, are enforced to confesse and admit manifold ab­surdities. And for triall hereof, togither with that which is al­ready said; these wordes of our Iesuite Bellarmine may suffice. Respondeo, nos cogi ab ipso textu ad aequiuocationem non vnam, sed duas admittendas. Bellar. in lib. 1. de purg. c. 4. p, 1387 I answere, that the very text doth com­pell vs, to admit more then one equiuocation.

The 8. obiection.

What shall they do, which are baptised for dead? if the dead rise not at all. Why are they then baptised for the dead? out of this place, (as our Iesuite Bellarmine supposeth) nay as hee braggingly boasteth, 1. Cor. 15▪ 29 is popish purgatorie prooued vndoub­tedly.

The answer.

I say first, that great is the impudencie of our Iesuit, who glorieth so much in his late Romish exposition, which neither 1 any one of the ancient fathers approueth, neither yet sundrie of his owne fellowes will admit. For Epiphanius, Theodore­tus, Chrysostomus, Tertullianus, Ambrose, Sedulius, Anselmus, Oecumenius, Haymo and Theophilactus, do expound it flatly a­gainst our Romish Iesuite; and so doe also his owne deare fel­lowes Aquinas and Caietanus. I say secondly, that S. Paul 2 vnderstandeth by those that are baptised for dead; such as are at the point of death, and are reputed as dead, or for dead, Epiphanius co [...]t. Cerinth. haer. 28. p. 37 & this saith S. Epiphanius, is the true meaning of the Apostle: and that he saith truely, I appeale to the true iudgement of the indifferent reader. These are the words of Epiphanius; Alii rectè hoc dictum interpretantes dicunt, quod morti vicini si fue­rint in pietatis doctrina instructi, ob hanc spem ante obitum la­vacro digni fiunt; ostendentes quod qui mortuus est etiam resur­get, & ob id indiget remissione peccatorū per lauacrū. Others interpret this saying of the apostle truly, & say, that such as are at the point of death, if they be instructed christiāly, are for this hope worthie of baptising before they die: thereby signifying, that he which is dead shall rise againe; and for that ende, hath need of remission of his sins by baptisme. This then is the true meaning of S. Paul in this place, The Iesuite pre­ferreth his owne iudgement be­fore al writers without al ti [...] and reason. what shall they do which are baptised for dead? that is, which are rather reputed for dead then for liuing. Wherefore are they baptised, if the dead rise not againe? for since they cannot be baptised for anie commodi­tie of this life, (which presently they must forsake, being so ex­treamely sicke) their baptisme prooueth the resurrection of the dead. And where our Iesuit listeth to wrangle vpon the words ( pro illis, for them,) it shall suffice to tell him, that their latin so magnified edition is false, and that in the originall and Greeke copies, it is thus, [...] for the dead, and so his cauill is not worth a figge.

The ninth obiection.

S. Paul saith, that in the name of Iesus euery knee voweth, both of things in heauen, and things in earth, Philip. 2.10. and things vnder [Page 304] the, earth; but the damned in hell blaspheme Christ, ergo there be some vnder the earth, that is, in purgatorie, which worship and adore Christ.

The answer.

I answere, that the bowing of the knee (whereof the apostle speaketh) doth not signify worship or adoration, but that subiec­tion which shalbe shewed openlie in the last iudgement, when and where the deuilles as well as men and the good angels, shall yeeld homage and dominion vnto Christ. For so S. Paul expoundeth S. Paul, in his epistle to the Romaines: and S. Luke recordeth, Rom. 14. vers 10, 11. that the deuill falleth prostrate before Christ, and acknowledgeth his power ouer him: Luke. 8.28. which is that bow­ing of the knee, whereof S. Paul speaketh. Other expositions whatsoeuer, are repugnant to the text.

The replie.

S. Iohn saith, that hee heard all the creatures which are in heauen, and on earth, and vnder the earth, and in the sea, and al that are in them, Apoc. 5. vers. 13. saying in this maner, praise, and honor, and glorie, and power, be vnto him that sitteth vpon the throne, and vnto the Lambe for euermore. Therefore they be vnder the earth, which truely worship Christ, and consequently, since the deuils (as yee grant) do rather blaspheme then worship Christ; they that worship Christ vnder the earth, must needes bee the soules in purgatory.

The answere.

I answere, that S. Iohn meaneth nothing els, then that which S. Paul hath vttered: he vseth the figure Prosopopeia, & after the vsuall course of the scriptures, causeth things sense­lesse, and voide of reason, to sounde out the praise of God: so saith the Psalmograph Dauid; All thy workes praise thee, O Lord, Psal. 144. v. 10. and thy saints blesse thee▪ and in another place thus; The heauens declare the glorie of God, Psalm. 18. ver. 1. and the firmament sheweth the worke of his hands: yea, as the prophet saith, and as the three holy Hebrewes sang, Psalm. 148. fire, heate, winter, summer, frost, snow, light, darkenesse, the starres, the sunne, the moone, and creatures blesse the Lord. Dan. 3 secund. [...]at.

The tenth obiection.

Ap [...]cal, 21. v. 27.S. Iohn saith, that no vncleane thing shall enter into heauen, but many depart out of this life, which are not pure, ergo such must be purged in purgatorie, before they come in heauen.

The answere.

I say first, that faith in Christ Iesus can as well purge a man in this life, as the Popes pardons: and yet as your selues 1 teach vs, a plenarie indulgence will salue this impuritie.

I say secondly, that it is a needelesse thing to establish popish purgatorie, because popish pardons supplie the want thereof. 2 This is proued copiously in my booke of Motiues.

I say thirdly, that the faithfull and elect children of God, haue their cleanenesse before him in Christ his sonne, with 3 which they may enter into heauen. For as S. Iohn saith, they haue washed their robes and made them white in the blood of the Lambe; who (as S. Paul saith,) when hee knew no sinne, Apoc [...].14. was yet made the sacrifice for sin, 2. Cor. 5.21. that we might be the righte­ousnes of God in him. And as S. Peter saith, their hearts are purified by faith: yea, as Christ himself saith, Act. 15. vers. [...] his sacred word hath made them cleane. In fine, holy Writ pronounceth them blessed that die in the Lord, & that they rest from their labors. Which being so, they neither haue any impurity, Ioan. 15. vers. 3. Apoc. 14, 13. nor suffer a­ny purgatorie paine.

The replie.

You all confesse, that your inherent iustice is vnperfect and impure, and so your vncleanenes must be taken away after this life, be fore yee come into heauen; ergo there is a purgatorie.

The answere.

I answere, that original concupiscence is an inseperable acci­dēt during this life, aswel in you as in vs, but as it is proper to this state, so is it taken away in that very instant, in which our state is altered.

The 11. obiection.

S. Peter saith, that God raised vp Christ after he had loosed the sorrows of hel. This place saith our Iesuite, Act. 2.24. must needs be vnderstood of purgatory: for first, it cānot be meant of the dam­ned, because their paines shal neuer end. Secondly, it cannot be meant of the sorrowes of Christ, because they were finished on the crosse. Thirdly, it cannot be meant of the fathers in Limbo, Bellarm, de purg. lib. 1. c. 4. col. 1396. because they had no paine at all: it therefore remaineth, that it be meant of the sorrowes which soules abide in purgatorie.

The answere

I say first, that if their Latin text were sound, this obiection would solue it selfe: for the originall and Greeke text is this; [Page 306] [...], hauing loosed the sorrowes of death. Out of which words, nothing can be gathered, that fauoreth purga­tory 2 any thing at al. I say secondly, that if it were as y e papists do reade, (the sorrowes of hel being loosed) their soules should alwayes feele paine, but neuer haue an end. Which cannot be truely verified, of their purgatorie fire.

I say thirdly, that the fathers whō the papists hold to haue 3 bin in Limbo at that time, did according to their owne doctrine suffer poenam damni, Bellarminus, de [...]entit. sanct. lib. 1 cap. 20. because they were not as yet partakers of the cleare vision beatificall: which Bellarmine granteth in another place, and so is repugnant to himselfe. But let that be deemed a small fault in a Iesuite, which is thought a great crime in another man. Adde hereunto, that poena damni is a greater pain then poena sensus, by their best popish diuinitie. I 4 say fourthly, that by the sorrows of death is meant nothing els but the bitter paines which Christ suffered vpon the crosse, to accomplish mans redemption. For then did he properly & per­fectly triumph ouer death, when he rose againe from death, who was deliuered to death for our sins, (saith Saint Paul) and is risen againe for our iustification: And the verie words of the text next following in the Actes, Rom. 4.25. Act. 2.24. doe confirme this exposition: for there it is thus written; whome God raised vp and loosed the sorrowes of death, because it was vnpossible that he should be holden of it: as if S. Peter had said; although the passion of Christ was so bitter & exceeding great, as implying the curse and malediction due for our sinnes (insomuch that the remem­brance therof caused him to sweate out drops of blood) yet could not death possiblie preuaile against him, but that he should rise againe, and conquer both hel and it.

The replie.

Although the greek word in the 24. verse signifieth death, yet in the 27 verse it signifieth hel, and so the sense is against you.

The answere.

I answer, that the hebrew word in the psalme, from whence this sentence is taken, Ps. l. 10. vers. 10. is [...], and signifieth, a sepulchre or graue, and so doth your owne great linguiste Arias Montanus interpret it: as if the Prophet hadde saide, thou wilt not leaue my soule or life, in the graue. For the course [Page 307] of holy scripture, doth comprehende our life vnder the name of the Soule: so saith the Prophet Ionas, therefore now O Lord take I beseech thee; my soule from me, Ionas. 4. [...]. for it is better for me to die, then to liue. So is it in the Hebrew and original, and yet by the word (soule) must we vnderstād life: for so the words following, doe require of necessitie: so saith Paul, Act. 20.10. trouble not your selues, anima enim ipsius in ipso est, for his soule (that is, his life) is in him: And a litle after, he saith thus; Act. 20.24. neither is my soule deare to me, so I may fulfil my course; Mat. 2.20. where by y e word (soule) life must needs be vnderstood. So Ioseph was bidden to take the babe and his mother, Ioan. 10.11. & to go into the land of Isra­el; because they were dead, that sought the babes soule, that is, his life: so Christ saith, that a good shepheard giueth his soule for the sheepe, that is, his life. These and other like places doe proue euidently that our soule in the scriptures, is taken for our life; so that when the scripture saith, God wil not suffer Christs soule to tarrie in the graue, it meaneth Christs life; as if it shoulde say, Christ shal not be long dead, death shall not swallow him vp, or preuaile against him.

The 12. obiection.

Saint Austen and other of the fathers, haue taught flatly that there is a purgatorie; and therefore whosoeuer denieth purga­tory opposeth himselfe against the fathers.

The answere.

I say first, that I haue said sufficiently for the authoritie of 1 the fathers, in my booke of Motiues, in the ninth chap. of cre­dit due vnto writers. I say secondly, that the fathers as they 2 were men, so had they their imperfections and errors, & are no lesse reiected of the papists when they make against them, then of vs. Yea, no man reiecteth the fathers with such temeritie; as doth the Iesuite Bellar. when he dislikes them. This is proued in my book of Motiues. I say thirdly, that thogh sundry of the 3 fathers seeme to grant that there is a purgatorie, yet do they it so doubtfully, so vnconstantly, so coldly, as none of thē do or can make it an article of our belief. And for proofe hereof, one only, S. Austin may suffice for the rest. Aug. in euch [...]. c. 69. tom. 3. In one place he writes in this manner; Tale aliquid etiam post hanc vitam fieri incredibile non est, & vtrum ita sit quaeri potest. It is not incredible, but [Page 308] that some such thing may be after this life, and it is a question, whether there be anie such thing or no. Again in another place, after he hath discoursed largely of purgatory, in y e end he cōclu­deth doubtfully thus, Aug. de ciuit. lib. [...]. [...]. 26. Non redarguo, quia forsitan verum est, I doe not reprooue it, because perhaps it is true. Again in an­other place, he hath these expresse words; Siue ergo in hac vita tantum homines ista patiuntur, Aug de fide & operibus cap. 16. tom. 4. siue etiam post hanc vitam talia quaedam iudicia subsequūtur, non abhorret quantum arbitror a ratione veritatis iste intellectus huius sententiae. Whether ther­fore men suffer these things onely in this life, or also after this life some such iudgementes follow; this interpretation as I thinke is not repugnant to reason. Thus we see cleerely, howe vnconstant and how cold S. Austens doctrine is, concerning po­pish purgatorie.

The 13. obiection.

The ancient fathers both praied and offered vp sacrifice for the dead; which they would neuer haue done, if there had not been a purgatorie.

The answere.

I say first, that sundry of the fathers praied for the dead, who 1 neuer once dreamed of popish purgatory Which thing is so fully proued in my Motiues, as may be sufficient for this obiection.

2 I say secondly, that in the hote persecutions of the primitiue church, when martyrs were daily put to death for confessing Christ Iesus; then the church did offer the sacrifice of laud and thankesgiuing, & did celebrate anniuersaries or annuall memo­ries of her faithful children; Cyprian. lib. 4. Epis 5. Ambros de obitu Valent. [...] in which memories were publickly named al such persons, as died constantly for the christian faith. Not by that meanes to procure any merite, remission, or satis­faction to those blessed martyrs, (for as y e papists graunt, mar­tyrs need no such thing, August. in ser. 17. de verbis apos. c. 1) but so to excite the liuing after their godly example, boldly to confesse the name of Christ, and therin to be ready to yeeld vp their liues; when time and place should so require. I say thirdly, that they praied for y e dead, to insinuate 3 their hope in the resurrection, to mitigate their own sorrow, and to declare their affection towards the dead. Ambros. de obitu Valent. & Theod. But neuer did anie of the approoued antiquitie, pray in such sort for the dead, as 4 the papists this day doe. I say fourthly, that the praiers which [Page 309] the old fathers vsed, ministred great occasiō to that superstitiō, which is now an high point of Romish religion. For the igno­rant posteritie, wrested euery thing to serue their turne.

I say fiftly, that as the fathers were excited to pray for the 5 dead, of a certaine natural affection towards them; so were they doubtful what effect their praiers shuld haue, and whether they did profite the dead or no. Yea, some of the fathers praied onely for the resurrection of the body, as I haue prooued in my Mo­tiues. The vncertaintie & doubts which the other fathers had, Aug. lib. 9. conl. c. 13. tom. 1. shal appeare euidently by S. Austens testimony. First, therfore S. Austen praied for his mother, & that she might haue remissi­on of her sins, (for I will conceale nothing y t seemeth to make for the papists:) & yet did S. Austen thus pray, only to shew his louing & ardent affection towards his mother, & not to procure any remittall for her sins; as whose sins he constantly beleeued, were already pardoned. For these are his expresse wordes. Et credo iam feceris, quod te rogo, sed voluntaria oris mei approba Domine. And I verily beleue, y t thou hast already done as I de­sire; yet Lord accept my inward affection, vttered by my lippes. Out of which words I note, that Austen beleeued his mothers sins to be forgiuen, before he praied for her: and that the end and intent of his praier was only this; to shew that he was natural­ly and dutifully affected to his mother. Vpon which kinde of vndiscreet zeale, great superstition and flat idolatry followed in his posteritie, as I said before. Secondly, S. Austen hauing distinguished three sortes of dead; to wit, very good, very euill, August. in e [...]chi [...]. c. 110. and neither very good nor very euill, affirmeth y t praiers made for the very bad & damned soules, do make their dānation more tollerable. These are his expresse wordes; Pro valde malis etsi nulla sunt adiumenta mortuorū, qualescun (que) viuorū consolatio­nes sunt. Quibus autem prosunt, aut ad hoc prosunt, vt sit plena remissio, aut certe vt tolerabilior fiat ipsa damnatio. For the very bad although they be no helpes to the dead, yet are they some solace to the liuing. And whom they profite, they profite for this, that either they may haue full remission, or that their dānation be more tolerable. Out of which words I note, that Saint Austen holdeth in this point of praying for the dead, that which neither is sound, neither yet allowed by the Pa­pists [Page 310] themselues; and consequently, that the papists ought not to make account of his iudgement herein. For, you doe see that he granteth the punishment of the damned, Marke this point [...]. to be mitigated in hell for the prayers of the liuing; which thing no papist will or dare auouch. And the like is to be saide of other of the Fa­thers, when they folow opinions not grounded vpon the word of God. Saint Austen therefore must be reiected by his owne rule (as I haue prooued in my Motiues) when he dissenteth from Gods word, the true touchstone and triall of all trueth. And saint Austens inconstancie is plainely vttered in an other place, Aug. de ciuit. lib. 21. cap. 24. where he hath these wordes: Quod quidem non ideo con­firmo, quoniam non resis [...]o. Which verily I do not therefore ap­proue, because I do not impugne it. Out of which wordes I note, that though saint Austen could not approoue the opinion of the vulgar sort (as which he knew to haue no ground, but a meere naturall affection) yet would hee not condemne it, but leaue it as in suspense.

The foureteenth obiection.

Praier for the dead is proued by the scripture, euen in y t new testament: 1. Ioh. 5.16. for when S. Iohn forbids to pray for them that die without repentance, he doubtles exhorts to pray for them that die penitent.

The answer.

1 I say first, that when cardinall Allen in his notes vpon this place, auoucheth roundly that this text cōuinceth praier for the dead: Aug. de verb. apostol. serm. 17. cap. [...]. he may tell that tale to wise men, and repute himselfe a foole for his paines. For first, as S. Austen (vpon whose au­thoritie he only buildeth) affirmeth that the apostle speaketh of him that dieth impenitent; so doth the same S. Austen auouch, that he doth iniury to a martyr, that praieth for a martyr, which is a receiued axiome with the papists: and consequently, when he inferreth out of S. Austen, that we must pray for them that die penitent; he concludeth against S. Austen, that wee must pray for most constant martyrs, and so commit a manifest iniu­rie. So then albeit S. Iohn dehorteth from praying for such as die without repentance, yet doth he not exhort vs to pray for those that die penitent: for otherwise doubtles wee must pray 2 for martyrs, which no papist wil allow. I say secondly, that S. Iohn exhorteth to pray for penitent sinners here on earth, but [Page 311] not for the dead. I prooue it, because these are saint Iohns words; (If any shal see his brother sinning a sin not to death) but he that sinneth, is in this life; for wee can not see a man sinning in the next life, where no sinne is committed, and ther­fore S. Iohn speaketh of prayer only in this life. I say third­ly, 3 that saint Iohus purpose is this, & no other, to exhort vs to repentance for our sins in this life, because after this life, there is neither repentance nor remission of sinnes to be had; neither can any other sense be truely deduced out of S. Iohns words. Yea their owne cardinall Caietane doth so expound this place, Caiet. in ie [...]tac. octauo. quaest. quinta. to their vtter confusion.

CHAP. VII. Of praying to Saints departed.

COncerning the inuocation of Saints, great abuses and in­tollerable superstition haue crept into the church, and daze­led the eies of the vulgar sort: wherein I desire diligent atten­tion, and indifferent iudgement, vntill the end of my discourse.

The first Conclusion.

Albeit a christian man neuer pray to the saints departed, yet doth he not sinne therein. I prooue it, because euery sinne is a transgression of Gods law or commandement; but God hath made no law, nor giuen any commandement to pray to saints: Ergo not to pray to them is no sin at all. The proposition is a receiued maxime in the Romish church, grounded on these wordes of saint Austen; Peccatum est factum, vel dictum, Aug. cont. Faust. libr. 22. cap. 27 tom. 6. vel concupitum aliquid contra legem aeternam: Sinne is any deed, word, or thought against the eternall law, which is the will of God. Saint Ambrose confirmeth Saint Augustines descrip­tion in these wordes: Quid est peccatum, Ambr. de parad. cap. 8. nisi praeuaricatio le­gis diuinae, & caelestium inobedientia praeceptorum? What is sinne but the transgression of Gods lawe, and the disobedi­ence of his holie precepts? The assumption is secure, vntil the papists can alleadge some precept out of the olde or new testa­ment for the inuocation of saints, which they will doe ad Ca­lendas Graecas. But the Papistes thinke they haue a mightie obiection against this Conclusion, taken out of Genesis in these wordes: Et innocetur super eos nomen meum, nomina [Page 312] quaeque patrum meorum, Abraham & Isaac. And let my name be called vpon them, Genes. 48.16▪ and the names of my fathers, Abraham, and Isaac.

To which I answere thus; First, this vocation or no­mination was not any precept from God, but the meere fact of Iacob or Israel: who as hee was holy, so was he a man, and might haue erred herein as man. Secondly, the hebrew text is thus; Let my name be named in them, that is, let them bee called my children by adoption, or let them bee surnamed after me. The grandfather Iacob made Io­sephs children his by adoption. For it was the custome both of the Hebrewes and of the Greekes, to expresse the surname of euery one by the name of the father; as Aristoteles the sonne of Nicomachus, Zenophon the sonne of Gryllus, Cambyses the sonne of Cyrus. Thirdly, the whole course of holy scripture, doth yeelde this interpretation of Iacobs wordes. In the olde testament it was a great re­proch for a woman to beare no children, (though nowe with the Papists they be reputed holy, that will rashly vow neuer to marry;) for which respect, the small remnant of men left after the execution of Gods iustice in the destruction of Ierusa­lem, inforced women contrary to womanly shamefastnesse, to seek vnto men, and to offer themselues to very base conditions, to the end they would be their husbands and so take away their reproch. Which thing the prophet Ieremy vttereth in these wordes; In that day seuen women shall take hold of one man, saying; We will eate our owne bread, and weare our owne garments, Esa. 4.1. onely let vs be called by thy name, and take away our reproch. Thus writeth Gods holy prophet, whose dis­course with the due circumstances thereof, if the christian Rea­der wil exactly ponder, he shall behold as clearely as the glitte­ring beames of the sunne, the most impudent and sophisticall dealing of the papists. For though the words aswell in the la­tine as in the Hebrew be all one and the very same, yet are the papists ashamed (I am well assured) to inferre or proue inuo­cation of Saints, by this latter place. That which I say is euident, because these women desired nothing else of the man, but that he would be their husband, and that they might be cal­led his wiues, and so put away their reproch. This interpre­tation is plainely touched in the expresse wordes of the text; [Page 313] when the women desired the man to take their reproch away, by letting his name be called vppon them: for which end they promised not only to eate their owne bread, but also to weare their owne clothes, that so they be no way burdenous to him. And yet as our Iesuite Bellarmine and other papists woulde haue it vnderstood in Genesis, the text must yeeld this sense: Wee will eate our owne bread, and weare our own garments, and desire onely that wee may inuocate thy name, and make our prayers to thee when thou art dead. Which sense is most absurd, as euerie childe may perceiue: for first if this had beene the meaning of the women, in vaine had they made men­tion of eating their owne bread, and wearing their owne garments, as which coulde neither profite nor disprofite the man.

Secondly, these women knew not whether the man should be a saued soule in heauen, or a damned spirit in hel, and therefore would they neuer make such a request to him. Thirdly praying to him being dead, could not take away their reproch on earth. Fourthly, the man might suruiue and liue after them all, and so their desire was in vaine, Fiftly, Hier. in 4. cap. Esaiae. Saint Hierome expoun­deth this text, euen as I haue saide: For these are his words; Tantùm ne absque marito esse videantur, & sub [...]acere illi ma­ledicto quod scriptum est; maledicta sterilis, quae non facit semen in Israel: Onelie least they seeme to bee without an husband, and to bee subiect vnto the curse which is written; Accursed be the barren, which bringeth not foorth seede in Israel.

In sundry places of the Scripture the selfe same phrase is found, which can not possibly yeelde any other sense: and therefore most impudent are the papists, who blush not to father their praying to Saints, vpon this fact of Iacob. Per­use the ninth chapter of Daniel, the eighteene and nineteene verses, where it is thus written; Beholde the citie where­vpon thy name is called: For thy name is called vpon thy ci­tie, and vpon thy people. That is to say, it is named thy ci­tie, and they are called thy people. Ponder well these words of Saint Iames the second chapter 7. verse; Doe not they blaspheme the good name, that is inuocated vpon you? that is, [Page 314] you that of Christ are called Christians. The like phrases are in Ieremie the seuenth, Iere. 7.14. Esaiae, 44. v. 5 in Esay the 44. chapter, in the booke of kinges, and in other places. But our Iesuite thinketh the wordes aforegoing in Genesis, to prooue his purpose effectu­ally. Gen. 48. v. 16. For Ioseph praied to the angel, to blesse the sonnes of Io­seph. But I answere, that that angel whereof Iacob spake, is Christ himselfe. And I prooue it by other places of the same booke, where Iacob calleth God an angell. The angel of God saith Iacob, Gen. 31. v. 1 [...].1 [...] said to me in a dreame. Yet in y e verse follow­ing, the angel calleth himself the God of Bethel. Which God was the angel that deliuered Iacob from all euill. Which God was that Christ, Gen. 28. v. 14.18 in whom Iacob and his seed are blessed. And so by conferring place with place, it is euident that Iacob praied to God, not to the angel.

Iob. 5. v. 1.Our Iesuites vrge yet another Scripture, to prooue inuoca­tion 1 of saintes: Call now, if anie wil answere thee, and turne thee to some of the saintes. I say first, that these be the wordes of Elyphas the Themanite one of Iobes frindes, and therefore 2 not a sufficient warrantize, for an article of our faith. I say secondly, that he speaketh not of the saints departed, but of the 3 godly then liuing. Whose behauiour he willeth Iob to consider, if any of the godly rage against God as he did. I say thirdly, that our Iesuite confesseth elswhere as I haue prooued, that before Christes ascension, praying to saintes was not vsed.

The second conclusion.

To pray to Saintes departed, is a thing at the least vaine and needles. Iob. 42.2. Gen. 17.1. Num. 16.31. Deut. 4. [...]4. Iac. 1.17. I prooue it, because God is most able and most willing to helpe vs. Most able, for that hee is omnipotent, the fountaine of all grace, and the giuer of euery good gift. Most willing, in that he hath not onely mercifully inuited vs to call vpon him, but withall faithfully promised to heare and graunt our petitions. If any man lacke wisedome saith S. Iames, let him aske of God, I [...]. 1. verse 5. 1. Ioan. 2. v. 1. Psal. 49. v. 15 which giueth to all men liberally, and repro­cheth no man, and it shalbe giuen him. If any man sinne saith S. Iohn, we haue an aduocate with the father Iesus Christ the iust, and hee is the reconciliation for our sinnes, euen for the sinnes of the whole world. Call vpon me in the day of trouble [Page 315] saith God by his prophet, and I will deliuer thee. The scrip­ture telleth vs in many places that whosoeuer asketh any thing of God, shall receiue, and whosoeuer seeketh shall finde, Luc. 11. v. [...]. Math. 7. v. 7. Mar. 11. v. 24. Ioan. 16. v. 23. 1. Ioan. 5. v. 14. and to euery one that knocketh, the dore shall be opened. And that whatsoeuer we shall aske in Christes name, we shall attaine the same vndoubtedly.

The 1. obiection.

God will often accept the praiers of others for vs, when hee will not heare our selues. Iob. 42. v. 78. For when his wrath was kindled a­gainst Eliphaz the Themanite and his two friendes, he would not heare them, but yet accepted Iobs praiers for them.

The answere.

I answere, that God meant not vtterly to reiect Eliphaz & his friends; for if he had so determined, he would neuer haue accepted Iobs praiers for them. But because they had con­temned Iob, and preferred their owne righteousnesse; God to giue a testimonie of Iobs innocencie, true faith, and patience, and to confound the proud conceites of Eliphas and his fel­lowes, sent them to Iob, Iob. 42. v. 7. and said that hee woulde accept his praiers for them. Which my exposition is grounded on these words; my wrath is kindled against thee, and against thy two friendes; for yee haue not spoken of me the thing that is right, like my seruaunt Iob. As if God had saide; yee haue offended much more then my seruaunt Iob, in that yee condemned him by his outward afflictions, and did not comfort and solace him with my mercies. And therefore doe I send you vnto him, that you may know that he hath greater fauour in my sight. Gene. 18.32. Psal. 10 [...]. v. 23. Acts 27. v. 34. Thus God shewed the faith of Abraham, praying for the Sodomites, of Moses for the Israelites, and of Paule for the 276. persons in the ship with him.

The replie.

If it were true, that because God is most willing and most able to helpe vs: 1. Tim. 2. v. 1. Iac. 5. v. [...]6. therefore it is needles and vaine to inuocate or call vpon saintes departed, by the same reason it is needlesse to inuocate and call vpon the saintes liuing, which yet the scrip­ture commandeth vs to doe.

The answere.

I say first, that in proper kind of speech, inuocation is a spe­ciall 1 part of diuine worship, comprehending the affection of the minde that appealeth to his grace, help, and aid, whom it doth inuocate: and so it is proper to God alone; yet in a large accep­tion it may bee giuen to the liuing. I say secondly, that the 2 one is vaine and needlesse, not so the other. The reason is this, because we haue commaundement and promise for the one, not so for the other. For that is neuer to be deemed vaine or need­lesse, which God appointeth to be done.

The replie.

Like as nobles and magistrates bring vs to the presence of an earthly king, euen so doe saintes by their holy praiers, bring vs to the presence and fauour of God the king of heauen.

The answere.

Ambr. in cap. ad Rom. p. 177.Saint Ambrose shall answere, as who precisely and fully resolueth this question. These are his wordes; Ideo ad regem pertribunos aut comites itur, quia homo vti (que) est rex, & nescit quibus debeat remp credere: ad dominū autem (quem vti (que) nihil latet, omnium enim merita nouit) promerendum suffragatore non opus est, sed mente deuota. Vbicun (que) enim talis locutus fuerit ei, respondebit illi. We are therefore brought to the presence of kinges by Lords and officers, because the king is a man, and knoweth not to whom he may commit his realme. But to win Gods fauour, (from whō nothing is hid, for he knoweth what euery man is meet to haue) we need no spokesman, but a deuout minde. For wheresoeuer such a one speaketh to God, God will answere him. And this answere of S. Ambrose, is conso­nant to the holy scripture. Mat. 11. v. 28. For Christ himselfe saith; Come vn­to me all ye that are weary and laden, and I will ease you. A­gaine, we must not iudge what is the wil of God, by the simili­tudes of earthly thinges departed through sinne, but by his sa­cred word reuealed from heauen.

The 2. obiection.

[...]ere. 15. v. 1.God saith by his prophet, that though Moses and Samuel [Page 317] stood before him, and praied for the people, yet woulde not hee heare them. Whereupon we may gather, that saintes vse to pray for vs, and that God heareth their praiers; though neither at all times, nor for all persons.

The answere.

I say first, that conditionall propositions proue nothing, but 1 when the condition is put.

I say secondly, that by popish doctrine Moses and Samuel 2 did not then stand before God, Moses & Samuel not then in hea­uen by popish doctrine. and consequently they did not then pray for the people. For (as the papists hold) they were in Limbo vntill Christes ascension.

I say thirdly, that the meaning of the text is no other then 3 this; to wit, that if there were any man liuing so zealous as Moses and Samuel, who shuld pray for that people; yet would not God graunt his request. This interpretation is most cer­taine, as may most euidently be gathered out of these wordes of Ezechiel. Though these three men, Noah, Daniel, Ezech. 14. v. 14 and Iob were among them, they should deliuer but their owne soules by their righteousnesse. As if he had said thus; though most godly men Noah, Iob, and Daniel, were now liuing togither, and shoulde pray for this wicked people, yet woulde not I heare them. By which wordes it is manifest, that God both before in Ieremie and now in Ezechiel, speaketh of the praiers of the li­uing for Daniel was now with Ezechiel aliue in captiuity, and yet doth the scripture speake of them all indifferently.

The third conclusion.

To pray to be holpen for the merites of Saints departed, Ioan. 1. v. [...]. 1. Ioan. 2. v. 1. 1. Tim. 2. v. 5 is very superstitious and plaine diabolicall. I prooue it, because Christ is the lambe, that taketh away the sins of the world; be­cause Christ is our aduocate, & the reconciliation for our sins; because Christ & only Christ, Heb. 5. v. 9 10 Heb. 10. v. 12 14 Act 4. v. 12. Ioan. 16. v. 23 Rom. 5. v 1 2. Cor. 5. v. [...]1. is the mediatour between God & vs: Because Christ is our high priest, & the author of our salua­tiō; because Christ hath offered himself a sacrifice for our sins, & hath therewith sanctified vs for euer: because Christ and onely Christ is hee, in whose name wee must be saued: Because Christ is hee, in whose name we shall receiue whatsoeuer wee [Page 318] aske: Because Christ is he, through whose merites wee haue peace in God: Because Christ is he that suffered for vs, that we might be the righteousnesse of God in him: Finally, because the spirite of God enforceth the papistes themselues, to con­clude their publique praiers in this maner; per dominum no­strum Iesum Christum, through the merites of our Lord Iesus Christ.

The obiection.

The fathers of the olde testament, did often alledge and op­pose against Gods wrath, Gen. 32. v. 9.11. Deut. 9. v. 27. Psal. 132. ver. 10.4. Reg. 19. v. 34. the names and merites of the holie patriarches. Remember thy seruantes Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob. For thy seruaunt Dauids sake, refuse not the face of thine annointed. Why may not wee therefore stand vpon the merites of Christes deere mother, and of others his holy saintes?

The answere.

I answere, that these and like inuocations very frequent in the scriptures, do not depend vpon the merites of Gods saints, but vpon his couenant and promise made to them and their po­steritie. Exod. 32. v. 13. Deut. 26. v. 3. So saith holy Moses; Remember Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob thy seruantes, to whom thou swarest by thine own selfe, and saidst vnto them, I will multiply your seed: in which wordes he opposeth not their merites, but Gods othe and pro­mise. So saith Salomon; O Lord God of Israel, thou hast kept with thy seruaunt Dauid my father, 3. Reg 8. ver. 23. [...]4. that thou hast promi­sed to him: for thou spakest with thy mouth, and hast fulfilled it with thine hand. In which wordes holy Salomon vrgeth Gods promise, not the merites of his father Dauid. So saith God himselfe to Isaac; dwell in this land, and I will be with thee, Gen. 26. v. 3. and will blesse thee; and I will performe the othe, which I sware to Abraham thy father. Loe, hee remembreth and re­specteth his owne othe, but not Abrahams merites. No, no, for as I haue prooued alreadie copiously; the most holy saintes in heauen, are rewarded farre aboue their deserts and merites. It is I say, not for the merites of the godly, but for Gods holy couenant made with them, that God dealeth mercifully with [Page 319] their posterity. For thus is it written in Gods own book; how­beit the Lord will not destroie the house of Dauid, because of the couenant that he made with Dauid, [...]. P [...]r. [...]1. v. 5 [...] & because he had pro­mised to giue a light to him, and to his sonnes for euer.

The fourth conclusion.

The honor due to saints in heauen, and which they require, is not religious inuocation or adoration, but holy imitation here on earth. I proue it, because God will not giue his honor to any other. I am the Lord saith he, this is my name, and my glorie will I not giue to another. Esai [...]. 42. v. [...]. And that inuocation is the peculiar worship and honour due to God, S. Paul declareth e­uidently in these words, Rom. 10. v. 1 [...] for whosoeuer shall cal vpon the name of the Lord, shall bee saued: but howe shall they call on him in whome they haue not beleeued? Austen prooueth this conclu­sion effectually in sundrie places of his works; Non sit nobis religio inquit, cultus hominum mortuorum: Infra; honorandi sunt propter imitationem, non adorandi propter religionem. August. de ver [...] religione, cap. 55. tom. 1. Let not saith S. Austen, the worship of dead men be our reli­gion: they are to be worshipped for imitation, but not to bee adored for religion. Againe in another place, Nos autem mar­tyribus nostris non templa sicut Diis sed memorias sicut homini­bus mortuis, quorū apud deum viuunt spiritus, fabricamus, August. de c [...]uit. lib. 22. cap. 106 tum. 50 nec ibi erigimus altaria, in quibus sacrificemus martyribus, sed vni Deo, & martyrum & nostro sacrificium immolamus, ad quod sacrificium sicut homines Dei, qui mundum in eius confessione vicerunt, suo loco & ordine nominantur; non tamen à sacerdote qui sacrificat, inuocantur. We build not churches to our Mar­tirs as to gods, but we make memories as to dead men, whose soules liue with God, neither doe we reare vp altars there, in which we may offer sacrifice (of laud) to the martyres, but we offer sacrifice (of thanksgiuing) to one God, the God of mar­tyres and ours, at which sacrifice they are named in their place and order, as the men of God that haue ouercome the world in their confession, neuerthelesse they are not inuocated or prayed vnto, by the priest that offereth the sacrifice. Euseb hist. lib. 4. cap. 15. Of honour and re­uerence due to Saints, Eusebius Caesariensis maketh sufficient relation in these words, Ne (que) Christū aliquando possumus dere­linquere, qui mortem pro totius mundi salute sustinuit ne (que) ali­um [Page 320] quenquam colere, quoniam verum Deum, & qui solus co­lendus sit nouerimus, martyres vero tanquam discipulos domini d [...]ligamus & veneremur, quasi integrè fidem magistro seruan­tes & domino, quorum nos quo (que) in fide & perseuerantia chari­tatis optamus esse participes. We can neither forsake Christ at any time, who suffred death for y e saluatiō of the whole world, neither can we worship any other but him, because wee knowe him to be the tru God, & him that only is to be worshipped; yet let vs loue and honor martires, as the disciples of our Lord, as those that keep their faith vndefiled to their master & lord, with whom also our selues desire to be partakers in faith and perse­uerance of charitie. What need more? Christ himselfe saith; Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, Mat. 4.10. Apoc. 22.8, 9. & him onely shalt thou serue. And saint Iohn was forbidden to worship the angell.

The first obiection.

God honoureth his saints, and reputeth them for his deare friends: Mat. 19.28. Ioh. 15.14, 15. Ergo, it is our duetie also to honour them.

The answer.

We honour them with that honor which God hath appoin­ted: we acknowledge their faith, their humilitie, their patience, their constancie, and all their gratious gifts, and wee desire to imitate the same: and this is al the honor that saint Austen wil affoord them, as you haue heard.

The second obiection.

The saints in heauen pray for vs, and therefore it is meete that we inuocate and call vpon them. For the angell saide; O Lord of hostes, [...]char. 1.12. how long wilt thou be vnmercifull to Ierusa­lem, and to the cities of Iudah, with whom thou hast bin dis­pleased now these threescore and ten yeeres? Baruc. 3.4. Baruch witnes­seth that the dead pray for vs, when he saith; O Lord almigh­tie, heare now the prayer of the dead Israelites, and of their children, which haue sinned before thee. Iudas Machabeus had a vision, 2. Mach. 15.12. in which he saw Onias holding vp his handes to­ward heauen, and praying for the whole people of the Iewes. And saint Iohn saw 24. Elders fall downe before the lambe, Apoc. 5.8. hauing euery one of them harpes and golden vialles full of o­dours which are the prayers of saints.

The answere.

I say first, that although we grant both angels and saints in 1 heauen to pray for the liuing on earth, (as they doe indeede in some cases for some respects,) yet doth it not follow that wee must inuocate and pray to them, as shortly shall bee proued. I say secondly, that there is not the same reason in the saints and 2 angels; for the charge and defence of the church in this life, is committed vnto the angels. Besides this, the angell in Zacha­rie praieth onely for the particular calamities of Iuda, which were apparant aswell to men as to angels. I say thirdly, that 3 Baruch speaketh of the prayers of the Israelites that were yet liuing, but as dead for their manifold sins I say fourthly, that the booke of Machabees is not canonical, as I haue proued in my Motiues at large. I adde, that albeit On [...]as prayed for the 4 liuing, yet must not the liuing inuocate or call vpon him, as is alreadie said. I say fiftly, that the 24. Elders wherof S. Iohn 5 speaketh, do represent the church militant heere on earth, and consequently, the prayers there mentioned, are of the liuing on earth, not of the Saints raigning in heauen: which interpre­tation must needes be sound and authenticall, because the holy ghost doth confirme the same in the tenth verse following. Apoc. 5.9, 10. Apoc. 8.4. Iren. libr. 4. ca. 33 For among other thanks to God, one is this, that he hath made the elders to raigne on earth. S. Irenaeus agreeth hereunto, neither is any ancient approued writer of the contrarie opinion.

The third obiection.

Yee bewray your ignorance not knowing the difference be­twene Latria and Dulia, and so wrest the scriptures against the lawful worshipping of saints; Mat. 4. verse 10. Apoc. 19.10. for the worship prohibited in the gospel and in the Reuelation, is [...], that worship which is proper to God alone.

The answere.

I say first, that though Saint Augustine made difference be­tweene 1 Latria and Dulia in ecclesiasticall signification; August. de ciuit. lib. 10. cap. 1. (which was the cause of great superstition afterwarde in the Romish church) yet did hee ascribe and giue all religious worship to God alone, & no other then ciuil worship to any creature what­soeuer. Which thing I haue proued out of Saint Austen al­ready, and shall more at large hereafter.

[Page 322] 2 I say secondly, that though saint Austen say that Latria is al­way or almost alway taken in the scripture for diuine worship; Ludou. in com. de ciuit. yet doeth Lodouicus Viues a learned papist oppose himselfe a­gainst saint Austen therein, alledging sundry texts of the olde testament for his probation. Yet the same Viues addeth, that he is cōtent with the distinctiōs inuented by the popish schoole men, so they will likewise allow him and others to vse wordes in their proper and natiue significations. [...] vbi sup. But heere I can not omit the taunt which hee by the way giueth to his scholasticall masters: these are his wordes; Obiter tamen admonebo eos duliam & latriam penultimam habere longam, ne breuem faci­ant, sed has leges ipsi contēnere se dicunt, quia nesciunt. Yet must I (saith he) admonish them by the way, that Latria and Du­lia haue the last syllable saue one long, lest they make it short. But they say they care not for these rules, because they know not what they meane. Which checke doubtlesse were a bloodie 3 word, if any but a papist had giuen the same. I say thirdly; that Ʋalla, Suidas, and Zenophon, all three very skilfull in the greeke tongue, affirme Latria and Dulia to haue one and the selfe same signification, and that Latria is taken for that com­mon seruice which one creature doth to another. Thus writeth Zenophon; [...] Lud. Viu. [...]bi sup. [...], But I (O Cyrus) would redeeme euen with my life, that she should not serue. Suidas also affirmes, [...]: that Latria is seruice for hire. I say fourthly, that if this di­stinction 4 could serue the papists to prooue their superstitious worship, Matth. 4.10. it might also haue serued the deuill against Christ, and so Christs reason had bin of no force: for the deuill might haue said to Christ; albeit it be true as thou saiest, that Latria is onely to be giuen to God; yet mayest thou giue me Dulia, 5 and not offend his law. I say fiftly, that the worship which S. Iohn was prohibited to do in the Reuelation, Apoc. 19.10. was not Latria, but [...], for these are the words of the angel; [...], adore thou God: as if he had said; religious worship can be giuen to none, but to the euerliuing God alone. I say sixt­ly, Deut. 6.13. 6 that the hebrew word [...] vsed in the old testament (from whence this scripture is alledged by Christ) signifieth seruice or seruitude in common, without the difference of God or crea­tures. [Page 323] I say seauenthly, that as Latria is giuen to creatures; so is Dulia applied to God, and that is verie frequent, not one­ly 7 in prophane writers, but euen in the new testament: for S. Luke saith, ye cannot serue God and riches or mammon; Luke. 16. vers. 1 [...] Rom. 16. verse. 8. where the greek word is, [...]. S. Paul writing to the Rom. saith, for they that are such serue not y e Lord Iesus Christ, but their owne bellies. In which place, the Greeke word is, [...], and the same apostle writing to the Thessalonians saith; howe they turned to God from idols, to serue the liuing & true God; 1. Thes. 1. vers. [...] in which place the greeke is thus, [...]: and Paul, though in many places he call himself the seruant of God, yet vseth he euer the greek word [...]. Now then, since Latria and Dulia be in greek as ensis and gladius in latin, and since aswell y e one as the other, is applied indifferently to God & his crea­tures, the gentle reader may clearely behold, how vaine and ridiculous is popish dealing in this behalfe.

The first replie

Yee protestants abuse the angels prohibition, when he had S. Iohn to adore God: for the angel neuer meant to denie re­ligious worship to be due to angels; but to signifie that Saint Iohn did mistake him, and that hee was not God; and conse­quently, that he was not worthie of that diuine honour, which Iohn thinking him to be God, did then giue vnto him.

The answere.

I say first, that if any religious worship had bin due to anie 1 creature, the angel would not haue saide absolutely and simply, adore or worship God, but thus; Worship not me, but God, with this kind of worship. I say secondly, that S. Iohn knew 2 wel inough that this angell was not God. For first, he knewe that this angell was one of the seauen angels that shewed him these things, as appeareth by the 17 chap. Secondly, he willed S. Iohn immediatly before to write thus; Apoc. 17. v. 1 Blessed are they that are called to the supper of the Lamb: whō S. Iohn knew right wel to be Christ by the vision which himselfe reported in the fift chap. Thirdly, this was not him that said in the 1. chapter, Apoc. 5. I am alpha & omega; for it was Christ himself, Apoc. 1. vers. [...]. that then appea­red to S. Iohn. I say thirdly, that this angell professed him­selfe in expresse tearmes, not to bee God, but the messenger of [Page 324] God; for he said vnto S. Iohn, these words of God are true, & not these words of mine are true, and yet S. Iohn forthwith a­dored him, and the angel forthwith controled him for the same.

The second replie.

S. Iohn being an holy and worthie apostle, endued largely with the spirit of god, could not be ignorant what worship was vnlawful and to be reprehended, and so hee erred materially in knowledge of the person, not formally in the kind of adoration.

The answere.

I answere, that if any religious worship could haue bin giuen to any creature, the angel should haue induced S. Iohn into an error, bidding him worship God, and yeelding the reason why he should not worship him; to wit, because hee was a seruant, not the Lord; a creature, not God: as if hee had taught, that all religious worshippe ought to be giuen to God alone. S. Iohn therefore stricken into an extasie of minde through the maiestie of the angel that told these things, fell sodainely downe before his feete to adore him, [...]poc. 19. vers. 10 which yet he did not of ignorance for the resons aleaged, [...]poc. 22. ver. 8.9. but of forgetfulnes, as the iteration of the wor­ship declared. For though he was forbidden before to adore any beside god, yet did he y e second time adore the angel, forgetting himselfe sodainely, and what the angel had said vnto him. Au­sten maketh so plaine a recitall of this adoration, [...]ugust. de vera [...]ligione cap. vit. [...]m. 1. as more nee­deth not to a reasonable mind. These are his words; Quare honoramus eos charitate, non seruitute, nec eis tēpla construimus, nolū [...] enim se sic honorari à nobis, quia nosipsos cum boni sumus, templa summi Dei esse nouerunt: recte itaque scribitur hominem ab angelo prohibitum ne se adoraret, sed vnum Deum, sub quo ei esset & ille cōseruus; qui autem nos inuitant vt sibi seruiamus, & tanquam deos colamus, similes sunt superbis hominibus▪ qui­bus si liceat, similiter coli volunt Sed istos homines perpeti mi­nus, illos vero colere magis periculosū est. Infra, religet ergo nos religio vni omnipotenti Deo, quia inter mentem nostrā qua illū intelligimus patrem, & veritatem, id est, lucem in [...]eriorem, per quam illum intelligimus nulla interposita creatura est. We ho­nor angels with charitie, not with seruice, neither do we build temples vnto them; for they will not be so honoured of vs, be­cause they know that we our selues, when we are good, are the [Page 325] temples of the higest God: rightly therfore is it written, that a man was forbidden by the angell, that hee should not worship him, but one God onely, vnder whom he was a fellow seruant with him. But they that inuite vs to serue them, and to worship them as gods, are like to proud men, who if they might, would be likewise worshipped: but to suffer these mē is lesse perilous, and to worship the angell is more daungerous. Let religion therefore bind vs to one God almightie, because betweene our mind by which we vnderstand him to be the father & the truth, that is, the inward light, through which we vnderstand him, no creature is interposed.

The replie.

The angel prophesied, that the Iewes shuld fal down before the bishop of Philadelphia, & adore him. Apoc. 3.9. Heb. 11.21. Gen. 18.2. Num. 22.31. Iosue. 5.14. Dan. 2.46. Iacob adored the top of his rod. Abraham adored the angels that appeared to him: Balaam adored the angel that stood before him with a drawen sword: Iosue adored the angel falling flat downe before his feete, and calling him Lord, and the angel refused not that wor­ship, but required yet more of him: Nabuchodonosor adored Daniel, and did great offices of religion, which the prophet r [...] ­sed not. Achior the Ammonite fel at Iudeths feet, Iudith. 14.7. & reuerenced her: the Sunamite whose child Elizeus raised to life, fel down before his feet & adored him, & he reproued hir not: 4. Reg. 4.37. the prophets at Iericho, 4 Reg. 2. vers. 1 perceiuing the double grace of Elias to be in Elize­us, fel down before him and adored him, which hee reiected not.

The answere.

I answer to al these in general, that for the greater part they speake of ciuil worship, which I grant may be done to angels, prophets, magistrats & holy men. To y e seueral obiectiōs, thus in particular. I say first, that y e Iews gaue such ciuil reuerence 1 as was due to a godly pastour or Bishop, Apoc. 3. vers. [...] but yeelded no reli­gious worship vnto him. I say secondly, that your popish vul­gar latin translation, is false & idolatricall, albeit your late dis­holy 2 synode of Trent anathematized al that wil not reuerence the same. For you reade thus; Iacob adored the top of his rod; Heb. 11. vers. 2 which if Iacob had done indeed, as your guilefull edition saith, he shuld haue cōmitted flat idolatry, because as I haue proued out of your owne Pope Gregory, Gregor epist. lib. 9. cap. 9. it is not lawfull to worship [Page 326] images, much lesse a naked piece of wood religiously. But the text indeed is thus, as your own deare doctor Arias Montanus granteth; [...]. He adored on the top of his rod or staffe: which is nothing else, but staying himselfe vpon his staffe adored God. So doth Saint Augustine ex­pounde it, [...]gust. q. 162. [...]p. genes. tom. 4. whose expresse words are these; Nam facile intelli­geretur senem, qui virgam fereba [...] eo more quo illa aetas ba­culum solet, vt se inclinauit ad Deum adorandum, id vtique fecerit super cacumen virgae suae, quam sic ferebat, vt super eam caput inclinando adoraret Deum. For we might easi [...]y vnder­stand that the olde man, [...]opish paltrie [...]doration is fond [...] imagined. who carried a rodde in such manner as that age vsed to beare a staffe, as he bowed himselfe to wor­ship God, he did it on the end of his staffe, which he carrie [...] so, as he might adore God by bowing his head vpon it. In which words S. Austen sheweth plainely, that Iacob when he wor­shipped god, leaned on his staffe by reason of his age & weake­nesse. Behold here gentle reader, how our late papists do wrest the holy scriptures, to build thereupon their superstitious and idololatricall adoration of stocks & stones. I say thirdly, that it 3 was Christ himselfe that appeared to Iosue in the likenes of a man, & therfore he both rightly required worship, and Iosue of duetie adored him religiously. This is euident in the verie be­ginning of the next chap. with the last end of the former. [...]ofue. 5. vers. 14. [...]ap. 6. vers. 2. I say fourthly, that albeit the worship which Nabuchadonosor yeel­ded 4 seemed to deserue cōmendation, yet was it indeed very re­prehensible, [...]an. 2.46. because he ioyned Gods honor with the Prophets. And if Daniel did not admonish him of his fault, (as it is verie probable hee did) he sinned grieuously. That which Abraham, Achior, the Sunamite, & the rest did, was meere ciuil adoratiō.

The replie.

[...]sal. 89. vers. 5.It is lawfull to adore holy things, as the temple, the arke, the bread of proposition, and the like: for the Psalmograph saith, adore ye his footestoole, because it is holy.

The answere.

1 I say first, that it is not lawful to adore religiously any saint in heauen, no not the blessed virgin Marie the mother of God & man; much lesse is it lawefull to adore stockes and stones, and other like sensles creatures, as the papists would guileful­ly, [Page 327] enforce vs to do. Neither doe I barely say this of mine own head, but with the vniforme consent of the holy fathers. Thus writeth S. Epiphanius, Sed neque Helias adorandus est, Epiphan. haer. 79. cont. Collyti. etiam­si in viuis sit, neque Ioannes adorandus, quanquam per pro­prias preces suas dormitionem suam admirandam effecerit, imò potius ex deo gratiam acceperit: sed neque Thecla, ne (que) quisquā sanctus adoratur. Non enim dominabitur nobis antiquus error, vt relinquamus viuentem, & adoremus [...]a quae ab ipso facta sunt. Infra, sit in honore Maria [...]pater, & filius, & spiritus san­ctus adoretur. Mariam nemo adoret, non dico mulierem, imò ne (que) virum. Deo debetur hoc mysterium, ne (que) angeli capiunt talē glo­rificationem: deleantur quae male scripta sunt in corde deceptorū: tollatur ex oculis cupiditasligni: conuertatur rursus figmentum ad dominum: reuereatur Eua cum Adam, vt deum colat solum, ne ducatur serpentis voce, sed permaneat in dei praecepto; ne comedes de ligno: & erat lignum non error, sed per ipsum lignum facta est inobedientia erroris: ne comedat quis de errore, qui est prop­ter S. Mariam: nam etsi pulchrum est lignum, sed tamen non ad cibū: & si pulcherrima est Maria, & sancta, & honorata, at nō ad adorationem. Neither is Elias to be adored, though he be among the liuing: neither S. Iohn must be adored, though by his praiers his death was wonderful; [...]opish adoration confuted and confounded. yea hee rather receiued grace from God: but neither Thecla, neither any saint is to be adored. For the olde error may not ouerrule vs, that we forsake the liuing god and adore the works of his hands. Let Mary be in honor; let the father, & the son, & the holy ghost be adored; let no man adore Marie, I do not say the woman, but neither the mā. This mistery is due to god, neither are the angels capable of such glory: let such errors be blotted out, as are wickedly en­grauen in the harts of deceiued soules; let the concupiscence of the wood be taken out of our sight; let the worke return again to the workeman; let Eue haue reuerence with Adam; let her worship onely God; let her not be seduced with the voice of the serpent, but let her abide in Gods commandement; thou shalt not eate of the wood: and it was wood indeede, not errour, but by the wood came disobedience of errour: let none eate of that error, which is for holy Mary. For though the wood be faire, yet is it not for meate: although Marie be most beautiful [Page 328] and holy, and honoured, yet not for adoration. Out of these gol­den words I note first, Anno. Dom. 370. that in the time of S. Epiphanius, (who liued more then 370. yeres after Christ,) it was reputed great superstition and flat paganisme to adore any Saint or angel in 1 heauen; much more to adore men yet liuing on earth; and most of all to adore woode, stones, and sencelesse things. I note se­condly, 2 that religious honour or worship is due to God alone; and that neither saintes nor images, nor the mother of God, is capable thereof. I note thirdly, that to thinke that Saintes or 3 Angels may be adored, is an old damnable error, receiued from the gentiles, wherewith some of the vulgar and common peo­ple were deceiued, euen in the daies of Epiphanius. I note fourthly, that by the iudgement of this holy, learned, and anci­ent 4 father, to teach vs to adore saints religiously (for ciuilly I graunt it may be done,) is to induce vs to erre with Eue.

S. Ambrose is consonant to Epiphanius, as who hath these expresse wordes; Ambr. in cap. 1. ad Rom. prope finem tom. 5. Age, numquid tam demens est aliquis, aut sa­lutis suae immemor, vt honorificentiam regis vindicet comiti, cum de hac re si qui etiam tractare fuerint inuenti, iure vt rei dam­nentur maiestatis? & isti se non putant reos, qui honorem nomi­nis Dei deferunt creaturae, & relicto domino conseruos adorant, quasi sit aliquid plus quod reseruetur Deo. Go to, is any man so mad, or so carelesse of his life, that he will giue to a Lord, the honour of the king or soueraigne? when such as are knowne to deale in such a matter, are iustly condemned of treason? and yet these men doe not thinke themselues guiltie, who giue the honour of Gods name to a creature, and leauing God adore their felow-seruants, as though there were any thing els reser­ued for God. Out of these words I note first, that S. Ambrose, 1 after hee had sharpely reprooued such as worshipped images, affirmeth them to forsake God, that adore his saintes their fel­low-seruantes. 2 I note secondly, that such as adore Gods crea­tures, be no lesse guiltie of treason against God, then they that rebel against their earthly prince. I note thirdly, that religious 3 worship, is so proper to God, as if it be giuen to his creatures, nothing is reserued for himself. S. Augustine agreeth iumpe with S. Epiphanius and S. Ambrose, August. de vera religione. cap. 55. [...]om. 1. and vttereth his minde plainly in these wordes; Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum [Page 329] mortuorum; quia si pie vixerunt, non sic habentur vt tales quae­rant honores, sed illum à nobis coli volunt, quo illuminante lae­tantur meriti sui nos esse consortes. Let not the worship of dead men be our religion: for if they liued well, they are not of that account that they seek such honour, but they would haue vs to worship him, by whose inlightning they reioice that we be their fellow-seruants in well doing. Hest. 3.5. cap. 13.15. The good Iew Mardocheus would not adore Haman the kings lieutenant, and that not of pride, malice, or presumption; but lest he should giue that to man which was due to God alone. I say secondly, that there is 2 great disparitie betweene the adoring of a footestoole, and ado­ring before a footestoole: for your owne pope Gregorie the great, sharply reproued, and bitterly condemned the worship­ping of Images, and for all that allowed prayer and worship done before the same.

I say thirdly, that the place truely translated is thus; 3 [...] according to the Hebrew; Bow downe your selues at the footstoole of his feet, Psal. 99. vers. 5. he is holie: so that the sence is not to adore the temple, (which is meant by the word Footestoole) but to adore and worshippe God in his temple at Ierusalem, the place which God had ap­pointed for his worship: and therefore it is not said, It is holy, but, He is holy. Yea, so is it also in the greeke, [...], be­cause he is holy. I say fourthly, that Saint Augustine and 4 Saint Hierome doe expound this text of Christs sacred huma­nitie, which is as the footestoole of his diuinitie. These are Saint Hieromes expresse wordes▪ August. & Hier. in hunc locum. Multae sunt de scabello opi­niones, sed hic propheta corpus dominicum dicit, in quo maiestas diuinitatis tanquam super scabellum stat. There are many opi­nions of the footestoole, but the prophet heere vnderstandeth Christs body or humanitie, in which his diuinitie standeth as vpon a stoole. Yea, S. Austen was so far from the opinion of our late Papists and Iesuites, that hee was troubled howe to vnderstand this text; and that for this respect onely, because it seemed to command him to adore some creature, which he durst not doe: these are his owne words; August. vbi supr. in Psal. 98. Terra scabellum pedum meo­rum; anceps factus sum, timeo adorareterram, ne damnet me qui fecit coelum & terram [...]rursum timeo non adorare scabellum [Page 330] pedum Domini mei, quia Psalmus mihi dicit, adorate scabellum pedum eius. The earth is my footestoole. I am doubtful what to doe, I feare to adore the earth, least hee condemne me that made both heauen and earth. On the other side, I feare not to adore his footestoole, Esai▪ cap. 66. v. 1 because the Psalme saith, adore yee his footstoole. Loe, S. Austen found in the prophet Esay, that the earth was Gods footstoole, and hee knew well that it was not lawfull to adore creatures, and consequently neither the earth, (least he should be damned in so doing, as himselfe here saith;) and therefore was hee sore troubled, what to vnderstand by the word (footstoole) in the Psalme. But if he had been a Romish Iesuite, hee woulde neuer haue stumbled at any such thing. Whether therefore we interprete the word (footestoole) by the literall Hebrew phrase, or with S. Austen and S. Hierome; it will not follow thereupon, that any pure creature may be ado­red. I say (anie pure creature) because Christes body or hu­manitie is a creature, but not a pure creature. For the vnspea­kable hypostaticall vnion, maketh it to subsist in the person of God; by which Christ is aswel God as man.

The fift conclusion.

The inuocation this day common in the Romish Church, is the selfe same which the Gentiles in old time did vse, The Romish ma­ner of inuocation when they did inuocate their false Gods. I prooue it, because they haue peculiar saintes for their seuerall necessities; to wit, S. Loy, for their horses. S. Anthonie for their pigges, S. Roch for the pestilence, S. Stephen for the night, S. Iohn for the day, S. Nicholas for their studies, S. George for their warres, S. Cosma and Damiais for their sores, S. Apolonia for their teeth, S. Agnes for their virginity, and others innumerable for the like end. They erect churches to their saintes, they frame images to them, they carrie their images about in procession, they cōsecrate altars to them, they dedicate holy daies to them, they make vowes in their honour, The multitude of Romish pa­trons. they offer presentes to their altars and images, they bestowe more y t way in one houre, then on poore folkes in a whole yeare; they place lampes, tapers, torches, and lightes before their images, and thinke them the [Page 331] most happie, that so bestow the most. They kneele downe be­fore their images, they touch them, they embrace them, they kisse them, they speake vnto them, they intreate them as if they were yet liuing. Yea, they seeme to passe the folly and im­pietie of the Gentiles: They ascribe their saluation to their saintes, and to such saintes, as of whose sainthood wee may well stand in doubt. They inuocate Campion, Sherwin, Bal­lard, Hart, Nelson, and the rest of that seditious faction. Al­phonsus the Iesuite, and late rector of the Englishe Colledge in Rome, caused the organes to be sounded, and all the Stu­dents to come to the Chappel, and himself hauing on his backe the white Surplesse and the stole about his necke; sang a col­lect of martyrs; so after his maner, canonising a rebellious subiect for a saint. Such is the seditious impudencie, of newly hatched Romish Iesuites. And least any other Iesuite or pa­pist shall denie, that they ascribe their saluation to saintes (for they vse to say, The saintes are made mediators of redemption and saluation. that they make them but mediatours of inter­cession, and not of saluation and redemption,) I will prooue it flatly out of their owne bookes, and church seruice, which I wish the reader to marke attentiuely.

In the praier which the church of Rome readeth publickly, vpon Thomas Beckets day, sometime the Bishop of Cantur­burie, I finde these wordes; Deus, pro cuius ecclesia gloriosus pōtifex Thomas gladiis impiorum occubuit, praesia quaesumus, In Rom. breni [...]. in festo Tho. B [...]cket. vt omnes qui eius implorant auxilium, petitionis suae salutarem consequantur effectum. O God, for whose church the glorious bishop Thomas was put to death, by the swordes of the wic­ked; graunt wee beseech thee, that all which desire his helpe, may attaine the effect of their petition to saluation. Out of these wordes, I note first, that Thomas Becket is pronounced a glorious martyr, albeit the disobedience of his lawfull prince, 1 was the cause of his death.

I note secondly, that the Romish church seeketh for saluati­on, 2 euen through his merites.

I note thirdly, that the papistes make him a Sauiour, yea such a Sauiour as is equall with Christ; and consequently, that 3 they make him another Christ. For as S. Paule truely recor­deth, Christ redeemed the church with his owne bloud. And [Page 332] yet doth the Romish church teache, (as yee see) that Thomas Becket shed his bloud for the church of God. Since therefore the proper and onely badge of Christes mediatorship, is giuen to Thomas Becket; what remaineth for him to be, if not ano­ther Christ? And least we should not fully vnderstand how our redemption is wrought in the bloud of Thomas, they deliuer this mysterie more cleerely in another place, in these wordes; Tuper Tho. sanguinē quē pro te impendit▪ In hymno Tho. Cant. fac nos Christe scan­dere quò Thomas ascendit. Thou O Christ cause vs to come thither where Thomas is, euen by the bloud which hee shedde for thy sake. Loe Thomas Becket died for vs, and shed his bloud to bring vs to heauē, as the papists teach vs; therfore by their doctrine hee is our redeemer, and mediatour, not on­ly of intercession, but also of redemption.

In their praier bookes, deliuered to the vulgar people (which God wote they vnderstoode not, Oratio ad angel. prop [...]ium.) they teache the peo­ple thus to inuocate their proper Aungels; Angele Dei quicustos es mei pietate superna, me tibi commissum salua, defende, guberna. O Aungell of God, who art my keeper by supernall pietie, defend mee, gouerne mee, and saue my soule.

Oratio ad S. Paul▪ doct. gent.To S. Paule they teache vs to pray in this maner, O beate Paule apostole, te deprecor vt ab angelo Sathanae me eripias, & à ventura ira liberes, & in coelum introducas. O blessed A­postle Paul, I pray thee that thou wilt take me from the angel of Satan, and deliuer me from wrathe to come, and bring me into heauen.

Oratio ad S. I [...]c.To Saint Iames in this maner; O foelix Apostole mag­ne martyr Iacobe, te colentes adiuua, peregrinos vndi (que) tuos cle­mens protege, ducens ad coelestia. O happy Apostle and migh­tie martyr Iames, helpe thy worshippers, defend courte­ously thy pilgrimes on euery side, and bring them to heauen­ly ioyes.

In translat. S. Mart.To Saint Martin thus; Caecis das viam, mutisque lo­quelam; tu nos adiuua, mundans immunda; qui fugas daem [...] ­nia, nos hic libera. O Martin, thou causest the blinde to see, and the dumbe to speake; Helpe vs and purge the vncleane; thou that castest out diuels, deliuer vs here. But for breuitis [Page 333] sake, I wil wittingly and willingly superseade many particu­lar praiers made to meaner saintes, and come to the blessed Virgine.

The Papistes teache vs to inuocate the holy virgine Mary thus; O Maria gloriosa, in delitiis delitiosa, In antiph. B. Virg. praepara nobis gloriam. O Mary glorious, in dainties delicious, prepare thou glory for vs.

Againe in another place thus; In natiu B. Virg. Maria mater Domini aeterni patris filij, fer opem nobis omnibus ad teconfugientibus. O Mary, the mother of our Lord the sonne of the eternall God, helpe vs all that flie for helpe vnto thee.

Againe, in another place thus; Maria mater gratiae, In concept. B. Virg. ma­ter misericordiae, tu nos ab hoste protege, & hora mortis suscipe. O Mary the mother of grace, the mother of mercie, defend thou vs from our (ghostly) enemie, and receiue vs at the houre of death.

Againe, in another place thus; Solue vincla reis, In annuntiar, B. Virg. profer lumen caecis, mala nostra pelle, bona cunctae posce. Monstra te esse matrem, sumat per te preces qui pro nobis natus tulit esse tuus. Loose the bandes of the guiltie, bring light to the blinde, driue away our euils, require all good thinges for vs: shew thy selfe to be a mother, let him receiue thy praiers that was borne for vs and suffered to be thine.

Againe in another place thus; Veni regina gentium, In visitat. B. Virg. dele flammas reatuum, dele quod cunque deuium, da vitam innocen­tium. Come O Queene of the Gentiles, extinguishe the firie heate of our sinnes, blot out whatsoeuer is amisse, and cause vs to leade an innocent life.

Againe, in their olde Latine primers, Deuotissim [...] ora­tio ad B. Vir Ma­riam. fol. 118. the people are thus taught to pray; In extremis diebus meis esto mihi auxi­liatrix & saluatrix, & animam meam, & animam patris mei, & matris meae, fratrum, sororum, parentum, amico­rum, benefactorum meorum, & omnium fidelium defun­ctorum ac viuorum ab aeterna mortis caligine libera; ip­so auxiliante quem portasti Domino nostro Iesu Christo fi­lio tuo. O glorious Virgine Mary, bee thou my helper and Sauiour in my last dayes, and deliuer from the mist [Page 334] of eternall death, both mine owne soule and my fathers soule, and the soules of my mother, brethren, sisters, parents, friends, benefactors, and of all the faithfull liuing and dead; by his help whom thou didst beare, our Lord Iesus Christ thy sonne.

Againe, after two or three leaues in this maner; Vt in tuo sancto tremendo ac terribili iudicio in conspectu, vnigeniti filii tui, Ibid. fol. 111. cui pater dedit omne iudicium, me liberes & protegas a pae­nis inferni, & participem me facias coelestium gaudiorum. I beseech thee most mercifull and chaste virgine Mary, that in thine holy, fearefull, and terrible iudgement in the sight of thine only sonne, thou wilt deliuer and defend me from the paines of hell, and make me partaker of heauenly ioyes.

These praiers if they be well marked, will prooue my con­clusion effectually; as which conteine euery iote, of power, right, maiestie, glorie, and soueraignty whatsoeuer, is, or ought to be yeelded vnto our Lord Iesus Christ. Yea, these two last praiers make the virgine Mary, not onely equall with Christ, 1 but farre aboue him. For first, the virgine Mary, is desired to 2 defend vs from the tortures of hell. Secondly, to bring vs to the ioyes of heauen. Thirdly, the last iudgement is called her 3 iudgement. Fourthly, she is called our sauiour. Fiftly, she is 4 requested to saue father, mother, brother, sister, friendes, bene­factors, 5 the quicke and the dead, by the help of Christ her sonne. Now by the first foure, she is made equall with Christ; and by the last, farre aboue him. For she is the sauiour, and hee the in­tercessor: which I gather out of these wordes, ( ipso auxili­ante, &c. By the helpe of our Lord Iesus Christ.) For by these wordes and the rest afore going, the virgine Mary doth saue vs, & Christ is but the instrument that helpeth her, in the worke of our saluation: which howe intollerable blasphemie it is, let the reader iudge; I haue said.

The sixt conclusion.

To inuocate Saintes as the papistes doe, and to beleeue that they heare their praiers, is to make a pluralitie of Gods. I say (as the papistes doe) because to inuocate saintes at cer­taine times, in certaine places, and for certaine respectes, doth [Page 335] not make them gods. I proue this conclusion, because to heare all prayers at all times in all places, for al things; is a thing so proper to God, as it can not possibly agree to anie, Note wel what is here saide▪ but to God alone. For his knowledge is infinite, and so not communicable to any creature; marke well gentle reader, what I say; for this reson is such, as few seem to haue cōceiued y e same. But certs, no learned papist can indeed denie it to be tru. For which cause their great learned D. Aquinas telles vs two truths, the one, Aqu. p. 1. q. 45. [...]. 5. that God can not communicate the power of creation, to any creature liuing, either on earth or in heauen: and he proueth it out of Saint Augustine, who saith that neither the good nor the bad angels can be the creators of any thing. And why so? because that kind of worke requireth power infinite, whereof no creature is or can be capable. The other, Aq. p. 1. q. 7. [...] that none but God is or can be infinite; and his reason is euident, because to be in­finite, is against the nature of that which is made.

The first obiection.

The Saints in heauen may heare & vnderstand our praiers on earth, and yet haue limited & not infinit knowledge, ergo the proofe of your conclusion is not good.

The answere.

I say first, that God hath reuealed to his seruants on earth, 1 the secret cogitations and externall facts of others farre distant from them. 3. Reg. 14.5. For hee reuealed to Ahias that Ieroboams wife would come disguised to him, and told him what he should say vnto her. He reuealed to Elizeus all the secret dealing of Gie­zi, which he had with Naaman the Syrian: 4. Reg. 5.26. he disclosed to Pe­ter the falshoode of Ananias and Saphyra his wife: and so may he at his holy pleasure reueale to his saints in heauen, Act. 5.3, 9. the prayers that on earth are made in some places at sometimes vnto them. Euerie thing is proportionable, no contradiction is implied therein.

I say secondly, that there be sundrie things which God can­not 2 do, as I haue proued in my booke of Motiues, not for that there is any want in God, but because there is defect in the thing that shoulde bee doone: and so is it in this present case, of popish inuocation.

[Page 336]I say thirdly, that Gods apostles and prophets knewe but some special things, which seemed good in Gods wisedome to be so reuealed. Neither did they know such things by any in­herent qualitie, but by signification from aboue, and that onely at such time, as the necessitie of the church did require. Which I proue by these words of Elyzeus to Gihezi, Reg. 4.27. Let her alone, for her soule is vexed within her, and the Lord hath hid it from me, and hath not told it me: as if the prophet had said, God re­uealeth not al things, to his deare and faithfull seruants at all times: but some things at some times, as seemeth best in his 4 diuine wisedome. I say fourthly, that popish inuocation requi­reth infinite knowledge, because they pray for all matters, at al times, in al places; so that y e saints must perforce be som­time ignorant what they pray for, vnles their knowledge be in­finit.

The first replie.

As the saints cannot haue infinite knowledge, because it is not communicable to any creature; so neither can anie liuing of limited power, make any infinite request vnto them.

The answere.

1 I say first, that there is exceeding great disparitie, betweene the persons that pray, the things praied for, and the saints prai­ed vnto: for the things prayed for, are without end and mea­sure. They that pray are innumerable & multiplicable into in­finit in potentia, and yet must euery saint seuerally for himself, haue the distinct notice of al them that pray, and of all things that are prayed for: for otherwise, many shall pray at manie times, and not be heard, which is the thing that I contend to proue. For example, al papists in al countries pray to the vir­gin Mary at al times for all things, and so hir knowledge must extend to al persons al places, and al desires at al times, and so be infinite; or certes she must be sometime deceiued, not know­ing 2 what is required of her. I say secondly, that it is proper to God alone, to know our hearts and cogitations; and conse­quently our prayers. Act. 1.24. Therefore is it saide in the Acts, thou Lord, which knowest the hearts of all men, shewe whether of these two thou hast chosen. Act. 15.8. God saith S. Peter which knoweth the harts, beare them witnes. Salomon saith, thou only know­est the hearts of the children of men. [...]. Par. 6. ver. 30. Rom▪ 8.27. He (saith S. Paul) that [Page 353] searcheth the harts, knoweth what is the meaning of the spirit. Thou O Lord of hosts (saith Ieremy) iudgest righteously, Ier. 21. [...]0. & triest the reines and the hart. And yet must the saints know our hearts and thoughts, if they heare and know our prayers: for doubtlesse the sound of our words, can not reach vp to heauen.

The second replie.

Both Angels & saints are present here on earth and knowe our affaires, and therefore it is a vaine cauill, to say that the sounde of our wordes cannot be heard to heauen.

The answere.

I say first, that neither angels nor saints can be in many pla­ces at once, but are definitiuely in one onely place at one time. 1 And this their owne angelical doctor Aquinas, Aqu. p. 1. q. 52. ar. 2. Corp. doth witnesse with me in these words; Nam corpus est in loco circumscriptiuè, quia commensuratur loco: angelus autem non circumscriptiuè, cum non commensuretur loco, sed definitiuè, quia ita est in vno loco▪ quòd nō alio Deus autem neque circumscriptiuè, neque de­finitiuè, quia est vbi (que): for a body is in a place circumscriptiue­ly, because it is measured with the place; but an angel is not in place by circumscription, for that hee is not measured with the place, but definitiuely, because he is so in one place, that he is not in another: yet god is neither circumscriptiuely nor defini­tiuely in place, because he is euerie where. Damasc. l. 2. cap. [...] And Damascenus agreeth with Aquinas, affirming that angels while they are in heauen, are not on earth. I say secondly, that the angels (as S. 2 Paul saith) are indeed Gods ministring spirits, sent forth for their sakes which shalbe heires of saluation. Hebr. 1.14. And the angels (as Moses saith) went vp and down by Iacobs ladder, which rea­ched from earth to heauen; Gen. 28.12. & that the angels (as Daniel wri­teth) are defēders of y e church vnder Christ; Da. 10.13, 20, 2 [...] & for that purpose are sent vnto vs. But neuerthelesse, they are but in one onely place at once; & while they see what is done in one place, they are ignorant what befalleth to another; for they passe to & fro, from affaires to affaires, from place to place, from person to person, from heauen to earth, and from earth to heauen again, according to their appointed seruice; so that no one angel doth or can know, the hundreth part of our petitions, much lesse the saints in heauen, who haue no such appointed ministerie.

The third replie.

Luc. 2 [...].36.The saints are equall to the angels; and are the sons of god, since they are the children of the resurrection: therfore they are present and see our affaires, euen as doe the angels.

The answere.

I answer, that the time by Christ named is after y e resurrec­tion; neither is the equalitie he speaks of, general, but particu­lar; to wit, in that y e saints shal haue no more need or vse of ma­riage, then y e angels. But that the saints shalbe sent as the an­gels, for y e seruice of the church & the ministerie of the faithful, it is nether recorded here, nor in any other place of y e scripture. For Christ here only answered to the captious Saduces, who denying the resurrection asked whose wife she should be in y e re­surrection, that had bin maried to 7. brethren, al dying without issue.

The 4. replie.

Luc. 15.10.The angels in heauen reioyce, when sinners repent heere on earth; which they could neuer do, if they did not vnderstand our affaires, our prayers and our penitent hearts.

The answere.

1 I say first, that Saints in heauen do not know what we doe on earth; for as the Prophet recordeth, Abraham was ignorant what the Israelites did, Esai. 63.16. and Iacob knew them not. I say se­condly, 2 that the text doth not say, that the angels in heauen re­ioyce, but simplie that the angels reioyce; and so the reioycing which the text speaketh of, may bee vnderstoode to bee done on earth while the angels are present. I say thirdly, that the an­gels 3 which are appointed for our seruice on earth, and thereby know our affaires on earth, may make relation thereof in hea­uen, and so the whole companie of angels in heauen may re­ioyce thereat together; or it may please God sometime to re­ueale the conuersion of some sinner, to the saints or angels in heauen. But hereupon will it neuer be concluded, that either the saints or the angels do knowe the secrets of our hearts, or our petitions vniuersally, as is alreadie said.

The fift replie.

To do myracles is as proper to God, as to know the secrets of our hearts, therefore since God hath communicated the one to his seruants, so may he without contradiction do the other.

The answere.

I say first, that God himselfe did euer worke the myra­cles, 1 and did onely vse the ministerie of his apostles and ser­uants, in the externall act. I say secondly, that God can & hath 2 de facto reuealed the secrets of mens hearts, euen to his holie prophets, yet hee neuer did that generally, but in measure, at certaine times to speciall persons, for the good of his church.

The sixt replie.

Although God cannot giue anie inherent qualities to the saints in heauen, by which they may knowe all the desires and prayers of the liuing heere on earth, because no creature is ca­pable thereof; yet may God from time to time, reueale all such prayers to his Saints.

The answere.

I say first, that it is not impossible for God so to doe, though God should be so driuen without need to worke innumerable 1 miracles, & that almost euery houre. I say secondly, that thogh god shuld bestow such reuelations on his saints, yet would ma­ny 2 absurdities folow therupon. For first, these reuelatiōs must 1 follow the prayers, and not goe before them; and so my con­clusion is still in force. Secondly, thus to require myracles at Gods hands, were to tempt God grieuously. Thirdly, such 2 prayers should be a flat mockerie in Gods sight, because God 3 must first reueale the prayers to his Saints, then must he giue eare to the saints while they inculcate the same prayers: & last­ly, he may grant thē if he list. Fourthly, in this maner of pray­ing 4 they leaue God, whom they should inuocate, & they run to thē at whom they should not come. Fiftly, they do al this of in­fidelitie, because they haue no warrant from God so to make 5 their prayers.

The 7. replie.

Yee cannot denie but that the liuing may pray one for ano­ther, and also desire one an others prayer; Rom. 15. Colos. 4. Iac. 5. 1. Tim. 2. Iob. 42. Gen. 20. vers. 7. therefore since the faithful departed loue vs as much as before, & are as mindful of vs as before, and are as deare in Gods sight as before; we do no more iniurie or dishonour to God in praying now to them, then when they were liuing here among vs.

The answere.

I say first, that we haue cōmandement, promise, & examples 1 [Page 340] to pray one for another while we are yet liuing on earth, but we haue no such thing in the holy scriptures, neither in the olde nor in the new testament, concerning the inuocation of saints departed. I say secondly, that if the saints departed could heare 2 and vnderstande our prayers as the liuing do; then might wee without dishonour and iniurie to God, desire them to pray for vs as wee doe the liuing; neuerthelesse such kind of praying should be in vs great temeritie and presumption, because wee haue neither cōmandement nor example in gods word so to do. I say thirdly, that if the liuing should desire the prayers one of 3 another, as the p [...]pists desire the prayers of saints, they shoulde not onely derogate greatly from Christs holy mediatourship, but withal commit flat idolatrie. For the papists desire (as is alreadie proued) to be saued by the merites and blood of saints, for the cōplement wherof, I wil here adde a memorable testi­monie. The vsual practise of the papists, especially of the Ie­suites, is to adde in the ende of their absolution these words; Passio D.N.I. Christi, merita B.V. Mariae, & omnium sancto­rum & quicquid bonifeceris vel mali sustinueris, Polanchus de modo a [...]d. con­fess. sit tibi in re­missionem peccatorū tuorum in augmentum gratiae, & praemium vitae aeternae. The passion of our Lord Iesus Christ, the merits of the blessed virgin Mary, and of al saints, & all the good thou shalt do and punishment thou shalt suffer, be to thee for the re­mission of thy sins, for increase of grace, & for the reward of e­ternal life. I say fourthly, that to inuocate saints departed, be­leeuing 4 that they can & do heare our praiers, is to make them gods. And euen so shuld we make the liuing, gods, if we did in that maner cal on thē in their absence. I may therfore wel con­clude, that though the one kind of praying be godly and imita­ble; yet is the other damnable and flat idololatricall; for God is zealous, Esa. 42.8. and wil not giue his glorie to another.

The second obiection.

The soule of the rich man in hel, knew where Abraham was, as also the state of Lazarus, Luc. 16.25. and of his brethren then liuing: therfore much more do the saints in heauen, know our state on earth.

The answere.

1 I say first, that parables and allegories are not sufficient, to establish any new kind of doctrine; for by this parable (as Ire­naeus [Page 341] recordeth) Christ meant nothing els, but to declare the co­gitations, torments, & state of the wicked after this life. Iren. lib. 4. cap. [...] Iust. q. 60. ad or­thodox. Iusti­nus is of the same opinion, & hereupon flatly denieth purgatory▪ I say secondly, that if this were granted to be a true history, & 2 no parable; yet would it not follow therupon, that the saints in heauen knew our thoughts and praiers here on earth; for as S. Austen grauely writeth, though the dead knowe not what is done here on earth, while wee doe it; yet may they afterwarde know what is done, either by the dead that go from hence, August. de cura pro mort. cap. 14 15. tom. 4. or by the angels that are present when the things are done: and this knowledge had Abraham by the relation of the dead, and no o­therwise, as witnesseth the same S. Austen in the same booke.

The third obiection.

S. Austen, Ambrose, Gregory, Cyprian, and the ancient fa­thers generally, vsed to inuocate and to pray vnto the saints, and therfore it is neither any new thing, nor any vnlawful act.

The answere.

Better answer cannot be giuen to the fathers then that which is truely gathered out of the works of the same fathers. I ther­fore say first with Cyprian, that we must heare & attend what 1 Christ alone saith, in whom God is wel pleased. We must not regard what others think shuld be done, Cypr. lib. 2. ep. 3. Epist. 63. apud Pa. but what Christ who was before al, wold haue to be done: for we must not folow the custom of man, but the truth of god, so saith holy Cyprian. To which I may adde with S. Ierome, Hier. in 9. c [...]. Ier. Aug. de vnit. ec­cles. cap. 3. that y e multitude of them that erre, bring no patronage to the error it self: & with Augu­stine, that neither what I say, nor what thou saiest, Tertull. adu. pra [...]. in initio. but what Christ saith, ought to be regarded: & with Tertullian that that is tru, whatsoeuer was first; & that coūterfeit, whatsoeuer came after. I say secondly, that thogh the papists glorie greatly of 2 y e fathers in this point; yet when their sayings are duly conside­red, they wil make litle or nothing for their purpose. And that the reader may with perspicuitie, behold the force of their doc­trine in this point, which hath kept my selfe long in suspence; I purpose in God to deliuer the sum thereof, by these plaine and briefe canons.

The first Canon.

The visible Church (as writeth Egesippus) remained a virgin, free from all heresies, and corruptions, Egesippus apud Euseb. hist. lib. 3 cap. 32. during the [Page 342] life of the Apostles, that is, about one hundred yeeres after Christ, to which time S. Iohn the euangelist was liuing. But after the death of the apostles, errors by litle and little crept in­to the church, as into a voide and desart house. Which assertion is doleful inough, but yet profitable against the papists; as who are not ashamed impudently to auouch that after so many hun­dred yeres from Christs ascension, there hath been no errour at all in their whorish Babylon. And a great cause of these errors is this, for that many without due examination, receiued the doctrine of him that went before them. So writeth Eusebius, that Papias a man of no sound iudgement, [...]usebius hist. lib. 3. cap. vlt. was the Author of the Chiliastes; as who first grossely inuented, that there should be 1000. yeres after the resurrection. To which error though most palpable, Irenaeus and others, otherwise wel learned, gaue place, onely for antiquitie sake. This imitation without time or reason, was, is and wil bee, the cause of many errors, which sundrie of the learned papists, haue profoundly considered. For this cause did Canus oppose himselfe against al the Thomists & Scotists, Can. de locis lib. [...]. c. 5. the old and latter papists: for this cause did Caieta­nus 1 in his literall exposition of Genesis, and other bookes, con­demne the multitude of former commentaries: Caieta. in Gen. 5. [...] br. Mos. for this cause said their learned Victoria, that he reputed nothing certaine, al­beit al writers agreed thereunto, Victor. de Sa­cramen. vnlesse he could finde it in the holy scriptures: for this cause their sound canonist Nauarre, did roundly reiect the common opinion, Nau. in enchir. when it seemed not grounded vpon right reason: for this cause grauely said Saint Austen, that he reputed no mans writings free from errours, but onely the writers of the holy scriptures: August. epist. ad Hier. 19. for this cause said their owne Roffensis, that it is lawful to appeale from Austen, Cyprian, Roffen. Ac. 32. aduers. Luth August. cont. Crensc▪ lib. 2. cap. 32. Hierome, and al the rest; because they are men, and do not want their imperfections. I (saith S. Austen) do not re­pute S. Cyprians writings as canonical, but iudge them by the canonicall; and whatsoeuer doth not agree with the scriptures, that by his leaue do I refuse.

The second Canon.

Many of the ancient fathers haue not only many waies erred, but withall committed to the view of the worlde in printed bookes, that which this day is reputed and generally confessed [Page 343] of al, as wel papists as good christians, to be a notorious here­sie. The heresie is this, to wit, Iust. q. 60. Iren. lib. 5▪ cap. vlt. Orig. hom. in Le [...]uit. Chrys. in. 1. Cor. hom. 39. &c. that the soules of the faithful de­parted out of this life, doe not see God clearely till the day of doome. This opinion held Iustinus Martyr, Irenaeus, Orige­nes, Chrysost. Theodoritus, Hilarius, Ambrosius, Augusti­nus, Lactantius: yea, these latter writers were of the selfesame resolution, Theophilactus, Oecumenius, Euthymius, Arethas, The margent can [...]not containe th [...] quotations of al [...] and others. And to the great comfort of our Iesuits and other pa­pists, their owne sweete S. Barnard singeth the same song, these are his words; Bernard. in serm. 3. de omni­bus sanctis Aduertistis ni fallor tres esse sanctarum sta­tus animarum, primum videlicet in corpore corruptibili, secun­dum sine corpore, tertium in beatitudine consummata; primū in tabernaculis, secundū inatriis tertium in domo dei. Infra▪ in il­lam beatissimam domum, nec sine nobis intrabunt, nec sine cor­poribus; id est, nec sancti fine plebe, nec spiritus sine carne; Ye vnderstand I weene, that there be three states of holy soules; to wit, the first in the corruptible body; the second, without the bo­dy; the third, in perfect blisse: the first in tabernacles, the second in courts, the third in the house of God. Into that most blessed house, they shall neither enter without vs, nor yet without their bodies: that is, neither the saints without the common multi­tude, nor the soules without the flesh. Serm. 4. vbi sup [...] Again in another place the same Bernard hath these words Interim sub Christi humanitate foeliciter sancti quiescunt, in quam nimirum desiderant etiam sancti angeli prospicere, donec veniat tempus quando, iam non sub altare collocentur, sed exaltentur super altare. In the meane season, the saints rest happily vnder Christs humanitie, which doubtlesse the holy angels desire to behold, vntil the time come, The old fathers shew themselues to be men [...] not Gods. whē they shalbe no longer hid vnder the altar, but exalted aboue the altar. So then, not only the ancient fathers, but holy and de­uout Bernard with others of late yeres, were and continued in this grosse error, to wit, that y e souls of the faithful dying in the Lord, shal not be admitted to the vision and fruition of God, to the sight of his diuine essence, clearely to behold his deity, vntil the general resurrection of our bodies. Further thē this (which is a scourge to the papists,) Pope Iohn the 22. of that name, professed this heretical doctrine, The heresie of Pope Iohn. and commanded al the diuines in Paris, to teach the same. His wordes with all the due cir­cumstances [Page 344] thereof, are cited at large in my booke of Motiues These two Canons well marked, will serue for many good purposes; and especially at this time, to prooue that the opinion of the fathers, are of no more force for the inuocation of saints, thē for these other important matters already in these Canons named. For as we ouerrule them in these pointes by Gods sa­cred word; so must we still ouerrule them by the same word; if at any time they swarue from it, either for the inuocation of saints, Euery truth must be tried by the scripture. or for praying for the dead, or for marriage of priestes, or for whatsoeuer els. And so to ouerrule them, is consonant to their owne doctrine, as is already prooued.

The third Canon.

The primitiue church for the space of two hundreth & thirty yeares after Christ, 230. yeares after Christ. liued vtterly destitute and vnacquainted with the merites, suffrages, intercession, and inuocation of the saintes in heauen; after which time this cacozeale by degrees proceeded, till it became perfect and consummate idolatry, as this day is seene in the church of Rome. For before this time, the papistes cannot alledge any one authenticall writer, for the inuocation of saintes in heauen.

The first obiection.

Irenaeus, who liued within one hundreth and nintie yeares after Christ, Irenaeus lib. 5. c. 1 affirmeth expressely, that the virgin Mary was the aduocate of the virgin Eue.

The answere.

I answere, that S. Irenaeus had a farre other meaning, then such popish friuolous collection would enforce vpon him: which I prooue first indirectly, Irenae. lib. 5. c. 1. in fine. because the virgin Mary was not born or conceiued; much lesse a saint in heauen, for the space almost of foure thousand yeares, after the virginitie of Eue; and so doubtlesse, Eue neither did nor possibly could, inuocate the ho­ly virgin Mary. Neither will it helpe to say, that though Eue could not then inuocate the holy virgin Mary, yet did the holie virgin pray for her, and so became her aduocate. For besides that the virgin Marie is there said, to be Eues aduocate when she was a virgin, at which time Marie the virgin was not born; the same Eue was either a Saint in heauen as soone as the virgin Mary, or a damned soule in hell. Againe, I prooue it [Page 345] directly, because Irenaeus compareth the virgin Mary with the virgin Eue, to insinuate vnto vs, that we receiue no lesse good by the virgin Mary, in that she bare Christ; then euill by the vir­gin Eue, in that she transgressed Gods holy lawes. For thus doth Irenaeus interpret himselfe, in another place in these words, Sicut Eua inobaudiens facta, et sibi & vniuerso generi humano causa facta est mortis; Irenae. lib. 3. c. 33 sic & Maria habens praedestinatum vi­rum, tamē virgo obaudiens; & sibi & vniuerso generi humano causa facta est salutis. As Eue being disobedient, was the cause of deathed her selfe and to all mankinde, so Mary hauing a pre­destinate husband, and withal an obedient virgin, was the cause of saluation both to her selfe and to all mankinde, (in that shee bare Christ, the true and only sauiour of the world.)

The second obiection.

S. Iames in his Masse (which the sixt general councel hol­den at Constantinople admitteth) teacheth vs to inuocate the virgin Mary and all Saintes, Concil. Constan­tinop. 6. Can 32 and to hope for mercie by their praiers and intercessions.

The answere.

I say first, that that councell of Constantinople saith indeed, 1 that S. Iames did de [...]iuer a certain form of the masse, in which hee shewed the custome of mingling water with the wine; but of praying to Peter or to Paule, it hath not one worde at all.

I say secondly, that pope Gregorie (who liued well neere 2 an hundred yeares before that councell,) either knewe no such masse deliuered by S. Iames, or at least reputed it for a coun­terfait and forged thing. For the same Gregory auoucheth (as shalbe prooued when I come to speake of the Masse, Carranza in an­not. 6. conc. Con­stant.) that the Apostles did celebrate the holy communion, onely with the Lordes praier: and their owne deere frier Carranza witnes­seth the same, while he confesseth that there is no such traditi­on extant, as that whereof the councell speaketh. Whereby it well appeareth with what intolerable burdens and counterfaite bookes, the papistes doe this day oppresse and seduce the sim­ple people. For this disholy Masse is currant euery where, and my selfe haue one of the bookes.

The fourth Canon.

In the daies of Origen, (who liued about the yeare of our Lord 233.) the first seede of the inuocation of Saintes began to be sowen. Anno Dom. 233 Which seed so sowen by Origen, was but a step or degree to popish inuocation. For besides that Origen onely taught this, that saintes in heauen doe pray for vs, and not that we on earth should pray to them; this his doctrine was not de­finitiue and resolute, but doubtfull, opinatiue, and disputable. This Canon Origen himselfe hath deliuered to vs, Orig hom. 16. in cap. 13. Iosue. whose ex­presse words are these. Sed requiris qui sunt isti qui pugnant, & quae est illa pugna quam illi gerunt. Ego sic arbitror, quod omnes illi qui dormierunt ante nos patres, pugnent nobiscum, & adiuuent nos orationibus suis. Ita namque etiam quendam de se­nioribus magistris audiui dicentem. But thou requirest who they are that fight, and what that battaile is, which they fight. I am of this opinion, that all the fathers which are before vs and are dead, doe fight with vs, and doe helpe vs with their praiers; for so I heard one of our old maisters say. Againe, in another place thus; Idem [...]n cantic. hom. 3. circa med. Sed & omnes sancti qui de hac vita decesserunt, habentes adhuc charitatem erga eos qui in hoc mundo sunt, si dicantur curā gerere salutis eorum & iuuare eos precibus suis, atque in­teruentu suo apud deum, non erit inconueniens. But also all saints which are departed hence, and haue still charitie towards them which are in this world, if wee say they haue care of their saluation, and help them with their praiers and intercession be­fore God, it shal not be a thing inconuenient. Out of which say­inges 1 of Origen I note first, that he speaketh only of the prai­ers which saintes in heauen make for vs, and not one word of our praying to them. I note secondly, that to holde that the 2 saintes in heauen doe pray for vs, is not a constant position in Origens doctrine; but only an opinion and disputable question. I proue it, because he saith ( arbitror, I think.) Again, because he saith; non erit inconueniens, it shal not be incōuenient. Third­ly, because he saith ( audiu [...] ita dicentem; I heard one say so.)

The fi [...]st obiection.

Origen in his book de paenitentia saith, y t he will fall prostrate on his knees, and inuocate all the saintes in heauen, that they will helpe him, because he dare not pray to God for himselfe.

The answere.

I say first, that this assertion fathered vpon Origen, will confute it selfe: for how could Origen or anie faithfull christian, 1 be in feare humbly to inuocate our most mercifull God, Mat. 11. v. 28. Psal. 49. v. 15. Ioan. 14. v. 13.14 Hebr. 7.25. who willeth all to come to him that are in distresse; who promiseth to heare all those that in their trouble call vpon him. Who graunteth to vs whatsoeuer we aske in his sonnes name, who hath appointed his sonne, to make intercession for vs. I say se­condly, 2 that this booke alledged in the obiection is not Origens, but a plaine counterfeit. And I prooue it effectually, Gelasiu [...] dist. 15. cap. sanct. Ro. because their owne pope Gelasius hath so resolued.

The 2. obiection.

Origen saith, Origen. hom. 3. in diue [...]sos. that the fathers of the churche appointed the feast day of the holy Innocentes, and that by the will of God, that so their intercession might profite their parentes.

The answere.

I say first, that if all this were graunted, it could but at the most proue, that the saints pray for vs, which in a good sense 1 may be admitted. For I willingly graunt that the saintes in heauen doe in generall maner and termes pray for vs; that is, that they wishe vs to perseuere in the true faith and feare of God, The maner of praying of saints for vs. and y t in the end we may be partakers with thē of eternal glory. I say secondly, that sundry learned men doe thinke these homilies (from whence this obiection is taken) not to be any 2 part of Origens workes. I say thirdly, that if Origen doe make that a constant doctrine in one place, which he graunteth to be 3 a disputable question in another place; what remaineth, but to thinke his opinion therein to be of no force. I say fourthly, that 4 the papistes (as their Ruffinus recordeth, Ruffin in apolog. pro Orig. in fine.) will admit nothing in Origen, which disliketh them; but reiect all such stuffe, as in­farsed into his workes by the heretickes. Let them therefore giue vs leaue also to reiect in Origen, if in any place he seeme to approoue inuocation of saintes, as that which is infarsed by the heretickes: specially because in other places, he teacheth the contrary doctrine.

The fift Canon. Anno Dom. 250

About 20. yeares after that Origen had doubtfully disputed [Page 338] the praying of saintes for vs; S. Cyprian and S. Cornelius set down that point resolutely, as standing no longer in doubt ther­of; to wit, that the saintes in heauen doe pray for the liuing here on earth. For they made this couenaut, that whether of them soeuer should die the first, should pray for his brethren and sisters yet liuing. Cypr. Epist. 57. lib. 1. ep. 1. These are S. Cyprians owne wordes; Et si quis istinc nostrum prior diuinae dignationis celeritate praecesse­rit, perseueret apud dominum nostra dilectio, pro fratribus & sororib apud misericordiam patris noncesset oratio. And if either of vs shall through Gods mercie die before the other, let our loue continue still in Gods sight; let vs not cease to desire the fauour of God for our brethren and sisters yet liuing. Thus saith S. Cyprian. Out of whose wordes, I note first, that to 1 be established in his time, which was but in opinion and doubt­full case, in the daies of Origen. To wit, that the saintes in 2 heauen pray for vs here on earth. I note secondly, that the in­uocation of saintes in heauen, was neither established in saint Cyprians time, neither once called into question. I note third­ly, 3 that popish inuocation of Saintes, sprung vp by little and little, from one degree to another.

The sixt Canon.

Anno Dom. 350About an hundreth yeares after S. Cyprian, (which was about 350. yeares after Christ) some of the fathers by rhetori­call apostrophees, did applie their orations to the dead, as if they had been liuing. Of which sort were S. Basill and saint Gregory Nazianzene, Na [...]ianz. orat. 1. [...]n Iulian, in initio, tom. 2. who though they did but inuocate the saints figuratiuely, and of a certain excessiue zeale, yet did such their inuocations minister occasion to the papistes, of all their superstition in that behalfe. These are the wordes of S. Gre­gory Nazianzene; Audite populi, tribus linguae, homines om­nes cu [...]usuis generis & aetaetis, quicunque & nunc estis, & exi­stetis Infra, audiat quoque Constantini magni anima, si quis mortuis sensus est, omnes (que) eorum qui ante eum imperium tenue­runt, piae Christi (que) amantes animae. Heare O people, kinreds, tongues, Nazianz. orat. 2. in Pascha, in ipso [...]ne. nations, ages, whosoeuer are now liuing, or shalbe borne hereafter. Let also the soule of Constantine the Great heare, & all the christian godly soules of the Emperors before him, if the dead perceiue any thing at all. And againe in another [Page 339] place, he thus writeth; At ô pascha, magnum inquam & sacro sanctum pascha, totiusque mundi piaculum! te enim quasi vita praeditum alloquor. But O Passeouer, the great I say, and sa­cred Passeouer, and the purgation of the whole world. For I call vpon thee, as if thou hadst life. Thus writeth Nazianzene, by whose wordes we may measure both the rest of his sayings, and of the other fathers. First therefore I note, that hee doth 1 inuocate aswell senselesse thinges, as reasonable soules. Se­condly, 2 hee calleth vpon the soules of all the people in the world, whereof some were damned in the bottome of hell, and so could not heare, as euery learned papist will admit. Third­ly, he inuocateth those that are yet vnborne. Vpon these sandie 3 foundations, are built all popish superstitious inuocations.

The 7. Canon.

Catholique doctrine is that, (as Vincentius Lyrinensis, Vincent. Lyrin. aduers. haeres. who liued aboue a thousand yeares agoe, defineth it;) which hath been receiued constantly, of al the faithful, at al times, and in all places. Which Vincentius is, and euer was of great reputati­on, with and amongst al learned papists; and consequently, since popish inuocation of Saintes, neither was constantly receiued of all the faithfull, neither in all places, neither at al times, The Romish reli­gion not catho­licke. (as which was not heard of for many hundreth yeares after Christ) it cannot be, deemed catholicke doctrine, no not by popishe pro­ceeding. This Canon ought to be well remembred, as which of it selfe ouerthroweth al Romish religion.

An obiection.

S Chrysostomes Masse, which was generally vsed in the Greeke church, maketh expresse mention of the inuocation of Saintes, and the same doctrine is taught in sundry places of his workes.

The answere.

I say first, Anno. Dom. 400. that in S. Chrysostomes time (which was more then 400. yeres after Christ,) this superstitious inuocation had gotten deepe roote in the heartes of the vulgar sort. For which cause S. Chrysostome did zealously in many sermons, induce them wholly and solie to inuocate the liuing God. One or two places I will alledge, for the better satisfaction of the Reader. [Page 340] thus therefore doth hee write; Dic mihi mulier quemadinodum ausa es cum sis peccatrix & iniqua, Chrysost. hom. 16 ex var. in Mat. lo­cis, tom. 2. col. 1181. accedere ad eum? ego, inquit, noui quid agam Vide prudentiam mulieris; non rogat Iacobum, non obsecrat Ioannem, neque pergit ad Petrum, nec intendit A­postolorum chorum, non quaesiuit mediatorem; sed pro omni­bus illis paenitentiam accepit comitem, quae aduocati locum impleuit, & sic ad summum fontem perrexit. Propterea, in­quit, descendit, propterea carnem assumpsit, & homo factus est, vt & ego ei aude [...]m loqui. Tell mee O woman, howe thou being a great sinner darest come vnto God? I, saieth she, know what I haue to doe. Behold the wisdome of the wo­man: she desires not Iames, she praies not Iohn, shee goes not to Peter: shee neither respected the companie of the Apo­stles, nor sought for a mediatour; but in steed of them all shee tooke true repentance for her fellowe, which supplied the place of an aduocate, and so she came to the chiefe fountaine. For this end (saith shee) did Christ descend; for this end did hee take our nature vpon him, and was made man, that I may boldly speak vnto him. Chrysost. hom. 5. in cap. 1. Mat. tom. 2. col. 56. Againe in another place, the same S. Chrysostome saith thus; Sin vero sobrie agemus, etiam per nosmetipsos istud valeamus efficere & multo magis per nos quam per alios. Nam & Deus gratiam non tam aliis rogantibus pro nobis▪ quam nobis vult donare; quo & fruamur libertate Deum compellandi, & emendemur, dum ipsi studemus deum reconciliare sic Chananaeam illam aliquando miseratus est, sic etiam meretrici donauit salu­tem, sic latronem nullo patrono, nullo mediatore intercedente. But if we will deale soberly, wee may dispatche that by our owne selues, and a great deale better by our selues, then by o­thers. For God will giue vs his grace, not so muche for the praiers of others, as for our owne sake; that so wee may haue libertie to call vpon God, and to amend our liues, while wee seeke to bee reconciled to him. So had hee mercie on the wo­man of Chanaan, so gaue hee remission of sinnes to the adulte­resse, so did hee saue the theefe without any patrone, without any mediatour. Thus saith Saint Chrysostome. Out of whose 1 wordes I note first, that hee greatly commendeth those, who will immediately call vpon God, and neither seeke to Peter, nor to Paule, nor to anie mediatour but Christ Iesus. I [Page 341] note secondly, that hee greatly reprooueth all such, as are 2 afraid to call vpon God by reason of their sins, te [...]l [...]g thē that a penitent heart, is the chief patron before God. Thirdly, that 3 Christ Iesus tooke our nature vpon him for this end, that sin­ners may boldly call vpon him. I note fourthly, that God wil 4 sooner heare our selues thē other for vs. I note fiftly, that whē 5 we cal vpon god immediatly, we confirm our christian libertie.

I say secondly, that the masse which goeth abroad vnder the name of S. Chrysostome, is a meere counterfeit: for first there 2 be diuers copies and diuerse translations, whereof neuer one 1 agreeth with another. Againe, if S. Chrysostome had written a­ny such masse, he should be contrarie to himselfe in sundrie pla­ces 2 of his works. Thirdly, because if S. Iames, S. Basil, & S. 3 Chrysostome, shoulde euerie one of them haue made a masse, I haue these three masse [...] i [...] print. as popish printed bookes tel vs, it must needes follow, (which the papists will not wel like of,) that the bishop of Rome hadde in those dayes smal authoritie. For now a dayes nothing may be done without the popes consent, but then bishops made masses at their pleasure, and the pope made none at all. Fourthly, be­cause in this supposed S. Chrysost. masse, there is often repea­ted 4 this blasphemous prayer: Saue vs by the prayers of thy saints. Fiftly, because prayer is there made for pope Nicholas 5 and for the Empereur Alexius, who both liued long after S. Chrysostomes death; the one 500. yeares: the other 800. yeares.

I say thirdly, that the other places of S. Chrysostom are euen 3 like to his masse; and whosoeuer thinketh otherwise, must say that he is contrarie to himselfe, as is alreadie proued.

CHAP. VIII. Of Popish Pilgrimage.

GOds people of late yeres haue beene wonderfully seduced, and that by the sinister and false perswasion of the papists; who taught them to merite their saluation by gadding on pil­grimage, to visit stocks, stones, and dead mens bones. The whole summe whereof for perspicuitie sake, I shall reduce to certaine briefe conclusions.

The first conclusion.

Anno Dom. 420The common people about the yeare of our Lord, 420. were so addicted to sundry kinds of superstition, partly by the instinct of Satan, partly by the negligence of some Bishops, and partly by the vndiscreet doctrine of othersome, that S. Au­sten was at his wits end, not knowing which way to turne him, or what to do, because he vtterly condemned many things in his heart, which he durst not freely reprooue & speake against. This conclusion will seeme strange to many a one, August. epist. 119 ad Ianu [...]. in fine tom, 2. but S. Au­sten doth himselfe deliuer it to vs, whose expresse words are these: Quod autem instituitur praeter consuetudinem, vt quasi obseruatto sacramenti sit, approbare non possum, etiamsi mul­ta huiusmodi propter nonnullarum vel sanctarum vel turbulen­tarum personarum scandala vitanda, liberius improbare non audeo. Sed hoc nimis doleo, quòd multa quae in diuinis libris salu­berrima praecepta sunt, minus curantur, & tam multis praesump­tionibus sic plena sunt omnia, vt grauius corripiatur qui per octauas suas terram nudo pede tetigerit, quam qui mentem vino­lentia sepelierit. Omnia itaque talia, quae neque sanctarum scripturarum authoritatibus continētur, nec in concilijs episco­porum statuta inueniuntur, nec consuetudine vniuersae ecclesiae roborata sunt, sed diuersorum locorum diuersis moribus innume­rabiliter variantur, ita vt vix aut omnino nunquam inueniri possint causae, quas in eis instituendis homines secuti sunt; vbi facultas tribuitur, sine vlla dubitatione resecanda existimo. Quamuis enim neque hoc inueniri possit, quomodo contra fidem fint, ipsam tamen religionem quam paucissimis & manifestissi­mis celebrationum sacramentis misericordia dei esse liberam vo­luit, seruilibus oneribus premunt, vt tolerabilior sit conditio Iudaeorum, qui etiamsi tempus libertatis non agnouerint, legali­bus tamen sarcinis, non humanis praesumptionibus subijciuntur.

I can not approue that, which beside custome is ordeyned to be obserued as an holy thing, albeit to auoid the scandall of some persons that are either holy or troublous, I dare not freely reprehēd many such things. But I am very sory for this, that many wholesome precepts in Gods bookes are little re­garded, Saint Austen for feare dissem­bled many things and that all things are so full of presumptions, that he is more sharply reprooued, which toucheth the ground in his [Page 343] octaues with his bare foote, then he that shall lye drunken in the streete. All things therefore which neither are contayned in the holy scriptures, neither in the decrees of bishops, neither established by the custome of the vniuersal church, but are infi­nitely varied by the diuersitie of maners in diuerse places, so that seldome or neuer the causes can be knowen, which men re­spected in the ordinance thereof, This is a graue saying worthy to be written in golden letters▪ I thinke they are to be taken away without any stop, where power and authority is at hand. For although it cannot bee found, howe they make against the catholike faith, yet doe they clog the religion with seruile bon­dage, which our mercifull God would haue freely celebrated with verie few and manifest sacraments, so that now the con­dition of the Iewes is more tolerable, who though they haue not acknowledged the time of libertie, yet are they subiect to legal burdens, not to humaine presumptions. Thus saith holy and learned Austen. Out of whose words I note first, that S. 1 Austen for feare of scandall and other humaine respects, durst not speake all he thought, nor freely reproue euerie abuse as he wished in his heart. I note secondly, that al the bishops & lear­ned 2 fathers of the church, did not at all times like and approue all things, which were publikely done in the church, thogh they spoke not flatly and openly against the same. Which point if it be wel noted, doth more then a little gall our papists.

I note thirdly, that Gods word was little regarded euen 3 in Saint Austens time, and that superstition in steede thereof raigned euerie where; and therefore no maruell if so much Ro­mish trumperie, did after Saint Austens time abound in their visible church.

I note fourthly, that euen in Saint Austens dayes odde 4 conceits of superstitious trumperie, were more regarded then the chiefest points of religion.

I note fiftly, that manie superstitious errours, haue crept into the church, the causes wereof neither are nor can bee 5 knowen, and therefore by Saint Austens iudgement all such trumperie ought to bee cut off by the authoritie of the Magistrate.

I note sixtly, that the church was brought into seruile bon­dagt, 6 by reason of beggarly ceremonies, & other superstition; so [Page 344] as in S. Austens time the state of the Iewes was more tole­rable, then the condition of faithful christians. I note seauenth­ly, 7 that the christian libertie of the new testament, may not bee charged with superfluous ceremonies.

The second conclusion.

The bodies, bones, and reliques of Gods Saints and mar­tyres, are not to be contēned, reiected, or disdainfully cast away, but to be buried honourably and esteemed reuerently, as wel to giue a signe of our hope in the resurrection of our bodies and theirs, as to signifie their true faith in the euerliuing God. This conclusion may euidently be proued, by many texts of holy writ; Psal. 115.15. Pretious in the sight of the Lord (saith Dauid) is the death of his saints. Again in another place; Great are the trou­bles of the righteous, but the Lord deliuereth him out of them all; Psal. 33.19. he keepeth all his bones, not one of them is broken. Againe in another place; Blessed are the dead, which die in the Lord: & in another place the Psalmograph yeeldeth the reason why the bodies & reliques of y e dead be honorable, Apoc. 14.13. to wit, for the hope of the resurrection, & that they shal once be glorified: for my flesh (saith he) shall rest in hope; Psal. 15.9. and in the Hebrew more significant­ly (shall dwell in hope,) to expresse the full assurance of the resurrection. Gen. 50.2, 7, 8. In this hope did S. Ioseph cause his fathers bo­die be enbalmed, & being accompanied with al the seruants of R. Pharao both the elders of his house, & all the elders of the land of Egypt, and with his brethren, and others of his fathers house, he went vp into the land of Canaā, there to burie his fa­ther with great honour and solemnitie. Epiphan. in vitis prophetarum. The prophet Daniel when he died, was buried with great honor; so was Micheas, Ioel, & many others, the prophets, apostles, & seruants of the liuing god. Ecclesiast. cap. [...]6. vers. 12. In regard wherof prudently said Syrach; Let their bones flourish out of their place, and their names by succession remaine to them that are most famous of their children. All which Saint Austen comprised briefly in these golden words; August. de ciuit. libr. 1. cap. 13. Nec tamen contemnenda & abiicienda sunt corpora defuncto­rum, maximèque iustorum atque fidelium, quibus tanquam or­ganis & vasis ad omnia bona opera sanctus vsus est spiritus. Si enim paterna vestis, & annulus, ac si quid huiusmodi tanto charius est posteris, quanto erga parentes maior extitit affec­tus, [Page 345] nullo modo ipsa spernenda sunt corpora, quae vtique multo familiarius atque coniunctius, quam quaelibet indumenta gesta­mus. Haec enim non ad ornamētum vel adiutorium quod adhibe­tur extrinsecus, sed ad ipsam naturam hominis pertinent. Nei­ther are the bodies of the dead to be dispised and cast away, spe­cially the bodies of the iust and of the faithful, whom the holie ghost hath vsed as instruments and vessels to all good workes. For if the fathers garment, and ring, and the like, bee so much the dearer to the posteritie, by howe much our affection was greater to our parents; then doubtlesse their bodies are no way to be contemned, which are more familiar and nearer to vs, thē anie garment; for they pertaine not to the ornament or helpe which we vse externally, but euen to the nature of man it selfe.

The third conclusion.

To goe from place to place, on pilgrimage, to learne expe­rience, ciuil maners, customes and lawes of other countries, or christianly to profit others therby, is a godly act & highly to be commended. The painful & godly peregrinatiōs of Christ him selfe, and of his chosen vessels, The pilgrimage of Christ Iesus. Mat. 2.1, 13, 23 Mat. 3.13. Mat. 4.1, 5. will make this conclusion eui­dent. For Christ was conceiued in Nazareth, borne in Bethle­hem, the eight day presented in Hierusalem. Hee fled into E­gypt, he returned and dwelt in Nazareth. Being twelue yeres of age hee disputed in the temple at Hierusalem, from whence he returned with his parents, and came to Nazareth. Be­ing thirtie yeeres olde, hee was baptized in Iorden, temp­ted of the Deuill in the wildernesse, placed on a Pinnacle of the temple, Ioan. 2.2, 9. [...] 4. vers. 13. Luc. 4.31. Ioan. 6.1, 2. and after that carried into an exceeding high moun­taine. In Cana of Galilee he was present at a marriage, where he changed water into wine. Hee abode a while at Ca­pernaum, with his mother and his friendes. He went through­out Galilee teaching in the synagogues. Besides the sea of Galilee, hee calleth Simon, Andrew, Iames and Iohn. From thence he came to the region of the Gerasenes where the swine were drowned in the sea by the deuils. Mar. 5.1, 13, 14, 17. He came to Hierusalem at the feast of Easter, Ioan. 5.1. Mat. 13. vers. 2. Mat. 10.5. Luc. 10.1. he entred into a ship to auoid the prease of the people; and sent his apostles two by two to preach the go­spel. He went into the mountaine when the people would haue [Page 346] made him king: he sayled into Magedan & Dalmanutha, he re­turnd to Bethsaida, Mat. 15. verse 39. Mat 16. verse 13 Mar. 9. verse 3. [...]. Pet. 1.18. Luc. 17.12. Mar. 6.7. Ioan. 12.2. Ioan. 10.22, 23. Ioan. 11.43, 44. Lu. 19.29.30.45 Matth 26.6, 18. Ioan. 18. verse 1. Mat. 26.36. Luc. 22. ver. 44, 47, 48, 54. Mat. 26.57. Mar, 15. v. 18, 15 Ioan. 19. vers. 1, 6 16, 30. & came into the coasts of Cesaria Philip­pi. He was transfigured in the mount Thabor, he returned to Capernaum, and passed through the middes of Samaria: hee sent his twelue disciples to Hierusalem to the feast of Taber­nacles, and secretly followed after them. He sent his messen­gers to Samaria, the Samaritaines would not receiue them; he came to Hierusalem and taught openly in the temple. He sent 72. disciples two by two into euerie place, whither hee would come. In Bethania Martha did intertaine him. In the feast of the dedication hee walked in the temple in Salomons porch, euen in the winter season. Hee passed into the coasts of Iewrie beyond Iorden, where Iohn did first baptize: in Be­thania he raised vp Lazarus from death to life: thence he went to Ephraim beside the desert where hee fasted: hee came to Bethphage beside the mount Oliuet, he entred into Hierusa­lem riding on an asse-colt, whereon neuer man sate before: he went vp into the temple, and did cast out them that bought and solde therein; hee returned to Bethania, and went againe to Hierusalem, where hee ate the Paschal lambe. After supper he went forth with his disciples ouer the brooke Cedron, into the Garden of Geth-semani, where he praied while drops of bloud trickled downe his cheekes: after his praier he returned to his disciples, was apprehended by Iudas and his complices, was led away to Annas first, then to Caiphas, then to Pilate, then to Herode, then to Pilate againe; after whipped, and scour­ged, crowned with a crowne of thorne, condemned and crucifi­ed. And all this long, tedious, paineful, and bitter pilgrimage, Christ Iesus the sonne of God, suffered for the sinnes and loue of man.

Saint Paul likewise the chosen vessell of God, had a long and painefull pilgrimage for the Gospel sake. For being mi­raculously conuerted, from a raging Wolfe to bee a meeke sheepe, from a mortall foe to bee a deere friende, from a cruell persecutour to become an holy Apostle; hee foorthwith prea­ched the gospel at Damascus. From thence hee went to Ara­bia, Act. 9. ver. 1, 2, 20, 22. Galat. 1.17, 18 from Arabia hee turned againe to Damascus, and after three yeres came to Ierusalem. Before which time the Iewes [Page 347] at Damascus tooke counsell to kill S. Paul, Act. 9. ver. 22, 23, 24, 25, 26. Act. 21. ve. 15, 27 Act. 23. vers. 24. and for that end they watched the gates day and night. But the disciples tooke him by night, put him through the wal, and let him downe by a rope in a basket. The Iews laid hands on him, while he was in the temple at Hierusalem. They lay in waite to kill him, but the chiefe captaine cōmanded to bind him with two chains, & to leade him into the castle: he caused him also to be scourged and examined, and sent him away to Felix the gouernour: hee came to Antiochia by the meanes of Barnabas, where they twaine taught the people a whole yere, Act. 11. vers. 26. Act. 11. vers. 28, 29, 30 Act. 13. ver. 4, 5, 6, 7. insomuch that the dis­ciples were first called christians in that place. From Antioche he went with Barnabas to carrie their charitable almes, which the Antiochians sent to the faithfull in Iudea: he passed from Antioche to Seleucus, and from thence he sayled to Cy­prus, from Cyprus to Salamis, and thence to Paphus where he found a Iewe named Bariesus, who was with the deputie Sergius Paulus: from Paphus he wēt to Perga, from Per­ga to Antioche not in Syria but in Pisidia, Act. 13. ve. 13.14 Act. 14. verse 5, 6 and afterwarde to Iconium. But being stoned at Iconium hee fled to Lystra and Derbe the cities of Lycania, and to the regions round about. He returned to visite the brethren in euerie citie where hee had preached, stablishing the churches of Syria and Cilicia. And when he had gone throughout Phrygia, Act. 15.36, 41. Act. 16. v. 6, 5, 11 1 [...] and the region of Ga­latia, he was forbidden of the holy ghost to preach in Asia. And being admonished in a vision to go into Macedonia, he went to Troas, from Troas to Samothracia, from Samothracia to Neapolis, from Neapolis to Philippi, the chife Citie in the parts of Macedonia. After this he returned to Ierusalem, Act. 24. vers. 24. Act. 25. vers. 9, 1 [...] Act 26. vers. 1. Act. 28. v. 16, 19 and being cast in prison, he pleaded his cause before Felix and Dru­silla his wife; before Agrippa, Festus and Bernice, and ap­pealing to Cesar hee was sent to Rome, where afterward hee was beheaded, as approued histories make relation.

So Lycurgus (as authenticall histories record) profited much by his pilgrimage into forren countries. So did also the De­cemuiri of y e Romans, while by their pilgrimage into Greece, they learned their prudent politike lawes, and trained vppe their owne people accordingly. More commendable then all these, was the pilgrimage of y e three wise men that came from [Page 348] farre, to adore the sweete babe that was newly borne, Christ the Sauior of the world. Mat 2.1, 2. [...]. Reg. 10.1, 2. [...]. Par. 9.1, 2, 3. Mat. 12. vers. 42. [...]uc. 11.31. Neither for all that was the pilgri­mage of the queene of Saba to be reprooued, when she came so many hundred miles to heare and trie King Salomons wise­dome.

The fourth conclusion.

Popish inuocation, adoration, visitation, translation, eleuati­on, asportation, and reseruation, is superstitious, blasphemous, and idololatrical. This conclusion is euidently proued, by that which is already said of the inuocation and adoration of saints. For if no religious worship nor adoration can be giuen to the liuing saints, as is already proued; much lesse may that which is contained in this conclusion, be yeelded to the dead bodies & reliques of the same. And doubtlesse the faithlesse Gentiles haue not committed more grosse and palpable idolatrie in ado­ring their idols, then our late Papists in adoring their relikes. For first, when the relique which they terme ( Ʋultus sanctus) 1 is eleuated as solemnly as their bread-god in the masse, though not ouer the priests head, but publiquely in both his hands; the people of Rome are taught to crie aloude; misericordi, miseri­cordi, mercie, mercie, for our sinnes. Which, as euerie child 2 knoweth, is the proper inuocation of God himselfe. Againe, they doe ascribe so much Religion in handling, and in tou­ching the tabernacles or coffers, wherein the reliques are put, that the lay people may scarcely touch them with their bare handes, or yet the priestes eleuate the same, vnlesse they first adore them vpon their knees, and in their surplesses with stoles about their neckes. Thirdly, they thinke, that if their beades 3 do but once touch those coffers, they receiue a great holinesse from thence. Fourthly, they think that to come on pilgrimage 4 to Rome especially, is a great parte of satisfaction for their sinnes. Fiftly, they thinke it a farre greater holines to pray 5 in one place, then in another; greater at one altar then at ano­ther; more blessed in one church then in an other; and that it is the next step to heauen, to say masse, or cause masse to be said, 6 at the church of the blessed virgin in Lauretto. Sixtly, they [Page 349] repute such holines in externall rites, and corruptible reliques; that the bone of a dead dogge, In all superstiti­ous adoration, one imitateth an other without time or reason. (if it be saide by any to be a re­lique of a saint) will drawe them with facilitie to touch it, to kisse it, and to adore it, as if it were God almightie. For which cause saint Austen saieth truely, that many bodies are adored vpon earth, whose soules are damned in hell. Yea, the dead corps of Hermannus was adored for a saint twenty yeeres at Ferrara; who yet was an heretique, Platina in 8. Bo­nifac. as writeth their owne Platina.

The first obiection.

They are vndoubtedly the true relikes of true saints, which the church appointeth to be adored euery where. And saint Au­sten speaketh onely against priuate abuses of certaine priuate persons, not against the generall practise of y e vniuersal church. For the vse of the church is, first to canonize the saint, and after to propose his relikes to be adored. Which church being there­in directed by the holy ghost, cannot erre as you imagine.

The answer.

I say first, that how your church both may erre and hath er­red de facto ▪ is already prooued. I say secondly, that your ab­uses 1 are as generall as your reliques. For you all teach to a­dore 2 all your reliques religiously, in all places wheresoeuer: insomuch as your owne Ludouicus Ʋiues granteth, Ludou. in comm. de ciuit. that many christians do sinne no lesse in adoring their images and relikes, then do the Gentiles in adoring their false gods. I say third­ly, that your worshipping of reliques is flatly reproued by S. 3 Paul, in what maner soeuer ye doe it. Coloss. 2.23. The apostle of Christ yeeldeth this reason, because it is [...] voluntarie wor­ship [...], not contained in Gods word. I say fourthly, that if Christs crosse must therefore be adored, because it touched 4 Christs bodie (which is the reason of popish adoration) euen so ought the lippes of Iudas to be adored, because they touched Christs sacred mouth. This reason is inuincible, if it be well vrged. I say fiftly, that the Pope may erre in canonizing 5 your Saints: Canus de locis, lib. 5. ca. 5. p 17 [...] as your owne Doctour Melchior Canus tel­leth you, neither can Aquinas indeede denie the same. And [Page 350] certes, as the pope may erre in canonizing your saintes, so may he much more erre in determining such and such reliques, to be the bodies, bones, or ashes of such and such saintes; and conse­quently, so may all papistes adoring them commit idolatry, yea though it were granted that true reliques might be adored; be­cause as S. Austen grauely saide, their reliques are adored on earth, whose soules are broyling in hell fire.

6 I say sixtly, that when the pope taketh vpon him not only to canonize saintes, but withall not to erre in so doing; he doubt­lesse chalengeth to himselfe the authoritie of God omnipotent. and may therefore fitly be called Antichrist: howsoeuer the Ie­suites and his other vassals, labour to defend him in this.

The second obiection.

Gen▪ 50 v. 25. Exod. 13. v. 19.If it were not a godly act to adore holy reliques, & to tran­slate them from place to place, as the church hath a long time vsed; holy Moses who had Gods spirite largely, would neuer haue so reuerenced the dead body of S. Ioseph, nor yet haue caried it so many miles.

The answere.

I say first, that the flesh of Iosephs bodie was wholy consu­med, 1 and nothing left but bones and ashes. For the Israelites abode in Egypt about 215. yeares, after the death of holy Io­seph. I say secondly, that as the wicked gaine nothing, by be­ing 2 buried in temples after the christian maner; euen so neither are the godly worse, for being buried in places prophane. For they who die in the warres for the seruice of their Soueraigne, and defence of their natiue countrey, are doubtlesse in as good case, notwithstanding their base kinde of funerall, as if they had died at home, and been buried with all pompe and so­lemnitie. I say thirdly, that the translation of S. Iosephes 3 bones out of Egypt, was not for religion sake, whereof holy Writ maketh no mention; but to shew his hope and confidence in Gods promise, and to confirme the faith of his brethren. For these are the wordes; God will surely visite you, and yee shal take my bones away hence with you. As if he had said; Haue full trust in Gods promise for your deliuerance: for vndoub­tedly God will bring you into the land of Chanaan, as he hath [Page 351] said; and for the better confirmation thereof, Heb. 11. v. 22. I appoint my bones to be taken with you thither: and for this end doth the A­postle ascribe this charge giuen to Iosephes brethren, to the great commendation of his faith.

The third obiection.

The scripture telleth vs that Helcana and Anna his wife, went thrise in the yeare on pilgrimage to Hierusalem. 1. Sam. 1. v. 3. Ioan. 12. v. 20. Act. 8. vers. 27. Act 20. v. 16. Sun­drie of the Greekes left their owne countrey, and came to adore in Hierusalem. The Eunuch came from farre, to adore in the same place. S. Paul himselfe made haste in his iourney, that he might keepe Pentecost at Hierusalem. Christ likewise with his mother Mary, and S. Ioseph her husband, came on pilgri­mage to Hierusalem.

The answere.

I say first, that God appointed his temple at Hierusalem, Deut. 16. v. 1.10.13. to be the peculiar place of his externall worship; and that al his people should repaire thither, at three seueral times in the yere. 1 To wit, at Easter, Pentecost, and the feast of tabernacles. Pilgrimage ap­pointed by God, is to be approo­ued. So that S. Ioseph, S. Marie, S. Anna, and Helcana went to Hie­rusalem at that day; euen as we doe nowe to the Church, to heare diuine seruice and sermons. And therefore their pilgri­mage was honourable, and highly to be commended.

I say secondly, that Christ himselfe went not of any necessi­ty, 2 but for our sake, Matth. 5.17. and to giue vs an example of obedience and humilitie. For hee came to fulfill the lawe, not to dissolue the same. I say thirdly, that saint Paul hasted thither for the gos­pel 3 sake, because then there would be great concourse of peo­ple, whom he desired to instruct with godly sermons. I say fourthly, that as Iosephus writeth, sundry of the conuerted gen­tiles, 4 as the Eunuch, Cornelius, and others, vsed to resort to Ierusalem with the dispersed Iewes, where they adored the liuing God then, as we do now in the church neere at home. But they went not to adore stockes and stones as the papists do, nor to put religion in dead creatures.

The fourth obiection.

Going on pilgrimage is a very auncient custome, and [Page 352] that for religion sake: for S. Alexander a most holy martyr, (who liued aboue a thousand and two hundreth yeares agoe, Euseb. hist. lib. 6. cap 9.) went for that end to Hierusalem, as writeth Eusebius in his hi­storie.

The answere.

1 I say first, that to go on pilgrimage is an holy and auncient thing indeed; as which both Christ himselfe, S. Paule, and o­ther holy men haue practised, as I haue already graunted. I 2 say secondly, that though Saint Alexander had a great affec­tion, to see those places where Christ hadde been present, and wrought his miracles; Pilgrimage is no satisfaction for sinne. yet did he neither think his praiers more acceptable in y e place then in an other: nor yet thought his iour­ney to be any part of satisfaction for his sinnes. For hee knew right well, Ioan. 4. v 23. that whosoeuer will worship God truely, must wor­ship him neither in the mountaines, neither in Hierusalem, but 3 in spirite and veritie. I say thirdly, y t as going on pilgrimage is commendable in some, Bernard. Epist. 5. ad Adam mo­nach. tom. 2. and tolerable in other some; so is it necessary to saluation in none, and very vnfit for many. Which thing their own S. Bernard can tel them, whose iudg­ment 4 I am well assured, no papist will refuse. I say fourthly, that popishe pilgrimage was not knowne in Christes church, for the space of manie hundreth yeares after Christes sacred in­carnation. Neither shall the papistes euer be able, to cite anie authenticall writer for the contrary.

The fift obiection.

Ambr. serm, 91. Aug. de ciuit. De [...] lib. 22. c. 8.S. Ambrose telleth great miracles done by the bodies of S. Geruasius and Protasius, while they were touched lying on the coffin. S Austen reciteth like miracles, which were wrought by the reliques of S. Steuen. S. Chrysostome, Eusebius, Palla­dius, and diuers others, make mention of the like miracles: Yea, the holy scripture it selfe telleth vs, that myracles were done euen by touching the reliques of Elizaeus. Why there­fore may not the people this day resorte to suche places, 4. Reg. 13. v. 20. where such wonderfull miracles haue been done? for to get helpe ei­ther of corporall diseases, or spirituall, is the cause of their go­ing thither. And for corporall helpes, your selues this day go to S. Anne of Buxton, and to other like places.

The answere.

I say first, that the scripture telleth vs of the death of Saint Steuen, of S. Ioseph, of Moses, and others, as also of their 1 funerals▪ but not one word of inuocatiō or adoration done vnto their reliques. I say secondly, that y e fathers which tel vs of the 2 miracles done by the reliques of saintes, doe neither will vs to inuocate, nor to adore them. I say thirdly, that miracles, (as 3 S. Austen and S. Gregory doe truely write,) are for infidels and not for the faithfull. For which respect they were frequent in the primitiue Church, & as rare as a white crowe, or black swanne in latter daies. I say fourthly, that God wrought mi­racles by the reliques of his chosen seruantes, aswel to prooue 4 his owne diuine soueraigntie, as their true faith in him. But not that we should adore dumbe bones, and dead ashes; or seeke to merite by such pilgrimage. I say fiftly, that God confirmed the authoritie of Elizaeus, by the myracle wrought at the con­tact 5 of his dead bones; that at the sight thereof, the people might embrace his doctrine, which they contemned in his life time; or at least be thereby confounded, to their greater condem­nation. And the same I say of other miracles, done by other re­liques. I say sixtly, y t if the good king Ezechias was highly cō ­mended 6 in the holy scripture, 4. Reg. 18. v. 4. because he pulled downe the bra­sen serpent set vp by Gods appointment, so soone as the people committed idolatry by adoring the same; worthily are those christian princes commended, who prohibite their people from gadding on pilgrimage, in popish idolatricall maner; albeit y e originall therof was tolerable, and a long time free from popish godles superstition. I say seuenthly, that waters haue natural curatiue qualities in sundrie places, as haue also certain herbs, 7 stones, and metals. Which effects some ascribe to the water of Burton, though my selfe haue long doubted thereof. How soeuer that be, to go thither for merite, or in way of such satis­faction for our sinnes, is flat idolatrie.

The sixt obiection.

S. Iustine, (who liued shortly after the apostles,) telleth of great honour done vnto reliques; Iustin. q. 2 [...] as that the bodies of martyrs defended men from the diuels, & cured many incurable diseases.

The answere.

I say first, that Iustinus liued more then one hundreth and 1 fiftie yeares after Christ, and speaketh nothing at all of adorati­on. Only this he saith, that great myracles haue been done at the Sepulchres of martyrs, which no learned man can or will denie. I say secondly, that the questions from whence your ob­iection came, are counterfait, and not S. Iustins indeed. I prooue 2 it, because in the 82. and in the 86. questions, I finde menti­on made of Origen, who was borne long after the death of S. Iustinus. So likewise in the 127. question, mention is made of the Manichees, who yet followed long after S. Iustines death.

CHAP. IX. Of Christian righteousnesse or iustification.

THe Papistes doe not onely dishonour God, while they seek to establish their owne righteousnesse; but withall they slan­der good and true christians, auouching them to be contemners of good workes: but how blasphemous they be on the one side, and howe malitious on the other, shall sufficiently appeare, by these briefe conclusions.

The first conclusion.

Man albeit hee was so created as hee might sinne and die, (which thing the euent it selfe declared;) yet was he so adorned and beautified, with supernaturall giftes and graces, aswel ex­ternal as internal, that he might haue liued eternally, and haue eschewed all sinne world without end. This conclusion I thus proue. That man might haue liued euer if he had not sinned, is euident by Gods owne wordes, when he saith; Thou shalt eate freely of euery tree of the garden, but of the tree of knowledge of good and euill, thou shalt not eate of it; for in the day that thou eatest thereof, Gen. 2. v. 17. thou shalt die the death. And againe in ano­ther place, after that he had pronounced the earth cursed for A­dams sinne, he vttered these words; For out of it wast thou ta­ken, because thou art dust, and to dust shalt thou returne. By which wordes it appeareth, Gen. 3. v. 19. that if hee had not transgressed, he should not haue died. August. de ciuit. dei, lib. 13. cap. 3. S. Austen confirmeth the same in these wordes; Quapropter fatendum est primos homines ita fuisse in­stitutos, [Page 355] vt si non peccassent, nullum mortis experirentur genus. Wherefore wee must confesse that our first parentes were so created, that vnlesse they had sinned, Bernard serm. ad milit. cap. 11. de caena domini ser. 10. Chrysos. hom. 16. in Gen. they shoulde haue felt no kinde of death, (neither of soule nor of body.) Death (saith S. Bernard) shoulde neuer haue followed, if sinne had not gone be­fore. S. Chrysostome gathereth this conclusion, out of the ex­presse text of Genesis. These are his wordes; Factus enim est mortalis propter praeuaricationem, vt ex hoc mandato & his quae sequuta sunt, claret. Sequitur, ita (que) ante praeuaricationem immortales erant, alioqui post cibum non hoc sup [...]licij loco im­posuisset. For he became mortall, by reason of transgression, as is euident by this commandement, and that which followeth after. Therefore they were immortal before the transgression; otherwise after the eating thereof, this punishment should not haue been imposed vpon them. He confirmeth the same in ano­ther place, where he writeth thus; Cum Adam peccasset, corpus illius confestim mortale ac passibile factum est, plurimos (que) re­cepit naturales defectus. So soone as Adam had sinned, Chryso. hom. 12. ad Rom. his bo­die forthwith became mortall and passible, and receiued many natural defects. That Adam might haue liued without al kind of sin, is likewise manifest by y e scripture, Ecclesiast. 7. v. 31 which saith that God made man righteous, or right. His rectitude consisted in this, that his reason was subiect to God, his inferiour powers to his superiour, his body to his soule. There was no rebellion to be found, in any part of the whole man. For otherwise it would follow hereupon, y t God were vniust; which yet to auouch, were y e greatest blasphemie in the world. The reason is euident, Aug. de lib. arbit. lib. 2. cap. 1. be­cause if it had not been in Adams power to haue auoided al sin▪ God should haue charged him with an impossibilitie, and with­all haue condemned him for not performing the same. 2. Tim. 4. v. [...]. But our Lord is a iust iudge, as witnesseth his apostle.

This whole processe▪ August. de ciuit. libr▪ 13. cap. 13. S. Austen sheweth both pithily & brief­ly, in these right golden wordes; Posteaquam praecepti facta est transgressio, confestim gratia deserente diuina, de corporum suorum nuditate confusi sunt. Senserunt enim nouum mot [...]m ino­bedientis carnis suae, tanquam reciprocam poenam inobedientiae suae; & quia superiorem Dominum suo arbitrio deserue­rat, inferiorem famulum ad suum arbitrium non tenebat: [Page 356] non omnino habebat subditam carnem sicut semper habere potu­isset▪ si Deo subdita ipsa mansisset. After that Gods lawe was transgressed, Gods grace did incontinently forsake them, and they beholding their owne nakednesse were confounded. For they felt a new motion in their disobedient flesh, a punishment correspondent to their disobedient heartes. And because he vo­luntarily disobeied his superiour Lord, hee coulde not haue his inferiour seruaunt, subiect to his word. Neither was his flesh in subiection, as he might haue had it for euer, if it had re­mained obedient to Gods lawes.

The condition of mans free will, from the creation of the protoplaste Adam, vntil our regeneration; Christ himselfe see­meth to set down most liuely, Luc. 10. v. 30. in that parable which he propoun­ded to the lawyer. A certaine man (saith Christ) went downe from Hierusalem to Iericho, and fell among theeues, who rob­bed him of his raiment, and wounded him, and departed, lea­uing him halfe dead. Which is to say allegorically (as y e fathers write,) that mankinde went out from the paradise of peace, to the mutabilitie of misery, & fell among the powers of darknes, who robbed him of his supernatural gifts of innocency and im­mortalitie, wounded him in his naturall giftes, of will and reason, and departed leauing him halfe dead; that is, dead in respect of Gods fauour, though liuing to the eyes of the world. Semiuiuus (inquit Augustinus) habet vitalem motum, id est, li­berum arbitrium vulneratū, Aug. ap. Ludolp. quod ad aeternam quam perdiderat vitam non sufficiebat. Et ideo iacebat, quia vires ei propriae ad surgendum non sufficiebant, vt ad sanandum medicum .i. deum requireret. In that he was halfe aliue, (saith S. Austen) he had vitall motion; that is, free will so wounded, as it could not re­turne to eternall life, which it had lost. And therefore did he lie; because he wanted proper strength to seeke God, the phisition that could cure his maladie. Ludolphus alluding to mans crea­tion, Ludolph. de vita Christi. setteth downe this matter verie finely in these wordes; Fecerat Deus hominem ad imaginem suam secundum rationem, ad similitudinem secundum dilectionē, vt per vtrum (que) Deo adhae­reret, & in haerendo beatus esset. Sed diabolus humanae beatitu­dini inuidens, contra duo bona praedicta duo homini in originali intulit praecipua mala. In eo namque quod factus erat ad ima­ginem [Page 357] Dei secundum rationem, vulnerauit eum per ignoran­tiam boni; in eo verò quod factus est ad similitudinem Dei se­cundum dilectionem, vulnerauit eum per concupiscentiam mali. God made man after his own image according to reason, after his owne similitude according to loue; that by them both hee might adhere to God, and by adhering to him attaine eternall beatitude. But the deuill enuying mans felicitie, The double euill of ignorance an [...] concupiscence. bestowed on him in steede of these two blessings, the double mischiefe of ori­ginall sinne. For in that man was made after Gods image in reason, he wounded him with the ignorance of good▪ and in that he was made after his similitude in loue, he wounded him with the concupiscence of euill.

Al this is liuely comprehended in the essence, nature and de­finition of free will, which after Saint Austen is this, Aug. apud Lu [...] Liberum arbitrium est facultas rationis & voluntatis, qua bonum eligi­tur gratia assistente; malum eâ desistente: Free will is the fa­cultie of reason and will, by which good is chosen, when grace is present; and euill, when grace is wanting. 2. Cor. 3.5. For this cause saith the apostle, that we are not able to think any good thought of our selues, as of our selues; 1. Cor. 12. [...]. neither yet to say that Iesus is the Lord, but in the holy ghost. Philip. 2.13. For it is God (saith he) that worketh in vs, both to do wel, and to wil wel. This verity was defined aboue a thousand and one hundred yeers ago, by the an­cient, holy, and learned councel of Aransica, in these words, Haeretico fallitur spiritu non intelligens vocem Dei, Con [...] Ara [...]. can. 7. dicentis in Euangelio; Sine me nihil potestis facere; whosoeuer (saieth the holy synode) thinketh he can do any act which pleaseth god, or perteineth to eternal life▪ by force of his free will, that man is deceiued with an heretical spirit, not vnderstanding the voice of god whē he saith in his gospel, Ioan. 155. Without me ye can do nothing (that is good.) Out of this discourse, two things are cleare & euidēt; the one, that our first parent Adam before his fal, might by force of his free-wil holpen with supernaturall grace, make free election aswel of good as of euil, & withal put that his free choise in execution: thother, that y e posterity of Adam hath free wil to nothing saue to sin only, vntill the time of regeneration.

The first obiection.

There is no consultation, as saith the Philosopher, Ethi [...]. 3. cap. 5. but of [Page 358] things which are in our owne power; and yet doth euery one vse consultations, in those things which he goeth about. A­gaine, there must be some immediate cause of euery act, and that can not be God, because God is not the cause of any euill. Neither can the cause thereof be ascribed either to nature, or to destinie, or to fortune, because humane actions are variable, and with the intention of the doer. Therefore the best course that can be taken with him that denieth mans freewill after the fall of Adam, is this; to wit, to beate him like a stockfish, vntill he confesse those that beate him to haue free will, either still to beate him, or to cease from beating. For if one should deny the fire to be hote, the best reason against him, were to cast him into an hot ouen or burning furnace. [...]eg [...]e [...]. de vo [...] [...]tate human [...], cap. 3. [...]. 1. [...] [...]. Thus reasoneth Veguerius.

The answere.

I say first, that I willingly graunt, both Papists and other 1 reasonable creatures to haue free will, in morall or ciuill acts; neither do I thinke him vnworthy of strokes, that will obsti­nately deny the same. I say secondly, that mans will is so brought into bondage and thraldome of sinne by the fall of A­dam, 2 as man before his regeneration, can neither do nor once will any one act, which is acceptable in Gods fight. Note well the second obiection, with the answere to the same.

The second obiection.

If free will after the fall of Adam, can not make election as well of good as of euill, then doeth free will vtterly lose it owne nature: for where sinne must needes be chosen of neces­sitie, there can be no true libertie.

The answere.

I answere, that there be three kinds of libertie, as S. Bernard proueth learnedly, in a peculiar treatise of free will; the first is called, Bernard. de [...] lib. [...]. Libertas à coactione, vi, vel necessitate; Libertie from coaction, violence, or necessitie; for all these three are one & the same with him, as euery one that readeth him seriously will perceiue. The second is called, Libertas à peccato; liberty from sinne. The third is called, Libertas à miseria; libertie from mi­serie. The two latter liberties, from sin & miserie, can not be had in this life: the first was frō the creation, is at this present, and shalbe in al Adams posteritie world without end. For such [Page 359] is the essence, nature, & formall reason of will, that it cannot be coacted, or inforced. The reason is euident, The formaliti [...] of free-will. because it implieth contradictiō, that Wil do any thing, which it is coacted, or en­forced to do. For when we do any thing violently, we doe it a­gainst our wil, & not with our wil. If this were not so, the an­gels in heauen should haue no free wil, contrary to the vniform consent of all learned men. For they haue no more freedome in heauen to sin, then the vnregenerate haue freedome on earth to do wel. Further then this, it would follow hereupon, that the angels in heauen should not be happy. For what happines can it be to wil & do by coaction, that which they wil & do? and yet it is certain, y t they haue freedom only to do wel: if any wil hold the contrarie, he must likewise hold that angels in heauen may sinne; and consequently, that they may be damned into hel fire.

The third obiection.

If there be no free-wil to do good before regeneration, then must all the morall good deedes of infidels be sin; which to hold is most absurd. For, to serue our soueraigne, to die in the de­fence of our countrey, to honour our parents, to feede the hun­grie, to cloathe the naked, and such like, which the infidels do, cannot but be good acts.

The answer.

I answer, that albeit these & like moral deeds be indifferent in their owne nature, glorious in the eyes of the world, and right profitable to others; yet are they meere sins in the doers, & dis­pleasant in Gods sight. And I prooue it, Heb. 11. [...] Rom. 1 [...].2. because that without faith God cannot be pleased, as the apostle witnesseth. Again, the same apostle saith, that whatsoeuer is not of faith is sin, and so euery act of the infidel must needs be sin, because it is not of faith. Neither wil it help to say, that if the said acts of infidels be not good, yet are they not euil. For as their great popish ca­nonist Nauarre, & their Romish cardinal Caietan auouch; Na [...]arr. i [...] [...] Caietan ib [...] eue­ry act in indiuiduo, must perforce be good or euil: & the reason therof is euident. For euery act must either be referred to some end, or to no end at al: if to no end, then it is an idle act, and wee must render an account for the same: if it be referred to any o­ther end then to God, it is flat sin; bicause as the apostle saith, 1. Cor. 10. [...]. Colo [...]. 3. whatsoeuer we do, we ought to do it for Gods glory.

[Page 360]S. Austen in his f [...]urth booke against Iulianus the Pelagi­an handleth this question so learnedly, and in so ample and per­spicuous maner, as none that shal reade the booke with iudge­ment, can stand any longer in doubt thereof. I wil cite one one­ly periode, for breuitie sake. Thus doth he write; Si gentilis, in­quis, August. contr. Iu­ [...]ian. lib. 4. cap. 3. [...]om. 7. p. 705. nudum operuerit, numquid, quod non est ex fide, peccatum est? prorsus in quantum non est ex fide, peccatum est; non quòd per se ipsum factum quod est nudum operire, peccatum est, sed de ta­li opere non in domino gloriari, solus impius negat esse peccatū. If an infidell, saist thou, shall clothe the naked, is such an act sinne, because it is not of faith? it is doubtlesse sinne, in that it is not of faith; not for that the worke it selfe is sinne of it owne nature, (for to clothe the naked of it owne selfe is not sin,) but to clothe the naked for any other end then for Gods glorie, is sinne indeede. And it is so manifest a sinne, as none but the wicked can denie it to be sin. Thus did Saint Austen answere the Pelagians then, and thus do I answere the papists now, telling them that they are become Semipelagians herein.

The replie.

If this be so indeed, then may an infidel aswel rebel against his prince, as truly serue his prince, aswel betray his country, as die in defence thereof, as wel rob his neighbour, as relieue him, and so in the rest.

The answere.

I answer, that it is farre otherwise, because although they sin in so doing for want of faith in Christ Iesus, yet shal their punishment bee so much more tolerable, by how much their sinnes are the lesse. Neither is this answere inuented of mine owne braine, but long sithence framed by S. Augustine, whose words are these; August. contr. [...]. 4. cap. [...] p [...]ope [...] Sed ad hoc eos in die iudicij cogitationes suae, defendent, vt tolerabilius puniantur; quia naturaliter qua legis sunt vtcunque fecerunt, scriptum habentes in cordibus opus legis hactenus, vt alijs non facerent quod perpeti nol­lent. Hoc tamen peccantes, quòd homines sine fide non ad eum finem ista opera retulerunt, ad quem referre debuerunt. Mi­nus enim Fabritius quam Catilina punietur; non quia iste bo­nus, sed quia ille magis malus; & minus impius quam Cati­lina [Page 361] Fabritius, non veras virtutes habendo, sed à veris vir­tutibus non plurimùm deuiando. But in this their cogitations shall defend them in the day of iudgement, that their punish­ment may be more tolerable, because they haue done naturally in some sort, those things that pertained to the law; All in hell haue not the same to ments. hauing the worke of the lawe so deepely written in their hearts, that they did so to others, as they wished to be doone vnto themselues. Yet they committed this sinne, that they beeing men without faith, did not referre these workes to that end, to which they should haue done. For Fabritius shal be more gently punish­ed then Catiline; not because he is good, but for that hee is not so bad as Catiline; neither because he hath true vertues, but for that he is not so farre from true vertues as Catiline.

The fourth obiection.

It is cleare by the testimonie of Moses, that Cain had free will aswell to good as to euill; Genes. 4.7. and that both after the fall of A­dam, and before his regeneration: for there is it expresly saide, that he shal rule ouer his sinne. Therefore though freewil were wounded by y e fal of Adam, yet did it abide stil in his posterity.

The answer.

I say first, that the text in the originall speaketh of that rule, 1 which Cain had ouer his brother, not ouer sinne. For these are the words in the Hebrew text, [...]: and thou shalt beare rule ouer him, (not ouer sin:) for in the Hebrew the word sin ( [...]) is the feminine gender, and the pronounes which should be answerable therunto, are the masculine, ( [...]) and [...]. I say secondly, that their famous linguist A­rias 2 Montpunc; translateth it, ( in eum, not in illud; ouer him, not o­uer it) because the varietie of the gender in the Hebrew would not beare it. I say thirdly, that S. Chrysostome interpreteth this portion of scripture, not of freewil, but of that dominion which 3 Cain being the elder brother and first begotten, had ouer his yonger brother Abel in respect of his birthright: these are his wordes; Nam hoc de fratris subiectione accipiendum est. In­fra; Mihi enim videtur de fratre esse dictum. Chrysost. in 4. cap. Ge. hom. 1 For this must be vnderstoode of the subiection of his brother: for I iudge it to be spoken of his brother. I say fourthly, that howsoeuer this 4 [Page 362] place of scripture be vnderstoode, it will no way make for the papists. For first, the wicked haue free-will from coaction. Secondly, they haue free-wil in morall and ciuill acts. Third­ly, among many sinnes, they may make free choise of one; on­ly this freedome wanteth, that they can neuer make election of good, vntill they be regenerate by Gods holy spirit.

The fift obiection.

If we haue not free-will to do well, then do we sinne of ne­cessitie; and consequently God is vniust, who punisheth vs for that which we cannot auoide.

The answer.

I say first, that God is not vniust, though he punish vs for 1 that which we cannot auoide: for infants cannot auoide origi­nal sinne; and yet may they iustly be damned for the same. No 2 Papist can or will this denie. I say secondly with saint Au­sten, that euerie sinne (which is not poena peccati) is so volun­tarie, 3 as if it be not voluntarie, it is no sinne at all. I say third­ly, that it is our owne fault and not Gods, that we can doe no good, but sinne. And because the necessitie of sinning c [...]me by our selues, who all sinned voluntarily in our first parent A­dam, we are iustly punished in him, and for his disobedience: for he receiued grace vpon this condition, that if he kept it and sinned not, we should all be partakers thereof; but if he lost it by disobedience, al his posteritie should loose it with him, and be iustly punished for the same.

The reply.

If this be so, our will may rather be called bond-will then free-wil; because al the freedome we haue, is to go to the deuil.

The answer.

1 I say first, that our will before our regeneration, may right­ly be termed the wil of bondage, and not the wil of freedom. I 2 say secondly, that it is stil free in sundry respects, & that I wil not contend for the name, so the trueth be granted in the thing.

The second conclusion.

There is nothing in man by which hee may bee iustified, or which can any way further his iustificatiō. The ancient council of Aransica proueth this conclusion effectually. These are the wordes; Conc. [...] 19. Natura humana, etiamsi in illa integritate in qua est [Page 363] condita permaneret, nullo modo seipsam creatore suo non adiu­uante seruaret. Ʋnde, cùm sine gratia Dei salutem non possit cu­stod [...]re quam accepit, quomodo sine Dei gratia poterit reparare quod perdidit? Man, although he had continued in that integri­ty in which he was created, yet could he not haue attained sal­uation, without the help of his creator. Wherefore since man without grace, could not retaine that felicity which he had once receiued; how can he without grace, repaire that which hee hath lost? In these words we see cleerely, that this holy council con­demnes morall preparatiues, & merites de congruo, to which y e papists trust so much. The whole scope of the councill is no­thing else, but onely and soly to perswade man, that he cannot so much as to thinke one good thought, much lesse do any good act, which may any way further his iustification. Can. 7. vbi sup. And in the 7. canon, it doeth precisely condemne that actiue concurrence of freewil, which our papists in the late council of Trent, require of necessitie to mans iustification.

S. Austen as in al other things, so in this matter vseth a large & lerned discourse in his epistle against Vitalis: Aug. epist. 1 [...]. in which among many other excellent sentences, I finde these finely contriued words; Quapropter vt in Deū credamus, & piè viuamꝰ, nō volē ­tis ne (que) currentis▪ sed miserentis est Dei; non quia velle non debe­mus & currere, sed quia ipse in nobis & velle operatur & cur­rere Ʋnde & ipse D. Iesus credentes à non credentibus .i. ab irae vasis vasa misericordiae discernēs, nemo inquit, venit ad me, nisi ei datum fuerit à patre meo. Wherfore that we beleeue in him and liue godly, it is neither in him that willeth, nor in him that runneth, but in god that sheweth mercie; not because we are not bound to will & run, but because he worketh in vs both to wil & to run. Whereupon our Lord Iesus seuering beleeuers from infidels, that is, the vessels of mercy frō y e vessels of wrath, saith that none can come to him, Luc. 17.10. but he to whom it is giuen of his fa­ther. Christ himself telles vs, that we are vnprofitable seruāts, euen when we haue done the best we can. And yet doubtles wee should be right profitable, if we could yeeld anie helpe at all to our iustification. And holy Moses saith, Gen. 6. [...]. that the imaginations of our hearts are euill continually: But sinne and corruption can be no meane to worke mans iustification. Wisely therefore [Page 364] saith the Apostle, that it is God which worketh in vs, both the will and the deede, [...]ilip. 2.13. euen of his good pleasure (not for any me­rite or dispositiō which he findeth in our selues.) Again in ano­ther place; Cor. 3.5. not that we are sufficient of our selues, to think any thing as of our selues, but our sufficiency is of God. Again; the natural man perceiueth not y e things of y e spirit of God, Cor. 2.14. for they are foolishnes vnto him; neither can he know them, bicause they are spiritually discerned. [...]om. 8.7. Again; the wisdome of the flesh is en­mitie against God, for it is not subiect to the law of God, nei­ther indeed can be. And Christ himself saith; No man can come to me, except my father draw him. Againe in an other place; Without me can ye doe nothing. [...]an. 6.44. By which testimonies it is clear, [...]an. 15.5. y t man before he be regenerate, hath not power, force, effi­cacy, or faculty to do good, or once to cōsent to any spiritual act.

The third conclusion.

The meritorious cause as wel of saluation as of iustification, is Christ Iesus and none els. This conclusion wilbe manifest, if we seriously reuolue in our minds the wonderful mystery of mans redemption. In which kind of holy meditation, whosoe­uer shal deuoutly exercise himselfe; that man doubtlesse wil e­spie with facilitie, these foure most excellent attributes of our most sweete redeemer; to wit, his iustice, his mercie, his wise­dome, his loue. For first, as the worthines of the person increa­seth, so doth also the offence against the saide person commit­ted. 1 Wherupon it commeth, that a reprochful word spoken a­gainst a meane priuate person, is in respect a small offence; when it is spoken against a magistrate, The attribute of Gods iustice. it is great [...]r; when a­gainst our soueraigne, the greatest of all: and consequently, when we offend God, whose person is of infinite worthienes, our offence must needes be infinite, howsoeuer our late papists flatter themselues in their venials; and so man vncapable of e­uerie infinite action, cannot possibly yeeld any condigne com­pensation: and yet god of his iustice cannot pardon sin, without condigne compensatiō for the same. Behold here Gods iustice. 2 Secondly, in rigor of iustice the partie that offendeth, is bound to make satisfaction for the fault, The attribute of Gods mercie. neither is the partie offended bound to accept the satisfaction of any other: and conseqently God was not bound to accept his sonnes satisfaction for our [Page 365] sinnes, though it were most sufficient, and of infinite dignitie. In this Gods mercie shewed it selfe. Thirdly, on the one 3 side pure God could not satisfie, The attribute of Gods wisedome. though he were of infinit dig­nitie, because pure God is impassible; on the other side, pure man was not able, because euerie his action was insufficient, as of which no one amongst al could be infinite; God therefore appointed his onely sonne to be incarnate, to ioyne humanitie with diuinity in hypostatical vnion, and so to make attonement for our sinnes. For as man hee was passible, and as God he was able to giue infinite dignitie to his passion. Wherein we may beholde Gods diuine wisedome. Fourthly, God seeing 4 man in the chaines, and bondage, The attribute of Gods loue. and thraldome of the deuill through sin, and hauing tender compassion of him in such his distresse, sent his owne deare sonne to set him at libertie again; and this he did of meere loue, without all merits and deserts of man. Ioan. 3.16. For (as Christ himselfe saith) God so loued the world that he gaue his onely begotten sonne, that whosoeuer belee­ueth in him should not perish, but haue life euerlasting.

All (saith the apostle) haue sinned, Rom 3.23, 24. and are depriued of the glorie of God, and are iustified freely by his grace through the redemption that is in Christ Iesus. Againe in another place, Rom. 5.18, 19. As by the offence of one, the fault came on al men to condem­nation, so by the iustifying of one, the benefit abounded to­warde all men to the iustification of life. For as by one mans disobedience many were made sinners, so by the obedience of one, many shall be made righteous. This is the stone (saith Saint Peter) which the builders refused, Act. 4.11. which is become the head of the corner; neither is there saluation in any other: for among men there is giuen none other name vnder heauen, whereby wee must be saued. Wee haue an aduocate with the father (saith Saint Iohn) euen Iesus Christ the iust, 1. Io. 2.1, 2. and he is the reconciliation for our sinnes. Christ redeemed vs (saith Saint Paul,) from the curse of the lawe, Gal. 3.13. while hee was made a curse for vs. Againe in another place, In whome wee haue redemption through his bloud, that is, Col. 1.14. the forgiuenesse of our sinnes. Againe, Who did by himselfe purge our sinnes, Heb. 1.2, 3. and sitteth on the right hand of maiestie on high. Againe, For he hath made him to be sinne for vs, that knew no sinne, 2. Cor. 5.21 that we [Page 366] should be made the righteousnes of God in him. Apoc. 7.14. These (saith S. Iohn) are they which came from great tribulatiō, & washed their stoales, and made them white in the bloud of the Lambe. Again in another place; The bloud of Iesus Christ doth purge vs from all sin. [...]. Io. 1.8. I, euen I am hee (saith God by his Prophet) that blotteth out thine infirmities (not for thy deserts, [...]sa. 43.55. [...]sa. 53.5. but) for mine owne sake. Againe in another place; He was wounded for our iniquities, hee was torne in peeces for our offences. S. Austen shal conclude this point, who writeth in this maner. Dominus noster Iesus Christus mori venit, August. serm. 141 de temp. tom. 10. peccare non venit, communicando nobiscum sine culpa poenam, & culpam soluit & poenam. Our Lord came to die, he came not to sin; communica­ting paine with vs without sinne, he loosed both sinne, and the paine of sinne.

The fourth conclusion.

The mercie of God is the efficient cause of mans iustificati­on, and Gods glorie the finall cause of the same. Of the former speaketh S. Paul when he saith; [...] 3.5. Not by the works of righte­ousnesse which we haue done, but according to his mercie hath he saued vs, by the washing of the new birth, and the renewing of the holy ghost. Againe in another place, the same Apostle saith; Rom. 2.23, 24. that al haue sinned, & are freely iustified by his grace. A­gaine he saith; Which beleeue in him that raised vp Iesus our Lord from the dead. Rom. 4.24. Ioan. 3.16. And S. Iohn saith, that God of his meere mercy and loue gaue his only son for the redemption of the world. Eph. 1. [...], [...]. Cor. 10.31. Of the latter speaketh the apostle when he saith, that God hath made vs accepted in his beloued, to the praise of his glory. Again in another place; whether therfore ye eate or drink, or whatsoeuer ye do, do all to the glory of God; As if he had said, ye must referre al your thoughts, words, and workes, to Gods glorie, because ye were created to that end. The prophet also saith; Esa. 43.25. Esa. 48.11. I, euen I am he that putteth away thine iniquities for mine own sake, & wil not remember thy sins. Againe in an other place; Surely I wil not giue my glory to any other. But doubtlesse if God shoulde iustifie man for any other end then for his owne glory, it would follow thereupon that his glorie were giuen to another. Prou. 16. [...]. Yet as Salomon saith, God hath made [Page 367] al things for his own sake, yea euen y e wicked for y e day of euil.

The formall cause of mans iustification, is not mans owne inherent iustice, but the iustice & righteousnes of Christ Iesus. This conclusion containeth the maine point of a mighty con­trouersie betweene the papists & vs: for which respect, I wish the reader to marke attentiuely my discourse. The late councel holden at Trent, setteth downe the opinion of the papists, in these words; Demū vnica formalis causa est iustiti [...] dei, nō qua ipse iustus est, sed qua nos iustos facit. To conclude, Conc. Trid. se [...]. 6. can. 7. the onely formal cause is the iustice of God, not that with which himself is iust, but with which he maketh vs iust. This decree is quite contrarie to my conclusion, & they learned it of Aquinas their angelicall doctour, whose direction they followe in all theolo­gicall questions. Thus doth Aquinas write; Aquinas 12. q. 111. ar. 1. ad pri­mum. Gratia non dici­tur facere gratum effectiuè, sed formaliter; quia per hanc homo iustificatur, & dignus efficitur vocari Deo gratus secundum il­lud Colos. 1. vers. 12. dignos nos fecit in partem sortis fancto­rum in lumine. Grace doth not make one acceptable effectiuely, but formally, because man is iustified by grace, and is made worthie to be accepted of god, according to that which the ap [...] ­stle saith, He hath made vs worthie of the fellowship of saints in light. Thus writeth Aquinas; whose opinion being once confuted, al other papists shalbe confuted in him. I therfore say first, that Aquinas was deceiued with the popish vulgar latin translation called vulgata editio, which for al that, Vulgata editio. the late dis­holy 1 synode of Trent hath wonderfully magnified, & extolled aboue the starrie skies. For where their vulgata editio hath (worthie) there the greeke and original hath (meete or fit) these are the very words of the original; Coloss. 1.12. [...]: Giuing thanks to god euen the father, who hath made vs meete to be partakers of the inheritance of the saints in light.

I say secondly, that since his foundation was a false transla­tion, 2 his conclusion inferred thereupon, must of necessitie bee false also. And therefore wee may not reade as Aquinas did, (who hath made vs worthie, Their owne lin­guist is again [...] them. but) who hath made vs meete or fitte for the fellowshippe of Saintes;) and so their owne lin­quist Arias Montanus doth interpret it, to their confusion. [Page 368] And because the verie life of this question standeth wholly in this, if there be any forme or qualitie inherent in man, by which hee is worthy of glory and eternall life; I will prooue pithily and succinctly, that man neither hath in him, nor can haue any such qualitie at all; but that the formall cause of mans iustifica­tion is in Christ Iesus, not in himselfe.

The first argument.

The 1. argument.No infinite accident can be in any finite subiect; but the grace of iustification is infinite, Ergo it cannot be in man a finite sub­iect. The argument is in forme, the proposition is graunted of all, as well Philosophers as Diuines; and the assumtion is manifest, because the transgression was infinite, as is prooued in the third conclusion.

The second argument.

The 2. argument.Being iustified freely by his grace (saith the Apostle;) tho­rough redemption which is in Christ Iesus. Where we must 1 obserue first, Rom. 3. v. 24. y t when the apostle saith (freely,) hee doth exclude 2 all workes, and all qualities in man. We must obserue second­ly, that when he saith (by his grace,) he giueth vs to vnderstand, that the grace of iustification is in Christ, and not in our selues. For otherwise he would haue termed it our grace, and not his grace; because that which is inherent in our selues, is properly 3 ours. We must obserue thirdly, that when hee concludeth the period thus; (which is in Christ Iesus,) the word (which) hath no lesse relation to grace then to redemption, and so thone must be in Christ aswel as the other.

The 3. argument.

The 3. argument.Being therfore iustified by faith, we haue peace with God through our Lord Iesus Christ, Rom. 5. v. 1. through whom we haue ac­cesse by faith into this grace in which wee stand. In which 1 wordes of the Apostle, wee are taught three thinges. First, 2 that our iustification is by faith. Secondly, that our iustifica­tion 3 giueth vs peace with God. Thirdly, that by faith we haue accesse to the grace of iustification; and consequently, that this grace of iustification is not in our selues. For vnproperly are wee saide to haue accesse, to a thing inherent in our selues.

The 4. argument.

Not hauing mine owne righteousnesse, which is of the law, but that which is through the faith of Christ, The 4. argument Phil. 3. v. 9. euen the righte­ousnesse which is of God through faith. In which wordes the Apostle teacheth vs two thinges; First, that the formal cause 1 of our iustification is not our owne, in these wordes, (not ha­uing mine owne righteousnesse;) for if our iustice or righteous­nesse were inherent in our selues, it should be our owne. Se­condly, that our iustice is through faith, and in faith; and con­sequently, 2 that the formall iustice of the papists, is not that true christian iustice whereof Saint Paul speaketh: for they say, that charitie which is the chiefest part of their formall inherent iu­stice, is neither through faith, nor in faith, but aboue faith, and the forme of faith.

The fift argument.

He that knewe no sinne, suffered the paine due for sinne for our sakes, that wee might be made the iustice of God in him. The 5 argument. In which wordes the apostle teacheth vs two thinges; First, 2. Cor. 5. v. 21. that Christ died for our iustification. Secondly, that this iustifi­cation is the application of the iustice of God in Christ. But doubtlesse the iustice of God, cannot be our inherent iustice. 1 For first, Gods iustice is infinite, but ours is finite. Secondly, 2 Gods iustice is perfite, but ours is vnperfit. Thirdly, Gods 3 iustice is absolute, but ours is relatiue.

The 6. argument.

For they being ignorant of the righteousnesse of God, The 6. argument. and going about to stablishe their owne righteousnesse, haue not submitted themselues to the righteousnesse of God. Rom. 10. v. 3.4. For Christ is the end of the law for righteousnesse, vnto euery one that be­leeueth. In these wordes of the apostle, wee are taught two thinges; First, that to ascribe anie righteousnesse to our selues, 1 is flatly to fall from the iustice of God. Which certes could not be so, if y t iustice by which we are iustified, were inherent in our selues. Againe, that Christes righteousnesse is applied to euery 2 one by faith. Which thing shalbe yet more plaine, by the next conclusion.

The 5. conclusion.

Man is iustified by sole and only faith; that is to say, faith [Page 370] onely is the instrument, by which man applieth to himselfe, the righteousnesse of God in Christ Iesus. The true mea­ning of this sen­tence, sole faith doth iustifie. This conclusion con­taineth three thinges; First, that Gods righteousnesse is that 1 iustice which we present for our iustification. Secondly, that it is ours for the merites of Christ Iesus. Thirdly, that we ap­prehend 2 and take hold vpon it, by faith only; and so we haue the 3 explication, howe sole faith doth iustifie. Which because the papistes so bitterly impugne, I will prooue it both by y e scrip­tures and the fathers. If Abraham (saith S. Paule) were iu­stified by works, [...]om. 4. v. [...]. [...]. he hath wherin to reioyce, but not with God. For what saith the Scripture? Abraham beleeued God, and it was counted to him for righteousnesse. Thus saith the Apo­stle. 1 Out of which wordes I note first, that workes did not iu­stifie 2 Abraham before God. I note secondly, that that iustice by which man standeth cleere before God, is only imputatiue, and not really inherent in himselfe. Which imputatiue iustice, the Apostle doth often inculcate in this chapter, the fourth to the Romaines. I note thirdly, that faith is counted our righ­teousnesse. 3 Which the apostle expresseth more liuely in the fift verse; But to him that worketh not (saith hee) but beleeueth in him that iustifieth the vngodly, [...]. 4. v. 3. his faith is counted for righte­ousnesse. Loe, not the worker, but the beleeuer is iustified, and that by imputation.

The same apostle after a long discourse, to prooue that a man is iustified by faith onely, Rom. 3. v. 28. in another place addeth these words; We therfore think y t a man is iustified by faith, without the workes of the law. Loe, the holy apostle, after a long dispu­tation, which is implied in the worde (therefore,) concludeth, that we are iustified by faith without works. As if he had said; sole faith, only faith, or faith without works doth iustifie, albeit the papistes cannot, or will not it see. This whole processe is confirmed, by the vniforme testimonies of the auncient fathers, who all ascribe our iustification to sole faith.

S. Ambrose hath these wordes, Iustificati sunt gratis, quia nihil operantes, ne (que) vicena reddentes, sola fide iustificati sunt dono Dei. Ambros. in 3. cap. ad Rom. paulo ante finem. cap. 4. cap. 9. ad Rom, [...] They are iustified freely, because they neither doing any worke, nor making any compensation, are iustified by sole faith through the grace of God. The like sayinges hee hath in [Page 371] sundry other places. S. Chrysostome hath these wordes; Ʋnum hoc tantummodo donum Deo obtulimus, Chrysost. hom. 1 [...] ad Rom. [...] med. quod futura nobis pro­mittenti credimus, atque hac solum via seruati sumus. This one only gift do we present to God, that we beleeue him when he promiseth vs future giftes, and by this only way are we sa­ued. Againe in another place he writeth thus; Aut fidem dicit, decretum illam vocans. Ex sola quippe fide nos saluauit. Chrysost. hom. 5. ad Ephes, Or hee meaneth faith, calling it the decree. For by only faith hath he sa­ued vs.

S. Hilarie hath these wordes; Mouet scribas remissum ab homine peccatum; Hilarius in Ma [...] ▪ Can. 8. hominem enim tantum in Iesu Christo contue­bantur, & remissum ab eo quod lex laxare non poterat. Fides enim sola iustificat. It vexeth the Scribes, that man forgiueth sinnes, for they onely considered Christ Iesus to be man, and that he forgaue that which the law could not doe. For sole faith doth iustifie.

S. Basill hath these words; Basiliu [...] de hu [...] tom. 1. Nam ea demum perfecta & om­nimodae gloriatio est in Deo, quando ne (que) propter suam ipsius quis extollitur iustitiam, sed agnoscit se quidem verae destitui iu­stitia, verùm sola in Christum fide iustificatum esse.

For that is the perfite ioy & al maner of comfort we haue in God, when no man is puffed vp by reason of his owne righte­ousnesse, but acknowledgeth himselfe to be destitute of true iu­stice in deed, and seeketh to be iustified by sole faith in Christ.

Origen writeth in this maner; Dicit sufficere solius fidei iu­stificationem, ita vt credens quis tantummodo iustificetur, Orig. ad Rom. cap. 3. non proc. a fine. etiamsi nihil ab eo operis fuerit expletum.

He saith, that the iustification of sole faith is sufficient, so as a man may be iustified, if he only beleeue, although hee doe no workes at all. And the same Origen prooueth in the same place, by a long and learned discourse; that wee are iustified by sole faith, and not by workes.

S. Austen is plaine in this point, who writeth in this maner, Opus autem fidei ipsa dilectio est: And charitie it selfe is the worke of faith. What plainer testimonie can be had? what pa­pist can inuent any solution for the same? who but mad men will not yeeld thereunto? August. in Epist. Ioann. tract. 10. in initio.

The 6. conclusion.

The good works of y e regenerate, do neither merite grace in this life, nor glory in the world to come. This conclusion is a­gainst a graund and mightie article in popishe doctrine, but I will prooue it by strong and irrefragable reasons.

S. Paul writeth to the Romaines, in these wordes; the af­flictions of this present time are not worthy of the glory, The first reason. Rom. 8.18. which shalbe shewed vnto vs. The workes of the regenerate (saith S. Paul, as ye see) are not worthy of heauen. They cannot therefore (say I) merite heauen, because (as the papists them­selues doe graunt) to merite heauen, and to be worthy of hea­uen, is all one; the difference is onely in wordes, not in sense.

The papists perceiuing the force of this argument, vse this seely euasion: A friuolous di­stinction of the Papists. although (say they) the actions of man be not worthie of heauen, neither merite grace, as they proceed from mans free-will; yet are they worthie of heauen and meritori­ous, as they proceede from the holy ghost. But this is a friuo­lous, childish, and miserable shift, onely inuented by the sugge­stion 1 of Satan, to seduce simple soules. For first, our workes 2 are only ours, as they proceed of, and from our selues. Second­ly, when the holy ghost and man worke both one and the same work, that which the holy Ghost doth, can no more be deemed mans act, then that which man doth, can be deemed Gods act; & yet so it is, that y t which man doth cannot be deemed Gods; Ergo, neither that which God doth, can be deemed mans. The assumption, wherein resteth the difficultie if there be any at all, is manifest by mans sinfull actions. For the most cruell act that can be imagined, is not done without the concourse of the holy ghost, as all learned papistes doe, and must confesse. Ne­uerthelesse mans sinfull actes are so farre from being Gods actes, as the deformities and irregularities thereof be onely mans, and neuer Gods; and yet doth God concurre more effec­tually to those wicked acts, in that he is the principall agent of the real and positiue entities thereof, then man doth or can con­curre to any act of Gods, that is, to any good act himselfe doth. Note well, for God is the creator of the diuell, as he is an an­gel, but not as hee is such an aungell: and euen so is God the [Page 373] authour of mans acts, as they be acts, but not as such acts. This place of the Apostle is handled more at large, in my book of Motiues.

I my self (saith the Apostle) in my mind serue the law of god, The second reso [...] Rom. 7.25. but in my flesh the law of sin. Out of which words I note first, that Saint Paul speaketh of the regenerate throughout this whole chapter, because hee nameth himselfe, who was Gods chosen and elect vessel. For which respect and the like expressed in this seauenth chapter to the Romaines, S. Austen changed his opinion, Aug. li. 1. retract. cap. 22. p. 23. and granted the apostle to speake here of the rege­nerate. I note secondly, that the elect & regenerate do serue the law of sinne. I note thirdly, that the best liuers are so far from meriting grace of glorie; that they deserue (in rigour of iustice) eternal death, because death is the rewarde of sinne. Which for that Saint Augustine coulde not well digest at the first, Rom. 6. v. 23. he thoght that S. Pauls words in this chapter, were to be vn­derstoode of the reprobate, and not of the elect and godly sort; but after he had pondered the text deeply, he altered his opini­on. This is confirmed in these words of the selfe same chapter, Rom. 7.23. The first conf [...]mation. but I see another law in my mēbers, rebelling against the law of my mind, leading me captiue vnto the law of sin, which is in my members. By these words of Paul it is euident, that albe­it he were the childe of God, yet could he not merite any thing in Gods sight, but rather in rigor of iustice prouoke his heauy displeasure against him. For where or what could be his me­rite, who was prisoner to the law of sinne?

Againe it is confirmed in these words; Rom. 7.19. The second con­firmation. Rom. 6.23. For I doe not the good thing which I would, but the euill which I would not, that doe I. Thus sai [...]h saint Paul, and doubtlesse since hee did the euill which he would not, he sinned though he were regene­rate; and because he sinned he was worthie of condemnation, for that death is the stipend of sinne.

Againe it is confirmed in these words; For the law is spiri­tuall, but I am carnal sould vnder sinne. Rom. 7.14. The third confir­mation. Thus saith S. Paul of himselfe, and yet is it true, that one vnder sin can merit no­thing, saue hel fire and eternal paine.

Againe it is confirmed in these words; Nowe if I do that I would not, it is no more I that doe it, but the sinne that dwel­leth [Page 374] in mee. Rom. 7. [...]0. Thus saith Saint Paul of himselfe, and yet be­cause sin abode in him, and did that that was offensiue in gods sight, he could neither merite grace nor eternal life, as is alrea­dy proued. The fourth con­firmation. Further then this, no man liueth without sinne, (as the papists grant) and yet is euerie sinne mortall, as I haue prooued elsewhere.

The first obiection.

Saint Paul speaketh of originall concupiscence, which re­maineth euen in the regenerate after baptisme, but is no sinne at all. For he onely calleth it sinne, because it prouoketh a man to sin, as a mans writing is called his hand, for that it is writ­ten with his hand: which exposition S. Austen approueth in sundrie places of his works.

The answere.

1 I say first, that to say against the flat text of scripture with­out 2 scripture, is no reason at all. I say secondly, that S. Paul doth not onely call concupiscence sin, but he proueth it by ma­ny reasons. For first, it striueth against the law of the minde. Againe, it leadeth one captiue into the law of sinne: thirdly, it doth that which is not good, but euil. I say thirdly, that Saint 3 Austen doth vndoubtedly iudge it to be sin; neither shal any pa­pist in the world, euer be able to proue the contrarie, howsoeuer they bare the world in hand. I wil onely alleage a few places out of S. Austen, & make effectuall application of the same; to which when anie either Rhemist or Romist shall answere suf­ficiently, I promise to become his bondman.

The first place of Austen.

Concupiscentia carnis aduersus quam bonus concupiscit spiri­tus, Aug. contr. Iuli­ [...]n. lib. 5. cap. 3. tom. 7. & peccatum est▪ quia inest illi inobedientia contra domina­tum mentis; & poena peccati est, quia reddita est meritis ino­bedientis; & causa peccata est, defectione consentientis, vel contagione nascentis. The concupiscence of the flesh, against which the good spirit striueth, is sinne, because it is disobedient against the dominion of the mind; and it is the punishmēt of sin, bicause it is inflicted for the deserts of disobedient (Adam;) and it is the cause of sinne either by the default of him that consen­teth, or by the contagion of the child that is borne. Thus saith S. Austen. In which words he expresseth three things precisely; [Page 375] first, that concupiscence in the regenerate is the paine or pu­nishment 1 of sinne; secondly, that it is the cause of sinne; thirdly, 2 that it is sin it selfe: which three he doth not only distinguish, 3 but withall hee yeeldeth seueral reasons for the same. And ther­fore most impudent are the papists, who auouch with open mouthes that saint Austen onely calleth it sin, because it is the cause of sinne.

The second place of Saint Austen

Neque enim nulla est iniquitas, Aug. con [...]. Iulian. lib. 6. ca. 8. tom. 7 cum in vno homine vel supe­riora inferioribus tur piter seruiunt; vel inferiora superioribus contumaciter reluctantur, etiamsi vincere non sinantur. For it is some iniquitie, when in one man either the superiour parts shamefully serue the inferiour; or the inferiour parts stubborn­ly striue against the superiour, although they be not suffered to preuaile. Thus saith S. Austen: whose words are so plaine, as the papists can not possibly inuent any euasion at all. For hee saith in expresse tearmes, that the rebellion, which is betweene the flesh and the spirit is sinne, euen when it is resisted and can­not preuaile: at which time and in which respect, the papists wil haue it to be merite and no sinne at all.

The third place of Saint Austen.

Ʋirtus est charitas, qua id quod diligendum est diligitur; August. epist. 29. ad Hier. tom. 2. haec in alijs maior, in alijs minor, in alijs nulla est, plenissima vero quae iam non possit augeri, quamdiu hic homo viuit, est in nemi­ne; quamdiu autem augeri potest, profecto illud quod minus est quam debet, ex vitio est. Ex quo vitio non est iustus in terra qui faciat bonum, & non peccet. 3. Reg. 8. Psalm. 142. 1. Ioan. 1. Matth. 6, Ex quo vitio non iustificabitur in conspectu Dei omnis viuens. Propter quod vitium▪ si dixeri­mus quia peccatum non habemus, nosmetipsos seducimus, & ve­retas in nobis non est. Propter quodetiam quantumlibet profece­rimus, necessarium est nobis dicere; dimitte nobis debita nostra, cum iam omnia in baptismo dicta, facta, cogitata, dimissa sint. Charitie is a vertue, with which we loue that that ought to be loued. This in some is more, in other lesse, in others none at all; but the perfect charitie which can not bee increased while a man here liueth, is found in none; so long as it can be increased, that doubtlesse which is lesse then it shoulde bee, [Page 376] proceedeth of sinne, by reason of which sin, there is not one iust vpon earth, that doth good and sinneth not; by reason of which vice, none liuing can be iustified in Gods sight; by reason of which vice, if we say we haue no sin we deceiue our selues, and the truth is not in vs; Concupiscence is sinne in the regenerate. by reason of which sin, how much soeuer we profit, yet must we say of necessitie, Forgiue vs our tres­passes, euen after that al our thoughts, words and works, are forgiuen in baptisme. Thus saith saint Austen. Out of whose most golden words, I note sundrie things, to the euerlasting 1 confusion of all impenitent papists. For first, Saint Austen saith, that no man can haue charity in that perfite degree, which the law requireth. Secondly, that the want thereof proceedeth 2 of this concupiscence. Thirdly, that by reason of this concupi­scence, 3 euerie man is a sinner. Fourthly, that by reason therof, 4 none liuing can be iustified in Gods sight. Fiftly that by reason 5 thereof, whosoeuer saith he hath no sinne, is a flat lyer. Sixtly, 6 that how vertuously soeuer we liue, yet must we desire God to forgiue vs our sinnes, by reason of this concupiscence. Sea­uenthly, 7 that wee must thus pray, euen after all sinnes be for­giuen vs in our baptisme.

The fourth place of Saint Austen.

August. de nupt. & concupisc. lib. 1 cap. 25. tom. 7. Si in parente baptizato potest & esse, & peccatum non esse, cur eadem ipsa in prole peccatum est? Adhaec respondetur, dimitti concupiscētiam carnis in baptismo non vt non sit, sed vt in pec­catum non imputetur. If it be demanded, how concupiscence can be without sinne in the parent that is baptised, and yet be sinne in the childe; I answere that concupiscence is forgiuen in baptisme, yet not so that it remaineth not still, but that it be not imputed for sinne. Thus saith Saint Austen, in which words he sheweth plainely, that concupiscence remaineth as well in the baptised parent, as in the vnbaptised childe; yet with this difference, that it is sinne in the parent, though not for sinne im­puted; but in the child it is both sinne, and so reputed.

The fift place of Saint Austen.

August. de nupt. [...] concupisc. lib. 1 cap. 29. tom 7. Ideo apostolus non ait facere bonū sibi non adiacere sed perfice­re. Multum [...]n, boni facit, qui facit quod scriptū est, postconcu­piscentias [Page 377] tuas non eas; sed non perficit, quia non implet quod scriptum est, non concupisces. The Apostle therefore saith not, that he hath not power to do good, but that he can not perfect that which is good. For he doth great good, Ecclesiast. cap. 18 30. Exod. 20.17. who doth that which is written, follow not thy lustes; but he doth not per­fect his well doing, because he fulfilleth not that which is writ­ten, Thou shalt not lust. Thus saith S. Austen. Out of whose words I note first, that S. Austen speaketh these words of the 1 regenerate, for they onely can do good, as is already prooued. I note secondly, that though the regenerate can do good, and 2 striue against lust; yet can they not do that good so perfectly, but it is alwayes annexed to sinne, and chayned with it, as with an heauie yokefellow. I note thirdly, (and I wish the 3 reader to marke well my words) that the tenth commaunde­ment (which is, Marke well this illation: for it striketh the pa­pists dead. thou shalt not lust) prohibiteth not onely ac­tuall lust done with consent, but also originall lust without consent; and consequently, that concupiscence remayning in the regenerate, is sinne properly and formally. I prooue it, because S. Paule could not performe this precept, as S. Au­sten truely and learnedly obserued: and yet concerning actuall consent, S. Paule was free and innocent, as who fought mightely against his concupiscence, and would in no wise yeeld vnto the same. He was therefore guiltie by reason of originall concupiscence, which abode in him against his will. Rom. 7.18, [...], 20. To will is present with me (sayth S. Paule) but I finde no meanes to perfourme that which is good, for I do not the good thing which I would, but the euill which I would not, that do I. Now if I do that I would not, it is no more I that do it, but the sinne that dwelleth in me. Loe, the holy Apostle confesseth plainely, that he sinneth against his will, and that by reason of originall concupiscence, which remayned in him after Bap­tisme. S. Austen singeth the same song, and yet our Papists will not haue it sinne: and why? because forsooth, it ouerthro­weth their holy iustifications, their inherent purities, their condigne merites, their mutuall satisfactions, and their phari­saicall supererogations. And yet Petrus Lombardus their wor­thie maister of Sentences (whose booke to this day is publike­ly read in their schooles of Diuinity) vtterly condemneth their [Page 378] hereticall doctrine in this point: Lombard. lib. 3. [...]nt. dist. 19. these are his expresse words.

Secundum animas vero iam redempti sumus ex parte, non ex toto, àculpa, non à poena; nec omninò à culpa: non enim ab ea sic redempti sumus vt non sit, sed vt nō dominetur. But touching our soules we are redeemed in part, not wholy, from the fault, not from the paine, Now ye papists, either recant your doctrine, or else crie fire and [...]agot for your maister. neither wholy from the (sinne or) fault. For we are not so redeemed from it, that it be not (in vs,) but that it rule not (ouer vs.) Thus writeth the venerable popish ma­ster, our reuerend father Lombarde: out of whose words wee may gather with facility, so much as wil serue our turn against al papists. For first, he saith y t we are redemed in part, but not in al. Peruse the 8. conclusion in the answere to the last replie of the fift obiection. Secōdly, that we are not wholy redeemed frō sin. Third­ly, he telleth vs how and in what maner we be redeemed from sin; to wit, that albeit sin stil remaine in vs, yet hath it not such dominion ouer vs, as it can enforce vs to consent thereunto.

The second obiection.

Rom. 8.1.If concupiscence were sinne in the regenerate, it would make them guiltie of eternall death, and yet are they free from all condemnation, as witnesseth the Apostle.

The answer.

I answere that concupiscence as wel as other sinnes, is apt of it owne nature to condemne vs, but God of his mercie doth neither impute it nor other sinnes of humane frailtie vnto the faithfull, for the merits of Christ Iesus.

The first replie.

Forma dat esse [...]i.Euery thing (as the Philosophers truely say) hath the deno­mination of the formalitie thereof; but doubtlesse the formalitie of original sinne is taken away in baptisme; other else in vaine were infants baptised, and so there onely remaineth the mate­rialitie, as the schooles tearme it, that is, a certaine rebellion and inclination to sinne-ward.

The answere.

I answere, that the formalitie of original sin is of two sorts, or double; Ratio formalis originalis peccati to wit, the guilte and the deordination. The former by which the partie that sinneth is bound to paine temporal & eternall, is remitted by grace and baptisme in this life. The latter, which is a certaine disorder and [...] in the mind, wil, and actions of man▪ continueth stil, euen to the last houre.

The second replie.

Naturall things neither make vs worthie of praise nor of dispraise, as the Philosophers all grant; but certes concupi­scence in man is natural, and so can it not be sinne.

The answere.

I answere that concupiscence as it is naturall indeede, and giuen to man as man in the state of innocencie, is ordinate, a­greeable to reason, and altogether without sinne: but concupi­scence as it is connatural to corrupt man, is inordinate, rebel­lious, against the spirit, and altogether sinful in Gods sight.

The third replie.

S. Austen in one place saith plainely, August. de [...] lib. 1. cap. 25. that originall concupi­scence is no sinne, vnlesse wee consent vnto it. These are the words, Quanto magis absque culpa est in corpore non consen­tientis, si absque culpa est in corpore dormientis? Howe much more is it without sin, in the bodie of him that consenteth not; if it be without sinne, in his body that is a sleepe?

The answere.

I answer, that S. Austen meaneth nothing lesse, then to denie concupiscence to be sin, for otherwise he should be contrarie to himselfe, who affirmeth it to bee sinne in many places of his works, as is alreadie prooued; but hee onely laboureth to per­swade the reader, that it is neuer imputed to the faithfull, that stoutly striue against it. And that this is the true meaning of S. Austen, I proue it by the iudgement of S. Ambrose, Amb. libr. 10. epist. 84. tom. 3. concerning the selfe same matter. Thus doth hee write.

Caro contra spiritum, & contra carnem spiritus concupiscit: [...]ec inuenitur in vllo hominum tanta concordia, 1. Ioan. 1. vt legi mentis lex quae membris est insita non repugnet. Propter quod ex omni­um sanctorum persona accipitur quod Ioannes apostolus ait; si dixerimus quoniam peccatum non habemus, nosipsos seducimus, & veritas in nobis non est: cum tamen idem ipse dicat; qui na­tus est ex Deo, peccatum non facit, qoniam semen ipsius in eo ma­net, & non potest peccare, quoniā ex Deo natus est. Vtrumque er­go verum est, quia & nemo sine peccato est, in eo quod nemo est fine lege peccati; & qui natus est ex Deo, peccatum non facit, quia per legem mentis, id est, per charitatem quae Dei semen est, peccatum non facit. Charitas enim operit multitudinē peccatorū. [Page 380] the flesh lusteth against the spirit, & the spirit against the flesh; neither is there found in any man such concord, but that the lawe (of concupiscence) which is ingrafted in the members, fighteth against the law of the mind. And for that cause Saint Iohns words are taken, Note here a­ [...]ainst the papists, [...]hat the faithfull [...]oth are sinners [...]nd iust at once. as spoken in the person of all saints, If we say we haue no sin we deceiue our selues, and the truth is not in vs, when for al that; the same apostle saith, He that is borne of God, sinneth not, because his seed abideth in him, and he cannot sinne because he is of God. Therfore both are true, because no man is without sinne, for that no man is without the law of sinne, (that is, concupiscence) and he that is borne of God sinneth not, bicause he sinneth not by the law of his mind, that is, by charitie, which is Gods seede; for charitie couereth 1 the multitude of sinnes. Out of these words I note first, that concupiscence moueth rebellion against the spirit, in the holyest 2 man vpon earth. I note secondly, that this rebellion of concu­piscence, is sinne in euerie one, because S. Iohn speaketh of sinne indeede, whose words saint Ambrose applieth heere to concupiscence. I note thirdly, that hee speaketh of originall 3 concupiscence, because he speaketh of that concupiscence, which is in the saints, that is, in those that are borne of God. I note fourthly, that the faithfull sinne not, because charitie couereth 4 their sins. So then S. Austen meaneth as S. Ambrose doth, that they are without sin, to whom sinne is not imputed. Yea, Aquinas himselfe granteth, (which is to be admired) that the inordinate motion of sensualitie, euen which goeth before the deliberation of reason, is sinne though in a lowe degree. These are his expresse wordes:

Dicendum, quòd illud quod homo facit sine deliberatione ra­tionis, [...]q. 12. q. 74. ar. [...]. contr. & ad 3. non perfectè ipse facit, quia nihil operatur ibi id quod est principale in homine; vnde non est perfectè actus humanus, & per consequens non potestesse perfectè actus virtutis vel pec­cati, sed aliquid imperfectum in genere horum. Vnde talis motus sensualitatis rationem praeueniens est peccatum veniale, quod est quiddam imperfectum in genere peccati.

I answere, that that which man doth without the deliberati­on of reason, he doth it not perfectly, because that which is the chiefe in man worketh nothing there; wherefore it is not per­fectly [Page 381] mans act, and consequently it cannot be perfectly the act of vertue or of sinne, but some imperfect thing in this kinde. Whereupon such a motion of sensuality preuenting reason is a venial sinne, which is a certaine imperfect thing in the nature of sinne.

The fourth replie.

Concupiscence at the most is but a little venial sinne, as S. Thomas Aquinas truely saith; therefore it cannot bring a man to hell, neither debarre him of heauen.

The answere.

I answere, that euerie sin is mortall vndoubtedly, as which is flatly against Gods holy commaundements. For that the transgression of Gods commandements, is a grieuous mortal sinne, no man euer did or will denie; Galat. 3.10. Cursed is euery one (saith the apostle) that continueth not in all things which are written in the booke of the law to doe them. Againe in another place, Rom. 6.23. The reward or wage of sinne is death. And S. Iames saith, Whosoeuer shall keepe the whole lawe, Iac. 2.10. and yet faileth in one point, he is guiltie of all. Nowe that euerie sinne aswel great as small is against Gods holy lawe, I prooue sundrie waies. First because the Apostle saith, that al our thoughts, words, 1 and works, ought to be referred to the glorie of God; 1. Cor. 10.31. for most certaine it is, that no sinne at al is referred to Gods glorie. For no sin, no, not the least of al is referrible to god; Rom. 3.8. 2. Cor. 5.21. but is of it own nature, repugnant to his glorie. Secondly, because wee must 2 yeelde an account to God, for euerie idle word, Mat. 1 [...].36. as Christ him­selfe telleth vs; and yet (as euerie child can perceiue) God most merciful and most iust, wil neuer lay that to our charge, which is not against his holy law. Thirdly, because the apostle saith 3 of sin generally that the punishment thereof is death. Rom. 6.23. Fourth­ly, because sinne in generall is defined by the fathers, to bee 4 the transgression of Gods law; Amb. de Par. ca. [...] Aug. contr. [...]aust. 22. cap. 27. which definition could not bee true, if anie little sinne could stand with his commaundement. Fiftly, because famous popish writers, as Ioannes Gerson, Michael Baius, Almayn, and our owne Bishop of Rochester, In the seuenth chapter▪ and fif [...] conclusion of purgatorie. 5 doe all freely graunt, that euerie sinne is mortall of it owne na­ture, and deserueth eternall death: their words I haue alleaged [Page 382] in my booke of Motiues. Sixtly, because Durandus and Iose­phus Angles, Vide Ioseph. An­gles in 2. s. d. 37. diffic. 6. (to whom the Schooles of the papistes this day accord,) doe sharpely impugne Aquinas his doctrine; in that he teacheth Venials, not to be against Gods law.

The 7. conclusion.

Although good works do not iustifie, yet are they pretious in Gods sight, Mat. 10. v▪ 42. and neuer want their reward. Christ himselfe proo­ueth this conclusion, when he promiseth that not so much as a cup of colde water giuen in his name, shall passe without re­ward. Mat. 19. v. 29. Luc. 18. v. 29. And in another place hee saith, That whosoeuer shall leaue house, parents, brethren, wife, or children for his sake, shal receiue much more in this world, and in the world to come, life euerlasting. And in another place Christ telleth vs, that when the sonne of man commeth in his glory, and al his holy angels with him, Mat. 25. v. 34.35 Rom. 2.6. then will he pronounce them blessed, that haue done the works of charitie to their poore neighbours. God (saith S. Paul,) will reward euery man according to his workes. The Lord rewarded me (saith holy Dauid) according to my righte­ousnesse; Psal. 17. v. 20. and according to the purenesse of mine handes, he re­compensed me. Yea, it is a thing so certaine with God, to re­ward y e good deeds of his faithful seruants, that the best liuers giue great respect thereunto. Hebr. 11. v. 26. Moses (saith S. Paul) esteemed the rebuke of Christ, greater riches then y e treasures of Egypt; for he had respect to the recompence of the reward. Which re­ward neuerthelesse proceedeth of Gods meere mercie & boun­tifull benignitie, without all desertes of man. Which the great papist frier Iohn de Combis wel obserued, Ioan. de Combis in comp. theol. veritatis. whē in his theological Sūme, he wrote in this maner; Deus nos punit citra condignū, remunerat vltra condignum. God punisheth vs lesse then we be worthy, and rewardeth vs farre aboue our deserts.

The first obiection.

2. Ioan. 3. v. 7.S. Iohn saith, Qui facit iustitiam iustus est. He that doth iu­stice, he is iust. Therefore a man becommeth iust, euen by doing of good workes.

The answere.

1 I say first, that the contrary illation, is more fitly gathered out of Saint Iohns assertion; albeit the papistes thinke this [Page 383] a bulwarke, for their iustification by good works. For when he saith, he that doth iustice, is iust, it is all one as if he had said, when one doth good works, it is a signe that he is iust, because none can do good works, vnlesse hee be iust. For as a tree can­not bring forth good fruit, vnlesse it first be good; euen so cannot any man do good works vnles he first be the child of god. The reason is euident, bicause the effect must folow, & not go before the cause. For as saint Austen grauely saith; August. de fid. & ope. ca. 14. tom. 4 Opera sequuntur iustificatum, non praecedunt iustificandum. Works follow him that is alreadie iustified, but they goe not before him that is to be iustified. I say secondly, that hee that doth iustice, is iust by 2 inherent iustice, but imperfectly, as is alreadie prooued.

The second obiection.

Saint Iames saith, that a man is iustified by good works, Iac. 2.21, 24. and not by faith onely; and he proueth it because Abraham was iustified by offering vp his sonne Isaac.

The answere.

I say first, that Abraham was iustified indeede, before he did a­ny good worke; and I prooue it by Saint Paul, Rom. 4.3, 4, 5, 6. whose words 1 are these; For if Abraham were iustified by works, he hath wherein to reioyce, but not with God; for what saith the scrip­ture? Abraham beleeued God, and it was counted to him for righteousnesse. Nowe to him that worketh, the wages is not counted by fauour, but by debt; but to him that worketh not, but beleeueth in him that iustifieth the vngodly, his faith is counted for righteousnes: euen as Dauid declareth the blessednes of the man, vnto whome God imputeth righteousnesse without works. Out of these words of the apostle I note first, that who­soeuer 1 ascribeth his iustification to works, can haue no ioy with God. I note secondly, that righteousnesse was imputed to A­braham 2 by reason of his faith, not by reason of his works. I note thirdly, that if Abrahams works could haue iustified him, 3 his iustification shoulde haue beene of duetie, and not by fa­uour or grace. I note fourthly, that the vngodly is freely iusti­fied 4 by faith in Iesus Christ without works.

I say secondly, that Abraham offered his son Isaac, not to 2 worke his iustification by that fact, but to giue a testimonie [Page 384] of his faith, and that he was already the childe of God. For as S. Paule saith, that ob [...]ation was for the triall of Abrahams faith. These are the words: [...] By faith Abraham offered vp Isaac when hee was tried, Heb. 1 [...] [...]. 17. or prooued (for so the Greek word doth significantly expresse. Gen. 22. v. 1.) And Moses maketh the matter more plaine, in these wordes; And after these things, God did proue or try Abraham: (where the Hebrew word [...] signifieth to make triall.) And y e proofe followeth in these wordes; Gen. 22. v. 2. Take nowe thine only sonne Isaac, whom thou louest, and get thee to the land of Moriah, and of­fer him there for a burnt offering, vpon one of the mountaines, which I will shew thee. Out of which words, with the circum­stances before and after recorded in the scripture; I gather that Abraham was perfitly iustified, before hee offered his sonne I­saac. 1 For first, God had promised to blesse all nations in his son Isaac, Gen. 17. v. 19. as it is written; Sara thy wife shall beare thee a son in deede, and thou shalt call his name Isaac, and I will esta­blishe my couenaunt with him for an euerlasting couenaunt, 2 and with his seede after him. Again, God appointed that sonne 3 to be slaine, in whom the promise was made. Thirdly, the sa­crifice was the only sonne of Abraham, euen the sonne which he 4 loued most tenderly. Fourthly, Abraham himselfe was desig­ned to be the butcher to his owne sweet childe. Fiftly, it passed 5 mans reason, how all nations could be blessed in the child, that was presently to be slaine. All this notwithstanding, Abraham neuer once doubted of Gods promise, but promptly pre­pared himselfe to execute Gods will. Whereupon I con­clude, that Abraham was holy and iust in Gods sight, before the oblation of his sonne; Gen. 22. v. 2.3, 4, 5, 6, 7▪ 8, 9, 10. otherwise he could neuer haue yeelded thereunto, in such maner and with such alacritie of minde as he did.

I say thirdly, that S. Iames speaketh of iustification before 3 men, which was nothing els but the testification of Abrahams righteousnesse to the world. Which exposition came from hea­uen to Abraham, in these wordes; Lay not thine hand vpon the childe, neither doe any thing vnto him; for now I knowe that thou fearest God, seeing for my sake thou hast not spared thine onely sonne. Out of these wordes I note first, that this [Page 385] offering vp of Abrahams sonne, was to try Abrahams faith, and obedience, as I said before; which I gather out of these wordes, (for now I knowe that thou fearest God.) I note se­condly, y t it was also to make known vnto the world, that great faith, feare, and loue, which Abraham had towardes God. As if God had said; I knew before, thy faith and loue towards me; but now I haue made the same knowne vnto the world.

The third obiection.

S. Iames saith plainly, Iac. 1. v. 25. that a man may keepe the law per­fitly, and be iustified for so doing. These are the words; Whos [...] looketh in the perfite law of libertie, and continueth therein, hee not being a forgetfull hearer but a doer of the work, shalbe bles­sed in his deed.

The answere.

I say first, that no man can keep the law perfitly in this life, as I haue alreadie prooued copiously. I say secondly, y t though 1 the regenerate doe not fulfil the law exactly, yet doe they con­tinue 2 therein, so long as they striue against sinne, and suffer not sinne to raigne in them. For (as S. Paule saith,) When wee doe that which we would not, it is no more we that doe it, Rom. 7. v. 20. but the sinne that dwelleth in vs. Whereupon S. Austen saith ve­ry finely; Ecce quemadmodum qui ambulant in vijs, domini, August. in Psal. 118. conc▪ 2. in fine. non operantur peccatum▪ & tamen non sunt sine peccato quia iam non ipsi operantur iniquitatem, sed quod habitat in eis peccatum. Behold howe they that walke in the waies of the Lord doe not sinne, and yet are they not without sinne; because now not they work iniquitie, but the sinne that dwelleth in them. I say third­ly, 3 that it is one thing to be blessed in the worke; another thing to be blessed for the worke. And so when the regenerate become not vaine hearers of Gods worde, but bring forth the worthie fruites thereof in holy life; they shall doubtlesse be blessed in so doing, yet not for the worthinesse of their workes, but of Gods meere mercie for his promise sake. Thus doth S. Iames ex­pound himselfe in the same chapter, when hee saith; Iac. 1. v. 12. Blessed is the man, that endureth temptation; for when he is tried, he shall receiue the crowne of life, which the Lord hath promised to them that loue him.

The 4. obiection.

S. Luke saith, that Zacharias and Elizabeth were iust be­fore God, Luc. 1. v. 5. not only before men; and that they walked in all the commandements of the Lord, without reproofe.

The answere.

1 I say first, that if Zacharias and Elizabeth had kept y e law exactly in all pointes, Rom. 4. v. 25. Math. 19. v. 17. Luc. 10. v. [...]9. then Christ needed not to haue died for them, or to haue risen again for their iustification. For the per­fite fulling of the law, giueth life to the doer thereof. I say se­condly, 2 that they were of that number, of whom S. Iohn saith; if we say we haue no sinne, Ioan. 1. verse 8. Rom. 3. v. 10.12. we deceiue our selues, and there is no trueth in vs. And of whom S. Paule saith; There is none righteous, Psal. 143. v. 2. no not one, they haue all gone out of the way, there is none that doth good, no not one. And of whom the Psalm [...] ­graphe saith; for in thy sight shall none that liueth be iustified. And of whom S. Austen saith; August. lib. 9. confess. cap. 13. Vae etiam laudabili vitae homi­num, si remota misericordia discutias eam. Woe euen to the best liuers on earth, if thou extend not thy mercie towards them.

I say thirdly, that they were iust before God, as were Da­uid, 3 Peter, Paul, and others; not for that they were perfitly iust and without sinne, 2. Reg. 12. v. 7. Mat. 26. v. 74. Act. 9. v. 1.2. but because God reputed them so perfit­ly iust, as if they had neuer sinned; and of his great mercie tho­rough the merites of Christ Iesus, did not impute the breach of his law vnto them; according to this saying of the scripture. Blessed are they, Rom. 4 v. 7 [...]. whose iniquities are forgiuen, and whose sins are couered. Blessed is the man, to whom the Lord imputeth no sinne.

The fift obiection.

Gen. 6. v. 9. 4. Reg. 20. v. 3.The regenerate liue without sinne, and so may they iustly merite heauen. For we reade that Noah was iust, and perfite, and vpright, and walked with God. Remember (saith Dauid) howe I haue walked before thee in trueth, 1. Cor. 2. v. 6. and with a perfite heart, 2. Par. 15. v. 17. Psal. 118. and haue done that which is good in thy sight. Wee speake wisedome (saith the apostle,) among them that are per­fite: and it is written of king Asa, y t his heart was perfite all his daies. In another place y e prophet saith, that he hath not swar­ued [Page 351] from Gods lawe. In another place, hee requireth God to iudge him according to his righteousnesse. Psal. 7.8▪

The answere.

I say first, that as the Prophet Dauid in one place, required 1 God to iudge him according to his righteousnesse; Psal. 7. v. 8. Psal. 142. v. 2. Psal. 118. v. 120. so did he de­sire God in another place not to enter into iudgment with him, because none liuing coulde be iustified in his [...]ght. So then his meaning is not, to oppose his owne righteousnesse to the iust iugement of God, (at which hee euer trembled and neuer durst abide it, as he saith in another place, Dionysius, Car­thus. in Psal. 7.) but only to shew his own innocent dealing, in respect of the malicious and wicked practi­ses of his enemies: although the papistes to establish their pha­risaical iustice, would haue it to be vnderstood of Dauids own merites. I say secondly, that the perfitnesse which the scripture 2 ascribeth to Gods children, is not absolute but relatiue; that is to say, it is not perfite in respect of Gods law, but by reason of imputation of Christes iustice vnto them, (who hath simply and perfitly answered the law,) or in respect of the weaker sort, who want many degrees of their though imperfect iustice. For S. Paule denied himselfe to be perfite. Not as though I had alreadie attained to it (saith he,) either were already perfit. Philip. 3. v. 12. To which purpose holy Bernard writeth excellētly, in these words; Bernard. de ve [...]b [...] Esaiae, serm. 5. Nostra enim (si qua est) humilis iustitia, recta for [...]itan▪ sed non pura. Nisi forte meliores nos esse credimus quam patres nostros, qui non minus veraciter quam humiliter aiebant; omnes iustitiae nostrae tanquam pannus menstruatae mulieris. For our base iu­stice (if we haue any) is perchance right, 1. Cor. 1.30. Coloss. 2.10. but not pure or perfit [...] vnlesse perhaps we beleeue, that we are better then our fathers were, who spake as truly as humbly; All our righteousnesse is as filthy clouts. But Christ (as the apostle saith) is our iustice, in him we are perfect and consummate.

I say thirdly, that the regenerate are said to liue perfectly and without sin, in that they striue against sin, and do not suffer 3 sin to raigne in them, thogh they cannot be without it. And this hath the same Bernard wel obserued and vttered in this maner; Quomodo enim pura iustitia, vbi adhuc non potest culpa d [...]esse? recta proinde interim videri potest iustitiae hominum, Bern. vbi sup [...]. [...]. si tamen peccato non consentiant, vt non regnet in eorum mortali [Page 388] corpore: For how can their iustice be pure, who cannot be with­out sinne? yet may the iustice of men be right, if they consent not to sinne, nor suffer it to reigne in their mortall bodies. In which respect S. Iohn saith, 1. Ioan. 3. v. 9. that the faithfull sin not, because they suffer not sinne to raigne in them.

The replie.

If the regenerate cannot fulfill and keepe the lawe exactly, then is it giuen in vain, and without cause are we charged with the obedience thereof.

The answere.

1 I say first, that Adam might haue kept the law perfitly, and in him al his posteritie might haue done the same. I say second­ly, 2 that wee may yet keep the law in a certaine measure, and therefore must we striue against sinne, and studie to increase 3 our sanctification from day to day. I say thirdly, that by the law we know our owne nakednesse, 1. Cor. 1. v. 30. Colos. 2. v. 10. sinnes, and miserie, and are thereby excited to seeke for remission of our sinnes, and to be clad with the righteousnesse of Christ Iesus.

The replie.

The apostle saith in one place, that the iust are not vnder the law, Rom. 6. v. 14. 1. Tim. 1. v. 9. but vnder grace. And in another place hee saith, y t there is no law for the iust man: but where there is no law, there can be no transgression, and consequently no sinne at all.

The answere.

Rom. 1.8.1. Rom. 8.13. Ioan. 14.15. 1. Ioan. 2. v. 3, 4.5 Rom. 6.12.I answere, that the iust are free from the coaction, curse, and condemnation of the law, as the apostle witnesseth in another place; but yet are they vnder the obedience of the law, & bound to frame their liues according to the prescript rule thereof, as other scripture maketh mention.

The replie.

How can any man frame his life after the prescription of the law, if none liuing can keepe the law as you defend?

The answere.

I answere, that if yee were well studied in your owne doc­tors, and should marke well what they write, yee coulde not be ignorant of this point. Harken therefore what your owne Ber­nard saith, and after you haue heard him, remember well his [Page 389] words and neuer forget his holy instruction. Thus writeth he in one place; Cupiebat dissolui, Bernard. de ad­uent. Dom. serm▪ 6. tom. 1. & cum Christo esse sciens quòd peccatum separans inter nos & deum penitùs auferri non pote­rit, donec liberemur à corpore. Sequitur; itaque dico vobis genus illud peccati quod toties conturbat nos (concupiscentias loquor & desideria mala) reprimi quidem debet & potest per gratiam dei, vt non regnet in nobis, nec demus membra nostra arma ini­quitatis peccato, & sic nulla damnatio esthis qui sunt in Christo Iesu; sed non eiicitur nisi in morte, quando sic discerpimur, vt anima sepaietur à corpore. The Apostle did couet to be dissol­ued and to be with Christ, knowing that sinne which maketh a diuision betweene God and vs, Loe, concupis­cence in the re­generate is pro­perly sinne▪ cannot wholy bee taken away while we remaine in this bodie. I therefore say vnto you, this kind of sin, which so often troubleth vs, (I speake of concupi­scence and euill desires) ought & may be repressed by the grace of God, so as it raigne n [...]t in vs, nor we giue our members to be weapons of iniquitie vnto sinne, and so there is no damnati­on to those that are in Christ Iesus; but it is not cast out saue only in death, when wee are so torne, that the soule is diuided from the body. Thus he saith in another place, Sit ergo in corde iustitia, & iustitia quae ex fide est. Bernard. in vig [...]. nat▪ dom. serm. 1. Haec enim sola habet gloriam apud deum. Sit etiam in ore confessio ad salutem, & securus iam suscipe eum qui in Bethlehem Iudae nascitur, Iesum Christum fili­um Dei. Let righteousnes therefore be in thine heart, euen that iustice which is of faith; for onely that righteousnesse or iustice hath glorie with God, (howsoeuer righteousnes be esteemed among men.) Haue also confession in thy mouth vnto saluation and then receiue him with security, that is borne in Bethlehem of Iuda, Iesus Christ the sonne of God. Thus he saith in the third place; Omne quod natum est ex Deo, non peccat; Bernard. de grat. & lib. arbi. pag. 1189. sed hoc dic­tum est de praedestinatis ad vitam: non quòd omnino non peccent, sed quòd peccatum ipsis non imputetur. All that is borne of god sinneth not, but this is spoken of the predestinate to life, not be­cause they sin not at al, but for that sin is not imputed to them.

Thus doth he say in the fourth place, Ʋtique quod factum est, Bernard. serm. 1. in annu [...]ia [...]. non potest non fieri; ipso tamen non imputante, erit quasi non fu­erit. Quod propheta quoque considerans ait; Beatus vir cui non imputabit Dominus peccatum. The sinne doubtlesse that is [Page 390] done, can not be vndone; yet for that God doth not impute sin vnto vs, we shal be as if we had not sinned: which the prophet considering saith; Blessed is the man to whome God shall not impute sinne.

Out of these foure places conteining most comfortable and 1 christian doctrine: I note first, that concupiscence remaineth 2 in the regenerate, euen vnto death. I note secondly, that it is properly sinne, euen in the regenerate; which being vttered by their owne deere Bernard, giueth a deadly wound to the pa­pists. For he saith, that that concupiscence which remaineth to death, doth separate vs from God. Which effect, nothing but that which is properly sinne, can possibly worke in man. I note 3 thirdly, that although this concupiscence, can not be taken awaie from the regenerate vntil death; yet may it be so repres­sed by Gods spirite, as it shall not raigne in them, or haue do­minion ouer them. I note fourthly, that it bringeth not 4 damnation to the regenerate, who striue against it; and that, because God doth not impute it to sinne. I note fiftly, that the regenerate are saide not to sinne, not because they sinne not, or haue no sinne indeede; but because God of his meere mercie▪ accepting their faith through the merits of Christ Iesus doth 5 not impute sinne vnto them. I note sixtly, that no iustice but that which is of faith, is or can be acceptable in Gods sight. Ioyne these sayings of saint Bernard to the testimonie of saint Austen, Poperie is stric­ken dead. cited in the answer to the first obiection, in the seuenth conclusion: and that done, a mightie article of popish doctrine, will be vtterlie ouerthrowne.

The sixt obiection.

[...]. Pet. 1. ver [...] ▪ 10.Wherefore (saith S. Peter,) labour the more, that by good works you may make sure your vocation and election? There­fore good workes are a meane for vs to attaine to the effect of Gods predestination; that is, to life euerlasting: as whose cer­tainetie (if the apostle say truelie) is procured by mans freewil and good workes.

The answer.

1 I say first, that God did elect and predestinate vs, without [Page 393] regard of our works. For (as the apostle saith,) he chose vs in Christ, before y e foundatiō of the world: (not bicause we were holy, but) that we should be holy. I say secōdly, that the words 2 (by good works) are not in the originall & Greek text, but on­ly in the popish latin vulgata editio. For which & like respects your late Tridentine council hath so magnified the same. I say thirdly, that good works are the proper effects of predestinatiō 3 & electiō, and therfore are a sure testificaton therof in y e sight & iudgement of man. And if your translation be admitted (wher­in I wil not contend, because y e sense is not much different) yet can there no more be inferred vpon y e words, vnlesse some wil say that the effect can go before the cause, & that which folow­eth, be the cause of that that went before. But both their owne doctour Aquinas and their double glossa interlinialis and or­dinaria doe giue the same exposition with mee; to wit, Good worke [...] yeelde morall certitude of our iustification. that the apostle willeth vs, to make knowne our eleccion by doing of good works, as which yeeld to man a morall certitude thereof.

The seauenth obiection.

Saint Paul willeth the Philippians to worke their saluati­on, with feare and trembling: but doubtlesse, Phil. 2. vers. 12. he that can worke his saluation, may by his works merite heauen.

The answere.

I say first, with the selfesame apostle in the next verse follow­ing, 1 that we are so far from meriting heauen by our works, that it is God which worketh in vs both the will and the deede, Philip. 2.13. Ephes. 2▪ 8. e­uen of his good pleasure. Yea, as he saith in another place; we are saued by grace through faith, & that neither of our selues, nor yet of works, lest any man should boast himselfe. And ther­fore the apostle meaneth nothing lesse, then that we shoulde purchase and merite heauen by our good workes. I say se­condly with deuout Bernard, that the ready way to attaine sal­uation, 2 is to beleeue the contrarie doctrine. These are his ex­presse wordes; Necesse est primò omnium credere, Bernard. serm. 1. in annuntiat▪ [...] Mariae▪ quòd remissi­onem peccatorum habere non possis, nisi per indulgentiam Dei: deinde, quòd nihil prorsus habere queas operis boni, nisi & hoc dederit ipse; postremò, quòd aeternam vitam nullis potes ope­ribus promereri, nisi gratis detur & illa. First of all, thou [Page 392] must beleeue of necessitie, that thou canst not haue remission of thy sinnes vnlesse God will giue thee a pardon for the same. Againe thou must beleeue, that thou canst not haue any good works at all, vnlesse thou receiue it at Gods hand; Last of all, thou must beleeue that thou canst not merite eternall life by a­ny 3 works, vnlesse it be freely giuen (of mercie.) I say thirdly, that the apostle meaneth nothing else, but that as god hath cal­led vs, and offered saluation to vs, and withal giuen vs power to will and to do well; so we ought by faith to embrace his gra­tious gifts, and to shew our selues thankfull by the obedience of his holy lawes. For to this ende hath God chosen vs, called vs, and iustified vs, not that we should liue idly and dissolutely, but that we should exercise our selues in faith and good works, and in obedience be answerable to his holy vocation. For this respect doth the same apostle say in another place; [...]phes. 4.24. For we are his workemanship created in Christ Iesus vnto good works, which God hath ordained, that we should walke in them.

The eight obiection.

Redeeme thy sinnes with righteousnes (saith the prophet,) and thine iniquities with mercie towards the poore. [...]. 4.24. Therefore with good workes we may satisfie for our sinnes, and procure Gods fauour towards vs.

The answere.

1 I say first with the apostle, that no man is able to make sa­tisfaction for his sinnes. And I adde Bernards glosse vnto the same, Rom. 8.18. Bernard. serm. 1. in annu [...]. B.M.V. who writeth thus; Iam verò de aeterna vita scimus, quia non sunt condignae passiones huius temporis ad futuram gloriam, nec si vnus omnes sustineat. Neque enim talia sunt ho­minum merita, vt propter ea vita aeterna debeatur ex iure, aut Deus iniuriam aliquam faceret nisi eam donaret. Nam vt taceā quòd merita omnia Dei dona sunt▪ & ita homo magis propter ip­sa Deo debitor est, quàm Deus homini; quid sunt merita omnia ad tantam gloriam? deni (que) quis melior est prophetâ▪ cui dominus ipse tam insigne testimonium perhibet, dicens, virum inueni se­cundum cor meum? veruntamen & ipse necesse habuit dicere deo, non intres in iudicium cum seruo tuo Domine. Nowe touching eternall life, wee knowe that the sufferings of this time are [Page 393] not worthy of y e glorie to come, no not if one man abide al. For the merits of men are not such, that for them eternal life is due by right, or that god shuld do som iniury, if he gaue it not. For to let passe that all merits are the gifts of God, The papists are c [...]ounded in their L. Abbot. and so man is rather debter to God for them, then God to man; what are al merits to so great glorie? In fine, who is better then the pro­phet, to whom our Lorde giueth so worthie testimonie, saying; I haue found a man according to my heart? for al that, he had need to say to god; Enter not into iudgement with thy seruant, O Lord. In which words the papists are vtterly condemned, by their owne approued doctour. For first, S. Bernard saith, 1 that nothing which man can doe or suffer in this life, is worthy of the ioyes of heauen. Secondly, he saith, that heauen is not 2 due to anie man for his own deserts. Thirdly, he saith, that god 3 should doe no man wrong, if hee should debarre him of hea­uen. Fourthly, he saith that man is more in debt to God, then 4 God to man; and he yeeldeth this reason, because it is the free gift of God, what good soeuer be in man. Fifitly, hee alleageth 5 holy scripture, for the grounde of his assertion.

I say secondly, that the Hebrew word ( [...]) doth properly 2 signifie to breake or dissolue; in which signification the prophet seemeth to vse it here, although it also signifie to saue or deli­uer: as if the prophet had said; O king, thou hast liued wicked­ly, and dealt cruelly with Gods people: nowe therefore make an end of sinne, and begin a new course of life; change thy cruel­ty into clemencie, Theodor. orat. [...] in Danielem. and thy tyrannie into mercie and conpassion toward the poore. Thus doth Theodoretus expound this text.

I say thirdly, that albeit we cannot redeeme our sins in Gods 3 sight, or make satisfaction for the same in the court of his iu­stice, as is proued exactly out of holy Bernard; yet may wee re­deeme them before men, while we reconcile our selues to those whome we haue offended, and make restitution where we haue done wrong. And of this kind of redemption, may the Prophet not vnfitly be vnderstoode.

The replie.

Not only S. Bernard in the words by you alleaged, but the other fathers vsually and▪ generally do acknowledge the merit [Page 394] of good works, which you and your solifidians cannot abide.

The answere.

1 I say first, that though the fathers doe often vse the worde Merit, when they speake of good works, yet do they neuer take it in your popish maner, nor expect heauen for the worthinesse of their works. Which I wish the reader to obserue diligētly, because the papists euer wrest the word (Merite) to the wrong sense. This is cleare by the words of Bernard alreadie cited, to which for better confirmatiō, I adde these his words in another place; [...]nard. in Cant. [...].67. Deest gratiae quicquid meritis deputas. Nolo meritū quod gratiā excludat: horre [...] quicquid de me [...] est vt [...]im meus, nisi quòd illud magis forsitan meum est, quod me meum facit. Gratia red­dit me mihi iustificatū gratis, & sic liberatum à seruitute pecca­ti. It derogateth from grace whatsoeuer thou ascribest to me­rite. I will no merite, that excludeth grace. I abhorre whatso­euer is of mine owne, that I may be mine owne, vnlesse per­chance that is more mine owne, which maketh me mine owne. Grace iustifieth me to my self freely, and so deliuereth me from the bondage of sinne.

2 I say secondly, that the fathers tearme workes meritorious, not for the worthinèsse thereof, [...] well, howe [...] Fathers [...] be merite to [...] workes. but for Gods acceptation and promise sake. That is to say, they tearme good works merito­rious, because God hath promised to accept the works of the faithfull as worthie, for the worthines of his sonne; and for his merits to reward them with heauen, as if they had merited the same. For which respect either euer or almost euer, they ioyne merite and grace together. This veritie wil be manifest, if wee ponder deepely, what famous popish doctours haue written herein. Bernard hath these expresse wordes; Sic non est quod iam quaeras quibus meritis speremus bona, [...]rnard. super [...]. serm. 68. praesertim cum audias apud prophetam; non propter vos, sed propter me ego fa­ciam, dicit dominus: sufficit ad meritum, scire quod non suffici­ant merita. So there is no cause, that thou shouldest nowe aske by what merites we hope for glorie, especially since thou hea­rest the prophet say; I will doe it saieth the Lorde, not for your sake, but for mine owne. It is sufficient to merite, to know that our merites are not sufficient. Thus saith deuout [Page 395] Bernard, who though hee liued in the greatest mist of poperie, and so was carried away with some errours of his time; yet did hee teach most christian doctrine, almost in all his workes: and because hee was reputed a great papist with the papists, his testimonie is euer most forcible against them and their proceedings.

Aquinas hath these expresse words: Manifestum est autem, Aquin. 1 [...]. q. ar. 1. in co [...]p. quòd inter Deum & hominem est maxima inaequalitas, (in infi­nitum enim distant) totum quod est hominis bonum, est à Deo: Ʋnde non potest hominis à Deo esse iustitia secundum absolutam aequalitatem▪ sed secundum proportionem quandam, in quantum scilicet vterque operatur secundum modum suum. Modus autem & mensura humanae virtutis homini est à Deo, & ideo meritum hominis apud Deum esse non potest, nisi secundum praesuppositio­nem diuinae ordinationis; ita scilicet, vt id homo consequatur à Deo per suam operationem, quasi mercedem, ad quod Deus ei vir­tutem operandi destinauit. And it is manifest, that betweene God & man there is exceeding great inequalitie (for they differ in infinit;) all the good that man hath, is of God. Wherefore mans iustice receiued of God, cannot be according to absolute equalitie, but after a certain proportion, to wit, in as much as either worketh according to his condition. Now man hath the measure and condition of his vertue from God, and therefore mans merite cannot be with God, saue onely according to the supposal of Gods holy ordinance: so to wit, that man may at­taine that at Gods hand by his working, as reward, to which God hath appointed his power of working. Thus writeth the master papist Aquinas; who vtterly ouerthroweth all popish merite, as it is this day defended in the church of Rome. Note well [...] doctrine. For first, (marke well gentle Reader, for this is a weightie point,) 1 Aquinas telleth vs, that where there is not perfert equali­tie, there can be no merite properlie. Secondly, hee graunteth 2 that there is infinite inequalitie betweene God and man. Thirdly, hee confesseth that mans iustice is not absolute, but imperfect. Fourthly, he granteth, that mā doth merite nothing 3 in Gods sight, saue only by way of his free acceptation. Fift­ly, 4 he confesseth that eternall life is not properly hyre, but as it 5 were hyre, by reason of the same acceptation.

[Page 396] Durandus their owne schooleman denieth euery mans works how iust or holie soeuer he be, [...]eritum largo [...]do. to be simply and properly meri­torious; but onely to merite in an vnproper and large kinde of speech; Meritum (inquit) propriè de condigno est, cui simplici­ter debetur aequale virtute operis: [...]urand. in 2. [...]. d. 28. apud [...]. de iust. & [...]. nullum autem opus nostrum aequale potest esse vitae aeternae, neque illam largitur nobis Deus ex iustitia, sed ex quadam liberalitate sane quia gratìs acceptat nostra opera. Merite (saith Durand) is properly of the worthy, to which that is simply due which is equall by the vertue of the worke: but no worke of ours can be equall to eternall life, nei­ther doth God giue it vs of iustice, but of meere liberalitie, in that he freely accepteth our workes.

Gregorius Ariminensis, Marsilius, Thomas Waldensis, Paulus Burgensis, [...]pud Ios. Angl. [...] 2. s. d. 27. ar. 2. [...]ffic. 5. and Io. Eckius, all being zealous papists, doe for al that denie mans workes to be meritorious of eternal life, how holy soeuer the man be.

And (gentle Reader) that thou mayest fully knowe, howe the papists haue of late yeeres bewitched the world, and vnder pretence of holy zeale seduced simple soules; call to minde that they vse to wrest the scriptures (as I haue already proued out of their owne doctors) and to come new no distinctions to make their false doctrine good. Which for thy better satisfaction, I will prooue concerning this present controuersie of the merite of works, out of Iosephus Angles a grey frier and learned po­pish bishop, who euen in that booke which he dedicated to the pope himselfe (so mightie is the truth) writeth in these expresse words:

[...]osephus Angles [...] 2. s. dist. 27. [...]. 2. diffic 4. Diuus Chrysostomus ait; Etsi millies moriamur, etsi omnes virtutes animae expleamus, nihil dignum ger [...]mus ad ea, quae ipsi à Deo percipimus. Eodem etiam modo cōsiderantes omnes alij doctores sancti naturalem solummodo bonorum operum valorem, & illum à valore & iusta vitae aeternae aestimatione longissime distare perpendentes, prudenter dixerunt, opera nostra non esse meritoria aut digna vita aterna. Ex lege tamen siue conuenti­one, siue promissione facta nobiscum, opera bona hominis cum adiutorio gratiae Dei fiunt aeternae vitae digna, & illi aequalia; quae seclusa illa dei promissione quae passim in sacris literis re­petitur, [Page 397] fuissent tanto praemio prorsus indigna.

Saint Chrysostome sayeth, Chrysost. in lib. 2. de compunct. cord [...], tom. 5▪ though wee dye a thousand times, and accomplish all vertue of the minde, yet doe wee nothing worthie of those things which wee receiue of God. And all other holy doctors, considering after the same manner the naturall valure only of good words, and perceiuing that it is exceeding farre distant from the valure and iust estimation of eternall life, sayd wisely, that our works are not meritorious nor worthie of eternall life. Yet for the couenant and promise made with vs, the good works of man with the help of Gods grace, are worthy of eternall life, and equall with it; which for all that, that promise of God which is frequent in the scrip­tures set aside, were altogether vnworthie of so great re­ward.

Thus sayth our Popish Bishoppe and holy Frier, who though he bestirre himselfe more then a little, to establish the condigne merite of works, yet doth he in his owne kind of rea­soning, vtterly confute and confound himselfe. For first, he 1 graunteth that not onely S. Chrysostome, but all the rest of the holy Fathers with him, affyrme good workes neyther to be meritorious, nor worthy of eternall life. Agayne, he graunteth 2 that workes considered in their naturall kinde, are vnworthie of eternall life. Thirdly, he graunteth that good works euen 3 as they proceede of grace and assistance of the holy Ghost, are for all that vnworthy of eternall life, if Gods promise and free acceptation be set apart. Which three poynts doubtlesse are all that we desire to be graunted, concerning the doctrine of good works. And so, (though the Papists neuer cease to impeach, accuse, slaunder, and condemne vs in this behalfe) yet do we defend nothing heerein, but that which their owne best Doc­tors and printed bookes doe teach vs; yea, euen such bookes as are dedicate to the Popes holinesse himselfe. The conceites which this Bishop alledgeth to make good his intended pur­pose, are childish and too too friuolous. For first, where hee sayth that the Fathers speake of good workes onely in re­spect of their naturall valure (as hee tearmeth it;) I a [...]n­swere, The Bishops reasons confuted▪ that that glosse and exposition is onely inuented by him and his fellowes, to salue their beggerly doctrine if it [Page 398] wold be. For besides y t no father saith so; they repute al works before grace meere sin, as I haue prooued out of Austen. And our Bishop vnwittingly confuteth himselfe (of such force is the trueth,) when he graunteth that good works done in grace are vnworthy of heauen, if Gods promise be set apart. For if they merite ex condigno, as he auoucheth; then doubtlesse pro­mise, couenant, and mercie, is altogither needlesse. Secondly, where the bishop fleeth to distributiue iustice, so to establishe the merite of workes; I answere, that both the fathers and his fel­lowes are against him, Aquinas 12. q. 114. ar. 1. yea euen Aquinas himselfe. For they vnderstand iustice commutatiue, and require arithmetical equa­litie. And if Geometricall proportion were to be admitted; yet should greater equalitie be required, then can be found between our workes and eternall life.

The 9 obiection.

Ye brag that the merite of good workes, cannot be found in all the Scripture: Ecclesiast. cap. 1 [...] v▪ 15. But therein you belie both vs and the holy scripture. For in the booke of Ecclesiasticus, I finde these ex­presse wordes; Omnis misericordia faciet locum vnicui (que) secun­dum meritum operum suorum. All mercie shall make place to euerie one, according to the merite of his workes. Loe, here is made expresse mention, of the merite of his good workes.

The answere.

1 I say first, that the booke of Ecclesiasticus is not canonicall Scripture, as which was not found written in the holy tongue. 2 I say secondly, that it is not for nothing, that your late councel of Trent hath so magnified your Latine vulgata editio. For such stuffe as this, it doth affoord you in time of neede. I say thirdly, that in the originall and Greeke text, your worde (me­rite) may long seeke for lodging, before it finde any. For these are the expresse wordes; [...]. Make place to all almes, for euerie one shall find ac­cording to his workes.

The 10. obiection.

One Scripture saith, that if we giue almes, all things are pure vnto vs. Another scripture saith, that charitie couereth the multitude of sinnes. Luc. 1 [...]v 41. 1. Pet. 4. v. 8. And it is frequent with the holy fathers, that good workes deliuer vs from hell.

The answere.

I say first, that S. Luke reprooueth y e extortions of the Pha­risies, & exhorteth them to works of charitie. As if he had said; 1 not vnwashed handes make you eate vncleanly, but your wic­ked extortions. Vse therefore charitie, and giue almes to the poore, and then your soules shalbe cleane, though the platter be vnwashed. This sense is gathered out of the verses aforegoing.

I say secondly, that almesdeedes▪ and other good works pro­ceeding 2 of faith, do neither merite nor iustifie as is prooued; but yet they are testimonies before men, that wee be iustified by faith through the merites of Christ Iesus. For which respect, iustification is often ascribed vnto them; as to the effects therof. I say thirdly, that the fathers in many places doe speake of 3 temporal remission, which often is graunted for almes deeds and the like.

The replie.

If good workes can neither iustifie nor merite, then is it but a vaine thing to exercise our selues therein.

The answere.

I say first, that thus to say and thinke is a probable signe of 1 the reprobate, who hath no feeling of Gods holy spirite, but is become senselesse in all spirituall contemplation. I say second­ly, that albeit good workes doe neither iustifie nor merite, in 2 proper kinde of speech; yet be there many good and necessary causes, why we should doe good workes. First, because God is glorified therein. Therefore saith Christ; let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good workes, and glorifie your father which is in heauen. Secondly, because by good workes we shew our gratitude & loue towards God. Therfore saith Christ; If ye loue me, keep my cōmandements. Thirdly, Mat. 5. v 1 [...]. Luke 1.75. Ioan. 14. v. 15. because it is the end for which we were created. Therfore saith the apostle; For we are his workmanship, created in Christ Ie­sus vnto good works, which God hath ordained that we should walke in them. Fourthly, Ephes. 2. v. 10. 1. Thess. 4. v. 7. 1. Pet. [...]. v. 24. Rom. 8. v. 1. Rom 6. v. 4. 1. Ioan. 2. v. 6▪ because they are necessary effectes of our predestination, and consequently yeeld and euident morall certitude both to our selues & to our neighbours, that we are y e childrē of God. Therfore saith the apostle; There is no cōdem­nation to thē, y t are in Christ Iesus, which walk not after y e flesh [Page 400] but after the spirite: as if hee had said, Who soeuer are the chil­drē of God, cannot but liue after Gods holy lawes. Which is the selfe same doctrine, that Christ himselfe taught vs, saying; If ye shall keepe my commaundementes, Ioan. 15. v. 10. yee shall abide in my loue; as I haue kept my fathers commandement, and abide in his loue. 1. Ioan. 5. v. 2.3. And S. Iohn confirmeth the same in these wordes: In this wee know that we loue the children of God, when we loue God and keepe his commandementes. For this is the loue of God, that we keep his commandementes. So then if we keep Gods commandementes, it is an euident signe, that we loue God, and that by faith wee are of his free mercie made his chil­dren, for the merites and righteousnesse of Christ Iesus. See more hereof in the eleuenth preamble, in my first booke of Mo­tiues.

The 8 conclusion.

Although good workes doe neither merite grace in this life, nor glorie in the life to come, as which are imperfect, polluted with sinne, and in rigour of iustice worthy of condemnation, as is alreadie prooued; yet because God hath decreed in his eternal counsel to bring vs to heauen by them, as by ordinary meanes and right fruites of a sound christian faith; they may in a godly sense be termed, The secundary instrumentall cause of eternall life; but in no sense the cause of mans iustification. Explico: I say (of mans iustification,) because the latter can neuer be the cause of the former; and consequently good workes following our iustification as the immediate fruites thereof, can by no meanes possible be the cause of the same. In regard whereof S. Austen as in many other thinges, August. de fide & operib. cap. 14. tom. 4. so in this point saide very learnedly; Quòd opera non praecedunt iustificandum, sed sequū ­tur iustificatum. That workes doe not go before iustification, but followe him that is iustified; I say (of eternall life) because when there be many gradual effectes of one and the same cause, then the former may fitly be termed the materiall cause of the latter; that is, as the schooles terme it, Causa sine qua non, The cause without which the latter shall not haue effect. For as vocation, Rom. 8. v. 30. Rom. 10. v. 17. iustification, regeneration, and glorification are the effectes of predestination; euen so by Gods holy ordinance, be­ing predestinate, wee are called by the hearing of his word vnto [Page 401] [...]aith, Rom. 5. v. 1. 1. Cor. 1. v. 30. 2. Cor. 4.16. Gal. 6. v. 15. Mat. 7. v. 17. which faith is the cause of our iustification by apprehen­ding the righteousnesse of Christ Iesus; after wee be iustified of our iustification proceedes regeneration, as who hauing re­mission of our sinnes, and being ingraffed in Christ by faith, are indued with more aboundant grace of his holy spirite, tho­rough which we are dayly more and more regenerate, and made new creatures; after we be regenerate, out of our regeneration spring good workes aswel internall, as externall; as who being made good trees, begin to bring forth good fruits; and so con­tinuing are brought at the length of Gods free mercie, to the possession of eternall life. For as y e apostle saith, Ephes. 2. v. 10. we are created vnto good workes, which God hath ordained that wee shoulde walke in them: and continuing in them, we shall at the dreadful day of doome heare this ioyfull sentence, pronounced to our vnspeakable comfort; Come yee blessed of my father, take the inheritance of the kingdome, prepared for you from the foun­dation of the world. For I was an hungred, Math. 25. v. 34. and ye gaue me meate; I was thirsty, and ye gaue me drink; I was a stranger, and ye took me in vnto you; I was naked and ye clothed me, I I was sicke, and ye visited me; I was in prison, and ye came to me. And with this, it is true yet y t the apostle saith; Tit. 3. v. 5.6, 7, 8. Not by the workes of righteousnesse which we had done, but according to his mercie he saued vs, by the washing of the new birth, and by renuing of the holy Ghost, which hee shed on vs aboundantly through Iesus Christ our sauiour, that wee being iustified by his grace, should be made heires according to the hope of eter­nall life. This is a true saying, and these thinges I will thou shouldest affirme, that they which haue beleeued God, might be carefull to shew forth good workes. These things are good and profitable vnto men. Thus saith S. Paule, and therefore I thinke this a profitable conclusion. By it rightly vnderstood, many places of holy Scripture may easily be answered, which seeme to ascribe iustification or glorification to good workes.

The 10. conclusion.

This popish assertion, Anno Dom. 1080. that workes doe iustifie and merite e­ternall life de condigno, was for the space of a thousand and eightie yeares vnknowne to the church of God. About which [Page 402] time Petrus Lombardus and his fellowes began their scholasti­call theologie, Anno Dom. 1545. and disputed such matters doubtfully. About the yeare of our Lord 1545. the late councell of Trent defi­ned the same for an article of christian beliefe, solemnely accur­sing al such as hold the contrary opinion. This is the originall and antiquitie of this impudently defended heresie. It is suf­ficiently confuted throughout the whole chapter.

CHAP. X. Of the popish idololatricall masse.

The 1. conclusion.

TO withhold from the vulgar and laycall sort of people, the 1 one part of the holy communion, is a diabolical, hereticall, and sacrilegious fact. I prooue it sundry waies: First, because it is flatly against the expresse scripture, Math. 26. v. 27. Mar▪ 1 [...] ▪ v. 23. and Christes holy in­stitution. For Christ himselfe instituted and ministred the Sa­crament in both kindes, saying; drinke yee all of it, as Saint Mathew recordeth: and they all dranke of it, as witnesseth Saint Marke. Saint Paule also taught all the Corinthians to communicate in both kindes, protesting that hee deliuered the forme and maner of the holy communion, euen as he had in spi­rite receiued it from the Lord.

1. Cor. 11. v. [...]3.25.Secondly, because the auncient fathers shew euidently, that in their time it was the generall practise of the church, to deli­uer the holy communion to the lay people vnder both kindes. Neither was the cup taken from the vulgar sort by any setled law, Anno. dom. 1414 vntill the late councell of Constance, which was in the yere of our Lord God, 1414.

Origen. hom. 16. in numer. prope finem. Origen hath these words; Quis est iste populus, qui in vsu ha­bet sanguinem bibere? haec erant quae in euangelio audientes ij qui ex Iudaeis dominum sequebantur, scandalizati sunt, & dixerunt; Quis potest manducare carnem, & sanguinem bibere? sed populus Christianus, populus fidelis audit haec, & amplecti­tur, & sequitur eum qui dicit: nisi manducaueritis carnem meam, & biberitis sanguinem meum, non habebitis vitam in vobis ipsis, quia caro mea verè est cibus, & sanguis meus verè potus est.

[Page 403]Who is that people, that hath in custome to drinke bloud? these were the thinges which the Iewes that followed Christ heard in the gospel, and were scandalized, and said; Who can eate flesh and drinke bloud? but the christian people, the faith­full people, heare these thinges, and embrace them, and follow him that sayth; vnlesse ye shall eate my flesh & drink my bloud, ye shall haue no life in your selues, because my fleshe is meate indeed, and my bloud drinke indeed?

S. Hierome hath these words; Sacerdotes quo (que) qui eucharistiae seruiunt, & sanguinem domini populis eius diuidunt, Hieron. in 3. cap. Sophon. im­piè agunt in legem Christi.

The Priestes also that administer the eucharist, and diuide the Lordes bloud to his people, transgresse the law of Christ heynously.

Saint Cyprian with fourtie learned bishops, in their ioynt Epistle to Cornelius, write in this expresse maner; Cypr. lib. 1. epis. 2. Quo modo docemus aut prouocamus eos in confessione nominis sanguinem suum fundere, si eis militaturis Christi sanguinem denegamus? aut quo modo ad martyrij poculum ido [...]os facimus, si non eis priùs ad bibendum in ecclesia poculum domini iure communica­tionis admittimus? Howe doe we teache [...] them to shed their bloud for the name of Christ, if wee denie them the bloud of Christ, when they go to warre? or how doe we make them fit for the cuppe of martyrdome, if wee doe not first admit them to drinke the Lordes cuppe in the Churche, and that by the right of communion? The Romish Church taketh from vs our chri­st [...]n right. where I wishe the reader to note well that the lay people haue right to both kindes; and conse­quently, that the Romish church is become the whore of Ba­bylon, in that shee robbeth vs of our christian right, which wee haue de iure diuino.

Saint Chrysostome hath these wordes: Chrysost. in [...]. Corinth. hom. 1 [...] in mor. Est vbi nihil differt sacerdos à subdito, vt quando fruendum est honorandis myste­riis. Similiter enim omnes vt illa percipiamus digni habe­mur. Non sicut in veteri lege, partem quidem sacerdos come­debat, partem autem populus; & non licebat populo partici­pem esse eorum quorum particeps erat sacerdos. Sed nunc non sic: verum omnibus vnum corpus proponitur & poculum vnum.

[Page 404]There is a place, where there is no difference betweene the priest & the lay person, as when we are to communicate in the holy mysteries; for we are all in like worthie, for that commu­nion; not as it was in the olde lawe, where the priest ate one part and the people another; neither coulde the people be per­mitted to take part of that that the priest ate. For nowe it is not so, but to all is proposed one bodie and one cuppe. Out of 1 these golden words I note first, that the difference in commu­nion, is a Iudaicall ceremonie from which Christs death deli­uered 2 vs. I note secondly, that in the christian communion, the common people ought to be as free as the minister. I note 4 thirdly, that it was so in Saint Chrysostomes time, when the people receiued vnder both kinds. Ignat. in epist ad Philadelp. prope [...]. I note fourthly, that the pope hath brought vs into greater bondage then euer were the Iewes. S. Ignatius hath these wordes; Vna est caro domini Iesu▪ & vnus eius sanguis qui pro nobis effusus est, vnus etiam panis pro omnibus confractus, & vnus calix totius ecclesiae. There is one flesh of our Lord Iesus, & one blood which was shed for vs, one bread also broken for all, and one cuppe of the whole church.

[...]ustinus mar [...]yr apolog. 2. pa. 76.Saint Iustine hath these wordes; Praesidens vero, postquam gratiarum actionem perfecit, & populus vniuersus apprecati­one laeta eum comprobauit, qui apud nos vocantur diaconi atquo ministri, distribuunt vnicuique praesentium, vt participet eum in quo gratiae actae sunt panem, vinum, & aquam. After the chiefe pastour hath finished the giuing of thankes, and all the people haue with ioyfull prayer approoued the same, they that we cal Deacons and Ministers, do distribute to euery one that is present, the sanctified bread, wine, and water, to be partaker thereof.

Yea the said Iustinus a little after addeth these important wordes; Nam apostoli in commentarijs à se scriptis quae euan­gelia vocantur, ita tradiderunt praecepisse sibi Iesum. For the apostles in their commentaries, that is, in the gospelles, haue taught vs, that Iesus so commaunded them (to minister the holie communion.) Where note by the way, that Christ did not onelie ordaine both kindes, but he also gaue commaunde­ment to retaine the same in the church. For which cause saint [Page 405] Paul teaching the Corinthians to communicate vnder both kinds, said that he receiued that form & maner from the Lord. 1. Cor. 11.23▪ 25. S. Austen hath these words: Cum Dom. dicat, August. q. 57. [...] Leuit. tom. 4▪ nisi manduca­ueritis carnem meam & biberitis meum sanguinem, non habebi­tis vitam in vobis: quid sibi vult, quod à sanguine sacrificio­rum quae pro peccatis offerebantur, tantopere populus prohibe­tur, si illis sacrificijs vnum hoc sacrificium significabatur, in quo vera sit remissio peccatorum? à cuius tamen sacrificij sanguine in alimentum sumendo nō solum nemo prohibetur, sed ad bibendum potius omnes exhortātur qui volunt habere vitam. When our Lord saith, vnles ye shal eate my flesh and drinke my blood, ye shal haue no life in you: what meaneth it that the people is so greatly forbidden the blood of sacrifices which was offered for sins, if in those sacrifices this onely sacrifice was signified, in which there is true remission of sins? From y e blood of which sacrifice for al that to be takē for nourishment, not only none is prohibited, but al rather are exhorted to drinke it, that desire to haue life. S. Ambrose, at such time as the emperour Theo­dosius after his great slaughter of men at Thessalonica desi­red to enter into the church at Millan, and there to be partaker of the holie eucharist, spoke these words vnto him; Quî quaeso, Ambr. apud Th [...] ­odor. lib. 5. hist [...]. cap. 17. manus iniusta caede & sanguine respersas extendere audes, & eisdem sacrosanctum corpus domini accipere? aut quomodo ve­nerandum eius sanguinem ori admouebis, qui furore irae iuben­te tantum sanguinis tam iniquè effudisti? How I pray thee da­rest thou stretch out thy hands sprinckled with vniust slaughter and blood, and to take the holie bodie of our Lord in the same? Or how wilt thou touch thy mouth with his venerable blood, who to satisfy thy fury, hast shed so much bloud so vnworthily?

Gregorius magnus their owne bishop of Rome, confirmeth this veritie in these words: Eius quippe ibi corpus sumitur, Gregor. lib. 4. dialogor. cap. 5 [...]. eius caro in populi salutem partitur, eius sanguis non iam in manus infidelium, sed in ora fidelium funditur. For his bodie is there receiued, his flesh is diuided for the saluation of the people, his bloud is now powred, not into the handes of infidels, but into the mouthes of the faithfull. What need many words? Their owne Gelasius in their owne canon law, condemneth their fact as flat sacrilege. These be his words: De consecr. dist. 2. cap. compe [...]. Aut integra sacramenta [Page 406] percipiant, aut ab integris arceātur: quia diuisio vnius eiusdē (que) mysterij, sine grandi sacrilegio non potest peruenire Either let them participate the whole sacraments, or els let them abstain from the whole; bicause the diuision of one and the same sacra­ment, cannot be done without great sacrilege.

The first obiection.

Matth. 26. Mar. 14.The commaundement to receiue in both kinds, was onelie giuen to the twelue apostles, and in them to all priestes: for they onely were present, when Christ sp [...]ke these wordes; Drinke ye all of this.

The answer.

1 I say first, that if the commaundement pertained onelie to the apostles, then are priests aswell as clarkes free from the 2 same. I say secondly, that the commandement was giuen of both kindes in one and the selfe same maner, and therefore the lay people are as free from the one as the from the other. I say 3 thirdly, that by the common opinion of the papists, they were lay people that receiued the communion at Christs handes in his supper. Ioseph. Angles in 4. s. q. de clau. For the apostles were vnpriested vntil after his re­surrection, when hee saide; Receiue ye the holy ghost. I say 4 fourthly with S. Bernard that the participation of both kinds was commaunded by Christ, Bernard. serm. 3. in ramis palmar. in the first institution thereof: for thus doth he write: Nam de sacramento quidem corporis & san­guinis sui, nemo est qui nesciat hanc quoque tantam & tam sin­gularem alimoniam eâ primùm die exhibitam, eâ die commen­datam & mandatam deinceps frequentari. For concerning the sacrament of his body and bloud, euery one knoweth that this such and so singular nourishment was exhibited that day the first, that day commended, and commaunded afterward to be frequented. This commandement S. Cyprian and saint Iu­stine vrge for both kindes; their words already are set downe. 5 I say fiftly, that S. Paul who knew Christs minde aswell as any papist, did communicate the vnpriested Corinthians vnder both kinds, and told them that Christ had so appointed.

The replie.

S. Paul only recited Christs institution, (saith our Iesuite Bellarmine) but gaue no commaundement for both kindes, but left it as he found it, indifferent, and in the free choise of the [Page 407] Corinthians, to communicate in both or in one only kind.

The answere.

I say first, that howsoeuer sundry of you admire your Ie­suites 1 (whom I willingly confesse to be learned, wishing they would vse their learning to Gods glorie) yet cannot wise men be carried away with ipse dixit, as if they were become disci­ples of Pythagoras. I say secōdly, that S. Pauls own words 2 confute your Iesuite sufficiently. For first, he saith that he de­liuered euen that which he receiued. Againe, he reciteth the precept aswel after the cup as after the bread, which must bee wel obserued. For hereupon doth it follow that both kinds be of like force, the one not more commanded then y e other. Thirdly, he applieth aswel the drinking of the cup as the eating of y e bread, to al the faithful in generall. Fourthly, he applieth the examination to euery one of the faithful. Fiftly, he willeth the examination to be made, aswel in drinking of the cup, as in eat­ing of the bread. Sixtly, he wrote & spake aswel to the lay people as to the priests, as the beginning of the epistle declareth. And in this sense doth their owne Haymo (so reputed) expound S. Paul: for these are his words; Ego▪ n [...] accepi à domino, Haymo in 1. Co [...] cap. 11. quod et tradidi vobis .i. myster [...]ū corporis & sanguinis Dom. quomodo debeatis sumere. Sicut mihi reuelauit, ita tradidi vobis. For I haue receiued of the Lord, that which I deliuered to you, that is, the mysterie of our Lords body and bloud, in what manner ye ought to receiue it. Euen as he reuealed it to me, so haue I deliuered it to you.

The reply.

S. Marke maketh it plaine, Mar. 14.2 [...]. that it was onely spoken to the apostles; Drinke ye all of it. For he addeth; And they all dranke of it. For it is cleare, that al they dranke thereof, who were commaunded to drinke.

The answere.

I say first, that it was spoken to al the faithfull, aswell as to 1 the apostles. For Paul exhorted the whole church at Corinth, to vse both the kinds, saying, that God had so appointed. As if he had said; not I, but the Lord cōmandeth you thus to do, for he reuealed to me, euen as I haue deliuered vnto you. There­fore if ye do it not, you transgresse his holy commaundement. Yea S. Paul declared expressely in the very beginning of his [Page 408] epistle, that commandement of receiuing the holy Eucharist in both kindes concerned all the faithfull in the world, as well to come, as thē liuing. For these words (Ye shal shew the Lords death till he come, 1. Cor. 11.26.) doe euidently prooue, that the forme pre­scribed by the apostle must continue after the death of the Co­rinthians, 2 euen till the day of doome. I say secondly, that since Christ himselfe instituted both kinds; since the apostle deliuered both kinds euen to the lay people; since the church communi­cated to the faithful laycall people in both kinds euerie where, for many hundred yeres together, as the papists themselues cannot denie; since they confesse that both kinds may lawfully be vsed; since no scripture teacheth vs, that one kind is suffici­ent; since no father did euer exhort to vse one only kind; since no councell till the late synode of Constance, did euer commaund one only kind; in fine, since the church for more then a thousand yeeres together did euer vse both kinds: how impudent, howe vnchristian, nay, how tyrannicall and bloud-thirstie is the Pope of Rome, and his Iesuits that incense and excite him thereun­to; who labor this day with fire and fagot, to enforce the faith­ful 3 to the contrary. I say thirdly, that this obiection maketh a­gainst the papists: for in that they al dranke therof, it cannot fo­low that none else may drinke thereof; (otherwise the practise of the church hitherto should haue beene wicked, and the apo­stles themselues haue sinned grieuously) but that all present ought to drinke thereof. De consecr. dist. 2 cap. peracta. For which cause their owne canon-law commaundeth all to bee putte out of the church, that will not communicate when the consecration is ended. Yea, their own Pope Iulius doth condemne their grosse illation, as who vnderstoode Christes wordes of all the faithfull. Thus doth he write; De consecr. dist. 2 cap. cum omne. Illud vero quod pro complemento communionis intinctam tradunt eucharistiam populis, nec hoc prolatum ex e­uangelio testimonium receperunt, vbi apostolis corpus suum com­mendauit & sanguinem: seorsum enim panis, & seorsum calicit cōmendatio memoratur. Nam intinctum panem alijs Christū prae­buisse non legimus, excepto illo discipulo tantū quē intincta buc­cella magistri proditorem ostenderet. Loe, to receiue the one onely kinde is against the gospel. But where they giue y e dip­ped eucharist to the people for the complement of the communi­on, they found not this witnessed in the gospel, where Christ cō ­mended [Page 409] his bodie and blood to his disciples. For the bread is commended apart, and the cuppe also apart. For we reade not that Christ gaue dipped bread to any others, saue onelie to the disciple, whom the dipped morsell declared to be the betrayer of his maister.

The replie.

The councill of Constance commaunded no new thing, but onelie made a law for the continual performance of that, which the church had practised long before.

The answer.

I say first, that thogh it were so practised before in some pla­ces: 1 yet was that practise neither generall, nor approued by a­nie setled lawe, vntil the late councill of Constance. I say se­condly, that the great pillar of the popish church Thomas A­quinas 2 honestly confesseth so much in this behalf, as is enough for the euerlasting confusion of all Romish hypocrites. And because I couet to deale faithfully in this point, as in al other; I will alleage the expresse wordes of Aquinas, as himselfe hath deliuered them: thus doth he write: Aquin. p. 3. q. 80 ar. 12. in corpor [...] Ex parte quidem ip­sius sacramenti conuenit, quòd vtrumque sumatur, scilicet & corpus & sanguis, quia in vtroque consistit perfectio sacramen­ti. Et ideo quia ad sacerdotem pertinet hoc sacramentum conse­crare & perficere, nullo modo debet corpus Christi sumere sine sanguine: ex parte autem sumentium requiritur summa reueren­tia & cautela, ne aliquid accidat quod vergat ad iniuriam tan­ti mysterij: quod praecipuè posset accidere in sanguinis sumptione, qui quidem si incautè sumeretur, de facili posset effundi. Et quia creuit multitudo populi christiani, in quâ continentur senes▪ & iuuenes, & paruuli, quorum quid [...]m non sunt tantae discretio­nis, vt cautelam debitam circa vsum huius sacramenti adhibe­ant; ideo prouidè in quibusdam ecclesiis obseruatur, vt populo sanguis sumendus non detur, sed solûm à sacerdote sumatur. In the behalfe of the sacrament it is meete that both be receiued; to wit, both the bodie and the blood, bicause in both consisteth the perfection of the sacrament: and therefore, because it belongeth to the priest to consecrate and to perfite this sacrament, he may in no case receiue the bodie of Christ without the blood. In the behalfe of the receiuers great reuerence and circumspection is [Page 410] required, left any thing chance that may tend to the iniurie of so worthie a misterie: which might chance especially in the re­ceiuing of the bloud; which if it were vnwarily receiued, might easily be shed. And because the multitude of christian people is increased wherin are conteined old men, & yong men, and litle ones, whereof some are not of so great discretion, to vse due warines about the vse of this sacrament: therefore there is a good prouiso made in some churches, that the lay people shall not receiue the bloud, but onely the priest. Out of these words 1 of Aquinas I note first, that he liued a thousand two hundred seuentie, Anno. Dom. 1275 and fiue yeers after Christ. I note secondly, that the perfection of the sacrament consisteth in both kinds; and conse­quently, 2 that the communion of the lay people, is this day vn­perfect 3 in the church of Rome. I note thirdly, that both kinds were vsually giuen to the lay people in Aquinas his time, & that the contrarie was practised onely in some few odde chur­ches 4 apart. I note fourthly, that in his time yong childrē recei­ued 5 the holy communion. To this I adde fiftly, that the pa­pists can neuer shew any other alteration, betweene the dayes of Aquinas and their late synode of Constance.

The second obiection.

[...]. [...]4.36.Christ ministred the holy Eucharist in one onely kinde, to his two disciples in Emaus: for saint Luke maketh mention of bread onely, and not of wine.

The answere.

1 I say first, that your own Iansenius granteth that this place is not meant of the eucharist, [...]nel. Iansen. comment. [...] loci. but was onely a figure thereof: & he proueth his opinion out of saint Austen, S. Bede & Theophi­lacte. 2 I say secondly, that it is the vsuall phrase of the hebrew tongue, to tearme all kinde of meate by the name of bread; and so howsoeuer the place be vnderstood, drinke can no way be 3 excluded. I say thirdly, that if this place be vnderstood of the holy communion, [...]. 26.27. yet wil it not confirme the popish practise by any meanes. For a singular act of Christ, who was aboue his law and not bound thereunto; Cor. 11.24.25. cannot discharge vs from his ho­ly institution, which he commanded vs to obserue.

The third obiection.

[...]S. Luke saith, that the faithful continued in the apostles doc­trine, [Page 411] and felowship, and breaking of bread, and prayers: Act. 20. vers. [...]. where by the breaking of bread must needes be vnderstood the blessed eucharist; and yet is there no mention made of wine.

The answere.

I say first, that as it is true, that these Textes are to bee 1 vnderstoode of the holy sacrament of Christes body and bloud: so is it true also that both kindes were ministred therein. I prooue it, because otherwise the Apostles shoulde haue mi­nistred the sacrament in one onely kinde; which yet no lear­ned paipst will auouch. I say secondly, that the whole sacra­ment 2 is figuratiuely signified by the breaking of bread; by the figure Synecdoche, which is frequent in the holy scripture, whē a part is named for the whole. Whosoeuer reiects this glosse, must charge the apostle with flat sacriledge. Yea, it is common with the fathers to vnderstand both the kinds, whensoeuer they speake of the holy eucharist, although they make but expresse mention of the one. Therefore Saint Iustine, after hee had made expresse mention of both the kinds, addeth these words; Alimentum hoc apud nos appellatur eucharistia. Iustinus martyr apolog. 2. in fi [...] This foode or nourishmēt we cal the eucharist. S. Irenaeus hath these words: Quando mixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum Dei, Irenaeus libr. 5. prope initium. fit eucharistia corporis & sanguinis Christi. When the cuppe mingled and the bread broken receiueth the worde of God, it is made the eucharist of the body and bloud of Christ. So S. Cyprian naming the cup onely, calleth it the eucharist. Cypr. in tract. de lapsis. Which cup being giuē to an infant, proueth euidently, that in the primitiue church both kinds were thought most necessarie.

The fourth obiection.

It was the vse in the primitiue church to beare the eucha­rist in one kind to the sicke, Euseb. hist. lib. [...] cap. 34. because there was great danger in carrying the consecrated wine. A sufficient testimonie hereof is the storie of Serapion.

The answere.

I say first, that most ancient approued antiquity beareth wit­nesse 1 of both kindes sent and carried to the sicke and to such as were absent. S. Iustine the martyr hath these words: Diaconi distribuunt vnicuique praesentium, vt participet eum in quo [Page 412] gratiae actae sunt panem, [...]ustinus apolog. 2▪ [...]ag. 76. vinum, & aquam, & ad absentes per­ferunt. The deacons distribute to euerie one that is present a portion of the consecrated bread, wine, and water, and they also carrie thereof to those that be absent. Againe he writeth thus; Distributio communicatióque fit eorum in quibus gratiae a­ctae sunt, [...]dem ibid. pa. 77. cuique praesenti, absentibus autem per diaconos mitti­tur. A distribution and communication is made of those things that are blessed, to euerie one that is present: and the same is carried by the deacons, to those that be absent▪ Saint Hierome greatly commendeth saint Exuperius, for his singular zeale in this behalfe: [...]. ad Rustic. [...]onach. tom. 1. [...]. 23. these are his words; Sanctus Exuperius Tolosae e­piscopus viduae Sarep [...]ensis imitator, esuriens pascit alios: & ore pallente [...]eiunijs, fame torquetur alienâ omném (que) substantiā Christi visceribus erogauit. Nihil illo ditius▪ qui corpus domi­ni canistro vimin [...]o, sanguinem portat in vitro▪ Saint Exupe­rius the bishoppe of Tolose imitating the widow of Sarepta, feedeth others euen when himselfe is hungrie: his own mouth is pale with fasting, & yet it grieueth him to behold others fa­mine: al his substāce he bestoweth on Christs members. None more rich then he; he carrieth our Lords body in a wicker bas­ket, 2 and his blood in a glasse. I say secondly, that Serapion re­ceiued both kinds, [...]eephorus con­ [...]esseth that hee [...]eceiued the eu­ [...]harist. lib. 9. ca. 6 though in some thing different from Christs institution. For the bread was first infused into the consecrated wine, and so receiued: which manner of receiuing was a little corruption, though farre different from the popish practise, which altogether abandoneth the perfection of the holy sacra­ment. This their owne Durand telleth them: and if they will not heare mee, yet must I request them to hearken to his words. Durand. lib. 4. ca. [...]4. in ration. [...]iuinorum. Thus doth he write; Etsi in hostiâ consecratâ Christi sanguis sit, non tamen est ibi sacramentaliter eò quòd panis cor­pus▪ non sanguinem; & vinum, sanguinem significat & non cor­pus▪ Quia ergo, sub alterá tātum specie non est completum sacra­mentum, qu [...] ad sacramentum vel signum▪ debet hoc sacramentum compleri prius, quâm presbiter eo vtatur. Although in the con­secrate host there bee the blood of Christ, yet is it not there sa­cramentally: [...]ee Durands [...]ordes in the conclusion [...]. because the bread doth signifie the bodie not the blood; and the wine doth signifie the blood, not the body. Ther­fore because the sacrament is not complete vnder one only kind [Page 413] in respect of the sacrament or signe; this sacrament must bee first complete, before the priest vse it. Thus saith our popish Durand. Out of whose wordes I note to the great comfort of good christians, The Laical com­munion vnperfit. that the aduersaries vnwittingly are beaten with their owne swords. For though their doctour Durand, onely intend to make good the priests receiuing; yet is his rea­son generall, forcible, christian, insoluble, & vtterly ouerthrow­eth al communicating vnder one kind. Which hee proueth vn­wittingly and vnwillingly, (such is the force of truth) by three reasons: first, because the bloud is not in the consecrate host sa­cramentally: 1 secondly because the bread cānot signifie the blood: 2 thirdly, because the sacrament is not perfit vnder one kind. 3

Now that to vse dipped bread in stead of the blessed wine, is a corruption; I haue already proued by pope Iulius, De consecr. dist. 2 cap. cum omne. who telleth vs that none receiued dipped bread, but only Iudas the traitor.

The fift obiection.

In the primitiue church, the faithfull vsed to carie the bread home with them, that they might receiue it when they thought good, which is an euident signe, that then they receiued it in one kind at home.

The answere.

I say first that the custome the obiection speaketh of, was as 1 well of the wine as of the bread. Nazianz. orat. in Gorg [...]. post med. For S. Gregorie Nazianzene writeth of his sister Gorgonia, that shee reserued for deuotion sake, some part of the signes of the bodie & bloud of our Lord, which she brought home from the church. Tertull. lib. 2. ad vxorem. Tertullian writing to his wife of this vse, maketh mention of the wine as well as the bread. And Saint Exuperius (as yee haue heard alreadie) carried both the kinds about with him to releeue the sicke and absent; which he would neuer haue done, if the laie people had not receiued in both kinds.

I say secondly, that this custome was not generall, but onely 2 vsed in some places of some persons rather of zeale then dis­cretion; and therfore iustly abrogated by sundrie holy councils, Toletain and Cesaraugustain. Conc. Tolet. [...]. can. 14. Conc. Caesaraug. can. 2. These are the expresse words of these holy councels; Si quis acceptam à sacerdote eucharisti­am nō consumpserit, velut sacrilegus propellatur, anathema sit. If any shall not eate vp all the eucharist which hee receiueth of [Page 414] the priest; let him be excōmunicated, let him be accursed. Out of which words I gather that the lay people receiued both kinds in the church; but of a certaine zeale reserued some part thereof, which they carried home, to eate in time conuenient, as they thought. Which vse these graue synodes vtterly disli­king, condemned as sacrilegious.

The sixt obiection.

Many councels make mention of the laicall communion, by which the lay people were distinguished from the clerkes. Which distinction coulde neuer haue bene, if both had receiued vnder both kindes.

The answere.

I answere briefely, that both sorts receiued the holy eucha­rist in both kinds: but the difference was this: the priest receued before the altar, the clerks in the chauncell, the lay people with­out; so that the meaning of the councels is this and no other, to [...], that when the laicall communion was inioyned to the cler­gie for penance, then they were to receiue in both kinds as be­fore, but after the other clergie, and in a lower place with the vulgar and lay people. This my solution is grounded in these words of the Toletain councel: Conc. Tolet. [...]. can. 17. Sacerdotes & Leuitae ante al­tare communicent, in choro clericus, extra chorum populus. Let the priests and the deacons communicate before the altar, the clerkes in the chancell, the people without the chancell. In which words is insinuated the distinction of communions by the locall distinction where the communion was receiued.

The second conclusion.

The priuate communicating in the popish masse, where the priest deuoureth vp all alone, is wicked, prophane and execra­ble, as which is repugnant to Christs sacred institution, con­trolled 1 by apostolicall tradition, and vnknowen to the ancient church following. Matt. 26.27. Luc 22.19. Ma [...]. 14.23. I prooue it briefely: First, because Christ in­stituted both kinds, & commanded al to receiue both kinds, and withall, because all present accomplished his precept. For as Saint Marke saith, they all dranke thereof.

[Page 415]Secondly, because S. Paul deliuered to al the Corinthians as wel the lay sort as the clergie, not only the forme of bread, 2 but of wine also; protesting that he had so receiued the same frō the Lord, 1. Cor. 11.24, 25. and consequently that they ought in like maner to frequent that holy sacrament. And that all without exception vsed thus to do, is most euident by the course of holy scripture. For Luke writeth; Act. 2.4 [...]. Act. 20.7. The faithful continued in the apostles doc­trine, & fellowship, & breaking of bread, & praiers: yea, it is so euidēt in the very canōs of the apostles (so highly magnified of the papists) that priuat masse was reputed an execrable thing in their time, as none liuing perusing their canōs seriously, cā without the note of impudencie denie the same. These are the expresse words of the tenth canon: Can. 10. Apostol. Omnes fideles qui conueni­unt in solennibus sacris ad ecclesiam, scripturas apostolorum & euangelium audiant. Qui autē non perseuerauerint in oratione vs (que) dum missa peragitur, nec sanctam communionem percipiūt velut inquietudines ecclesiae mouētes, conuenit communione pri­uari. Let all the faithfull that come to the church in time of the holy mysteries, heare the scriptures of the apostles and the go­spel. And if any shal not continue in prayer til y e masse be done, or shal not receiue the holy communion; Popish priuate masse condemned euen by the apo­stles. let them be excommu­nicate, as those that disquiet the congregation. Thus did the apostles decree. In whose constitution we see plainly, that the apostles are so farre from approuing the priuat masse of the papists; as they would not permit any to be in the church, but such as did communicate with the priest. De consecr. dist. [...] cap. omnes. This is confirmed e­uen by the popes canon law.

Thirdly, because all the fathers of approued antiquitie, doe teach vs the same doctrine. S. Chrysostome hath these words: 3 Ista videlicet & nunc ad omnes nos dicit, Chrysost. hom. 3▪ ad Ephes. qui impudenter hic & improbè adstamus. Quisquis enim mysteriorum consors non est, impudens & impr [...]bus adstat. These things verily he now saith to vs all, which stand by impudently and wickedly. For whosoeuer standeth by and doth not communicate, he is impu­dent & wicked. Oh what would this holy father say, if he were this day in Rome▪ and should see many hundreds standing by gazing, and the priest onely deuouring al? he would doubtlesse terme them, most impudent and vngratious people.

[Page 416] Clemens in Epi­stol 2.Saint Clement, whose Epistles the papistes haue in great re­uerence, writeth in these words: Certè tanta in altario holocau­sta offerantur, quanta populo sufficere debeant. Quòdsi reman­serint, in crastinum non reseruentur. Let so many breades be of­fered at the altar, as may suffice the people, (not only the mi­nisters.) And if any thing shall remaine, let it not bee reserued till the morrow.

Ambr. in 1. Cor. cap. 11.S. Ambrose is consonant, and confirmeth Saint Clements assertion in these wordes: Munus enim oblatum totius populi fit, quia in vno pane omnes significantur. Per id enim quod vnum sumus, de vno pane omnes sumere oportet. For the oblati­on offered belongeth to the whole people, because all are signi­fied in one bread. For in that we are all one, we must al receiue of one bread.

Durand. in ration. lib. 4. cap. 53. Durand, though he fauour the papistes all that hee may, yet could he finde no place for priuate masse. Thus doth he write; In primitiuâ ecclesiâ omnes qui celebrationi missarum intererāt, singulis diebus communicare solebant, eò quòd apostoli omnes de calice biberunt, Dom▪ dicente, bibite ex hoc omnes. In the primi­tiue church all that were present at the masse did euery day re­ceiue the communion, because all the apostles drank of the cup, according to our Lordes commandement. Out of whose words 1 I note first, that in the primitiue Church none could be permit­ted to be at masse, but such as woulde receiue the communion. 2 I note secondly, that Christes commandement tied all the peo­ple thereunto. A plainer testimonie doubtlesse, cannot be giuen.

Aquinas p. 3. q. [...]0. ar. 10. ad [...]uintum.Their angelical doctor Aquinas hath these expresse wordes: Nam in primitiuâ ecclesiâ quando magna vigebat deuotio fi­dei Christianae, statutum fuit, vt quotidie fideles communica­rent. Vnde Anacletus papa dicit peractâ consecratione omnes cōmunicent, qui noluerint ecclesiasticis carere liminibus: sic enim & apostoli statuerunt, & sancta Rom. tenet ecclesia. In the pri­mitiue church when the faithfull were feruent in deuotion, it was decreed that the people should receiue the communion dai­ly. Wherupon the pope Anacletus saith: when the consecrati­on is ended, let all communicate, that will not be driuen out of the church doores: for so both the apostles ordained, and the holy Romaine Church obserueth. Out of these wordes I note [Page 417] first, that all were driuen out of the church that would not re­ceiue. 1 I note secondly, that it was the ordinaunce of the Apo­stles 2 so to doe. I note thirdly, that as the same Aquinas saith 3 a little after, want of charitie and aboundance of iniquitie, made this holy ordinance to cease. Whereby it appeareth euidently, that christian zeale is decaied in the Romish church.

The 3. conclusion.

The popishe oblation of Christes naturall bodie in their masse, by which they ascribe remission of sins to the quicke and the dead, is blasphemous and iniurious to Christes holy passi­on. I prooue it first, because the apostle saith, that we are sanc­tified by the oblation of the body of Iesus Christ once. For if it 1 be true that S. Paule saith, that it is but once offered; Heb. 10. v. 10. it must needes bee false that the papistes say, that it is offered in their masses, ten thousand times in one houre.

I proue it secondly, because the apostle saith, that Christ hath 2 with one oblatiō made perfect for euer, them that are sanctified. For doubtlesse where one oblation doth make vs perfite and consummate; there need neither mo oblations, Heb. 10. v. 14▪ nor often itera­tion of the same. Therefore the popish oblation of Christ to his father in their masse is blasphemous against Christ, as which maketh his oblation vpon the crosse vnperfect, and insuffcicient for our sinnes. I prooue it thirdly, because the apostle prooueth 3 Christes priesthood to excell the priesthood of the old lawe, Heb. 10. v. 10.11, 12, 13. for that Christ did take away sinnes by one onely oblation, which the priestes of the law could not doe with many. But doubtles this reason of S. Paul is friuolous and to no purpose, if Christ must stil be offered in the masse to put away sinne.

I prooue it fourthly, because the apostle saith, that as it is appointed to men, that they shall once die, Heb. 9. v. [...].2 [...]. and after that com­meth 4 the iudgement; euen so Christ was once offered to take a­way the sins of many, and vnto them that looke for him, shall he appeare the second time without sinne vnto saluation. Loe, Christ is no more offered before his second aduent, then men die before the iudgment, and yet euery child knoweth, that men die but once by ordinary course. I prooue it fiftly, because S. Paul saith that if he should often offer himselfe, Heb. 9. v. 25.26▪ as the high priest en­tred 5 into the holy place euery yeare, then must hee haue often [Page 418] suffered since the foundation of the world; as if he had said, hee can but suffer once, and therefore he is but once onely offred▪ Note this reason well, for doubtlesse it doth conuince.

6 I proue it sixtly, because there is nowe no other thing in the holy Eucharist, then that which Christ gaue to his apostles at his last supper. Marke well my words (gentle Reader) and thou shalt with facilitie espie the blasphemous trecherie of the papists. For, if that which Christ gaue to his apostles in his supper, were his natural body sacrificed for the sinnes of man­kind: Note well this reason. then was mans redemption twise accomplished, then was Christ sacrificed before he died, then was mans redemption re­ally done before it really began, then was hee dead before his passion, then was his body in one place and his bloud in ano­ther, then was hee both liuing and dead at once, then was his death in vaine: for al these absurdities do follow perforce, vp­on the forged propitiatorie sacrifice in the popish masse.

7 I proue it seauenthly, because Christ himself said of his holy and bitter passion, Ioan. 19.30. that it was the consummation of euery thing needefull for mans saluation. But doubtlesse where one oblati­on once made, maketh mans saluation perfit and consummate, there not only moe oblations, but also the iteration of the same oblation, is meere frustrate and needelesse.

8 I prooue it eightly, because the Apostle saieth flattely, [...], Hebr. 10.18. There is not henceforth any oblatiō for sin. For if Saint Paul say truely, that there is no oblation for sinne after Christs death on the crosse; then doubtlesse the pa­pists must needs say falsely, that they haue a daily propitiatorie sacrifice in their masse.

I proue it ninthly, because if the sacrifice of the masse, were 9 the self same sacrifice of the crosse, but vnbloudy, as the papists dreame: then shoulde their masse sacrifice be of infinite valure, which yet no papist dareth auouch. This reason doth confound the papists, & therfore I wil proue effectually euerie part ther­of. First, that it is the same sacrifice which Christ offered on the crosse, all papists grant being enforced with S. Paules words when he saith: With one oblation he made perfit for euer, those that are sanctified. Secondly, that it is not of infinite valure, our Iesuite graunteth in these wordes; Hebr. 10.14. Valor sacrificii [Page 419] missae finitus est. The valure of the sacrifice of the masse is finite.

Now I prooue the consequution of my proposition, which is the third thing remaining; wherein resteth all the difficultie, if there be any at all. First therefore the sacrifice supposed to be in the masse, is the naturall body and bloud of the son of God▪ For otherwise it could not be the same, that was offered vpon the crosse. Againe, he that is supposed to offer the sacrifice dai­ly in the masse, is Christ himselfe the sonne of God. Who (as the papistes teach blasphemously) held in his hands at his last supper, that selfe same body that was borne of the virgine Ma­ry, and suffered the next day after. And yet if the valure of the sacrifice of the m [...]sse be finite, then doubtlesse that sacrifice can not be the sonne of God: for he is of infinite power, of infinite glorie, of infinite maiestie, of infinite valure. Yea, whosoeuer denieth Christes body & bloud, subsisting in the person of God by hypostaticall vnion, to be of infinite valure; hee is become a flat Arrian, beleeuing Christ to bee pure man, and not God. And consequently, howsoeuer the papistes thinke or speake of their masse, yet in making it a sacrifice they are blasphemous: and that must needs followe, though it were freelie graunted them, that Christes body were present really in the Sacra­ment.

I prooue it tenthly, because our Iesuite cannot denie, but that 10 a reall destruction is necessarily required, Bellarmine de missa lib. 1. c. 2 [...] in euery true & reall sacrifice. Wherefore, since Christ dieth not in the popish masse, it cannot be that he is truly sacrificed in the same. For as Bel­larmine truely saith, Abraham did not truely sacrifice his sonne Isaac, because he was not really slain. Now that this discourse may be made more manifest, I will propound the strongest ob­iec [...]ions for the aduerse part, and adde briefe solutions to the same.

The first obiection.

S. Paul saith, that Christ is a priest for euer, after the order of Melchisedech; and Melchisedech offered bread and wine, Heb. 6. v. 20. Gen 14.18. Heb. 10. [...]. as he was Gods priest, saith holy Moses. To which we must adde that the thing figured is more excellent then the figure, & that Christ truely offered sacrifice in bread and wine: otherwise, hee shuld not haue exactly fulfilled y e figure of Melchisedech. For al [Page 420] the fathers graunt, that he was a true figure of Christ, euen as he was a priest.

The answere.

I say first, that Melchisedech did not sacrifice bread & wine, but as the Hebrew text saith, brought forth bread & wine; that is, sufficient victuals for the refection of Abraham and his soul­diers, after their returne from the slaughter of Chedor-laomer, and the other kings. For the whole course of y e scripture telleth vs, that bread by Synecdoche signifieth, meate. So Moses saith, that the Egyptians might not eate bread with the Hebrewes, Gen. 43. v. 32. that is, [...]sa [...]. 4. v. 1. meate. In Esay 7. women say; we will eate our owne bread▪ [...]. Reg. 9.7. that is, our owne meat. King Dauid promised Mephibo­sheth, that he should eate bread alwaies at his own table: which had been a very small reward of a king, if by bread were not sig­nified all kinde of meat. Ier 52.31. & deinceps. King Iehoiachim ate bread at the table of Euil-merodach the king of Babel: that is, al delicate fare. So it is called bread, Iob▪ 42.11. that Iobs friendes ate in his house, when it is certaine that they had right sumptuous cheere. The like ex­amples are in S. Mathew, & sundry other places of scripture. This I note against the papistes, who fondly vse to answere, that bread was a slender refection for all Abrahams companie.

I say secondly, that Christes priesthood is after the order of Melchisedech, not in any sacrifice of bread and wine, which Mel­chisedech can neuer be prooued to haue offered; but in y t as man he was without father wonderfully cōceiued; as God, without beginning & without ending, & without mother woonderfully begotten: [...]s. 53. v. 8. for which cause the prophet demaundeth, who shall declare his generation? in these points Christes priesthood dif­fereth not from Melchisedech, Heb. 7.3 who as S. Paule saith, was without father, without mother, without kinred, without be­ginning of his daies, without end of his life, likened to the son of God, and a priest for euer. Yet in the oblation of bread and wine, Exod. 29. v. 23. the priesthood of Melchisedech was not perfitly distingui­shed from the priesthood of Aaron, Num. 28. v. 2.9▪ 12. as the scripture witnes­seth. S. Paul therfore describeth the priesthood of Melchisedech without the mention of bread and wine, in such sort as it is perfitly distinguished from the priesthood of Aaron. So Euse­bius Caesariensis comparing the priesthoode of Christ with the [Page 421] priesthood of Melchisedech, doth not say that it consisteth in the sacrifice of bread and wine; but in the vnction, the diuine si­militude, the eternitie, and want of succession. These are his expresse words: Euseb. apud Ruff. hist. libr. 1. cap 1. Tu es sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech. Hic autē Melchisedech in diuinis voluminib. sa­cerdos fuisse Dei summi refertur, sed qui non oleo communi per­unctus sit, neque qui ex successione generis suscepit sacerdotium, sicut apud Hebraeos fieri mos erat: & ideo secundum ordinem ip­sius sacerdos futurus dicitur Christus, qui non olei liquore, sed virtute coelestis spiritus consecretur. Thou art a priest for euer after the order of Melchisedech. And this Melchisedech is cal­led in the holy scriptures, the priest of God most high: but one which was not annointed with common oyle, neither yet recei­ued his priesthood by the succession of kinred, as the manner was among the Hebrews; and therfore Christ is called a priest after his order, who is consecrate, not with the liquor of oyle, but with the vertue of the holy ghost. I say thirdly, that Mel­chisedech 3 in his action towards Abraham, shewed himself both to be a priest and a king: a priest, in that he blessed Abraham: a king, in that he releeued Abraham and his souldiers with bread & wine, that is, with al competent corporall sustenance. I say fourthly, that if there had bin any force in the oblation of Mel­chisedech 4 touching Christs priesthoode; S. Paul, who handled euery least thing exactly in that comparison, would neuer haue omitted his sacrifice in bread and wine: and yet he passed it o­uer as a thing of no importance. I say fiftly, that Christ offe­ring himselfe vpon the crosse for the sinnes of the world; Obserue this wel. was 5 not a priest after the order of Aaron, but properly and truely af­ter the order of Melchisedech. I proue the former part: First, because perfection could not come by the priesthood of the Le­uites, as the apostle beareth witnes. Againe, Hebr. 7.11 because our Lord Iesus was of the tribe of Iuda; of which tribe Moses spake nothing at al touching the priesthood. Thirdly, Ibid. verse 14. because the sa­crifice of the crosse was the most perfit sacrifice of all other, Hebr. 10.14. as which did cōsummate them that are sanctified for euer. I proue the latter part; first, because it must be after some order, but not after the order of Aaron as is proued: ergo after the order of Melchisedech. Secondly because the apostle doth in expresse [Page 422] terms cal Christ a priest, euen after the order of Melchisedech. These are his words; Hebr. 5.9, 10. And being consummate, was made the cause of eternall life to all them that obey him, and is called of God an high priest, after the order of Melchisedech. Lo, Saint Paule ioyneth the order of Melchisedech, with the sacrifice of the crosse offered for mans redemption: as if he had said; Christ is therefore called a priest after the order of Melchisedech, be­cause he hath offered a most perfect sacrifice on the crosse. And indeede, as all priests were types of Christ the eternall priest, in whom they were accomplished; so al sacrifices were figures of the sacrifice of the crosse, and exactly accomplished in the same; & consequently, wherein soeuer the sacrifice of Melchise­dech did cōsist, it was accōplished in the sacrifice on the crosse.

The first replie.

Gen. 14.1 [...].Moses after hee had saide, that Melchisedech brought forth bread and wine, added forthwith these words; Erat enim sa­cerdos Dei altissimi, for hee was the priest of God most high. In which words he yeeldeth the reason of his sacrifice, because as Saint Paul saith, euerie Priest must offer sacrifice. Wher­fore he that denieth Melchisedech to haue offered bread & wine, Heb. 5.1. must tell vs of some other oblation that hee made; for in the scriptures we find none else.

The answere.

1 I say first, that your latin vulgata editio doth afford you some pleasure now & then, as by meanes wherof ye make some shew of truth; but the fountain, the original, & Hebrew text is other­wise, [...] and he was the priest. And the reason aleaged in your latin translation, Argumentum ad hominem. is void of al reason; for if Melchisedech must therefore offer bread and wine, because he is a priest; then must it folow perforce, that euery priest shal do the same; which yet no scripture doth auouch. Neither can any papist proue the same of Abraham, Cain, Esau, and others, who al were priests 2 as themselues confesse. I say secondly, that wee grant him to haue offered sacrifice, because Moses saith he was a priest. But hereupon doth it not folow, that we can disclose his sacrifice in precise maner. Euery trueth is not expressed in [...]he scripture. For though the scripture containe euery thing necessary to our saluation, yet concealeth it many truthes, as 3 nothing needeful for vs. I say thirdly, that if it be granted, that [Page 423] Melchisedech offered bread & wine; yet wil it not follow, Marke well, O papist, and thou not but be satisfi­ed. that Christ must do the same. For if Christ should offer bread and wine indeed, we should stil continue in figures, & remain with­out the verity. But because the thing figured is more excellent then the figure, as the papists in this present controuersy tru­ly do obiect; Christ who was to accomplish al tipes, al figures, al prophesies concerning his most sacred aduent, presented to God his father omnipotent, a most pure, holy, sufficient, inde­pendent, & absolute sacrifice vpon the crosse, and then truly said consummatum est: Ioan. 19. vers 30. I haue fulfilled euery thing that was written of me in the law & the prophets: and this hee did after the order of Melchisedech, while he did y e night before sacramentally sig­nifie the same, at his last supper in bread & wine. This my solu­tiō (if it be well marked) is doubtles firmely grounded in these words of S. Cyprian: Cyprian. ad Cae­cilium epist. 63. Nam quis magis sacerdos dei summi quàm D [...]noster Iesus Christus? qui sacrificium deo patri obtulit, & ob­tulit hoc idē quod Melchisedech obtulerat i panem & vinū, suum scilicet corpus & sanguinem. For who is more the priest of god most high, then our Lord Iesus Christ? who offered sacrifice to God the father, & offered the self same thing that Melchisedech had offered, that is, bread and wine, to wit, his body and bloud. Thus saith the ancient, holy, & learned father S. Cypriā, whose words the papists euer alleage for their purpose: and yet do I thinke to confound the papists euen by the selfe same words. I therfore beseech thee (gentle reader) to marke attentiuely what I say. I note first out of S. Cyprians words, The Papists are confounded by their owne alle­gation. y as Melchisedech was the priest of god most hie, so was Christ also. I note secōd­ly, that Christ offered sacrifice to god the father. I note thirdly, 1 that Christ offered the selfsame thing that Melchisedech offred. 2 I note fourthly, that that which Christ offered was both bread 3 & wine, and also his own body & bloud. Now out of these obseruations 4 I infer first, that the accidents and external forms of 1 bread and wine (which onely the papists wil haue to remaine in their eucharist,) are not the selfe same thing that Melchisedech offred. For that which he offred (as al papists grant, The first corolla­rie. & euident reason enforceth them,) was really & substantially bread and wine. I inferre secondly, that that which Christ offered was his reall body & bloud sacrificed really on the crosse, The second corollarie. and in the [Page 424] eucharist sacramentally the selfesame that Melchisedech offe­red. For the naturall bread and wine in the eucharist, is a my­stery & sacrament of Christs body & bloud offered on the crosse. Thus is euery thing consonant that S. Cyprian writeth, and no otherwise can all that he sayth be verified. And in this sense do other Fathers speake of this theame; who affirme bread and wine in the eucharist, to be the mysterie of Christs body and bloud offered on the crosse, but not to be the reall and propitia­tory sacrifice for the quick and the dead.

Arnobius in Psal. 109. Arnobius hath these words; hic qui per mysterium panis ac vini sacerdos factus est in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchise­dech qui panem & vinum solus obtulit in sacerdotibus dum A­braham victor reuerteretur de p [...]aelio. He that by the mystery of bread and wine, was made a priest for euer after the order of Melchisedech, who only among priests offered bread & wine, while Abraham returned from the battaile with v [...]ctorie.

Theodoret in Psal. 109. Theodoretus hath these words, offert verò ecclesia corporis e­ius & sanguinis symbola, omne fermētum per primitias sancti­ficans But the Church offereth the signes of his body & bloud, Loe, this holie and auncient Father, telleth the case plainely. sanctifying all leauen by the first fruits. Marke this testimonie O Papist, and yeeld vnto the truth.

Euseb. Caesar. de demonstr. euan­gel. lib. 5 cap. 3. Eusebius Caesa [...]iensis hath these words: quemadmodum ille qui sacerdos gentium erat, nusquam videtur sacrificijs corpora­libus functus, sed vino solo & pane, dum ipsi Abraham benedi­cit: ita sanè primus ipse saluator ac dominus noster, deinde qui ab ipso profecti sunt sacerdotes, in omnibus gentibus spirituale secūdum ecclesiasticas sanctiones sacerdotij munus obeuntes, vino ac pane & corporis illius, & salutaris sanguinis mysteria re­praesentant. Quae sanè mysteria Melchisedech tanto antè spiritu diuino cognouerat, & rerum futurarum imaginibus vsus fue­rat. As he y t was the priest of the Gentiles, seemeth no where to haue vsed corporall sacrifices, but only wine & bread while he blessed Abraham: euen so our Lord and Sauior Christ, then the priests that came from him, executing the spirituall functi­on of priesthood among all nations, according to the decrees of the Church, do represent the mysteries of his body and bloud in bread & wine: which mysteries truely Melchisedech knew long before by Gods inspiratiō, & vsed y e figures of things to come.

[Page 425]Thus we see by the testimonies of these auncient Fathers, that the oblation of Melchisedech was accomplished in the sa­crifice of the crosse, which Christ before did signifie sacramen­tally, by bread and wine in his last supper.

The second reply.

The Fathers by you alledged, doe proue constantly, that Melchisedech offered bread and wine to God most high; and not only brought it forth to refresh Abraham and his compa­nie, as you defend.

The aunswere.

I say first, that out of the text can no more be prouided, but 1 that he brought forth bread and wine, for the reliefe of Abraham & his souldiers. I say secondly, that so much is cōfessed by holy, 2 auncient, & very learned writers. Ioseph. antiq. Iu [...] lib. [...]. cap. 10. For Iosephus writeth in this maner: hic Melchisedechus milites Abrahami hospitaliter ha­buit▪ nihil eis ad victum deesse passus; simulque ipsum adhibitū mensae meritis laudibus extulit, & deo, cuius fauore victoria cō ­tigerat, debitos hymnos, vt sua pietate dignum erat, cecinit. A­brahamus contrà de manubijs decimas ei dono dedit. This Mel­chisedech entertained Abrahams souldiers, suffering them to want no competent foode; he also placed Abraham himselfe at his owne table, giuing him his condigne gratulation, & praysed God religiously, as became his piety, by whose fauour the vic­tory was had. Abraham on the other side gaue him tythes of all that was gotten in the spoile. S. Austen is of the same mind, Aug. in q▪ ex v­troque t [...]st. q. 109. and hath these words: obuiauit Melchisedech sacerdos dei sum­mi Abrahae reuertenti à caede regum, & protulit panes & vi­num, & obtulit ei, & benedixit eum. Melchisedech the priest of God most high, met Abraham returning from the slaughter of the Kings, and brought forth bread and wine, and offered them to him, and blessed him. In these words of S. Austen, I note two things: the one, that the oblation of Melchisedech was not made to God, as the Papists affirme, but to Abraham himselfe in y e way of refection. The other, that S. Austen nameth breads in the plurall number: as if he had sayd; Melchisedech brought good store of meat for Abraham and his souldiers. Tertull. aduersu [...] Iudaeos prope initium. Tertullia­nus hath these words: denique, sequentes patriarchae incircum­cisi fuerunt, vt Melchisedech, qui ipsi Abrahae iam circumciso [Page 426] reuertenti de praelio, panem & vinum obtulit incircumcisus. In fine, the partiarks that followed were vncircumcised, as Melchisedech, who being vncircumcised offered bread and wine to Abraham, that was now circumcised, when he retur­ned from the battaile. Saint Ambrose teacheth the same doc­trine, by the tradition of the Hebrews. These are his words: nec esse nouum, Ambr. in 7. cap. [...]d Hebr. si Melchisedech victori Abraham obuiam pro­cesserit, & in refectionem tam ipsius quam pugnatorum eius pa­nem vinumque p [...]otulerit, & benedixerit ei. Neither ought it to seeme strange, if Melchisedech went to meete Abraham the conquerour, and brought forth bread and wine for the refecti­on of him and his souldiers, and blessed him. Canus de Ioel [...] lib. 12. cap. 12. p. 415. Yea, your owne byshop Canus granteth all this. I say thirdly, that the fathers do indeede confesse Melchisedech to haue offered bread & wine; 3 neither do I denie the thing it selfe▪ in the sense of the fathers. But I denie, that either it can be proued out of the scriptures, or that the fathers admit your popish application thereof. And so haue I yeelded a sufficient answere, The Papists labor [...]o establish their masse, in the ob­lation of Melchi­sedech. to all that is or can bee saide in this intricate matter, whereon you seeke to grounde your popish masse.

The second obiection.

Hebr. 5.1.Euerie priest (saith S. Paul) is ordained for men in things pertaining to God, to offer gifts and sacrifices for sinne: there­fore doubtlesse wee must haue some sacrifice in the new testa­ment, and priests to execute the same; for without priests, gifts, oblations, and sacrifices to God for the sins of the peo­ple, no person, no people, no common wealth can appertaine to God, neither can such soueraigne duties be done by any in the world, but by a priest chosen for y e purpose. For diuers princes (as the scripture recordeth,) were punished by God; Ierobo­ams hand dried vp, [...]. Reg. [...]3.1, 4. [...]. Para. 26.16, 20 [...]. Reg. 1.3.9, 13. Ozias smitten with the leprosie, and king Saul deposed from his kingdome, specially for attempting such things.

The answere.

I say first, that S. Paul speaketh not generally of al the mi­nisters of Gods holy word & sacraments, but of the priesthood of the old law; yea, hee speaketh especially and expressely of the hie priests onely, who was a type and figure of Christ Iesus, [Page 427] the true, perfect, and eternal priest of God most high. I say se­condly, that the people of the newe testament, want neither 2 priesthood, nor yet external sacrifice; Psal 109.4. for Christs eternal priest­hood fulfilled and abolished the legall priesthood together with the law; Heb. 7.25. Act. 4.12. Ioh. 19. vers. 3 [...] and all legall sacrifices which were but figures of Christs sacrifice vpon the crosse, were exactly accomplished in the same; so that Christ being our eternall priest, and his sa­crifice once offered being so perfect, as the vertue thereof endu­reth for euer; Hebr. 5.9. cap. 6.20. cap. 7.11, 26, 27. cap. 9.26. cap▪ 10.14. we people of the new testament haue neither need of legall priests, nor yet of popish massing priests, who can ne­uer put away their owne sins, much lesse the sinnes of others. For if we expect any other priest, or appease to any other sacri­fice in the new testament; wee deceiue our selues, make fru­strate Christs onely sacrifice, and doe great villany to his eter­nal priesthood. I say thirdly, that though in the reformed chri­stian churches, there bee no externall propitiatory sacrifice ac­knowledged, saue onely the sacrifice of Christ vppon the crosse; 3 yet is there in the same the preaching of the word, and the ad­ministratiō of the sacraments according to gods holy ordināce, Hebr. 5.4. which no man takes on him to execute, but he that is lawfully called thereunto. I say fourthly, that albeit in the preaching of y e word & the administration of the sacraments, the chosen mi­nister 4 hath onely the charge and authoritie to execute them; ne­thelesse, The prince doth neither preach the word, nor minister the sa­craments, but commaundeth the execution of them both. Gods annointed prince hath the supreme charge and authoritie, to command the execution thereof, as also to pu­ni [...]h the minister for neglecting his duetie in that behalfe. Of which point I haue spoken sufficiently, in my booke of Mo­tiues. I say fiftly, that Ozias, Ieroboam, and Saul, were not punished for correcting the abuses or negligence of the priests, 5 wherein Go [...]s word giueth them supreme and soueraigne au­thoritie, but because they intruded themseleus, 3. Reg. 13. 2. Paral. 26. 1. Reg. 13. and insolently executed priestly function, which God did flatly porhibite in his sacred word.

The third obiection.

S. Austen, S. Chrysost. S. Ambrose, & all the fathers generally, do vsually terme the masse or eucharist (the sacrifice of the me­diator, the sacrament of the altar, the vnbloudy sacrifice, & the price of our redemption) whosoeuer denieth this must either be [Page 428] condēned of malice, as speaking against his owne knowledge, or of meere ignorance, as not knowing what the fathers write.

The answere.

I say first, that it were a vaine contention to striue for the name, so we could agree in the thing. For as it is not material if we call the ministers of the new testament (priests,) so wee vnderstand rightly the thing it selfe; so is it not of importance, if we tearme the sacrament of Christs body and bloud, (either the Lords supper▪ or the Eucharist, or the cōmunion, or the li­turgie, or the blessed sacrament, or the masse) if we vnderstand rightly, the thing signified by the same. For all these words (I know) are rightly vsed, by the ancient, holy & learned fathers. Where I note this by the way, that whether the word Masse be latin or hebrew, or what it doth properly signifie, the papists cannot yet agree among themselues. I say secondly, that the fathers indeede doe often call the Eucharist (Christs body and bloud, the sacrifice of the mediator; the vnbloudy sacrifice, and whatsoeuer else is due to the sacrifice of the crosse,) neuerthe­lesse, they haue alwaies a godly sense and meaning in such kind of appollations; that is to say, they ascribe such names to the Eucharist, not because it is properly the selfe same thing that the word importeth; but for that it is y e sacrament, the signe, & the memorial thereof; or else bicause it is spiritually the sacri­fice of laude and thanksgiuing; for the proofe hereof, it were e­nough to call to minde, that sacraments in the scripture haue the names of those things, whereof they [...]e the sacraments. For Moses saith of the paschal lamb, Exod. 12.11. [...] it is the Lords passeouer, & yet most certain it is by the very text it selfe, that the lambe was not the passeouer it selfe, but only the signe and signification thereof; like as al sacraments be signes of the things which they do represent, but not the things which are signified by the same. And this I hope to make so plaine, euen by the expresse testimonies of the holy fathers, (where­in the papists vse to glory beyond al mesure,) as no papist in y t the christian world shal euer be able to answer me therein.

S, Austen hath these expresse words; Sacrificium ergo visibi­le inuisibilis sacrificij sacramentum, i sacrum signum est. Ther­fore the visible sacrifice is the sacrament of the inuisible sacri­fice, [Page 429] that is, an holy signe. And a little after, hee addeth these words: Illud quod ab hominibus appellatur sacrificium, Aug. de ciuit. [...] lib. 10. cap. 5. signum est veri sacrificij: that which men cal a sacrifice, is the signe of y e true sacrifice. In another place he hath these words, with many other to the like effect; Ibidem cap. 20. Cuius rei sacramentum quotidianum esse voluit ecclesiae sacrificium. Wherof he would haue the sacrifice of the church to be a daily sacrament. In another place he hath these words; Contr. Faust. libr. 20. cap. 21. tom. [...] huius sacrificij caro et sanguis ante aduentū Chri­sti, per victimas similitudinū prrmittebatur: in passione Christi, per ipsam veritatem reddebatur: post ascensum Christi, per sa­cramentum memoriae celebratur. Before the comming of Christ, the flesh and bloud of this sacrifice was promised by the sacri­fices of similitudes; in the passion of Christ, it was restored by the verity: after the ascension of Christ, it is celebrated by the sacrament of memorie. In all these places S. Austen saith ex­pressely, that though the Eucharist be called a sacrifice, yet is it not a sacrifice properly and indeede, but onely a sacrament, signe, and representation of Christs sacrifice vpon the crosse. For first he saith it is a signe of the true sacrifice: as if he hadde said, it is not the true sacrifice, but a representation therof. Se­condly; he saith it is a daily sacrament of the true sacrifice: as if he had said, it is not y e thing, but a signe of the thing. Thirdly, he saith it is the sacrament of memory; as if hee had saide, it is but a commemoration of the true sacrifice indeede. Fourthly, he saith that that which men call a sacrifice, is nothing els but a signe of the true sacrifice; as if he had said, though many vse to tearme the Eucharist a sacrifice, yet is it but the signe of the true sacrifice indeede.

Greg. Nazianz. who was Hieromes schoolmaister, & for his singular knowledge in y e holy scriptures surnamed Theologus, expresseth this matter very liuely, Nazianz. orat. 21 tom. 2. p. 413. in these brief & pithy words Quo tandē modo externū illud sacrificiū, illud magnorū mysteri orū exēplar praefidenti animo ipsi offerrem? How shuld I offer to him with a confident mind that externall sacrifice, which is the example (or signe) of the great mystery? Lo, so soone as hee hath tearmed it a sacrifice; by and by he interpreteth himselfe, & calleth it the signe and representation of the sacrifice; as if hee had said: we vse to tearme it by the name of sacrifice, because [Page 430] it is the image, signe, sacrament, and representation of the true and onely sacrifice.

Areopagia. de ec­cles. hierarch. c. 5.S. Dionysius Areopagita S. Pauls disciple, in his ecclesi­astical Hierarchy (which worke the Papists wil needs haue to be his) hath these words: Ad eorundem sacrificium quod signis continetur, venit, at (que) id quod à deo proditum sit, facit The B. commeth to the sacrifice of those things, which is contained in signes, & doth that which God hath appointed to be done. Lo, he calleth the eucharist a sacrifice, as the other fathers do: and yet for a plaine testimony of his right meaning, he addeth, that it only consisteth in signes. As if he had said: it is nothing else, but a significatiue or commemoratiue sacrifice.

Chrysost. hom. 27. ad Hebr.Saint Chrysostome hath these words: Offerimus quidem▪ sed ad recordationem facientes mortis eius. Sequitur: hoc autem quod facimus, in commemorationem quidem fit eius quod fa­ctum est. Hoc enim facite inquit, in meam commemorationem. Nō aliud sacrificiū, sicut pontifex; sed idipsum semper facimus: magis autem recordationem sacrificij operamur. Wee offer I grant, but we do it for the remembrance of Christs death. And that which wee doe, we doe it for the commemoration of that which is already done. For hee saieth, Doe yee this in the re­membrance of me. There is not another sacrifice, as there is an other Bishop; but we doe alwaies the same thing: yea ra­ther we worke the remembrance of the sacrifice. Out of these 1 wordes I note first, that the Eucharist or christian masse (if a­ny list so to call it) is nothing else but a commemoration of 2 Christes death vppon the crosse. I note secondly, and it is a point of importance) that the sacrifice is euer the same, Obserue this carefully. thogh the priest or bishoppe bee changed. I note thirdly, that where 3 the priest is changed, there can not bee that reall sacrifice, which was offered vppon the crosse: the reason is euident, because wheresoeuer that sacrifice is, there the priest is not chaunged, but is one and the same, euen with the sacrifice it selfe. Basil. in missa p. 39

S. Basil hath these expresse wordes: Fac nos idoneos, vt tibi offeramus sacrificium laudis, tu es enim operans omnia in omnibus. Make vs meete to offer to thee the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiuing, thou that workest all in all. To these and [Page 431] the like testimonies the Papistes can not possibly frame any true answer.

The reply.

True it is, that the sacrifice of the holy masse, is a signe and commemoration of the sacrifice of the crosse: but withall, wee tel you, that as it is the signe, so is it the thing signified also. Neither is that with vs anie absurditie, Hebr. 1.3. as ye grossely & fond­ly imagine. For Christ is the figure of his fathers substance, as the apostle witnesseth: and yet if ye deny him to be the same substance with his father, yee prooue your selfe an Arrian: so a loafe of bread in the bakers window, is both a signe of bread to be sold, and also the bread it selfe. But your dull heades, cannot conceiue these scholasticall distinctions.

The answer.

I say first, that how dull soeuer our wits bee, yet doe wee 1 well perceiue your opinatiue diuinitie.

I say secondly, which is a receiued maxime in the schooles, 2 that nullum simile est idem; no similitude is the selfe same thing whereof it is a similitude. For to be a relatiue and the corre­latiue of the same, at the same time, and in the same respect, is flat contradiction.

I say thirdly, that though Christ be the same substance with his father, as he is God: yet is he termed the figure of 3 his substance, as he is man; because the diuinitie is hid in the humanitie, as vnder a figure or vaile. Coloss. [...]. [...]. So saieth the apostle in another place; For in him dwelleth the fulnesse of the godhead corporally. And the same answere serueth to your loafe. For it is neither idem numero with the other loaues, Idem n [...]me [...] sacrifici [...] as you ima­gine and affirme of your putatiue sacrifice; neither doeth the loafe of it selfe so signifie: but the people by the modification of the loafe, are brought into the notice of the sale of bread.

I say fourthly, (and this confoundeth you all, & your sottish imagination) that y e veritie is more excellent then y e figure; the [Page 432] bodie, then the shadow: the thing signified, then the signe. For your owne selues labour by this means, De eucharist. lib. 1 [...]. 3. col. 474. to prooue the sacrifice of your idolatrous masse. These are the wordes of your Ie­suite Bellarmine: Figurae necessariò inferiores esse debent rebus figuratis. Figures of necessitie must be of lesse value, then the thinges that are figured by the same.

The 4. conclusion.

The Eucharist or holy communion (which the papists terme the sacrament of the altar) is a commemoration, representation, signe, or sacrament of Christes body & bloud, offered and shed vpon the crosse for mans redemption; but not the reall, substan­tiall, and naturall bodie of Christ Iesus, which was crucified for our sinnes. This conclusion, that it may be exactly vnder­stood of the vulgar sort, and euerie popishe conceite therein plainly discouered, and effectually confuted, shalbe prooued by way of certaine briefe paragraffes.

The first paragraffe, of the forme of con­secration.

The papistes defending the bread to be made Christes natu­rall body, by vertue of consecration; are at variance among themselues, and cannot tell in the world, which are the precise words of that their putatiue consecratien. Opinio commu­nis papistar. ex Aquin. p. 3. q. 78. Innocent. de of­fic. missae. p. 3. c. 6 For the common opi­on among the papists, (to which their practise agreeth) holdeth the consecration to consist in these words: This is my body. But their learned pope Innocentius, telleth them another tale; to wit, that Christ consecrated by the power of excellencie, which is not tied to the Sacramentes: and consequently, that hee first consecrated it, and afterward pronounced the words, which the other papistes will haue to be essentiall to the conse­cration. [...]os. Angl. de es­ [...]nt. Euch. c. 4. Iosephus Angles telleth vs very grauely, that this opi­nion of Innocentius is not hereticall, although it cannot be de­fended without great temeritie. But by our friers good fauour, if the wordes of the consecration be as they defend; Math. [...]6. v. 26. then must the bread perforce be broken, before it be Christes body; then did Christ breake bread, and not his body; then did Christ deliuer bread, and not his bodie. For Christ first blessed the bread, then brake it, then gaue it to his apostles, and after said, This is [Page 433] my body. So that against their willes they graunt vnwitting­ly; that that which Christ gaue to his disciples, was substanti­ally bread and not his body. This point is handled more at large, in the 12. preamble in the booke of my Motiues.

The 2. Paragraffe. Of the validitie of consecration.

The papistes teache, that these wordes, (this is my body) doe change and transelementate the substance of bread, Conc. Trid. sess. 13. cap. 1. into the substance of Christes reall, substantial, and naturall body: and that the bare formes of bread and wine, doe after consecration existe without any subiect. But this doctrine doth confute it selfe. For first, if the wordes of supposed consecration, doe worke transubstantiation; then must euery worde haue his due 1 operation in that kinde of worke. For otherwise, some of the wordes should be frustrate and needlesse, as which could haue no proper effect. And yet dareth no papist assigne any effect to euery worde, because it would follow thereupon, that Christes body should be made by diuisible partes.

Secondly, if the fourth word ( meum) concurre essentially to 2 the consecration: then is Christes body either made by succes­siue operation, which Aquinas and all learned papistes denie: or the whole effect proceedeth totally of the fourth word, with­out the actiuitie of the other three. The sequele is euident, Aquinas p. 3. [...] ▪ 75. ar. 7. be­cause the prolation of the words is with succession, and not in an instant.

Thirdly, if the wordes of consecration, be of such force as the papistes teach; then must both Christes body and bread be vn­der 3 the forme of bread at once; or els the forme of bread must for a certaine time, be aswell without the substance of bread as without the body of Christ. I prooue it, because as Christes body is made present vnder the forme of bread in an instant, so doth the substance of bread cease to be in instant: Marke this rea­son well. and con­sequently, since two instantes cannot be immediate, they must both either be togither in the same instant, or both absent for the time mediate.

Fourthly, the popish supposed transubstantiation, is very ri­diculous and absurd. I prooue it, because when the priest saith, 4 [Page 334] (this my bo) hee then either holdeth in his handes substantial­ly bread, or corporally Christes body: if substantially bread, then are their wordes of consecration not of force: if corporally Christes bodie, these three absurdities doe insue. First, Christes body is made by succession: Secondly, the sillable (bo) which by it selfe signifieth nothing, is made significant. Thirdly, the last sillable (die) which is commonly deemed to accomplish their consecration, is become officiperda, redundant, and superfluous.

Fiftly, if the wordes of consecration be operatiue as the pa­pistes holde, then if the priest chaunce to die in the midst of the prolation, Christes body shalbe left mangled and vnperfect: for otherwise, halfe of the consecratory wordes shall stand for cyphers, and haue no effect at all.

The 3. Paragraph. Of the impossibilitie of transubstantiation.

The first reason.When two vnequall dimensiue quantities are placed togi­ther, it is vnpossible for the conteined to bee bigger then the conteiner; but Christes body in the eucharist reteineth still the naturall dimensiue quantitie, Ergo it is impossible, that it bee conteined vnder the forme of a little round cake. Bellarm. de eu­charist. lib. 3. c. 6. For the mani­festation of this argument, I note first, that all learned men as­well papistes as others, agree in this: that God by his abso­lute power cannot doe those thinges, which implie contradicti­on in the doing: the reason wherof I haue yeelded in my booke of Motiues, Aristot. lib. 3. Metaph. Text. 9. in the 12. preamble. I note secondly, that it is es­sentiall to quantitie, to haue one part without another, as the great philosopher Aristotle doth auouch. See the 2. part, book 2. chap 6. and note it well. I note thirdly, that the whole de­mensiue quantitie of Christes naturall body, which he had here visibly on earth, and still retaineth in heauen, is togither with his body in the eucharist, Aquinas p. 3. q. 76. ar. 4. as all learned papistes graunt. And so by popish docrine, a body being foure cubites long and two cubites broad, remaining stil so long & broad, must perforce be conteined vnder another body, which is neither two cubites long, nor one cubite broad: but it is impossible, as implying flat contradiction. The 2. reason. When occupatiō of place is taken away from a [Page 335] body, it then ceaseth to be, and is no body at all. But Christes body occupieth no place in the Eucharist, as learned papistes graunt: Ergo, Christes body is not corporally there. Aquinas p. 3. q. 76. ar. 5. And least any man distrust the proposition, Saint Augustine hath these expresse wordes: Cum ergò sit corpus aliqua substantia, August. epist. 57 ad Dardan. quan­titas eius est in magnitudine molis eius; sanitas vero eius non quantitas sed qualitas eius est. Non ergo potuit obti­nere quantitas corporis, quod potuit qualitas. Nam ita distanti­bus partibus quae simul esse non possunt, quoniam sua quae (que) spa­tia locorum tenent, minores, minora, & maiores maiora, non po­tuit esse in singulis quibusque partibus tota vel tanta; sed am­plior est quantitas in amplioribus partibus, breuior in breuio­ribus, & in nulla parte tanta quanta per totum. Infra: Nam spatia locorum tolle corporibus, nusquam erunt, & quia nus­quam erunt▪ nec erunt.

When therfore any substance is a body, the quantitie therof is in the magnitude of the bignesse, but the health is not the quantitie, but the qualitie thereof. Therefore the quantitie of the body could not attaine that, which the qualitie could. For y e parts being so distant, which could not be togither, because al seuerally keepe their spaces of places, the lesse lesser places; and the greater greater, there could not be in al the places seue­rally the whole or so much; See the 3. Para­graph in the end of the first rea­son, and note it well. but there is a larger quantitie in the larger partes, a shorter in shorter partes, and in no part so much as in the whole. For if spaces of places be taken from bodies, they shalbe in no place; and because they shalbe in no place, neither shall they haue any being at all.

Out of these wordes I note first, that euery quantitatiue 1 bodie, hath one part distant from another.

I note secondly, that the same partes occupie distinct pla­ces. 2 I note thirdly, that two quantities cannot be in the same place at one and the same time. 3

I note fourthly, that a greater quantitie must haue a greater 4 place, and that it cannot be conteined in the lesser.

I note fiftly, that no one part can conteine so much as the 5 whole.

I note sixtly, that when bodies are without places, they 6 lose their natures, and beings.

[Page 436] Guilielmus Oka­mus in 4. s. q. 4. ad 4.I therefore conclude, that it is impossible for Christs natural body to be contained in a little round cake, and his whole bodie in euerie little part thereof: all which the papists impudently and blasphemously do auouch. Guiliel. Ocham and Durandus, two popish doctours, do both subscribe to S. Austens reason. If it were possible for Christs bodie to be in diuers places at once; The third reason. the angel of God should haue made a foolish reason to the women, that came to see Christ in the sepulcher: for the angell prooued Christ not to be there, bicause he was risen. These are the words: Matt. 28.9. (Hee is not here, for he is risen as he said.) But if Christs body could bee in many places at once, as the papists would haue vs beleeue; then doubtlesse did the angel reason childishly. For the women might haue said: though he be risen, yet may hee be here also. Yet the angel (who was not to be in­structed of the papists, but from heauen,) affirmed that hee could not be there, because he was risen. For he said not, Christ is risen, and is not here: but, he is not here, because he is risen. Lo, his rising, is the cause, that he coulde not be there. Marke this reason well, for it doth conuince. Peruse the twelfth pre­amble, in my first booke of Motiues, and the first replie of the seauenth obiection in the first paragraph.

The fourth Paragraph. Of the originall of transubstantiation.

Transubstantiation is not onely repugnant to all philoso­phy; but so absurd also in al christian speculation, as it was vn­knowne to the church of God, and to all approued writers the space of one thousand & two hundred yeres, after Christs sa­cred incarnation. For it was first hatched by pope Innocenti­us the third of that name, in the council of Lateran, which was holden 1215. yeeres after Christ. Anno. Dom. 1215 Yea, the determination of this synode was reputed of so little force, that the zealous pa­pist and famous schoole-doctour Durandus boldely published the contrarie doctrine, euen after the flat resolution of the same councell. Whose doctrine doth so gall the papists, that the Ie­suite Bellarmine, vnwilling on the one side to oppose himselfe against Durand rigorously: and on the other side, not knowing what to say in defense of the Romish synode, maketh as it were [Page 437] this mitigation betweene them; Bellarm. de Euchar. libr. 3. cap. 13. Itaque sententia Durandi hae­retica est, licet ipse non sit dicendus haereticus, cum paratus fuerit ecclesiae iudicio acquiescere. Therfore the opinion of Du­rand is hereticall, though himselfe may not be called an here­ticke, because he was readie to giue place to the decree of the Church: thus writeth our Iesuite. Out of whose words I note first, that a man may steale an oxe, proclaime the same to the 1 world without any remorse, and yet be no theefe at all: for Durand held an hereticall opinion, published the same in print constantly, and yet (as the Iesuite telleth vs) was no here­ticke for so doing. I note secondly, that Durand liued more 2 then threescore yeares after the popish Councell of Lateran.

I note thirdly, that he neuer retracted his opinion, notwith­standing 3 the decree and censure of the popish Synode: and therefore vainely and without reason sayth our Iesuite, that Durand was willing to obey the decree of their Church: for if he were willing to obey their church heerein, how came it to passe, that he liuing so long after he knewe their Churches minde, did commit that to print wittingly and willingly, which is altogether against the same? for no man doubtlesse impug­neth that by writing, which he doth approue at least so farre forth, as mans iudgement can haue place.

The fyft Paragraph. That the holy Eucharist is a figure and signe of Christes body and bloud, not the thing it selfe (that is thereby signified) corporally, but in a diuine and spirituall sort.

FOr the perspicuous explication of this Paragraph, I will vse certaine effectuall and distinct proofes; and that done, I will succinctly aunswere to such obiections, as may be made against the same.

My first proofe is grounded in the analogie of our christian faith: for first, Christ tooke our nature vpon him, The first proofe. and that so really and truly, as it was like vnto ours in euery thing, sinne 1 only excepted. The former part saint Paul prooueth in these [Page 438] wordes: Philip. [...]. v. 6.7. who being in the forme of God, thought it no robbe­rie to be equall with God; but he made himselfe of no reputa­tion, and tooke on him the forme of a seruant, and was made like vnto men, and was found in shape as a man. The latter part S. Peter proueth in these words: 1. Pet. 2. v. 21.22. for Christ suffered for you, leauing you an ensample that ye should follow his steps, who did no sinne, neither was there guile found in his mouth. And S. Paule sayth: 2. Cor. 5. v. 21. for he hath made him to be sinne for vs, who knew no sinne, that we should be made the righteousnes of God in him. Now our bodies are such, as they can not with one act be made to be in two places at one time, ergo the priests words can not make Christs body in a thousand places at once: for if he could so do, Christs body should be of an other nature then ours, contrary to the holy scripture.

2 Secondly, Christ sayth: Ye worship that which ye know not. Ioan. 4. v. 22.24. God is a spirit, and they that worship him, must worship him in spirit and truth. Thus doth our faith tel vs, but the Pa­pists say, that we must worship God in a round cake: that we must worship for God, that which neither we nor they know to be God: for if the priest either want intention to consecrate, (which often chaunceth by reason of wandring imaginations) or of purpose meaneth not to consecrate, The Papists worship they know not what. or of negligence o­mitteth any one word of consecration; then by popish religion the thing adored is but pure bread, and yet do they worship it for the euerliuing God. It is therefore truely said to them, that they worship they know not what.

Thirdly, Christ must so be eaten of vs, as he abideth in vs, 3(for to that end do we eate him, that he may dwell in vs) and yet is it certaine, that he dwelleth not in vs corporally, but spi­ritualy by faith. The former part is not only euident in it selfe, but verified by Christ himselfe in these words, I [...]an. 6. v. 56. he that eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloud, dwelleth in me and I in him: the latter part S. Paule proueth in these words, Ephes. 3. v. 17. that Christ may dwell in your hearts by faith.

4 Fourthly, Christ ascended vp visibly into heauen, and there must remaine til the day of generall doome, as our faith telleth vs: Act. 3. v. 21. therefore we must feede on him in heauen by faith, and not on earth with our teeth. For which cause, the auncient Church [Page 439] exhorted y e people before the communion, to lift vp their hearts vnto the Lord, as if it had beene said, 1. Cor. 10. v. 16.17. ye must not affixe your mindes to these visible creatures, but meditate on heauenly things, which are promised by y e reuerēt & faithfull vse thereof.

Fiftly, S. Paul saith plainly, that the faithfull in the old te­stament did all eate & drinke Christs body & bloud, 1. Cor. 10. v. 3.4. which they 5 could not do but by faith, because Christ was not then incar­nate: and euen so do we eate Christ spiritually by faith, not cor­porally with our teeth. To which effect grauely said S. Austen, vt quid paras ventrem & dentem? crede & manducasti. De consec. dist. 2. Cap. vt quid. Crede­re enim in eum, hoc est panem & vinum manducare, qui credit in eum, manducat eum. Wherefore preparest thou a belly and a tooth? beleeue, & thou hast eaten; for to beleeue in him, is to eate bread & wine: he that beleeueth in him, eateth him. Thus saith S Austen, euen as their owne Gratian hath alledged him.

Sixtly, S. Paule saith, that so often as we eate and drinke 6 of Christs cup, so often do we shew his death till he come; 1. Cor. 10. v. 26. but doubtles if he be corporally present vnder the accidents of bread and wine, then is he already come: nay, more truely is it said, that he was neuer gone. For as S. Austen saith, De consecr. dist. 2 cap. prima. donec se­culum finiatur, sursum est dominus, sed tamen etiam hic nobiscū est veritas domini; corpus enim in quo resurrexit, in vno loco esse oportet: veritas autem eius vbique diff [...]sa est. Our Lord is aboue vntill the worlds end, but yet his truth is with vs heere, for the body of our Lord▪ wherein he rose againe, must needes be in one place: but his truth is diffused euery where. Againe, the same S. Austen writing against Faustus the Manichee, hath these expresse words, August. contr. Faust. libr. [...]0. cap. 11. tom. 6. Secundum praesentiam quippe spiritualem nullo modo illa pati posset▪ secundum praesentiam vero corpora­lem simul & in sole, & in luna, & in cruce esse non posset, For his flesh could no way suffer according to his spirituall pre­sence; and according to his corporall presence, it was not pos­sible for him to be both in the sunne, and in the moone, and on the crosse, at one and the same time. Againe, he saith in another place after this manner, Videte ascendentem, August. in Psal. 46. circamed. credite in absen­tem, sperate venientem, sed tamen per misericordiam occultam etiam sentite praesentem. Ille enim qui ascendit in coelum vt tolleretur ab oculis vestris, promisit vobis dicens, ecce ego vo­vestris, [Page 440] promisit vobis dicens; ecce ego vobiscum sum vsque in consummationem seculi. Beholde Christ ascending, beleeue in him absent, trust in him that is comming; and for all that feele him also present, by his secret mercie. Thus ye see the flat opinion of this graue writer, of this ancient father, of this holy learned doctour; his resolution is so euident, and so free from all obscuritie, as none can pretend ignorance that once read his 1 words. For first, he telleth vs that Christs naturall body must 2 needes be in one onely place at one time. Secondly, hee telleth vs that Christs naturall body can not bee at one and the same time, both in the Sunne and in the Moone, and on the crosse. 3 Thirdly, he maketh the same assertion plain, by comparing his corporall presence with his spirituall. For he saith, that the one may be in many places, but the other cannot; as if he had saide: Christs body may be spiritually in the sacrament, but corpo­rally 4 it cannot be there. Fourthly, he proueth Christs corporal absence by the veritie of his ascension, exhorting vs to beleeue in him that is corporally absent, Loe, Christs body cannot be cor­ [...]orally in two [...]laces at once: [...]nd so it cannot [...]oth be in hea­ [...]en and on earth. and withal to feele his vertue, as he is spiritually present. How can he tel vs more plainely, that Christs body is spiritually in the Eucharist, but not corpo­rally? It is not possible for any man, to yeelde a more sensible declaration: which if the gentle reader wil obserue attentiuely, it will minister to him a great light, for the perfect vnderstan­ding of the whole mysterie.

The second proofe.My second proofe is grounded in the figures of the old te­stament; for first, circumcision was called Gods couenant, and 1 yet was it not the couenant indeede, but a signe and significa­tion thereof. For it is common to all sacraments, to haue the name of the thing that they signifie. That it was called the couenant, Genes. 17, 10. it is cleere in these wordes, (This is my couenant, which yee shall keepe betweene me and you, and thy seede after thee: Let euerie man child among you bee circumcised.) And neuerthelesse that it was not the couenant, but the signe of the couenant, [...]bidem 1 [...]. it is euident by these words: (Ye shal circumcise the foreskinne of your flesh, and it shal be a signe of the couenant betweene mee and you. [...]idem 7▪) The couenant indeede was this. To be Abrahams God, and the God of his seede after him; so saith the text.

[Page 441]Secondly, the Lambe was called the Lords passeouer, and 2 yet was it not the passeouer indeede, but the signe and repre­sentation thereof. That it was called the passeouer, Exod. 1 [...].1 [...]. it is cleare by these words of Moses: (For it is the Lords passeouer.) And also by these words of the Euangelist: Matth. 26.17. (Where wilt thou that we prepare for thee to eate the passeouer;) that is, the Lambe, which was the signe of the passeouer. Againe in these wordes; Ibid. 18. Ibid. 19. (I wil keep y e passeouer at thine house.) Again in these words, (And they made readie the passeouer.) In all which places the scripture speaketh onely of the signe, that is, of the lambe, and [...]giueth it the name of the thing, that is, of the passing ouer. Now that it was not the passeouer indeede, Exod. 12.1 [...]. but the signe or fi­gure thereof, it is euident by these words of holy Writ: (And the bloud shal bee a token for you vpon the houses where yee are: so when I see the blood, I will passe ouer you, and the plague shal not be vppon you to destruction, when I smite the land of Egypt.) Lo, the lambe was but a token and signe of y e angels passing ouer them. And this lambe was a figure of our passeouer Iesus Christ, as he was really sacrificed vpon the crosse, so saith the holy apostle: 1▪ Cor. 5.7. (For Christ our passeouer is sa­crificed for vs.) This S. Iohn confirmed, when hee willed the Pharisees to behold the Lambe of God, Ioan. 1.29. that taketh away the sinnes of the world. And in the Reuelation, Apoc. 13.8. this lambe is saide to be slaine from the beginning of the world. Since therefore the scripture telleth vs so plainly, that the paschall Lamb was the type and figure of the true Messias, who was sacrificed to his father for the sins of the world: it shall not bee vnprofita­ble to the Reader, to consider the allegorie of the rites which God appointed to be obserued therein.

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The Type, Exod. 12   The thing signified.
1 The lambe was a memoriall of the deliuerance out of Egypt. That is to say: 1 Christ deliuered vs from hell, sin, death, and satan, Gal. 3.13
2 The lambe was a sacrifice di­stinguishing the Israelites from other nations. 2 Christ is the eternall sacrifice, who being eaten spiritually by faith, distingu [...]sheth gods faith full people from infidels, Ioh. 6.56.
3 The lambe was a true lambe of the flocke. 3 Christ was a true man, borne of the blessed virgin, Ioh. 1.14
4 The lambe was truely slaine. 4 Christ was truely crucified, 1. Corinth. 5.7. Iohn 19.30.
5 The lambe was not boyled in water, but rosted drie. 5 Christs body was inclosed in a new tombe, that had no wa­ter in it, Matth. 27.60.
6 The lambe was killed at euen. 6 Christ was killed in the ende of the world, Hebr. 1.2.
7 The Angell beholding the doores sprinckled with the lambes bloud, passed ouer the Israelites. 7 God beholding our soules sprinckeled with the bloud of Christ, doeth not impute our sinnes to vs, Rom. 3.34.
8 The lambs bloud saued the Israelites from common death. 8 The bloud of Christ deliuered vs from eternal death, He. 2.9
9 All the Israelites did eate of the lambe. 9 All the faithfull shall eate of Christ spiritually, Iohn 6.
10 Euery part of the lambe was eaten. 10 Euery mysterie of Christes incarnation must be beleeued, 2. Timoth. 3.
11 The lambe was eaten with­out leauen. 11 Christ is eaten by faith with out hypocrisie, 1. Corint. 5.8.
12 The lambe was eaten wyth sowre hearbes. 12 We must eate Christ in bear­ing his crosse, Matth. 10.38.
13 The lambe was appointed to be eaten with speede. 13 Wee must embrace Christes Gospell, with all expedition, Matth. 6.33.
14 The lambe was eaten of the circumcised onely. 14 Christ is onely eaten by faith of the regenerat, 1. Cor. 11.29
15 The lambe was without ble­mish. 15 Christ was free from sinne, 1. Pet. 2.22.

[Page 443]THis passeouer of the olde law with other sacrifices and fi­gures, which were but shadows of y e Messias to come; are al wholy abolished by Christs sacred aduent. For Christ now readie to die, Hebr. 10.14. and to offer vp himselfe as the true passeouer and veritie of all figures: made an end of the olde passeouer with a solemne banket, and instituting the Eucharist in stead therof, Luc. 22.15. commanded the faithfull to obserue the same for a memorie of his death and passion, vntil his second aduent, 1. Cor. 11.26. which shall be in maiestie and glorie.

My third proofe is grounded, The third proof [...] Luc. 22.18. 1. Cor. 11. in the phrases of the new testa­ment. For Christ himselfe saide, that he would not henceforth drinke of the fruit of the vine, vntill he rose againe. S. Paul in like manner calleth it bread verie often, euen after the con­secration. But if it had beene Christs natural bloud, and his naturall body, neither would he haue called it the fruit of the vine, nor Saint Paul haue tearmed it bread. Which Saint Paule maketh plaine in another place, 1. Cor. 10.16, 17 where hee hath these words: The bread which we breake, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? for we that are many, are one bread and one body, because we all are partakers of one bread. Out of which words I note first, Marke [...] that Saint Paule tearmeth it bread after 1 the consecration; or Christs blessing; or after the wordes of Christes institution, (which is all one in a right and godly sense.)

I note secondly, that he calleth it not Christs body, but the 2 participation of his body.

I note thirdly, that the bread he speaketh of is broken.

I note fourthly, that wee are all one bread and one body; 3 which annotations beeing ioyned together, I inferre first, that 4 1 the bread is Christs body spiritually, and by faith, but not cor­porally as the papists say. For Christs naturall body cannot be broken, as their own learned Canus granteth, and as verie rea­son teacheth. I inferre secondly, that we are no otherwise partakers of Christs bodie: then we are all one bodie and one bread. 2 And yet is it certaine, yea, no Papist can denie it, that we are but one bodye, and one bread mystically and sacramentally; Ergo wee are no otherwise partakers of Christes bodie then [Page 444] mystically and sacramentally: that is to say, while we eate the sacrament of Christes body, wee are vnited spiritually to Christ by faith, and mystically one to another.

The fourth proofe.My fourth proofe is grounded in the vniforme consent of the ancient doctours of the church. For first, S. Clemens Alexan­drinus hath these words: Nam ipse quoque homo, & vinum benedixit, cum dixit: accipite, bibite, hoc est sanguis meus, san­guis vitis: verbum quod pro multis effunditur in remissionem peccatorum, sanctum laetitiae fluentum allegorice significat. Se­quitur: quod autem vinum esset quod benedictum est, ostendit rursus dicens discipulis: non bibam ex fructu vitis huius, donec bibero ipsum vobiscum in regno patris mei. For our Lord be­ing also man blessed wine, when he saide: Take, drinke, this is my blood, the blood of the vine: the word, which is shed for many for the remission of sinnes, doth signifie allegorical­ly the holie riuer of gladnesse. And that it was wine which is blessed, he sheweth againe when he saith thus to his disciples: I wil not drinke of the fruit of this vine, vntil I drinke it with you in the kingdome of my father. Out of these words of this holy and ancient father (who liued aboue one thousand, three 1 hundred, and eightie yeeres ago) I note first, that that which Christ called his bloud at his supper, was naturally wine, though his bloud sacramentally: for it was sanguis vitis, such bloud as the vine doth affoord.

2 I note secondly, that these words (which is shed for many) are allegoricall, that is, they sound one thing in bare wordes, and signifie another thing indeede: as if hee had saide: The wine or liquor in the cup is not shed indeede for many, but is a sacrament or figure of Christs naturall bloud, which is in­deede shed for our sinnes.

I note thirdly, that these words of Christ (I wil not drinke 3 of the fruite of the vine) were spoken after the consecration of the wine, and are to be vnderstoode litterally: and conse­quently, that that which the Apostles dranke, was naturall wine, & not naturall bloud. Although I admit willingly, that it was bloud in a sacrament and mysterie: or to vse S. Cle­ments phrase, Christs bloud sa­ [...]ramentally, but [...]ot naturally. allegorically, which I wish the reader euer to obserue, as a generall rule.

[Page 445]Secondly, S. Hilarie writeth thus: Secundo princ [...] ­paliter. Nos verè sub mysterio carnem corporis sui sumimus, & per hoc vnū erimus, quia pa­ter 2 in eo est, & ille in nobis, Hilar. de Trinit. libr. 8. p. 140. We truely receiue the flesh of Christs body in a mysterie, and by it we shall be one, because the Father is in him, and he in vs. Out of these words I note 1 first, that to receiue Christs body in a sacrament or mysterie, is to receiue it truely, which I wish the reader to obserue care­fully: for we do not terme the holy Eucharist, or Lords Sup­per (bare bakers bread) as the Papists slaunder vs: but we affirme it to be sanctified bread, to be sacramentall bread, to be diuine bread; yea, to be Christs true body in deede, but sa­cramentally, but spiritually, but mystically, as S. Hilarie truely sayth. And this answere will solue a thousand captious cauilles, which the Papists vse to make. I note secondly, that such as is our vnion by eating this bread, such is the eating 2 thereof. And consequently, since euery child knoweth that we are but mystically vnited, as we are the mysticall members of one body: it followeth that we do but mystically eate Christs bodie. And S. Hilaries reason maketh it plaine, when hee ad­deth (because the father is in him, and he in vs) for neither doth the father dwell in him corporally (who is corpslesse,) neither corporally in vs.

Thirdly, S. Irenaeus hath these words: Qui est è terra panis 3 percipi [...]ns vocationem Dei, iam non communis panis est, Iren. lib. 4. cap. 3 [...] sed eu­charistia, ex duabus rebus constans, terrena & coelesti. The bread which is of the earth, after it hath receiued gods blessing, is no longer common bread, but the eucharist. And it consisteth of two things; the one earthly, the other heauenly. Out of which words I note first, that our communion bread is still 1 bread after consecration, though it be not common bread, but sacramentall and heauenly bread: for otherwise he would haue saide, (it is not bread but the eucharist.) He would (I say) haue reiected the name of bread, and not haue kept it still. I note secondly, that Christ is not present corporally in the Eu­charist, because his naturall bodie is but one thing; which yet 2 should be the whole eucharist, if it were present, as the Pa­pists grossely dreame. Besides this, his bodie hencefoorth is not terrestriall, but celestiall, glorious, immortall, spirituall: 1. Corinth. 1 [...]. [Page 446] yet withall, 1. Cor. 15. it still reteineth all essentiall properties of a true body, euen as our bodies shall do after the resurrection. It is still circumscriptible, sensible, visible, tangible, quantitatiue, dimensiue, locall; none of which can possibly be found, in po­pish carnall reall presence.

4 Fourthly, Saint Chrysostome hath these words: Nam quan­do dicunt, Chrysost. hom. 83 in Matth. tom. 2. Vide Hilar. can. 30. in Matt. vnde patet immolatum Christum fuisse, & alia mul­ta mysteria: haec afferentes ora ipsorum consuimus. Si enim mortuus Iesus non est, cuius symbolum ac signum hoc sacrificium est? Infra: ita per sacratissimam istam mensam & saluat & docet: hoc enim caput bonorum omnium est: quare hoc Paulus voluit ac repetit: sed tradito iam mysterio, non bibam ait, de hoc genimine vitis vs (que) in illam diem, cum illud bibam nouum vo­biscum in regno patris mei. Sequitur: ex genimine autem ait vitis, quae certe vinum non aquam producit.

For when they say, how do we know that Christ suffered, and many other mysteries; wee bringing these things [...]owe vp their mouthes. For if Iesus were not dead, of whome is this sacrifice a marke and signe? So hee both saueth and teacheth by this most sacred table; for this is the head of al good things: wherefore Saint Paul meant this, and hee repeateth it. But after hee had deliuered the mysterie, I will not drinke saith hee, of this fruite of the vine, vntill that day, when I shall drinke it newe with you in the kingdome of my father. And hee saith, of the fruit of the vine, which doubtlesse bringeth 1 forth wine and not water. Out of these words I note first, that the Eucharist is but a symbole, signe or figure of Christs 2 body. I note secondly, that that which Christ gaue to his dis­ciples, and which he called his bloud, was true wine, the natu­rall 3 fruit of the vine. I note thirdly, that Christ first had de­liuered the mysterie, and then vttered the wordes of drinking the fruit of the vine. For the papists would gladly haue Saint Luke to tell the storie out of order, and that Christ spoke these wordes before the deliuerie of the sacrament, that is, be­fore the consecration of the cuppe; which Saint Crysostome and other fathers doe denie.

5 Saint Cyprian hath these words; Dico vobis, non bibam amodò ex ista creatura vitis, vsque in diem illum, quo vobis­cum [Page 447] bibam nouum vinum in regno patris mei. Cyprian lib [...]. 2. epist. 3. circ. med▪ Qua in parte in­uenimus calicem mixtum fuisse quem Dominus obtulit▪ & vi­num fuisse quod sanguinem suum dixit. I say to you, I will not drinke henceforth of this creature of the vine, vntill that day, in which I wil drinke new wine with you, in the kingdome of my father. Wherein we find that the cup was mingled with our Lord offered, and that it was wine which he called his body. Out of these words I note first, that Saint Luke spoke of the 1 consecrate cup, when hee tearmed it the fruit of the vine: as is proued already, out of Saint Clement and S. Chrysostome. I note secondly, that the consecrate cup contained naturall wine, 2 and not Christs corporall bloud indeed. This testimonie doth conuince, and so effectually confuteth transubstantiation and the popish reall presence; as if S. Cyprian were this day liuing, and knew the blasphemous doctrine of the papists, A generall rule to expound all the Fathers. yet coulde hee not decide more plainely, the controuersie betweene them and vs. Yea, this testimonie of saint Cyprian may bee a generall rule for vs, as well to expounde himselfe in other places, as also the rest of the holy fathers. For when they tearme the holy communion or Eucharist, Christs bodie and blood, the bloud that issued out of his side, the body that was nayled on the crosse, the flesh that was borne of the vir­gin, the price of our redemption; all this is truely saide in their godly meaning: that is to say, all this is truely veri­fied sacramentally, mystically, spiritually, but not corpo­rally as the Papistes teach. For all the Fathers ad­mitte this doctrine of Saint Cyprian; that euen after con­secration, remayneth still the true nature of bread and wine.

Sixtly, Tertullian being consonant to the other fathers, 6 hath these wordes: Tertull. aduers. Marcionem lib. 4 p. 306. Acceptum panem & distributum discipu­lis, corpus suum illum fecit, hoc est corpus meum dicendo, id est figura corporis mei. Figura autem non fuisset, nisi ve­ritatis esset corpus. Caeterum vacua res quod est phan­tasma, figuram capere non potest. Hee made that bread which hee tooke and gaue to his disciples to bee his bodie, saying this is my body, that is to say, the figure of my bodie, and there shoulde not haue beene a figure, vnlesse there [Page 448] had been a true body indeed: for a vain thing which is but a fal [...] imagination, cannot receiue a figure. Out of these wordes I 1 note first, that y which Christ gaue to his disciples was bread. 2 I note secondly, that it was the figure of his body. I note third­ly, that to be Christes body (as Christ himselfe and the fathers 3 speake;) is nothing els, but to be the figure or signe of his bo­dy. For so doth this learned father declare the very phrase. I 4 note fourthly, that the thing figured is much different from the figure: and consequently, that Christes body cannot be the fi­gure of it selfe.

Seuenthly, S. Theodoret hath these words: Neque enim signa 7 mystica post sanctificationē recedunt à sua natura. Theodor. dialog. 2. p. 128. Manent enim in priore substantia, & figura, & forma, & videri, & tangi possunt sicut & prius. The mysticall signes after the sanctifica­tion depart not frō their nature: but they abide in their former substance, and figure, and forme, and may be seen and touched, euen as before. Out of these most golden wordes of this aun­cient 1 and learned father, I note first, that hee writeth a­gainst certaine heretickes, who held that Christes body was chaunged into his deitie after his ascension. And they prooued it, because as the bread and wine after consecration, were chan­ged into the body and bloud of Christ: euen so was his body changed into his deitie after his ascension. This note is plain­ly 2 set downe in the wordes aforegoing. I note secondly, that S. Theodoret confuteth the heretickes, euen by their own rea­son. For the mysticall signes (saith hee) remaine still in their former substance and nature, euen after the sanctification ther­of. As if he had said: ye lay not a good foundation, your sup­posall is false, ye take that as graunted, which is flatly denied. For although the creatures of bread and wine be sanctified by Gods word, and accidentally changed into the mysticall signes of his body and bloud; yet doe they still retaine their former na­ture and substance, yet doe they still remaine, truely bread and truely wine. I note thirdly, that though the bread and wine 3 haue gotten by sanctification, a new diuine qualitie; yet haue they lost nothing that they had before: for they haue the same nature, the same substance, the same figure, the same forme: they may be seene, tasted, and touched, euen as they might be­fore. [Page 449] All the papistes in Europe cannot answere this reason. For Theodoret prooueth against the heretickes, that as bread and wine are as truly bread and truely wine after consecration, as they were before consecration; euen so is Christes body as truely a body now after his ascension, Whom will not this reason per­swade? as it was afore heere on earth. So as the papistes cannot now say, that the bread and wine haue lost their true natures in y e eucharist; vnlesse they wil also say, y t Christ hath lost y e nature of a true body now in heauē.

Eightly, S. Austen a worthy pillar of Christes Church, (as the papistes themselues doe graunt;) hath these wordes: Nisi 8 manducaueritis inquit, carnem filij hominis & sanguinem bibe­ritis, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Aug. de doctrin. Christiana, lib. 3. cap. 16. Facinus vel flagitium vide­tur iubere. Figura est ergo praecipiens passioni domini esse com­municandum, & suauiter atque vtiliter recondendum in me­moria, quod pro nobis caro eius crucifixa & vulnerata sit. Vn­lesse saith Christ, ye shall eate the flesh of the sonne of man and drinke his bloud, ye shall haue no life in you. Hee seemeth by these wordes to commaund to doe an heinous offence. It is therefore a figure commanding vs to be partakers of Christes passion, and sweetly and profitably to lay vp in our mindes, that his flesh was crucified and wounded for our sakes. In an­other place hee hath these words: Cum videritis filium ho­minis ascendentem vbi erat prius, certe vel tunc videbitis, August in euang▪ Ioan. tract. 27. tom. 9. quia non eo modo quo putatis erogat corpus suum; certe vel tunc intel­ligetis, quia gratia eius non consumitur morsibus. When yee shall see the sonne of man ascending thither, where hee was be­fore; then doubtlesse shall ye see, that hee giueth not his body in such sorte as ye imagine: then shall ye truely vnderstand, that his grace is not consumed with the bit of the mouth.

Againe thus: In principio cauendum est, ne figuratam locutio­nem ad literam accipias. Et ad hoc enim pertinet quod ait apo­stolus: litera occidit, spiritus autem viuificat. August. de doctr. Christ. lib. 3. ca. 5. Cum enim figura­tè dictum sic accipitur, tanquam propriè dictum sit, car­naliter sapitur. Sequitur: ea demum est miserabilis animae ser­uitus, signa pro rebus accipere: & supra creaturam corpo­ream oculum mentis ad hauriendum aeternum lumen leuare non posse. Before all thinges thou must take heede, least thou vn­derstand that literally, which is spoken by a figure. For to this [Page 450] end is that which the apostle saith: The letter killeth, but the spirite quickeneth. For our wisedome is then carnall, when we vnderstand that properly, which is spoken figuratiuely. To conclude, that is a miserable bondage of the soule, to take signes for the things signified: and not to lift vp the eye of our minde aboue the corporall creature, so to behold eternall light. Againe thus: Possum etiam interpretari praeceptum illud in signo esse positum. August. cont. Adimant. cap. 12. tom 6. Non enim dominus dubitauit dicere hoc est cor­pus meum cum signum daret corporis sui. I may also interprete this precept to be figuratiue. For our Lord doubted not to say, This is my body, when he gaue the signe or figure of his body. Againe thus, Cum adhibuit ad conuiuium, in quo corporis & sanguinis sui figuram discipulis cōmendauit & tradidit. August. in Psal. 3. in initio▪ When he admitted (Iudas) to the banquet, in which hee commended and deliuered to his disciples, the figure of his bodie and his bloud. Againe thus, Illi manducabant panem dominum, ille pa­nem domini contra dominum. They ate the bread that was our Lord, August. in Ioan. Tract. 59. he ate (not our Lord, but) the bread of our Lord against the Lord. Againe thus: Quomodo in coelum manum mittam vt ibi sedentem ten [...]am? fidem mitte & tenuisti: parentes tui tenue­runt carne, tu tene corde, quoniam Christus abs [...]ns etiam prae­sens est: nisi praesens esset à nobis teneri non posset: sed quoniā ve­rū est quod ait, Ibid. tract. 50. (Ecce ego vobiscum sum vs (que) ad consummationem seculi: Math. 28. v. vlt.) & abijt & hic est, & redijt, & nos non deseruit. Corpus enim suum intulit coelo, maiestatem non abstulit mundo. Howe shall I reache vp my hand to heauen, that I may take holde on him sitting there? Reache thither thy faith, and thou hast hold on him. Thy fathers held him in the flesh, holde thou him in thine heart, because Christ being absent is also present: for if hee were not present hee coulde not be holden of vs; but be­cause it is true that hee saith: (Behold I am with you till the end of the world,) both he is gone and he is here, he is retur­ned and hath not forsaken vs. For hee carried his body vp in­to heauen, August. in Ioan. tract. 50. in fine. yet hee tooke not his maiestie out of the worlde. Againe, in another place thus: Secundum praesentiam maie­statis semper habemus Christum, secundum praesentiā carnis re­ctè dictum est discipulis, me autem non semper habebitis: Habuit enim illum ecclesia secundum praesentiam carnis paucis die­bus, [Page 351] modo fide tenet, oculis non videt. According to the pre­sence of his maiestie wee haue Christ alway, but according to the presence of the flesh it was rightly saide to his Disciples; but ye shall not haue me alway. For the Churche had him in the flesh a few daies, but now she holdeth him by faith, she doth not see him with her eyes. Againe thus: August. epist. 23. Sicut ergo secundum quendam modum sacramentum corporis Christ [...] corpus Christi est: sacramentum sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est, ita sacra­mentum fidei fides est: As therefore in a certaine sorte the Sa­crament of Christes bodie, is Christes body; & the sacrament of Christes bloud is the bloud of Christ: euen so the sacrament of faith is faith. In these manifold testimonies Saint Austen prooueth aboundantly, that the popishe carnall imagined presence in the Eucharist, is blasphemous and most execra­ble. 1 For first, he telleth vs that these words of Christ, (This is my bodie, This is my bloud,) must needes be vnderstood fi­guratiuely. That is to say, that the bread and wine are but the sacraments, or figures and signes of Christes body and bloud.

Secondly, hee telleth vs that Christ is ascended, and that 2 therfore his bodie cannot be eaten with the bit of mouth, as the papistes teach blasphemously.

Thirdly, he saith that the soule is neuer in greater bondage, then when shee grossely and carnally taketh the figures and 3 signes for the thinges signified by the same.

Fourthly, he telleth vs, that since the signes of thinges be 4 vsually termed by the names of the things signified, our Lord doubted not to say (This is my bodie) when hee gaue but the signe of his bodie.

Fiftly, hee saith that the bread which the other Disciples 5 receiued, was our Lord, yet that which Iudas receiued was but the bread of the Lord. Which assertion is won­derfull, if it bee well noted. For, if our Lord and maker bee present carnally, in fleshe, bloud, and bone, vnder the accidentes of bread; and that so long as the same accidentes remayne vncorrupte, as the Popishe detestable Faith a­uoucheth▪ Then doubtlesse, Iudas shoulde haue receiued his Redeemer; The papistes are confounded▪ Then perforce Iudas shoulde also haue receiued, Panem Dominum: Then Iudas coulde not by [Page 452] any possibilitie, haue barely receiued panem Domini: which yet S. Augustine affirmeth most constantly. For first, if it were true, that after consecration the substance of bread were tran­substantiated into Christes naturall bodie, as it consisteth of flesh, bloud, and bone: and againe if it were also true, that the selfe same bodie remained vnder the forme of bread vntill it were corrupted: then let all the papistes in England or els where in Europe, tel me how Iudas could receiue ( panem Do­mini,) but not ( panem Dominum) as S. Austen saith: that is, how Iudas coulde receiue the forme of bread, with the fleshe, bloud, and bones of Christes organicall and naturall body h [...]d­den vnder the same, and for all that not receiue Christ himselfe, and panem Dominum, as the other apostles did. Let them I I say, tell me this, and I promise to subscribe. If they wil not this doe, because they cannot, (for if they can doe it, all the worlde must thinke they will doe it;) then if the feare of God be before their eies, they will acknowledge the trueth that I now defend; which God graunt they may doe, Amen.

Sixtly, he telleth vs, that albeit wee cannot reache with our 6 handes, to Christes body which is nowe in heauen: yet may we by faith take hold vpon the same. Which is the flat doctrine, that the church of England this day teacheth of the eucharist. For we teach, that the eucharist is Christes true body spiritu­ally and sacramentally, and that it is truely receiued by faith and spirite; Ioan. 6. v. 63. according to this doctrine of our maister Christ. The wordes that I spake vnto you, are spirite and life.

Seuenthly, he telleth vs, that as Christ is on earth still, ac­cording 7 to his deitie: so is he in heauen til the daie of doome, ac­cording to his humanitie. And that as he is present in his god-head till that time, so is hee absent in his manhood. For (saith S. Austen,) touching the presence of his fleshe, hee was but a fewe daies on earth. Yea, (say the papistes,) S. Austen lieth; and when he thus wrote, he was a sleepe, and so were the rest of the fathers, that hold as he doth. We affirme without scrip­tures, fathers, rime, and reason, that hee is carnally present at the priestes appointment, in ten thousand pixes at once. More absurdly then this we say, that a mouse can catch Christes car­nall body, carry it away into an hole, and there deuoure it with [Page 453] her teeth. Of which blasphemous doctrine, the great papist Petrus Lombard ▪ surnamed their master of sentences, knoweth not what to say or thinke; but being at his wits end what an­swere to make, thus answereth the question without answere: for his answere is answerelesse, in these wordes: Lombard. in 4. s. dist. 13. [...]. Quid ergo sumit mus, vel quid manducat? Deus nouit hoc. What therefore doth a mouse take, when shee catcheth the reserued hoast, or what doth she eate? God knoweth this. Lo, is not this a graue answere, of the grauest father amongst our popish doctors? He is tearmed the master of sentences, and his bookes are publike­ly read in their schooles of diuinitie, and so of the next authoritie to the holy scriptures. And for al this, so doubtfull and vncer­taine is their faith; that when a mouse catcheth their accidents without subiects, he knoweth not in the world, what is become of their carnall reall presence.

Eeightly, he telleth vs, that the sacrament of Christs body 8 is not his body properly, but after a sort: and that sort he affir­meth to be this, to wit, as the sacrament of faith is faith. Now euerie childe knoweth, that baptisme, or the sacrament of faith, is not faith properly, but improperly, figuratiuely, and by way of signification onely.

Ninthly, Nono principali­ter. Saint Ambrose (whom [...]he papists thinke to make wholy for their side,) hath these expresse words: Si tanta vis 9 est in sermone Domini Iesu, vt inciperent esse quae non erant: Ambr. libr. 4. de sacram. cap. 4. quanto magis operatorius est, vt sint quae erant▪ & in aliud com­mutentur? If there be so great power in the word of our Lord Iesus, that things beganne to be which were not: how much more is it workefull, that things bee which were, and bee changed into another thing? In these words, Saint Ambrose declareth the creatures of bread and wine, to remaine still in their proper nature and substaunce; and withall to bee changed into another thing, that is to say, De euchar. libr. 2▪ cap. 14. into the sacraments of Christs true body and bloud. To this our Iesuite Bellar­mine answereth in these words: Non dixit vt sint id quod erant, tunc enim panis manere deberet; sed vt sint quae erant, id est, n [...]n annihilentur, sed maneant, quamuis mutata. Hee saide not, that they may bee that which they were, for then the bread ought to remaine indeede; but that they may stil be which were [Page 454] before, that is, that they bee not annihilated, but abide still, 1 though changed. To this answere of our Iesuite I say first, that Saint Ambrose meaneth no other thing, then did Saint Aust [...]n, when he called baptisme the sacrament of faith. For the omnipotencie of Christs word, is required of them both in both sacraments. And as the water is changed into another thing, that is, to be a sacrament and [...]ea [...]e of Gods fauor, which before was but common water: euen so bread is chaunged in­to another thing, that is, to be the sacrament of Christs body, 2 which was before but common bread. I say secondly, that as a married man is by matrimonie cha [...]ged into another thing, Argumentum ad hominem. and yet keepeth still the nature of a man: and as a Bishop by orders is altered into another thing, and yet keepeth still his former substance: euen so the bread in the Eucharist is changed mystically, and still remaineth true bread. This is a good argument against the papists, who defend matrimonie 3 and orders to be two holy sacraments. I say thirdly, that if ( aliud) must needes signifie an essentiall change, (as master Harding our Iesuite, and the rest will haue it to doe,) then either married men haue gotten nothing by their matri­moniall contractes, nor Bishoppes by their consecrations: or at least all married men and Bishops haue lost the natures of men, and are changed into another substance. But as the Logicians tel vs, these three transcendents, ens, res, aliquid, may bee affirmed of whatsoeuer is: and for the order of Bi­shops, the papists tell vs, that it imprinteth an indeleble cha­racter: Matth. 19 6. touching matrimonie, Christ himselfe telleth vs, that it is an indissoluble band. Touching the persons themselues, experience telleth vs, that they are still as tru [...]ly men as they were before; and consequently, the word ( aliud) may as well signifie an accidentall alteration, as an essentiall transmutati­on. 4 I say fourthly, that euerie thing is truely denominate of it essentiall forme; and therefore if the substance and essentiall partes of bread and wine bee cleane gone, and the externall accidents thereof onely remaine, (as Bellarmine woulde gladly glosse Saint Ambrose; then doubtlesse may wee truely say, that they are gone which were before, not that they still remaine; vnlesse perhappes the papists will say, that the horse [Page 455] remaineth, when nothing is left but his skin: and that a man liueth after he be dead. For in both more remaineth, then of their wine and bread.

I say fiftly, that by Bellarmines answere, if himselfe were changed into the essentiall nature of an asse, and kept still the externall figure of a man; yet shoulde hee still be as true­ly 5 Bellarmine, as he was before; A rare preroga­tiue of Iesuites. and so Iesuits may be both Asses and men at once: a priuiledge granted to all others of their crew.

The first obiection

S. Austen alluding to the facts and wordes of Dauid, August. in Psa. 3 [...] ▪ conc. 1. by which Christ was prefigured, writeth in this maner: Manibus aliorum potest portar [...] homo, manibus suis nemo portatur: quo­modo intelligatur in ipso Dauid secundum literam non inueni­mus, in Christo autem inuenimus. Ferebatur enim Christus in ma­nib [...]su [...]s, quando cōmendans ipsum corpus suum ait. Hoc est cor­pus meum Ferebat enim illud corpus in manibus suis; ipsa est hu­militas Dom. nostri Iesu Christi. A man may bee carried in the hands of others; but no man is carried in his own hands. How this may be vnderstoode in Dauid literally we doe not finde, but in Christ wee doe it finde. For Christ was borne in his owne hands, when he commended his owne bodie, and saide: This is my body. For he helde that body in his handes; such is the humilitie of our Lord Iesus Christ. Thus saith Saint Austen. By whose words it is euident, that that which Christ at his last supper gaue to his disciples, was his true, reall, & naturall body, euen that which was borne of the virgin Mary. For first, he telleth vs that Christ did that which Dauid could 1 not do; to wit, that he did beare himselfe in his own hands. Se­condly 2 he saith, that this was done literally, euen as the words do sound. Thirdly, he cōmendeth Christs great humility in that fact. Now it is cleare, y t if this could be vnderstood figuratiuely 3 it might be well verified in Dauid: for Dauid might haue born the picture, figure, or image, of his owne body in his hands: yea, this he might haue done literally, & haue shewed no humi­litie [Page 456] therin. But Christ did so beare himselfe in his owne hands (saith saint Austen,) as no man can do the like. This reason is inuincible, all protestants in the world cannot answere the same.

The answere.

1 I say first, that this reason seemeth indeede to be inuincible, and so my selfe haue sometime thought.

2 I say secondly, that if S. Austen should so meane, as you ga­ther of these words; he should contradict himself in many other places, as is already proued; and consequently, his authoritie should be of no force in this behalfe.

I say thirdly, that Saint Austen doth a little after expound 3 his owne meaning, in these expresse words. Et ferebatur in ma­nibus suis. August. in psal 33 conc. 2. Quomodo ferebatur in manibus suis? quia cum com­mendaret ipsum corpus suum & sanguinem suum▪ accepit in ma­nus suas quod [...] fideles, & ipse se portabat quodammodo cùm diceret, hoc est corpus meū And he was borne in his hands. How was he borne in his hands? because when he commended his owne body and his blood, hee tooke into his hands that the faithful know, Note well the word Quodam­modo. and he bare himselfe after a sort when he saide, This is my body. Where I wish the Reader to marke well the worde ( quadammodo, after a sorte:) for Christ had his true, reall, and natural bodie, in his handes after a sort, that is, sacramentally; when he said, This is my body. He had his [...] body in his hands, but it was after a sort, not simplie: but sa­cramentally, not naturally: but mystically, not carnally.

4 I say fourthly, that neither Dauid, nor any other creature, coulde haue borne himselfe after this sort in his owne hands. For, (as Aquinas, Ʋictoria, Antoninus, Couarruuias, Bellar­minus, and all learned papists grant,) no mortall man can in­stitute any sacrament, Note wel what [...] said. and so no mortal man being pure man, could sacramentally beare himselfe in his owne hands.

5 I say fiftly, that greater humilitie coulde not be, then that the Lord of glorie should offer himselfe on the crosse, so to appease Gods wrath and to make attonement for our sins, and withall shoulde giue vs the sacrament of his body & bloud, as a seale of our reconciliation, and of his beneuolence towards vs. All [Page 457] this discourse S. Austen confirmeth in another place, where he hath these words: Aug. in psalm. 98. & habetur de consecr. dist. [...] ▪ lib. prim. Non hoc corpus quod videtis manducaturi estis, & bibituri illum sanguinem quem effusuri sunt qui me [...]ru­cifigent Sacramentum aliquod vobis commendaui, spiritualiter intellectum viuificat vos. Yee shall not eate this body that ye see, and drinke that blood which they shal shed, that will cruci­fie me. I haue commended a sacrament to you, which being vnderstood spiritually doth quicken you.

The second obiect [...]on.

S. Cyprian doth prooue this veritie, in most plaine and ma­nifest tearmes. Thus doeth he write: Panis iste quem Domi­nus discipulis porrigebat non effigie, sed natura mutatus, om­nipotentia verbi factus est caro. The bread which our Lord did reach to his disciples, being chāged not in shape but in nature, became flesh by the omnipotencie of the word. Lo, bread was changed not in shape or figure, which our sense telleth vs to be so: but in nature or substance, as the catholike church teacheth vs. And how is it changed? euen into flesh; and yet wil not you haue Christ to be present, in flesh, bloud, and bone. But if it were otherwise, the omnipotent power of Gods word shoulde be needelesse: which yet Saint Cyprian saieth, Cypr. de [...] Domini. is it that wor­keth this mightie change. If yee yeeld not to this testimonie, ye shew your selfe to be obstinate.

The answere

I say first, that the grosse and carnal sense of these words, did 1 wonderfully seduce my selfe when the time was.

I say secondly, that if Saint Cyprian meant as you woulde 2 haue him, hee should bee contrarie to himselfe. For hee af­firmeth it to be true wine, which Christ gaue to his Apostles. I haue already alleaged his expresse words, peruse them and marke them well.

I say thirdly, that S. Cyprian can neuer bee more truely 3 expounded, then when his owne meaning in one place, is ga­thered out of his owne words in another place. That therefore [Page 458] all his words may be consonant one to another, we must ioine antecedent to consequent, former to latter, and one place to another. This done, wee shal finde with facilitie, that hee speaketh onely of sacramentall alteration: and that by the word (nature) hee meaneth natural properties. Yea euen so do the papists interprete the same word in their Gelasius, concerning this question nowe in hand. Thus doeth Saint Cyprian say immediately after the other wordes: Cypr. de coena Domini. Et sicut in persona Christi humanitas videbatur, & latebat diuinitas; ita sacramento visibili ineffabiliter diuina se infudit essentia. Infrà: Nostra vero & ipsius coniunctio nec miscet personas, nec vnit substantias; sed affectus consociat, & confoederat voluntates. Iterum: & sicut panis communis quem quoti­die edimus, vita est corporis: ita panis iste supersubstantialis vita est animae, & sanitas mentis. Panem Angelorum sub sacramento manducamus in t [...]rris; eundem sine sacramento manifestiùs edemus in coelis, non ministerio corporali. And as the humanitie was seene in the person of Christ, and the di­uinitie hidden; euen so hath the diuine essence powred out it selfe vnspeakeably, in the visible sacrament. For both ours and his coniunction neither mingleth persons, nor yet vniteth substances; but procureth fellowship in affection, and agree­ment in willes. And as the common bread which wee eate daily, is the life of the body: so is this supersubstantiall bread the life of the soule, and the health of the minde. We eate here on earth Angel-foode vnder the sacrament; but wee shall eate the same more clearely without the sacrament in heauen, and that without help of the body.

1 Out of these wordes I note first, that Christs diuinitie is after an vnspeakeable manner in the sacrament, but so is no [...] his bodie or humanitie: and consequently, that Christ is not there, in inuisible carnall presence.

2 I note secondly, that this sacramentall vnion doth not vnite substances, but affections and willes; and yet should our bo­dies be vnited, if we receiued Christ corpo [...]lly into our bel­lies. But as the same Cyprian saith a [...]; Recipitur non includitur, He is receiued, but not shut vp in the sacra­ment▪

[Page 459]I note thirdly, that this bread is spirituall, not corporall; the 3 bread of the soule, not of the bodie.

I note fourthly, that we eate Angell-foode here on earth, in the sacrament, and that we shall eate the verie same in hea­uen 4 without the sacrament. Which assertion vttered by holy Cyprian, sheweth his catholique christian meaning so plainly, as all Papistes may be ashamed hencefoorth to alleadge him, for their late inuented carnall presence. In heauen there is neither accident without subiect, nor sacrament administred, nor yet any corporall eating and drinking there vsed. Angels foode is spirituall, not carnall; celestiall, not terrestriall; eter­nall, not corporall: Angels neither eate by dint of tooth, nor by morsels in the mouth. Their nature is not capable of anie such actions. Since therefore our sacramentall meate, is the same that Angels now eate, and the same that our selues shall eate in heauen, where all corporall, carnall and fleshy eating ceaseth: it foloweth of necessitie, that it is meere spirituall; not corporall, fleshy or carnall.

The reply.

He saith, that the bread is made flesh by the omnipotencie of Gods word, to shew the vnspeakeable transmutation. There­fore so soone as Gods worde is spoken by the priest, it is no more bread, but flesh indeede.

The answere.

I say first, as I said not long before; that it passeth the force 1 of any power vpon earth, to make common bread a sacrament.

I say secondly, that the alteration is vnspeakeable, when 2 the diuine power of Christ doth infuse it selfe into the hearts of the faithful by the visible sacrament, as by his ordinarie organ and instrument, and then and there worketh the diuine effectes signified by the sacrament.

I say thirdly, that whosoeuer wil peruse the whole treatise of Saint Cyprian De coena Domini, and doe it seriously with 3 iudgement and christian zeale, that man shal doubtlesse finde his meaning, to bee as I haue saide. For in an other place thereof he hath these words: Ideò ex consueto rerum effectu fidei [Page 460] nostrae adiuta infirmitas, sensibili argumento edocta est visibi­libus sacramentis inesse vitae aternae effectum, & non tam cor­porali quàm spirituali transitione Christo nos vniri. Therefore the infirmitie of our faith being holpen by the accustomed ef­fect of things, is caught by a sensible argument, that the ef­fect of eternal life is in the visible sacraments, and that we are vnited to Christ, not so by corporal as by spiritual transmuta­tion. And in the very ende of the tract he concludeth in this manner: Haec quoties agimus, non dentes ad mordendum acui­mus sed fide sincerâ panem sanctum frangimus & partimur dum quod diuinum & quod humanum est, distinguimus & separa­mus, itémque simul separata iungentes, vnum deum & hominem fatemur. Sed & nos ipsi corpus eius effecti, sacramento & re sacramenti capiti nostro connectimur, & vnimur singuli alter alterius membra, ministerium dilectionis pro inuicem exhiben­tes, communicamus charitate, participamus sollicitudine, eun­dem cibum manducantes, & eundem potum bibentes, qui depe­tra spiritali profluit & emanat, qui cibus & potus est dominus noster Iesus Christus. So often as we doe these things, we doe not whet our teeth to eate, but we breake and diuide the sanc­tified bread with a sincere faith, while wee distinguish and se­parate what is diuine and what humane; and also ioyning the same things separated together, confesse one God and man. Our selues also being made his body, are knit to our head by the sacrament and vertue thereof, and are vnited particularly one an others members, exhibiting the ministerie of loue one for another; we communicate in charitie, we participate in so­licitude, we eate the same meate and drinke the same drinke, which floweth and runneth out of the spiritual rocke, which meate and drinke is our Lord Iesus Christ.

1 Out of these wordes I note first, that Christ is truely pre­sent in the eucharist, but yet after a spiritual sort, and not cor­porall.

2 I note secondly, that we are vnited to Christ spiritually by meanes of the sacrament, but not corporally. For as wee re­ceiue Christ in the sacrament, so are wee vnited to Christ i [...] the same, as by an ordinary instrument vnder him.

3 I note thirdly, that after sanctification it is bread still as be­fore, [Page 461] and is broken and deuided: none of which can agree in­deede with Christs corporall presence.

I note fourthly, that we eate not Christ with mouth and 4 tooth, but with a true christian faith.

I note fiftly, that the true and sincere faith, by which we 5 must eate the Eucharist, is to distinguish in Christ the huma­nitie from the diuinitie, and to ioyne the same againe, confes­sing one Christ to be true God and true man.

I note sixtly, that as we eate Christ in the Sacrament, so 6 are we made one anothers members: which can not be other­wise vnderstoode, then in a mysticall maner.

I note seuenthly, that our sacramentall meate and drinke is 7 spirituall, which floweth out from the spirituall rocke Christ Iesus. For if the rocke be spirituall whereof we drinke, then doubtles the drinke it selfe can not be corporall, because as all Philosophers graunt, and as right reason prescribeth, qualis causa talis effectus, the effect is of like condition with the cause: neither can a corporall cause bring foorth a spiri­tuall effect, nor a spirituall cause a corporall effect: where­upon ariseth a great question among the Schoolemen, how hell fire can be materiall, since a body can haue no action into a spirit.

The 3. obiection.

Saint Chrysostome hath these wordes; Quod est in calice, Chrysost. in cap. 10. cor. 1. hom. 24. in initio. id est, quod à latere fluxit, & illius sumus participes. That which is in the cuppe, is the same that flowed out of his side, and wee are partakers thereof. But doubtlesse no christian can or will denie, that to be Christs true bloud indeede, which is­sued out of his side vppon the crosse: therefore the same must be granted, to be vnder the forme of wine in the masse.

The answer.

I say first, that I graunt Christes true body and his true 1 bloud to be in the eucharist, but not vnder accidents with­out subiects; nor corporally, and carnally, but in a diuine, spi­rituall, and mysticall sort. Neither doth saint Chrysostome, S. Cyprian, saint Austen, or anie other ancient father, speake one word of your carnall reall presence, or once name your acci­dents without subiects. No, they teach no other doctrine, [Page 462] then that which I willingly imbrace.

Now that Saint Chrysostome speaketh of a mysticall pre­sence, his owne wordes following within a few lines, shall witnesse the same with me. Chrysost. vbi sup. Thus he saith: Et propter te frangi sustinet, vt omnes satiet; And he suffereth to be broken for thee, that he may satiate all. Thus saith this holy father. By whose words it is cleare, that hee meaneth Christ to be no otherwise present, then he affirmeth him to be broken. And if any papist wil say, that Christs bones are otherwise broken then in a my­sterie; then must the same papist tell me, howe Christs body can be glorious and not mortall: Rom. 6 9. 1. Cor. 15. verse 53, 42. then must be tell me, how it chauceth, that I can not feele and see Christs bones and flesh. For so Christ prooued the veritie of his body to his disciples; Handle me (saith Christ) and see: Luc. 24.39. for a spirite hath not flesh and bones, as ye see me haue. Then must he tel me, to what end he sent the comforter in his steede, Ioan. 16.7. if himselfe be still on earth a­mong vs. For himselfe saith: If I goe not away, the com­forter will not come vnto you: but if I depart, I wil send him to you. Matt. 26.11. Then must he tell me, how Christ is not alwaies with vs, since as they say, their round cakes do neuer wāt him. For himselfe saith: Yee haue the poore alwaies with you, but mee shall ye not haue alwaies. Then must hee tell me, howe acci­dents can be without a subiect, August. ad Da [...]d. epist. 57. since S. Austen saith, that if qualities be takē from the bodies, they loose their being. Then must he tel me what scripture saith, that Christs body which was visible before his ascension, Act. 1.9, 11. Act. 3.21. visible in his ascension, and shal continue visible in heauen till his second aduent; is for all that daily and hourely in infinite popish cakes; and after an in­uisible and insensible maner: then must he tel me, how Christs bodie being like to ours in all things, Hebr. 2.1 [...]. Hebr. 4.15. 1. Pet. 2. sinne excepted, can ne­uerthelesse be in many places at once: then must hee tell me, how Christs body is not a phantasticall body, as Marcion and the Manichees held: for Saint Austen saith, that Christs true body can be but in some one place of heauen; August. epist. ad Dardan. in fine. Vbi (inquit) totum praesentem esse non dubites tanquam deum, & in eodem templo Dei esse tanquam inhabitantem Deum, & in loco aliquo coeli propter veri corporis modum. Thou must not doubt (saith saint Austen) that Christ is wholie present euerie where as God, [Page 463] and in the same temple of God as God inhabiting it, and in some one place of heauen for the maner of a true body. Lo, this graue father telleth vs, that Christ as god is euery where; but in respect of his true body, he is only in heauen, and in some certaine place of heauen: Only in heauen, Act. 3.21. A true body can­not be in many places at once. because the scripture sayth, that he shal be there till the worlds end: in some certaine place of heauen, to declare the nature and veritie of a true bo­dy. So then, if he were present as the papists would haue him, his body shuld loose the nature & veritie, of a true body indeede.

I say secondly, that Saint Chrysostome expoundeth his owne 2 meaning most plainely, Chrysost. vbi sup. when hee saith that Christ in his last supper, gaue the fruit of the vine to his disciples. His words are before alleaged, and are flat contrarie to these other heere obiected, vnlesse they be glossed as I say.

The replie.

Saint Chrysostome in an other place confuteth your sophisti­call answers, and deliuereth his meaning in so plaine tearmes, as no deniall can be made thereof. These are his words; Chrysost. hom. 83. in Mat. Non enim sufficit ipsi hominem fieri flagellis interim caedi; sed nos se­cum in vnam (vt ita dicam) massam reducit, neque id fide solum, sed reipsa nos corpus suum efficit. For it is not inough for him to become man, and in the meane time to be whipped & scour­ged: Note well the answere to this obiection. but hee doth as it were moulde vs into the same lumpe with himselfe; neither is this done by faith onely, but hee ma­keth vs his owne body indeede. Lo, there is a further kinde of eating, then by faith onely; we are made his body really, and not onely by faith. And Saint Hilary saith the very same in effect. These are his words: Hilar. in 8. libr. de Trinit. p. 141. De veritate carnis & sanguinis non relictus est ambigendi locus: nunc enim & ipsius domini professione, & fide nostra verè caro est, & verè sanguis est. Concerning the veritie of his flesh and bloud, there is no place left to stand in doubt: for now as well by Gods attestation, as by our owne faith, he is flesh indeede and bloud indeede.

The answere.

I say first, that I do not denie Christs true and real flesh and bloud to be in the Eucharist; but I deny it to bee there in a fleshy, corporall, carnall, and sensible manner. In the [Page 464] latter of which twaine, I onely dissent from you, and your late councell of Trent. Concil. Trident. Sect. 13. cap. 1.

2 I say secondly, that neither S. Hilary, nor yet S. Chryso­stome affirmeth, Christes fleshe to be present otherwise then I graunt. Touching S. Hilary, hee hath these wordes a little before; Nos verè sub mysterio carnem corporis sui sumimus, & per hoc vnum erimus. Wee truely receiue the flesh of his body, (yet not really or corporally, but) in a mysterie, and by this wee shalbe one. Loe, though we receiue Christes flesh truely, as I graunt; yet is it in a mysterie, not carnally or corporally, as the papistes hold. Againe, S. Hilary saith, we are made one by it; and yet is it cleere, that our vnitie is no other then mysticall: the papistes agree thereunto, it cannot be denied.

I say thirdly, that to eate a thing really, is not to keepe it a 3 while in our mouth vnconsumed, and then to put it out againe, as euery childe can discerne; and yet is this your carnall and reall eating of Christes body, ye can it not denie. For yee say, that his body is hidden vnder the accidentes of bread, and is only so long in your mouthes, as the accidents be vnconsumed and not eaten vp. That done, Christ is by and by gone from you. His body so loatheth your bellies; that it wil by no means come in them, or tarrie longer with you, then the accidentes do remaine. And when it is freed from those accidentes, neither doth any see it come out, neither can your selues tell whither it is gone. But the priest by speaking foure wordes, can bring it againe into his fist with a becke. Now I would learne of some skilfull papist, to what end so manie miracles are feined in your consecration. Is it to possesse Christes bodie? But alas, it is no sooner come then gone againe. Is it that Christ may dwell with you? but alas, he wil not stay. Is it because you are deligh­ted with his presence. Alas it seemeth not; for then the ordinary meane were this, to keep your accidents long vndigested. And yet are ye so weary of keeping them, & so greedie of your din­ners; Ioh. 6.56. as I neuer heard of any, that kept them in his mouth till supper. Christ saith, that he will dwell with him that eateth his flesh; but that guest cannot truely be said to dwell with one, that is gone before dinner.

I say fourthly, that it is true which S. Chrysostome saith; to [Page 465] wit, that we are indeed made Christes body, yet that is not done really or corporallie, but in a spirituall and diuine sort. And be­cause none can expound S. Chrysostome better then himselfe: let vs seriously examine his owne interpretation. These are his wordes a little before, from whence this obiection is taken: Chrysost. hom 83 in Mat. Quontam ergo ille dixit, hoc est corpus meum, nullae teneamur ambiguitate, sed credamus & oculis intellectus id perspiciamus. Nihil enim, ensibile traditum nobis a Christo, sed rebus sensibi­libus: omnia verò quae tradidit insensibilia sunt Sic & in bap­tismo, per aquam, quae re, sensib [...]lis est donum illud conceditur; quod autem in ea conficitur, regeneratio scilicet ac renouatio, in­telligibile quiddam est Nam si tu incorporeus esses nudé ipse dona incorporea tradidisset tibi: quontam verò corpori coniuncta est anima tua in sensibilibus intelligenda tibi traduntur▪ ô quot modò dicunt, veblem formam & speciem eius, vellem vestimen­ta ipsa vell [...]m calciamenta videre. Ipsum igitur vides, ip­sum tangis ipsum comedis. Vestimenta eius desideras videre; ipse verò seipsam tibi tradidit non vt videas solum, verum etiam vt tangas, & in te habeas. Because therefore hee said; this is my body, let vs not stand in doubt, but let vs beleeue and be­hold it with the eies of our vnderstanding. Behold, how finely and eui­dently. S. Chry­sostome doth ex­pound himselfe. For Christ gaue vs no sensible thing, but (spirituall things) with sensible thinges; and all thinges that he gaue vs, are insensible. So in baptisme, by the water, which is a sensible thing, that gift is giuen; but that that is done in the water, to wit, regeneration and renoua­tion, is a certaine intelligible or spirituall thing. For if thou were incorporall, hee would haue giuen thee incorporall giftes barely, (and not hidden;) but because thy soule is coupled with thy body, intelligible thinges are giuen thee in things sensible. Oh how many now a daies say? I woulde see his forme & shape, I would see his garmentes, I woulde see his shooes. Thou therefore seest him, thou touchest him, thou eatest him. Thou desirest to see his garments, but he hath giuen himselfe to thee; not that thou maiest see him onelie, but also that thou maiest touch him, and haue him within thee. These are the wordes of this auncient father and learned writer: which I haue cited at large (though they be somewhat tedious,) because they are a­ble to confound the papistes, euen in this argument which they [Page 466] deeme insoluble, when due application shalbe made thereof.

I therfore note first, that all giftes giuen vs by Christ in his 1 sacramentes, are spirituall and to be receiued by faith.

I note secondly, that though the thinges giuen vs bee in­sensible, 2 yet are they giuen in such things as be sensible: and the reason hereof is, because our selues are sensible.

I note thirdly, that as the gift in baptisme is incorporall, and 3 spirituall, euen so is the gift in the Eucharist.

I note fourthly, y t Christ is so present, as he is seen, touched, 4 and possessed: but the papistes neither can see him, nor touche him, in their fondly conceiued reall presence.

S. Chrysostome therefore speaking of that kinde of presence, by which Christ is seene and touched; must needes vnderstand that spirituall kinde of presence, which we defend according to the Scriptures.

S. Chrysostome will yet tell vs his meaning more plainly, if it possibly can be done. Chrysost. in 2. ad Tim hom. 2. in fine. Thus doth hee write in another place; Quemadmodum enim verba quae locutus est Christus, eadem sunt que sacerdotes nunc quo (que) pronuntiant; ita & oblatio eadem est, eadem (que) baptismi ratio est adeò omnia in fide consistunt. For as the wordes which Christ spake, are the same which priests now pronounce, euen so is it the same oblation, and there is the same reason of baptisme, all things doe so depend of faith. Again in another place thus; Haec omnia carnalia quae mysticè & spiri­tualiter intelligenda sunt. Chrysost. hom. 46. in Ioan. Infrà: quid est carniliter intelligere? simpliciter vt res dicuntur, ne (que) aliud quippiam excogitare. Non enim ita iudicanda sunt quae videntur, sed mysteria omnia interi­oribus oculis consideranda, hoc est spirituali [...]er. Al these things are carnall, which must be vnderstood mystically and spiritual­ly. What is it to vnderstand carnally? simply, as the things are spoken, neither to thinke any other thing. For they must not so be iudged which are seene, but all mysteries must be considered with the interiour eyes, that is spiritually.

S. Bernard though hee were a monke and liued in the alti­tude of popery, yet is he sincere as in many other thinges, so in this point of doctrine. Bernard. in serm. de sancto Mar­ [...]ino. These are his wordes: Adest enim nobis etiam nunc carnis ipsius vera substantia, haud dubium sanè quin in sacramento. Adsunt reuelationes, sed & spiritu & virtute. [Page 467] Infrà sed quomodo eum etiam nunc habet ecclesia, in fide & sa­cramentis. For y e true substance of his flesh is euen now present with vs: there is no doubt, but it is in y e sacrament. We haue reuelations present, but in spirit and verity. But as the church hath him euen now in faith and sacramentes. Loe, we haue and receiue the true flesh of Christ, but in spirite and veritie, but in faith and sacramentes. This assertion of their owne beloued Bernard, is doubtlesse our constant doctrine.

The popish approoued glosse, teacheth vs the same doctrine. De consecr. dist. 2 cap. vt quid. in glossa. For these are the expresse words therof; Coelesie sacramentum quod est in altari impropriè dicitur corpus Christi, sicut baptis­mus improprie dicitur fides Infrà; coeleste Sacramentum quod verè repraesentat Christi carnem, dicitur corpus Christi sed im­propriè; vnde dicitur suo modo sed non rei veritate sed significa­ti mysterio, vt sit sensus: vocatur Christi corpus, id est, significa­tur. The heauenly sacrament which is on the altar, is called vnproperly the body of Christ, as baptisme is vnproperly cal­led faith. The heauenly sacrament which truely representeth Christes fleshe, is called the body of Christ, but improperly. Whereupon he saith ( suo modo, after it owne maner,) but not in the trueth of the thing, but in the mysterie of that which is signified; that this be the sense: it is called Christes body; that is to say, it is the signe of Christes body.

The 4. obiection.

Christ saith plainly, this is my body; and not, this is a signe, or this doth signifie my body. Hee meant nothing lesse, then to vse tropes and figures, in the institution of this holy sacrament.

The answere.

I say first, that the case is so plaine, as no papist in Europe 1 can deny, that Christ vsed a trope or figure in the institution of this sacrament. For these are the words of the institution; Luc. 22. v. 20. This cup is the newe testament in my bloud. In which wordes the trope or figure called Metonymia, doth twise occurre. For first, the cup doth figuratiuely signifie, the liquour in the cup. Again, the cup is called the testament; and yet it is but the figure or signe of the testament.

I say secondly, that y e figure ( Metonymie,) is very frequent. 2 [Page 468] in the holy scripture, aswell in the old as in the new testament. In the old testament we haue these examples; this is the passe­ouer. Exod. 12.11. That is, this doth signifie the passeouer. Againe, this is my couenant; that is to say, this doth signifie my couenant; or, this is a signe of my couenant. Gen. 17.10. Againe, the 7. good kine are 7. yeares, and the seuen good eares are seuen yeares. Againe, the the seuen thinne and euill fauoured kine, Gen. 41. v. 26, 27. are seuen yeares. A­gaine, the seuen emptie eares, blasted with the East-wind, are seuen yeares of famine. In all which places, the figure ( Meto­nymia) is vsed. For neither the kine nor the eares were the seeuen yeares, as euery childe knoweth: but they did signifie the yeares to come, they were a signe and figure thereof.

In the newe testament, we haue these examples. I am the vine. Ioan. 15. v. 1. Ioan. 10. v. 9. Luc. 8.11. 1. Cor. 10. v. 17.10. Againe, I am a doore. Againe, My father is an husband­man. Againe, The seed is the word of God. Againe, We that are manie, are one bread. Againe, The rocke was Christ. A­gaine, Apoc. 5.5. The lyon which is of the tribe of Iuda, the root of Da­uid, hath obteined to open the booke. In which places, Christ neither was the vine, nor the rocke, nor the lyon: neither was the seed the word of God, neither was God the father an hus­bandman, neither are the fathfull one bread: but al these things are figuratiuely spoken, by the vsuall custome of the holy Scripture.

3 I say thirdly, that not only the ancient fathers, but euen the papistes also haue acknowledged this figure: their words and testimonies are alreadie cited.

I say fourthly, that the verie wordes of institution are figu­ratiue: 4 which thing is so plaine as euerie child may perceiue the same. Luc. 22. v. 20. For thus saith S. Luke: This cup is the newe Testa­ment in my bloud, which is shed for you. Where, I am well assured, euerie papist small and great, will confesse with me, that the cup by the figure ( metonymia,) is taken for the liquour in the cup. And so against their will, they are enforced to ac­knowledge a figure, euen there where they so obstinately denie a figure.

The fift obiection.

Malac. 1. v. 11.The Prophet Malachie hath such a plaine testimonie for the reall presence and sacrifice of the altar, as it can neuer be aun­swered [Page 469] till the worldes end. These are the wordes: In euery place incense shall be offered to my name, and a pure offering. These wordes of the Prophet being effectually applied, will confound the respondent whatsoeuer hee shall answere. For first, the prophet speaketh of the oblatiō of the new testament, 1 as your selues cannot deny. Secondly, the prophet saith, that 2 this oblation must be in euery place, and so it cannot be vnder­stoode of Christs bodie offered vpon the crosse: for that obla­tion was but in one place, euen without the walles of Ierusa­lem. Thirdly, it cannot be vnderstood of the sacrifice of praise 3 & thanksgiuing: bicause whatsoeuer proceedeth from vs, is im­pure & polluted. Yea, as an other prophet saith; [...]sai. 64.6. Al our righte­ousnes is as filthie clouts: and so no oblation that is ours, can be pure. Therefore he speaketh of Christs body offered in the masse, which is a pure oblation indeede.

The answere.

I answere to this insoluble so supposed argument, that the prophet speaketh of the sacrifice of prayer and thankesgiuing. And I prooue it by the flat testimonies of the holy Fathers.

Saint Irenaeus hath these wordes; Iren. li. 4. cap. [...] In omni loco incensum offertur nomini meo, & sacrificium purum. Incensa autem Io­annes in Apocalypsi, orationes esse ait sanctorum. Incense is offered to my name in euery place, and a pure sacrifice: and Saint Iohn in the Reuelation saith, that this incense is the prayers of the Saints.

Saint Theodoretus doeth expound this place after the same maner, in his Commentaries vpon the same text. Theod. in 1. cap. Malach.

Saint Hierome hath these wordes; Sed thymiama, hoc est, Hier. in hu [...] locum. sanctorum orationes Domino offerendas: & non in vna orbis prouincia Iudaeâ, nec in vna Iudaeae vrbe Hierusalem, sed in omni loco offerri oblationem. But incense, that is, the prayers of saints must be offered to the Lord: and that not in Iudea one onely prouince of the world, neither in Ierusalem one on­lie citie thereof, but in euery place must an oblation be made.

[Page 470]Now where it is said, that al our actions be impure and pol­luted: I answere, that that is true indeed, when our actions be examined in rigour of iustice. But not so, when we are clad with the righteousnesse of Christ Iesus, and haue washed our sins in his bloud, for whose sake God doth not impute our polluti­tions, and filth vnto vs. Not so, when God dealeth with vs according to mercie. Not so, when God accepteth our sinfull and imperfect acts, as pure, iust, and innocent. For our owne vnworthienesse, Psal. 142.2. the Prophet desired God not to enter into iudgement with his seruants: Rom. 8.1. but for Christs righteousnesse the Apostle pronounceth vs free from condemnation. For though our sinnes be red as scarlet, Apoc. 21. Apoc. 7.14. yet so soone as they be wa­shed in the bloud of the immaculate Lambe, they become (by acceptation) as white as snow. Isa. 1.18.

This whole discourse Saint Augustine handleth finely, in these golden wordes; August. confess. lib. 9. cap. 13. Vae etiam laudabili vitae hominum, si remota misericordia discutias eam. Woe euen to the laudable life of men, if thou examine it thy mercie set a part. And in this sense, the obiection taketh place. Neuertheles, god of his great mercie, doth accept our works as iust and pure, through faith in Christ Iesus our sweet redeemer, Rom. 8.1. Rom. 5.12. Cap. 4 verse 7. Tit. 1.5. for whose sake he doth not impute our sins to vs. So saith the Apostle; not by the workes of righteousnesse which wee haue done, but according to his mercie hath he saued vs, by the washing of the new birth, & the renewing of the holy Ghost. So saith S. Iohn; These are they which came out of great tribulation, and haue washed their long robes, Apoc. 7.14. & haue made them white in the bloud of the lamb, through the merits of which lambe our prayers and works are reputed pure. Therefore saith Saint Paul, I will therefore that the men pray euery where, lifting vp pure hands without wrath or doubting. [...]. Timoth. 2.8.

The 6. obiection.

If the words of consecration be trophicall and figuratiue, so as there is but a bare signe of Christs body and bloud: then shall our sacraments of the newe Testament, bee no better then the sacraments of the old. Matth. [...].17. Hebr. 20.1. Ioan. 19.30. The reason is euident, because they did signifie Christs death and passion, euen as ours do, and [Page 471] yet is it cleare by the scriptures, that we haue the verity, wher­of they had but the figure onely.

The answere.

I say first, that our sacraments excell the olde sundry waies: 1 first, because they are immutable, and shall not bee altered till the worlds end. Againe, because they represent y things done, How our sacra­ments doe excel the old. which by the olde were but prefigured to be done. Thirdly, be­cause they are more manifest, and so doe excite our faith the more. Fourthly, because they pertaine to all nations, whereas the other belonged to the people of the Iewes onely.

I say secondly, that the Papists falsely accuse vs, when they 2 say, that we make the holy eucharist, a bare signe of Christs bo­dy and bloud. For we grant and teach, that together with the sacramentall bread and wine, wee receiue Christs reall body and blood in a spirituall manner; that is to say, when wee re­ceiue these sacraments by faith, then Christs spirit dwelleth in vs, and we are vnited to his body as members to the head, and branches to the vine, from which head, wee continually draw nourishment, spirit, and life. For then, as the Apostle writeth, Rom. 8.11. Ephes. 3.17. Christ doth dwell in our hearts by faith, which effect can ne­uer be had by popish doctrine; because by it, their accidents void of subiects, are no sooner deuoured, but Christs body forthwith departeth out of their mouths. And if thou aske, whither: they answer, they cannot tell.

The seauenth obiection.

Hee that eateth Christs body vnworthily (saith S. Paul) is made guiltie of Christs body: 1. Cor. 11.37. which punishment doubtlesse should neuer be imposed, for eating a peece of bakers bread.

The answere.

I say first, that it far surmounteth bakers bread, as is more 1 then once concluded sufficiently. I say secondly, that it is no ab­surdity, 2 to grant a man to be guilty of that euē by eating, wher­of he eateth not at all: at least wereof he eateth not in such ma­ner, as hee is gultie by his eating. For first, Gen. 3.6. Adam was guiltie of disobeying Gods diuine maiestie, and that by reason of eating: Neuerthelesse hee ate not Gods maiestie, Rom. 13.13. Gal. 5.21. but an apple. Secondly, euery glutton is guilty of irreuerence against God, and that by reason of his eating: and for all that he eateth [Page 472] not Gods substance, but his creatures. The like may be saide [...]of euerie drunkard, and many other malefactors. I say third­ly, that the wicked eate Christs body sacramentally, which is as sufficient a cause of condemnation, as the eating of an apple.

The replie.

[...]. 2.17.Adam was condemned not simply for eating, but for eating with disobedience. Ergo the case is not like.

The answere.

I answer, that euen so are not the wicked condemned for eat­ing the sacrament simply, 1. Cor. 11.28. but for eating it with disobedience. For the apostle commandeth euery one to examine him self be­fore he eate; 1. Cor. 10.31. and in another place he commandeth vs to referre all our acts to Gods glorie.

The seauenth obiection.

It is not impossible for two bodyes to be in one place at once, Ergo neither is it impossible for Christs bodie to bee in many places at once. I proue it, because there is the same difficulty in both.

The answere.

I grant, that one body may as well bee in many places at once, as diuers bodyes in the same place at once. But withall, I affirme them both to be impossible.

The first replie.

The holy Scripture telleth vs, that all things are possible to God: it also hath discouered the possibilitie of this particular case, by many fold examples. For first, Christs owne glori­fied bodie, Ioan. 20.19. Matth. 28.2. Matth. 19.24, 25 26 August. epist. 3. was at once in the same place with the doores. Se­condly, Christs body and the stone of the sepulcher, were both in the same place at one time. Thirdly, God can bring a camel through a needles eie, euen continuing in his naturall figure & quantitie stil. For as Christ himselfe saith, God can do both this and al other things. Fourthly, Christ came out of his mo­thers wombe, the clausure being whole and not stirred; for so saith Saint Austen.

The answere.

1 I say first, that god can do much more then mans reason can conceiue, because the dulnesse of mans vnderstanding, is not a­ble to penetrate the bottomelesse deepenesse of his heauenly [Page 473] wisedome, & power diuine. I say secondly, that it is one thing 2 to speake of things which God can do; another thing to speake of those things that he wil do. For we are assured by his reuea­led will, that as God can do al things which he wil; Things vndo [...]ble by power diuine so are there many things which he cānot do, or rather which he wil not do, because they cannot indeed be done. And these things are of 2. sorts: the one sort containeth imperfection, the other implieth cōtradiction. In respect of y e former, he cannot do these things. First, he cannot make another God: secondly, he cannot make 1 2 himself corruptible: thirdly, he cannot sin. In respect of the lat­ter, 3 he cānot do these things. First, god cānot make time past, 1 not to be past: secōdly, God cannot make a blind mā remaining 2 blind, to haue his sight: thirdly, God can not make a dead man 3 remaining dead, to haue his life. Neuerthelesse most true it is, that the want of doing these and the like things▪ doth not argue any defect in god who is omnipotent, but imperfection or con­tradiction in the things that should be done. I say thirdly, that Christs body was not in the same place with the wood; Tertio principa­liter. which 3 thing is proued at large in the chaper of Christs resurrection; peruse mine answere there, and all obscuritie will surcease.

I say fourthly, that the stone gaue place to Christs body, and that done returned againe to the former place; Act. 12 7. Exod. 14.32. Act. 12.10. like as Peters 4 chaines fel off from his hands, as the red sea gaue place to the Israelites, and as the iron gate opened by it owne accord.

I say fiftly, that touching the passage of the Camel, many things may be said: First, Vide Theoph. in hunc locum▪ that by the word (Camel) is vnder­stoode 5 a cable rope, and not a beast; because the Greeke word is indifferent to them both. Secondly, that it is but a prouerbe 1 or phrase of speech, signifing how hardly rich men enter into 2 heauen. Thirdly, that God can dilate the eie of a needle so, as a 3 Camel may passe through the same, and that without preiu­dice to the naturall quantitie of his body. See the third Para­graph in the end.

I say sixtly, that Christs body came not out of his mothers 6 wombe, the clausure being whole & not stirred. For first, Luc. 2.23. exod. 13.2. num. 8.10 Christ was presented to the Lorde according to the lawe, as the holy gospel doth record: yet the law required such presentation on­ly of them, which opened their mothers wombe. Secondly, [Page 474] Tertull. testifieth this opening of the blessed virgins wombe. These are his wordes: Terull. libr. de carn. Christ in sin. Haec vulua est, propter quam & de a­lijs scriptum est: Omne masculinum adaperiens vuluam sanctū vocabitur domino. Quis vere sanctus, quam Dei filius? Quis proprie vuluam adaperuit quam quiclausam patefecit: Caeterū omnibus nuptiae patefaciunt. Itaque magis patefacta est quia magis erat clausa. Sequitur: cum apostolus non ex virgine sed ex muliere editum filium Dei pronuntiauit, agnouit adapertae vuluae nuptialem passionem. Thi [...] is the wombe, for which it is written of others: euery manchild that openeth the womb, shall be called holy to the Lord. Who is truely holy, but the Sonne of God? who properly opened the wombe, but he that opened it when it was shut? but marriages open it to all: ther­fore it was more opened, because it was more shut. When the Apostle saith, Gal. 4.4. not that Christ was borne of a virgin, but of a woman; he acknowledged the nuptiall passion of an opened wombe. Hieron. libr. 2. adu. Pelag. prope initium. Thirdly, Saint Hierome hath these words: Solu [...] e­nim Christus clausas portas vuluae virginalis aperuit quae tamen clausae iugiter permanserunt. Haec est porta orientalis clausa, per quam solus pontifex ingreditur & egreditur, & nihilomi­nus semper clausa est. For Christ only opened the gates of the virgins wombe, Vide Ezech. cap. 44.2.3. that were shut, which for all that were shutte continually. This is the east gate which is shut vp, through which the Bishoppe goeth in and out, and for al that it is euer shut. Origen. hom. 14. in Luc. prop. sin. Fourthly, Origen hath these words: Quemcunque enim de vtero effusum marem dixeris, non sic aperit vuluam matris suae, vt Dominus Iesus: quia omnium mulierum non partus in­fantis, sed v [...]ri coitus vuluam reserat: matris vero dominico tempore vulua reserata est, quo & partus editus. For what man childe soeuer thou shalt name, that is borne of a wombe; he doeth not so open the matrice of his mother, as doeth our Lorde Iesus. For in all women, not the birth of the child, but the copulation of the man openeth the wombe. Yet the wombe of the mother of our Lord was opened euen then when the childe was borne. Fiftly, S. Ambrose hath these expresse and plaine wordes: Non enim virilis coitus vuluae virginalis secreta reserauit, Ambros. li. 2. cap. 2. in Lucam. sed immaculatum semen inuiolabili vtero spiritus sanctus infudit. Sequitur: Hic ergo solus aperuit [Page 475] sibi vuluam. Nec mirum; hic enim dixerat ad prophetam: priusquam te formarem in vtero, noui te, & in vulua matris sanctificaui te: qui ergo vuluam sanctificauit alienam, vt nas­ceretur propheta, hic est qui aperuit matris suae vuluam, vt im­maculatus exiret. For the copulation of man opened not the se­crets of the virgins wombe, but the holy ghost poured the im­maculate seede into the inuiolable wombe. He therfore opened the wombe to himselfe alone. And it is no maruell; for he said to the prophet: before I formed thee in the wombe, Ierem. 1. [...]. I knew thee, and in thy mothers womb I sanctified thee. He therefore that sanctified the wombe of another for the birth of his pro­phet, is the very same that opened the wombe of his mother, that he might come forth immaculate.

The second replie.

Holy Writ telleth vs, that Christ was borne of a virgin, Luc. 1.27.31. Matt. 1.23. Esai. 7.14. to which all the [...]ncient fathers accord: yet should she haue beene corrupted and no virgin, if her wombe had beene opened in the birth of Christ. Pernel. de part. corp. libr. 1. cap. 7 For as the learned Phisition Fernelius wri­teth, the losse of virginall integritie, consisteth in the sole dila­tation of the coniunct parts.

The answere.

I say first, that not onely the holy scriptures, but the an­cient 1 fathers also, and other learned diuines, are to be heard be­fore all phisicions, in the mysteries of our faith.

I say secondly, that Fernelius maketh nothing for the papists, 2 as who speaketh only of the dilatation of the matrice; and that after the natural and ordinary course.

I say thirdly, that though Christs holy mother were a virgin 3 both before his birth, in his birth, and after his birth, as all the ancient fathers with vniforme consent doe witnesse: yet was her wombe opened in his birth, as is alreadie prooued. For as their owne angelicall Doctour Aquinas saith, Aqu. 22. q. 152. ar. 1. ad 3. whose doctrine sundrie Popes one after another haue confirmed: vir­ginitie is not lost by fraction of the signacle, but by corruption of the mind and purpose of the will. August. libr. 1. de ciuit. Dei cap. 18. Saint Austen hath a lear­ned and large discourse concerning this only point of doctrine, wherein he sheweth grauely, that the apertion of the matrice may be done sundrie waies: to wit, either by arte in the way [Page 476] of medicine, or by violence of the corrupter, or by other acciden­tall meanes: and that virginitie this notwithstanding, may be free from all corruption. Much more might Christs owne mo­thers wombe, be opened by his diuine power: and neuerthelesse her most holy wombe, still remaine inuiolable.

The fift conclusion.

The popish idololatricall masse, is like vnto a clowted beg­gers cloake. This conclusion will be manifest, so soone as I shall proue sundrie Popes to haue ioyned piece vnto piece, as if it were clowt vpon clowt.

The first Section. Of consecration with the Lords prayer.

IN the primitiue and apostolicall church, the masse or holy communion, was administred with the Lordes prayer onely, al superstitious ceremonies set apart. This to be so doth wit­nesse Gregorie surnamed the Great, sometime bishop of Rome himselfe: whose testimonie no papist in the worlde can or will reiect. Gregor. epist. [...]b. 7. cap. 63. These are his words; Orationem autem dominicam id­circo mox post precem dicimus, quia mos apostolorum fuit, vt ad ipsam solu [...]modò orationem oblationis hostiam consecrarent. And after other prayers we adde the Lords prayer, for this end and purpose: because the maner of the apostles was this, to consecrate the oblation with that onely prayer.

The second Section. Of the Masse said in the vulgar tongue.

IN the ancient church after the apostles time, the holy cōmu­niō was celebrated in the vulgar tongue, which was known to all the people. Iustin. apolog. [...]. prope [...]nem. Iustinus Martyr hath these words: Die solis omnium qui vel in oppidis vel ruri degunt, in eundem locum conuentus fit, & commentaria apostolorum, aut scripta prophe­tarum, quoad tempus fert, leguntur. Deinde lectore quiescente, praesidens orationem qua populum instruit, & ad imitationem tam pulchrarum rerum cohortatur, habet. Sub haec consurgi­mus communiter omnes, & precationes profundimus, & sicuti retulimus, precibus peractis, panis offertur, & vinum & aqua [...]: & praepositus itidē quantū pro virili sua potest, preces & gr [...] ­tiarum [Page 477] actiones fundit & populus fausté acclamat▪ dicens, A­men. On the Sunday, all that liue either in towne or countrey, meete together in one place, and then the epistles of the Apo­stles, or writings of the Prophets are read, according as the time requireth. Afterward the reader ceaseth, and the cheefe minister maketh an oration, in which hee instructeth the peo­ple, and exhorteth them to imitate that which is read vnto them. These things being done, we all arise togither and make our prayers; and after our prayers, the bread is offered, with wine and water, and the pastour as he is able, prayeth and gi­ueth thanks, and the people with ioyfull acclamation say, A­men. Lo, in the olde time the priest or minister said the com­munion together with the people, and consequently they vn­derstoode one another, as also what was said; whereas this day in the popish church, the people neither answere the minister, nor yet vnderstand what is said.

Saint Ambrose hath these words: Ambros. libr. 3. hexamer. cap. 5. tom. 4. In oratione totius ple­bis tanquam vndis refluentibus stridet, tum responsoriis psalmo­rum, cantu virorum, mulierum, virginum paruulorum, conso­nus vndarum fragor resultat. When al the people pray toge­ther, there is a noyse, as if the waues of the sea should beate one against another: then with the answering of Psalmes, with the s [...]ging together of men, women, maids, and little children, the consonant sound reboundeth as it were an eccho with the surges of the sea. By this testimonie we see euident­ly, that the practise of the anciēt church agreeth with ours, and vtterly confoundeth the antichristian popish mumbling.

Pope Gregorie himselfe confirmeth this doctrine, Gregor. epist. libr. 7. cap. 63. in these wordes; Sed & dominica oratio apud Graecos ab omni populo dicitur, apud nos autem à solo sacerdote. Furthermore, among the Greekes all the people say the Lords prayer: but with vs the priest alone saith it. Behold, Anno. Dom. 590 this Gregory liued 590. yeres after Christs sacred incarnation, & yet in his daies y people of Rome vsed to pray with the minister, euē in time of the masse.

Philo a very ancient and learned writer, Apud Euseb. lib. 2. cap. v [...]. sheweth this olde practise of our christian church in these words; Et vt vnus ex omnibus consurgens in medio psalmum honestis modulis con­cinat, vt (que) praecinenti ei vnum versiculum, omnis multitudo re­spondeat. [Page 478] And that one among all shall rise vp in the middest, and sing a Psalme with tuneable voice, and that so soone as he hath sung one verse, all the people answere him.

Sozomen. hist. trip. lib. 4. cap. 36 Theodoret. lib. 2. cap. 24. Niceph. lib [...]. cap. 24. Sozomenus sheweth plainely in his historie, that in his time, which was more then 400. yeares after Christ, the people and the ministers did sing psalms in the church together. These are the words, as Cassiodôrus in his Tripartite historie reporteth them: Apud Antiochiam non concordabant in professione sua clerus & populus, sed per choros, vt est consuetudo, ad hymnos dicendos Deo, in fine psalmorum monstrabant propriam volun­tatem. At Antioch there was variance in a certaine point of re­ligion, betweene the people & the clergie: but singing spalmes to God in companies, as the maner was, they declared their mindes in the end of the Psalmes.

S. Chrysostome speaketh so plainely of the peoples praying together with the priest, and that euen in the time of masse; as none that heare his words, can stand any longer in doubt ther­of. Chrysost. in 2. Cor. hom. 18. in mor. These are his expresse words; In ijsdem iterum horrendis mysterijs bene precatur sacerdos populo, & bene precatur popu­lus sacerdoti, Nam (cum spiritu tuo,) nihil aliud est quam hoc. Ea quae sunt eucharistiae, id est, gratiarum actionis, cōmunia sunt omnia: neque enim ille solus gratias agit, sed etiam omnis popu­lus. Prius enim acceptâ illorum voce, deinde congregatis illis vt digne & iuste hoc faciat, incipit Eucharistiam. Et quid mira­ris si populus cum sacerdote loquitur? Againe, in these reuerend mysteries, the priest wisheth grace to the people, & the people desire grace for the priest. For these words (with thy spirite) haue no other meaning. The things that pertaine to the Eu­charist, that is, to the giuing of thanks, are common to them all; for he onely giueth not thanks, but all the people also with him. For hee first receiueth their voice; after that, they being gathered together that he may doe this reuerently and well, he beginneth the communion. And what maruell is it to thee, if thou see the people speaking with the priest?

Hier. in praefat. libr. 2. in epist. ad Galat.S. Hierome giueth a constant testimony, of the practise of the church of Rome in his time, affirming that the people were heard sounding out (Amen) with an Eccho, as if it had beene with an heauenly thunder. Basil. epist. ad cler. [...]c [...]sar. And Saint Basill saith, that in his [Page 479] time, all the people sang psalmes together in the church. Yea, hee addeth that it was the custome of all churches so to doe.

Saint Cyprian witnesseth the same thing, Cypr. in orat. do­minica pag. 316. to haue beene the practise of the church in his time, alleaging the very words that the commō people answered to the priest. Thus doth he write; Ideo & sacerdos ante orationem praefatione praemissa, parat fratrum mentes dicendo, sursum corda, vt dum respondet plebs, habemus ad Dom▪ admoneatur nihil aliud se quam dominū cogi­tare debere. What can be more plainely saide? Therfore the priest after y e preface before the prai­er, prepareth the minds of the brethren saying, Lift vppe your hearts, that while the common people answer, we lift them vp vnto the Lord, they may be instructed to thinke vpon no other thing but the Lord.

S. Augustine confirmeth that which the other fathers haue said, in these golden words: Quid hoc sit intelligere debemus, August. in psal. 18 expos. 2. See S. Austen in psal 44 prope finem. vt humana ratione, non quasi autum voce cantemus Nam & me­ruli, & psittaci, & corui, & picae, & huiusmodi volucres, s [...]pe ab hominibus docentur sonare, quod nesc [...]unt. Scienter autem cantare non aui sed homini diuina voluntate concessum est. In­fra: Nos autem qui in ecclesia diuina eloquia cantare didicimus, simul etiam instare debemus esse quod scriptum est: beatus popu­lus qui intelligit iubilationem. Proinde charissimi, quod con­sona voce cantauimus, sereno etiam corde nosse ac videre debe­mus.

Wee must vnderstand what this is, that wee may sing with reason as men, and not chirpe in voice like birds. For Owsels, The Papists are like to owsels, pa [...]ets, erowes and pies. and Parrets, and crowes, and Pies, and other birds, are often taught by men, to sounde they knowe not what: but to sing with knowledge God hath granted to man, not to birds. Wee therefore that haue learned to sing in the church gods heauenly words, must also endeuour to be that, that is written: Blessed are the people, that vnderstand what they sing. Therefore my dearest, we ought to know and see with a pure hart, that which we haue sung with tuneable voice.

In fine, S. Paul doth bitterly exclaime against this detesta­ble practise in celebrating the holy mysteries in a strange and vnknowen tongue. Hee commaundeth straitely, that [Page 480] euerie thing in the churche be done to edification: [...] Cor. 14. v. 16. and conse­quently, that the communion be not ministred in an vnknowne tongue, because no man can be edified thereby. These thinges being so, it may be demaunded, what mooued our disholy fa­ther the pope, to commaund the church-seruice of late yeares, to be done in the Latine tongue? To which question the aunci­ent and learned writer Lactantius, seemeth to answere pithily in these wordes: Lactantius, lib. 5 cap. 20. Hinc fida silentia sacris instituta sunt ab ho­minibus callidis, vt nesciat populus quid colat. Heereupon trustie silence was appointed to the mysteries, by subtle and crafty men: that the people (stil remaining in ignorance,) should neuer know what they worshipped.

The 3. Section, Of the canon of the Masse.

THe papistes of late daies, ascribe such sanctimonie to the ca­non of their Masse, as farre surpasseth all sense and reason. So soone as they come to the beginning thereof, they spread a­broad both the armes, they looke vp to heauen, they ioyne their handes in solemne maner, they kisse the altar, they multiply the signes of the crosse, Mans inuention esteemed as a thing diuine. they quake, they tremble, as if heauen and hell should go togither, they mumble to themselues, no by stander knoweth what but by coniecture, although (as they prate) euen thē be in hand the chiefest mystery of their redemp­tion. And yet for all these solemne magicall dispositions, this their canon was inuented by one Scholasticus of latter daies.

Pope Gregorie, a man of sufficient credite, doth witnesse the same, to the confusion of all the Papistes. These are his expresse wordes: Gregor. epist. lib. 7. cap. 63. Et valde mihi inconueniens visum est, vt precem quam Scholasticus composuerat, seu per oblatio­nem diceremus, & ipsam traditionem quam redemptor noster composuit, super eius corpus & sanguinem non diceremus. And it seemed to me verie vnfit, that wee should say that praier ouer the oblation, which Scholasticus composed; and let that tradition passe, which our Lord himselfe deliuered.

To the noueltie may fitly be annexed, the manifold varietie of their mangled irreligious canon. For they haue one of [Page 481] Basilius, another of Chrysostomus, another of Ambrose, Great alteration in popish seruice. another of Gelasius, another of Scholasticus, another of Isidorus: and as they beare the world in hand, another of S. Peter, and ano­ther of S. Iames. To which I adde the late reformation of their Missals, and of their Breuiaries, in which was found so much beggarly stuffe infarsed, as their late councell of Trent could not for shame beare any longer therewith.

The 4. Section, Of other peeces of the popish Masse.

PLatina their owne deere friend and Abbreuiator apostolicus, Platina, in vita Sixti. hath these expresse wordes: Nuda haec primò erant, & om­nia simplicer tractabantur. Petrus enim vbi consecrauerat, oratione, Pater noster, vsus est. Auxit haec mysteria Iacobus epis­copus Hierosolymitanus, auxit & Basilius, auxêre & alij. Nam Caelestinus missae introitum dedit, Gregorius Kyrie eleyson▪ gloria in excelsis deo Telesphorus, collationes Gelasius primus, episto­lam & euangelium Hieronymus: hallelu-ia vero sumptum est ex ecclesia Hierosolymitanâ, symbolum in concilio Niceno, mor­tuorum autem commemorationem Pelagius inuenit: Thus Leo tertius, osculum pacis Innocentius primus: vt caneretur agnus Dei, Sergius pontifex instituit. These thinges were bare in the beginning, and were all handled simply. For where Peter did consecrate, he vsed the Lords praier. Iames the bishop of Hie­rusalem increased these mysteries, Basill augmented them, o­ther also aded thereunto. For pope Celestine made the introite, pope Gregorie added Kyrie eleyson▪ Behold here the ragges of the masse. Telesphorus added gloria in excelsis, pope Gelasius made the collects, Hierome added the Epistle and the Gospel. Hallelu-ia was set from Hierusalem, the Creede was made in the councel of Nice, Pope Pelagius inuented the memorie of the dead, pope Leo incense, and Inno­centius the pax. But pope Sergius caused agnus Dei to be sung. And as Sigebertus saith, pope Gregorie added these wordes: Sigebert. in [...]hro▪ Dies (que) nostros in tua pace disponas.

Here onely I will admonish the reader, that among popishe ceremonies which are so mystical, one solemne mysterie is this: to wit, that the pax may not be giuen, in Masses for the dead. [Page 482] Now if we ask, why they depriue the dead of their peace, more then the liuing: Durandus answereth grauely for them, in these expresse wordes: In missa pro defunctis pax non datur, quia fi­deles animae iam non sunt, Duran. in ration. [...]iu. lib. 4. cap. 53. nec vlterius erunt in turbatione hu­ius mundi, sed quiescunt iam in domino. Vnde non est eis necessa­rium pacis osculum, quod est pacis & concordiae signum. In the masse for the dead the pax is not giuen, because the faithful soules are not nowe, nor shalbe any longer in the troubles of this world, but rest henceforth in the Lord. Wherfore the kisse of peace is not needfull for them, which is the signe of peace and concord. Thus gentle Reader, thou beholdest their cere­monies, Marke this well. and thus thou hearest their doctrine for the same: marke therwith, this my briefe application: This their ceremonie, of witholding the pax in the masses for dead, doth vtterly con­found their massing sacrifice for the same. For if the withhol­ding of the paxe, doth signifie their rest in the Lord: then is the masse it selfe idololatricall, which is offered for their pur­gation. On the other side, if the soules be in purgatorie, and therefore stand in neede of the masse: then is their ceremonie false and phantasticall, Note the Dilem­ma. which signifieth them to be in heauen­ly rest.

Durandus vbi sup [...]r.To these I must adde as a merriment, that our popishe monkes doe neuer receiue the paxe, because forsooth they are dead to the world. So saith Durand. Hinc est, quod etiam in­ter monachos pax non datur, quoniam mundo mortui reputan­tur. Heereupon it commeth that among the monkes, the paxe is not giuen, because they are thought dead vnto the worlde. How they be dead vnto the world, let the worlde iudge. They haue goodly houses, pleasant gardens, fine celles; they are sea­ted in the most wholesome aire, planted vpon the most fertile soyle, enuironed with most desired prospects. Their diet is rea­dily prouided, their table is euer well furnished, they want no daintie fare. This only may be the proofe. S. Thomas Bedle the monke, was imprisoned in Yorke sundry yeares, he is now dead, I will reporte no vntrueth of the man. This onely wil I say, for instruction sake. Hee vsed ordinarily to send euerie day for one quart or one pinte of wine, which was verie char­geable to him, being but a prisoner. His friendes sometime [Page 483] wished him to abstaine, adding sundry reasons why it seemed conuenient. But he answered, Our monkes kill themselues with sparing di [...]t. that in their abbay he had been so long vsed to drinke wine at his pleasure, that hee could not now liue without it. O mortified monkes? Nay, O hypo­criticall deceiuers of the worlde? for that more fitly is your name.

The 5. Section, Of the mysticall kissing in the popish masse.

The mysteries in the popishe masse are so fit for edification, (which is the end pretended by the same,) as if one Priest a­mong tenne hundred can expound them, let me haue the shame. For if you aske this priest or that priest, what is meant by such a ceremonie, hee must either obserue monkish silence, or aun­swere with the colier. That is, hee that inuented them, can tell what they meane. But because I will deale sincerely, and in suche maner as no papist shalbe able to charge me: I will now as euer, set downe their owne words for their better con­futation. Thus therefore doth their owne Durandus write: Duran. in ration. diuinor. cap. 53. Sacerdos ter osculatur altare, ad designandum triplicem pacem scilicet temporalum, spiritualem, & aeternam Sequitur: rursum, ad notandam duorum testamentorum concordiam, Episcopus dua­bus vicibus codicem osculatur. Infra: illud quoque vacare non creditur mysterio, quod summus pontifex septem modis accipit osculum: videlicet ad os, ad pectus, ad humerum, ad manus, ad brachia, ad genu, & ad pedes. O most wonder­full edification▪ The Priest kisseth the aulter thrise, to signifie (I knowe not to whom) the triple peace; that is to say, peace temporall, peace spirituall, and peace eternall. Againe, the Bishop kisseth the booke twise, to sig­nifie the concord betweene the old and the new testament. Fur­thermore, we beleeue this to be a great mysterie, that the popes holinesse receiueth a kisse seuen maner-wise: to wit, to his mouthe, to his brest, to his shoulder, to his hands, to his armes, to his knee, and to his feete. Thus gentle reader, thou maiest beholde their irreligious ceremonies, with their fond interpretation of the same. For they had neede to put ma­nie of their Priestes to the Schoole all their life, before [Page 484] they will perfectly vnderstand such obscure and vnsauerie signi­fications. Yet such is the blindnesse of the seely people, that they were brought into the admiration of the masse, by these and o­ther like beggarly ceremonies. For the lesse they vnderstood, the more magnificence and maiestie they ascribed to the thing.

[...]rand. vbi supr.I must needes adde hereunto, the kissing of the patine. Ad notandum (inquit Durandus) charitatem, sacerdos osculatur patinam, quae designat cor patens in latitudine charitatis. The priest saith Durandus, kisseth the Patine, to giue a signe of charitie, which signifieth an open heart in the latitude of chari­tie. I weene this is a sufficient Sermon, for y e whole auditorie. But alas, coulde the people no way be taught what charitie was, vnlesse the priest kissed the Patine? doubtlesse they were so farre from learning any thing thereby, as neither they nor the priest himselfe commonly, knewe what was meant by the same.

The 6. Section. Of the triple breaking of the Sacrament.

THe papistes breake their supposed Christes body into three partes, thereby to expresse this high mysterie. Christes bo­die risen again, walking on earth, and lying in the graue. So saith pope Sergius in their own canon-law. These are y e words: Triforme est corpus Domini. De consecr. dist. 2 cap. triforme. Pars oblata in calicem missa, cor­pus Christi quod iam resurrexit, monstrat. Pars comesta, ambu­lantem adhuc super terram. Pars in altari vs (que) ad missae finem remanens, corpus in sepulchro, quia vs (que) ad finem seculi corpora sanctorum in sepulchris erunt. The bodie of our Lord is three­fold. The part that is put into the chalice, signifieth Christes body risen againe. The part eaten, signifieth Christ yet wal­king on earth. [...]alse and [...]ond mysteries. The part remaining to the end of the masse, signifieth Christes body in the graue, because the bodies of Saintes shalbe in the graues till the worldes end. We see here their doctrine, we behold their practise; Let vs now duely exa­mine their mysteries. First therefore the peece dipped into the 1 cup, is Christes body (say they) after his resurrection; but it may more fitly represent Christes body crucified, because [Page 485] drowning of the body, is most like to y e crucifying of the same. Secondly, the part that is eaten, may more fitly represent Christs dying, then walking: for as I weene, a deuoured thing 2 is past walking▪ Thirdly, Christ doth not now walke on earth; and so it is a false figure or signification. Fourthly, this prac­tise 3 of reseruing some part to the ende of the masse, The ceremoni [...] in the popish masse are muta­ble. is nowe 4 changed; for the priest this day eateth vp all, euen in the church of Rome.

Here it shall not bee amisse, to set downe the maner of the Popes receiuing; because although the act bee done verie sel­dome, yet is it not then without a mysterie: and lest credit bee not giuen to my words, their owne Durand shall tell the storie for them. Thus doth he write: Romanus pontifex ideò non com­municat vbi frangit, quoniam ad altare frangit, Durand. in [...]tion▪ lib. 4. cap. 54. & ad sedem communicat: quia Christus in Emaus coram duobus discipulis fregit, & in Hierusalem coram discipulis duodecim manduca­uit. In Emaus enim fregisse legitur, sed non comedisse legitur. Ascendens igitur sedem ibi communicat: siquidem secundum apo­stolum Christus caput est ecclesiae; caput autem in corpore sublimi­us & excellentius ob sui perfectionem caeteris membris colloca­tur.

The Pope doth not receiue the sacrament where hee brea­keth it, because he breaketh it at the altar, but he receiueth it in his chaire. Behold the pop [...] humilitie, who must needes be fellow with Christ Iesus. Coloss. 1.18. For Christ brake it in Emaus before his two Dis­ciples, and he ate it in Hierusalem before his twelue apostles. For we reade that he brake it in Emaus, but not that he ate it. He therfore ascends vp to his seate & receiueth it there. For as the apostle saith: Christ is the head of the church, and the head must be set in an higher and more excellent place, then the o­ther members in the body, for the perfection thereof. In these words I note first, the fond resons of popish mysteries. I note 1 secondly, that the Pope is nothing inferiour to Lucifer in 2 pride. I note thirdly, that the Pope aduanceth himselfe aboue 3 Saint Peter, whose successour hee sometime claimeth to bee. For herein hee cannot be content to imitate Peter, who recei­ued with the other apostles his brethren; but hee must haue a more excellent and higher seat, euen while he eateth the eucha­rist, that so hee may be as another Christ. What is this my [Page 486] dearest, if it be not to shew himselfe Antichrist indeede.

The seauenth Section. Of the Popish Miter.

WHen Moses that holy seruant of God, came downe from the mount Synai hauing the 2. tables of the law in his hands, Exod. 34.29. Exod. 24.12. his face shi [...]ed bright, & was as if it had had two horns, as their vulgar latine text saieth. For the resemblance wherof si dijs placet, the Pope and his byshops must haue miters on at masse: hearken to their owne glosse, and then giue your cen­sure for the mystery thereof. Thus writeth Durand. Mitra sci­entiam vtrius (que) testamenti designat. Duran. in ration. lib. 3. cap. 13. Duo nam (que) illius cornua, duo sunt testamenta: anterius, nouum: posterius, vetus: quae duo episcopus memoriter debet scire, & illis tanquam duplici cornu fidei inimicosferire. Videri debet quidē subaitis episcop cornu­tus, sicut & Moses de monte Synai descendens. The myter sig­nifieth the knowledge of both testaments; for his two hornes are the two testaments: that before, is the new testament; and that behind, All popish cere­monies are fond lying signes. is the olde: which two the bishop must haue by hart and without the booke, and must smite the enemies of the faith with them, as with a double horne. The Byshoppe must be horned to his subiects euen as Moses was, when hee came downe from the mount Synai. By this euerie child may see, how fond the popish mysteries and ceremonies be. This one thing I wil adde, that if the Romish bishops shall neuer weare myters, vntill they can the olde and new testament, as is here mentioned; the most of them doubtles, if not al, shalbe without miters all the dayes of their life. In these and like false signes and sottish ceremonies, with which they haue a long time be­witched Gods people, doth wholy consist their antichristian re­ligion.

CHAP. XI. Of the original of certaine odde Popish superstitions.

The first diuision. Of changing the Popes name.

POpe Sergius the second being somewhat ashamed of his ancient name, because it sounded not pleasantly in mens [Page 487] eares (for he was called Os Porci Swine-mouth) changed his old name and tearmed himselfe Sergius. This Sergius liued more then 840. yeares after Christ; Ann. Dom. 840 from which time the maner of Popes hath beene, to change their names so soone as they aspired to the popedome. So writeth their owne deare friends Platina and Carranza. These are Carranzaes wordes; Platina in Sergio secundo. Carranz. pag. 33 [...] Ser­gius, 2. sub Lothario primo Germano Caesare, 3. primus mu­tauit suum nomē. Nam antea Os Porci fuit appellatus. Sergius the second in the raigne of Lotharius the first, the third empe­rour of the Germans, changed his name. For before that time he was called swine-mouth; a name verie vnfit for his holines, and therefore with great reason did he change it: and with the like spirit of pride, (I would say of humilitie) other Popes since do imitate the same maner.

The second diuision. Of kissing the Popes feete.

IVstinianus the Emperour, Iustin. 2. imper. Constant. PP. after hee had sent for the Pope Constantinus to come to him at Nicomedia, receiued him ve­ry honourably, and sent him backe againe: but first of a cer­taine fondly conceiued humilitie, he fell downe and kissed the Popes feete. Ann. Dom. 708 This Iustinianus raigned more then 700. yeares after Christ; and heere began the kissing of the Popes feete, which as it was done then by the emperour vpon a fond zeale, Ar. Pontac. [...]ur­deg. so is it this day continued with intollerable superstition.

The third diuision. Of praying vpon Beades.

AFter that the people of God had liued aboue a thousand yeares, vsing altogether godly bookes of prayer, one Peter an eremite a French-man borne, Ann. Dom. 1089 perceiuing the nature of men to bee desirous of nouelties, was the first that inuen­ted praying vppon beades. Thus writeth Polydorus Ʋirgi­lius, a Papist by profession. From hence sprang Rosaries, Polydor. lib. [...] ▪ cap. 9. Corones, Lady psalters; and a thousand superstitious kinds of [Page 488] prayers. Whereof to rehearse the originall, is a sufficient con­futation.

The 4. diuision. Of wearing a Cardinals hat.

Anno. dom. 1243 INnocentius the fourth of that name, who liued more then one thousand, two hundred and fortie yeares after Christ, first or­dained that Cardinals should ride on horses in the streetes, and haue a red hat carried before them: by which hat they ought to remember that they should bee readie to sheade their blood for the gospell sake; Plati. in Inno [...]. 4. so saith their owne Platina.

The 5. diuision. Of the paschall Torch.

Sigebert. in chro. Polydor. libr. 6. cap. 7.THe papists vse vpon Easter eeue (which they terme sabba­thum sanctum,) to hallow a torch or taper of waxe, which they call caerea paschalis, in which they instill crossewise fiue hallowed greines. To this taper they ascribe great holynesse, and reserue it till the ascension, or Pentecost. Neuerthelesse it was first inuented by Pope Sozimus, Anno. Dom. 417 foure hundred yeares af­ter Christ. This Sozimus falsified the decrees of the Nicene councell, as I haue proued afore, so to maintaine the vsurped primacie of the church of Rome.

The 6. diuision. Of the number of Popish prayers at their masse.

Intollerable su­perstition.The superstition vsed in poperie, is to too grosse and ridi­culous. For either they must haue but one prayer, one secret, and one post-communion, (which three are alway in number equall;) or else the same must be, three, fiue, or seuen; but in no case two. And why I pray you? Because forsooth God is not pleased with an euen number. So writeth their great Mai­ster of ceremonies in these expresse wordes: Durand. libr. 4. cap. 1 [...]. Quia vero numero Deus gaudet impari, quidam obseruant vt impares dicant in missa orationes, videlicet, vel vnamitantum, vel tres, vel quinque, vel septem▪ Ʋnam ad designandum fidei vnitatem. Tres, ad significandum mysterium trinitatis, & quia Christus ter in passione orauit dicens: Pater, si fieri potest, transeat à me calix iste. Quinque, ad designandum quinque plagas Christi: [Page 489] septem, ad designandum spiritum gratiae septi formis, seu septem dona spiritus sancti. Deus enim diuisionem & discordiam dete­statur. Vnde cùm caeterorum dierum operibus benediceret▪ operi­bus tamen secundae diei benedixisse non legitur: Eo quod binari­us numerus primò ab vnitate reeedebat, & ab eo caeteri diuisi­biles numeri originem sortiuntur, & impar numerus est mundus Because god taketh pleasure in an odde number, some obserue alway to say od praiers at masse: to wit, either one only, or else three, or else fiue, or seuen. One, to signifie the vnitie of faith: three, to signifie y e mysterie of the Trinitie, & that Christ praied thrise in his passion, saying: Father, if it be possible, Fond superstiti­ous obseruations let this cup passe from me. Fiue, to signifie the fiue wounds of Christ. Seuen, to signify y e spirit of seuenfold grace, or the seuen gifts of the holy ghost; for God detesteth diuision & discord. Where­fore when he blessed the works of the other dayes, we doe not reade that hee blessed the workes of the second day: and that because the number of two departeth first from vnitie; and the other diuisible numbers take their originall of it; and the odde number is pure and cleane.

Out of these words I note first, that where our master Du­rand 1 saith, that some obserue to say odde praiers, Rubrica Trid. conc. wee must not thinke that he would except any: for their Tridentine rubricke appointeth all in generall to obserue that order.

I note secondly, that as their Pighius affirmed the scripture to be like a nose of waxe; so do they all at their pleasures appite 2 it to euerie trifle, as if it were a nose of waxe indeede. For I pray thee (gentle Reader) what sottish applications are these here mentioned? nay, how bolde are our papists, to wrest the scriptures as they list? and yet do they neuer cease to impute that to others, which is their owne peculiar fault.

I note thirdly, that God is delighted with od numbers, but not with euen; for so saith master Durand, 33. q. 2. c. nupti [...]. and he proueth it out 3 of their canon law. Whereupon I inferre first, that God is not 1 pleased with the ten commandements, which he gaue himself. Secondly, that hee is not pleased with the 12. articles of our 2 faith, which the apostles left by tradition as they say. Thirdly, that he was not pleased with the number of the 12. apostles, & perhaps therefore Iudas betrayed him to make the number [Page 490] odde. Yet, to say so cannot serue the turne because the apostles 4 shortly after elected Mathias in his roome. Act. [...].26. Fourthly, that the words omitted in the works of the second day, do not argue ei­ther liking in the odde number, or disliking in the euen. For the same words are added, both in the fourth and in the sixt day; & in the end of al, the works of euerie day are ioyntly commended for very good.

The seauenth diuision. Of mysticall whispering in the Masse.

THe Papistes thinke the cannon of their masse as it were prophaned, if the lay people shoulde but heare one worde thereof: for which respect and other mysticall consideration, the priest is commanded to whisper al to himself. Of this secrecie, thus writeth their Durandus: Durand. libr. 4. [...]p. 27. Instante memoria dominicae passi­onis silentium obseruat, vsquedum alta voce dicit, per omnia secula seculorum: illud insinuans, quod Iesus post suscitationem Lazari non palam ambulabat apud Iudaeos. When the memo­rie of the passion draweth neere, he keepeth silence, vntill hee speake a loud, per omnia secula seculorum, giuing vs to vnder­stand thereby, that Iesus after he had raised vp Lazarus, wal­ked not openly among the Iewes. Behold this lerned sermon, consider the edification. Ioan. 11.54.

The eight diuision. Of the colours of the habits vsed in the Masse.

THe papists vse foure speciall colours in their masse, and this they doe to signifie to the people foure speciall myste­ries, as if it were by the way of Sermons. For their chiefest preaching consisteth in odde mysticall dreaming. The first color is white: the second, red: the third, blacke: the fourth, greene. They vse white colours, Durandus lib. 3. cap. 18. to signifie innocencie: red colours, to signifie martyrdome: blacke colours, to signifie sorrow and mourning: greene, to signifie whatsoeuer els. The red they vse in the festiuities of the apostles, Red colours. euangelists, and martyrs; so to declare to y e world, that they shed their bloud for Christs sake; also in the feast of the crosse, and of the innocents staine by K. Herod. Blacke colours. The black they vse vpon good Friday, in y e Rogations and vpon al fasting daies: at which time their bellies mourne [Page 491] for lacke of meate, at the least among the simple sort. The greene they vse vpon workie daies, Greene colours. and at other times not pro­per to the rest. The white they vse in the feasts of al cōfessors, White colours. and virgins which were not martyrs, in all the feasts of the blessed virgin, in the feast of al saints, in the chaire of S. Pe­ter, in the conuersion of Saint Paul, in the feasts of our Lord throughout the Octaues, and in the natiuitie of saint Iohn the baptist. And why? forsooth to signifie, A point of impor­tance. that the persons in whose memories such feasts are celebrated, were free from al, actuall and originall sinne. This is the point of importance, marke it wel. That this is their doctrine, Durand affirmeth it for them. These are his words: In natiuitate Saluatoris & etiam Prae­cursoris, quoniam vterque natus est mundus, id est, Durand. vbi sup. lib. 3. cap. 18. carens ori­ginali peccato. In the natiuitie of our sauiour and also of his precursor, because either of them was borne pure, that is, free from originall sinne. This is the mysterie of Popish colours; in which they are not content vainely to flourish like Robinhood in greene, but they must also blaspheme god, making the creature equall with the creator. For onely the sonne of God was free from sin, as is proued in the chapter of mans iustifica­tion.

The 9. diuision. Of Candelmas-day.

THe old Pagan-Romanes, in the Calends of Februarie honoured Februa the mother of Mars, whom they suppo­sed to be the God of battaile. The honour that they did exhibit was this: they went vp and downe the streetes, with candels and torches burning in their hands. In regard hereof, Durand. li. 7. ca. 7 Pope Sergius inuented another like ethnicall superstition: to wit, that the christian Romaines should go in procession with bur­ning candels in their hands, and that in the day of the purifica­tion of the blessed virgin, the second of Februarie. By which feast and burning candels, the Pope giueth vs to vnderstand, that the virgin Mary was pure from sinne, and stood no need of purgation. Of which point I haue spoken sufficiently, in the chapter of mans iustification.

The 10. diuision. Of the Popish Agnus Dei.

THe Popes of late time haue vsed euerie seauenth yeare, and the first yeare that euerie one is made Pope, to conse­crate solemnely with prayers, chrisme, and manifold ceremoni­monies, In libello insti­ [...]. sodalit. Iesu. certaine round peeces of waxe hauing the print of a Lambe, and for that cause so tearmed. With this kind of pal­tery stuffe this world is so bewitched, that infinite numbers do ascribe a great part of their saluation thereunto. He that hath an Agnus Dei about him, beleeueth that he shalbe deliuered by sea and lande, from all tempests, thunder, earthquakes, fire, haile, thunderbolts, sodaine death, and from all euill. If any man will not beleeue me, let him reade a little booke printed at Colonia, containing the order sodalitatis B. Mariae virginis; which is euerie where to be sold; in which booke he shall find, much more then I haue said.

The 11. diuision. Of the Popes Bulles.

POpe Adrian the first of that name, caused his pardons, pri­uiledges, and grants to be sealed with lead, which they cal­led the popes bulles. These bulles were vnknowen to Christs church, Anno Dom. 772. for the space of 772. yeares after Christ: and if it had beene still so till these our dayes, no detriment should we haue sustained thereby. Polydore will haue them to bee called bulles of the Greeke word [...] by corruption of speech.

The 12. diuision. Of the Popish carni-uale, or Shrouetide.

THe deuout Romaines, who whip themselues in Lent for their sinnes, till they seeme as pure as Christ all, vse a long time before Lent, to gadde vp and downe in the streetes and from house to house in visards; neither can men be discerned from women, nor women from men, they are al so disguised: by meanes whereof all iniquitie is committed, as their owne deare friend Polydore hath witnessed. [...]lyd [...]r. l [...]. 5. c. 2 But what skilleth it? a little whipping in Lent, will make condigne satisfaction for the [Page 493] fault. Yea, if the rich do hire the poore to be scourged for them, the satisfaction is deemed sufficient. Polydore saith, that in his time they vsed this irreligious madding, for the space of two moneths; but of late yeares the Pope hath abbridged the time. Neuerthelesse the practise is euen this day, most execrable, heathenish, and intollerable.

CHAP. 12. Of Popish auricular confession.

COncerning auricular confession, I haue spoken sufficiētly in my booke of Motiues. It shal now be inough to answer to such obiections, as the papists do or may frame against the same.

The first obiection.

Christ commanded to confesse our sinnes, Matth. 18.18. when he gaue his priests authoritie to loose them: for they cannot loose any man, vnlesse they first know him to be bound.

The answere.

I say first, that Christ speaketh in that place, not of confessi­on, 1 but of excommunication and discipline of the church; which Christ promiseth to ratifie and approue in heauen, so often as his ministers shall execute the same vppon earth, according to his word. 1 Cor. 5.4, 5. 2. Thess. 3.14. Which sense may be gathered out of Saint Paules discourse, as well to the Corinthians, as to the Thessalonians.

I say secondly, that Gods ministers bind and loose sins, by preaching his sacred word; of which kind of binding and loo­sing, Christ speaketh in Saint Matthew and in Saint Iohn. Matth. 16▪ 18. Ioan. 20.23. Rom. 10.10, 1 [...] 2 For when the people of God beleeue in their hearts his word sincerely preached, and in their conuersation shew the liuely fruits thereof: then doubtlesse are their sinnes loosed on earth. and then is that loosing also ratified in heauen: then are the wordes of the Apostle verified, Rom. 1.16. who saith that the gospel of Christ is the power of God vnto saluation, to euery one that beleeueth it: then are Christs ministers (as the Apostle saith, 2. Cor. 2.1 [...]) become in them, the sauour of life vnto life. On the contrarie [Page 494] side, when the people will not heare and beleeue Gods worde sincerely preached, but contemne it, and the ministers thereof: then doubtlesse are their sinnes bound on earth, and then is that binding also approued in heauen. Then are the apostles words verified, who saith that vengeance is readie against all disobe­dience. Then are Christes ministers (as y e apostle saith,) made vnto them, 2. Cor. 10. v. 6. the sauour of death vnto death. What can be a more ioyfull loosing? what can be a more terrible binding? See the aunswere to the third obiection following, Vid Hier. in Esaia. cap. 14. and there marke S. Hieromes words.

I say thirdly, that our people cōfesse their sins generally be­fore 3 the minister, & in the face of the whole congregation, accor­ding to the holy scriptures. 2. Esdr. 8. & 9. Yea, in the reformed churches a­broad, the people vse to confesse to the ministers, such speciall sins as most greeue & clog their consciences, and for which they need graue aduise and godly councell. Which christian libertie is graunted also, in our churches of England. For such as list may confesse their sinnes to the minister priuately, and haue both his godly aduise and absolution, if he deeme them penitent for their sinnes.

The replie.

Your confessions are nothing els, but a meere mockery: for ye confesse your selues generally to be sinners, but ye name no sins at all. Againe, as in Germany they confesse some sinnes, so do they leaue vnconfessed what pleaseth them. And this is the scornful libertie, which ye grant to your churches of England.

The answere.

1 I say first, that we confesse our sinnes this day, as the Is­raelites of olde confessed their sinnes, Nehem. 8. & 9. Luc. 18. v. 13. Leuit. 16. before Ezra and the Le­uites. As the humble publican confessed his sins, when he said: O God, be mercifull to me a sinner. As the prophet Dauid confessed his sins, when he said: I know mine iniquities, and my sin is euer before me. Against thee, against thee only haue I sinned, and done euill in thy sight: that thou maist be iust when thou speakest, Psal. 50.3.4. and pure when thou iudgest. As the prodigal son confessed his sins, Luc. 15. when he said: Father, I haue sinned against heauen & before thee, & am no more worthy to be called thy son. And as your selues confesse your sins, in the beginning of euery [Page 495] masse. I say secondly, that your selues graunt, that Venials 2 need no confession at al. And yet as I haue already proued, Nauar. in Enchir. cap. 21. n. 34. the least sin of al deserueth eternall death. For thus doth your own famous Canonist write: Quibus consequens est, posse quem, si ve­lit, confesso vno peccato veniali alterum tacere. Vpon which it followeth, that one may if he list, confesse one veniall sinne and conceale another. Maior and other Schoole-doctors, are of the same opinion.

I say thirdly, that by the scriptures vpon which ye woulde gladly ground your confession, we are no lesse bound to confesse 3 one sin then another. The text spea­keth of all indif­ferently. For your triuolous distinction of mortall and veniall sinnes, can be found in no text of holy scripture. And consequently, since the scripture it selfe by your graunt, freeth vs from confessing Venials: it followeth directly, that wee are bound to confesse none at all.

I say fourthly, that your confession is ridiculous indeede, as 4 which vrgeth the penitent to confesse those sinnes to sinful men, which God of his mercy hath forgiuen already. I prooue it, be­cause your best approoued writers hold, that contrition onely reconcileth sinners to God, and taketh away both the fault and the paine. But after that we are reconciled to God by only cō ­trition, and haue both our sinnes and the satisfaction remitted: I weene it is a vain and a ridiculous thing, Nauar. cap. 1. [...]4. Ioan. Lud. viuald. de veritat. con­trit. fol. 141. p. [...]. to afflict our selues for popish absolution. This that I say, is witnessed by Marti­nus Nauarrus, by your learned frier Ioan. Lud. Viualdus, and di­uers others. I say fiftly, that your confessions are neuer able to bring peace to any troubled conscience, but to driue them head­long 5 into desperation. For first, none liuing is able to make a true confession of all his sinnes: Psal. [...]8. Prou. 20. Caiet. in summu. pag. vlt. which thing is so cleere by the Scriptures, that your Cardinall Caietane cannot denie it. Secondly, thousandes are so turmoiled therewith, that dayly they come to confesse the sinnes which they had forgotten, con­demning 2 themselues of their former negligence. Thirdly, 3 none of you all can prescribe howe much time, or what dili­gence is inough, y t ones confession may be perfit. The conside­ratiō wherof, bringeth many thousand souls to perplexitie. For you beare thē in hand, y t they must confesse all mortal sins, and all specificall differences of the same. And yet will I gage [Page 496] my life, that ye haue ten thousand priestes in Europe, yea per­haps in Italie, that cannot perceiue the aforesaid differēce; and much lesse can the lay people performe it. See more hereof, in my booke of Motiues.

The 2. obiection.

Mat. 3. v. 6.S. Iohn the baptist induced the people to the confession of their sinnes: which doubtlesse was not to confesse themselues in generall to be sinners, but to vtter euery man his sinnes. So is it said in the actes of the apostles, that many of them which beleeued, Acts. 19. v. 18. came confessing and declaring their deeds. And ther­fore saith S. Hierome, that priestes binde and loose, Auditâ peccatorum varietate, Hier. in 16. Mat. hauing heard the varietie of sinnes.

The answere.

I say first, that S. Iohn the baptist cannot meane of your 1 sacramentall confession, because it was not instituted before his decollatiō. Mat. 14. Luk. 9. v. 7.22. But you make smal accompt to wrest the holy scrip­ture, if by any meanes it could so serue your turne. For as your graund doctor Pighius resembled it to a nose of waxe, euen so in good sooth ye seeme to vse it. The trueth is this: S. Iohn exhorting the people to repentance, and to amendment of their former liues euil spent, found so good successe in his preaching, that Hierusalem, Math. 3 v. 1.2, 3. Iordan was two floudes ioyned in one. Eucherius. and all Iurie, and all the countrey about Iordan, were desirous to be baptized; and in signe of their true repentance, they publickly acknowledged their sinnes. But that they this did in generall termes, and not in popish maner, 1 I prooue it by two reasons. First, because popish auricular con­fession was not yet inuented, but after Christes resurrection, 2 as all papistes graunt. Againe, because one man could not pos­sibly heare seuerally, Secundo princi­paliter. the generall confessions of so manie mul­titudes▪ speciallie, in so short a time.

2 I say secondly, that with you papistes, auricular confess [...]on is an holy sacrament, and to be made of such sinnes only, as are committed after baptisme. Hysteron prote­ron proper to the papistes. And yet doth S. Iohn speake, as is euident by the text, only of those sins that were done before bap­tisme. This is your Hysteron proteron, to whom an horse-mil and a mil-horse, is all one.

[Page 497]I say thirdly, Act. 19. v. 1 [...]. that the confession which these Ephesians made, whereof S. Luke speaketh; is an euident external signe of true inward remorse, and of sincere faith in Christ Iesus: but doubtlesse it doth nothing at all resemble, the blasphemous po­pish auricular confession. For first, they confessed their sinnes 1 verbally, as they burnt their bookes really; but of absolution S. Luke speaketh not one word, which for all that in poperie is es­sentiall. Secondly, this confession was voluntarie, but popish 2 confession is by compulsion. Thirdly, Vide Iosue cap. 7 v. 20. this confession was done in the face of the congregation, but popish confession is made in 3 the priests eare. Fourthly, as some of the faithfull made this 4 confession, so other some did not: but amongst the papistes it must be made of all, vnder paine of damnation. Fiftly, as Ma­thew 5 confessed himselfe to haue been a publican, and as Paule confessed that he had persecuted Christes Church; Mat. 10. v 3. 1. Tim. 1. v. 13. but neither of them confessed any other sinne. So the faithfull at Ephe­sus of zeale confessed their notorious deedes, but not all their particular sinnes, Nay, they only confessed how Satan had se­duced them, and for that end they burnt their bookes. Which publick attestation done to the glory of God, can neuer establish secret popish whispering in the priestes eare.

I say fourthly, Quarto principa­liter. that S. Hierome maketh altogither against popish confession; as who affirmeth the priest or bishop to haue 4 no other power in binding and loosing, The priests doe only declare sins to be bound or loosed. then the priest of the old testament had in making cleane or vncleane: That is to say, as the priestes of the old testament, did declare who were cleane, or vncleane: so the ministers of the Church knowing some sin­ners to be penitent, and other some to be vnpenitent, pronounce according to Gods worde, that the sinnes of the one sorte are bound, and of the other sort loosed. And heere note by the way, that the word ( peccatorum) in S. Hierome, doth as aptly signi­fie sinners as sinnes: and therefore these wordes ( Auditâ pec­catorum varietate,) I thus translate: hauing heard the varie­tie of the sinners. This I say, because the papistes seeke to make aduantage of the indifferencie of the word. And yet how­soeuer they take it, it cannot serue their turne.

The 2. obiection.

Christ commanded him that was clensed from his leprosie, Math. 8. v. 4. [Page 498] to go vnto the priest. And he likewise commanded his apostles to loose Lazarus that was bound, thereby signifying that they should loose our sinnes. Ioan. 11. v. 44.

The answere.

1 I say first, that this text of Scripture prooueth plainly, that the priest cannot forgiue sinne, The leaper is cleansed, before he be sent to the priest. or make the sinner cleane; but only pronounce and declare him to be cleane, whom God hath alreadie clensed. For otherwise, God would haue sent him to the priest that had the leprie, before hee was clensed from the same; that so hee might haue found remedie, at the Priestes handes.

2 I say secondly, that as yet the ceremonies of the lawe were not abrogate, Leuit. 14. v. 22. and therefore Christ woulde not haue them con­temned or omitted. Now the law was as we reade in Leuiti­cus, that whosoeuer was clensed from the leprosie, should pre­sent himself before the priest, and offer vp the sacrifice of thanks­giuing. This is the mysterie, wherein the papistes would sta­blish their popishe absolution. The end of the lawe was, that Gods goodnesse shoulde be publickly approoued, and that the party clensed should giue a signe of gratitude. Therfore doth it follow in the text: Goe and shewe thy selfe to the priest, and offer the gift that Moses commaunded for a witnesse to them. Mat. 8. v. 4. For he could not be receiued into the congregation, but by the iudgement of the priest.

3 I say thirdly, that Christ commanded not only his disciples to loose Lazarus, Math. 8. v. 42.43 44, 4 [...]. but all the Iewes also, and the very women that were present. And consequently, not priests only but euen lay men, and women also may giue absolution. Which thing I weene, the wiser sort of papists will neuer graunt. Yet the end of this loosing was not to establishe popishe absolution, but to make the miracle manifest to the incredulous Iewes. I prooue it by these wordes next afore going: I knowe that thou hearest me alwaies, but because of the people that stand by, I said it; that they may beleeue, that thou hast sent me. Yea, it cannot be prooued by the text, that the disciples were appointed to loose Lazarus, saue only in generall termes, as also were the [Page 499] women that stood by. And indeed Christ seemeth to haue com­mitted that office principally to the Iewes, that so all occasion of incredulitie might be taken from them.

The 3. obiection.

S. Iames saith: confesse your sinnes one to another, Iam. 5. v. 16. Ioan. 20. v. 22.23 and pray one for another, that he may be healed. And Christ himself saith: receiue ye the holy Ghost. Whose sinnes so euer yee re­mit, they are remitted to them: and whose sinnes so euer ye reteine, they are retained. And a little before he saith thus: As my father sent me, so doe I send you. Now it is certaine that Christ was sent with all power, euen to binde and loose mens sinnes: and therefore his apostles being sent in the same ma­ner, must needes haue power to forgiue sinnes as he had. Yea, the church hath euer thus vnderstood these Scriptures.

The answere.

I say first, that in these wordes Christ gaue authoritie to preach the gospel; which whosoeuer beleeue, haue their sinnes 1 remitted, and whosoeuer beleeue it not, See the answere to the first obie­ction. are subiect to damnati­on. Other binding and loosing we finde none in the scriptures; neither yet that Christ heard any confessions. This sense of binding and loosing by preaching the word of God, S. Hierom, whom the papistes boast to be their patrone heerein, maketh so euident, as more to a reasonable man cannot be wished. Hier. in Esaia [...] ▪ c 14. These are his words: Funibus peccatorum suorum vnusquis (que) constrin­gitur: quos funes at (que) vincula soluere possūt & apostoli, imitan­tes magistrum suū qui eis dixerat: quaecun (que) solueritis super ter­rā, erunt soluta & in coelo. Mat. 18. v. 18. Soluunt autem eos apostoli sermone Dei, & testimonijs scripturarum, & exhortatione virtutum. Euery one is bound with the cordes of his sinnes: which cordes and bandes the Apostles can loose, while they imitate their maister, that said (these words) vnto them: The preaching of the word, bin­deth and looseth our sinnes. what things soeuer ye shall loose on earth, shalbe loosed also in heauen. And the apostles loose them by y e word of God, & by the testimonies of the scriptures, & by the exhortation of vertues. Behold here these golden words. The papists bitterly exclaime against vs, when we teach that Gods ministers do bind & loose mens sins, [Page 500] by the true preaching of his sacred worde: and yet the holy and most learned father S. Hierome, In breu [...]ar. Triden. in ips. fest. whom the papistes in their church-seruice, terme ( doctorem maximum) the greatest doctor of all the rest; teacheth the selfe same doctrine, in most plaine, flat, and expresse termes. To which exposition of S. Hierome, when any papist shal answere sufficiently, I promise to become his bondman. For S. Hierome alledgeth the verie same scrip­ture, vpon which the papistes would ground their new no ab­solution, and affirmeth that the apostles imitate and fulfill Christes commandement, when they preach his word, declare the scriptures, and exhort to godly life. Oh sweete Iesus, who but papistes can denie such plaine testimonies? Nay, nay, who but senselesse men, who but arrogant men, who but impudent men, who but men carelesse of their saluation; will desperately impugne so manifest and comfortable doctrin, so exactly and so sweetly agreeing with the holy scriptures? God graunt that they may once espie their grosse errors, and with humilitie ac­knowledge the same.

2 I say secondly, that the practise of the auncient church, and al approoued antiquitie is against you. Heereof none can stand in doubt that seriously peruseth my booke of Motiues.

3 I say thirdly, that to be sent as Christ was sent, doth argue a similitude, but not an identitie or equalitie: as when Christ commandeth vs to loue our neighbour as our selfe; hee char­geth vs not, Mat. 22. v. 39. to loue him in the same degree. For we may law­fully haue more care of our owne soule, then of our neigh­bours: and also preferre our owne necessitie before our neigh­bours.

4 I say fourthly, that the giuing of the holy ghost to the Apo­stles was very necessary; Mat. 28.19. Luc. 10.3. Ioan. 16.2.3. Mat. 10.19. yet not to forgiue sinnes in popishe sense, but for the effectuall preaching of Gods worde. For o­therwise, they being of themselues poore and simple men, and sent to all nations as lambes among wolues, could neuer haue accomplished their commission, with authoritie, fruite and ef­fect.

5 I say fiftly, that S. Iames speaketh of mutual reconciliati­on, which ought to be between neighbour and neighbour: and therefore doth he commaund mutuall praier, aswell as hee doth [Page 501] mutuall confession. Neither are his words restrained either to priests or to lay men, but vttered indifferently to all: yea, Torquet hoc papistas. if the apostle should mean as the Papists would haue him, it would folow of necessitie that the priests should aswell confesse in the eares of the lay men, as the lay men in the eares of the priest. I prooue it, because the apostle saith indifferently (confesse your faults one to another, and pray one for another.) And if any wil be so absurde, as to interpret praying, for absolution; then doe I answer that the lay man must as wel absolue the priest, as be absolued of him. This case is so plaine, that their owne Scotus (whome for his sharp wit & subtile distinctions, they surnamed Doctor Subtilis) freely granteth that their au­ricular confession is neither grounded in this place, nor in any other text of holy scripture: these are his owne words: Scotus in 4. fen [...]. dist. 17. q. 1. Sed nec per hoc videtur mihi quod Iacob, praeceptum hoc dedit, nec prae­ceptum à Christo promulgauit. Primum non: vnde enim fuit si­bi authoritas obligandi totam ecclesiā cum esset tantū episcopus ecclesiae Hierosolymitanae? nisi dicas illam ecclesiam in principio fuisse principalem & per consequēs eius episcopum principalē fuisse Patriarcham, quod non concedent Romani; nec quod illa authoritas proprie pro tempore illo erat sibi subtracta. N [...]c se­cundum videtur; quia apostoli publicantes praceptum Domi­ni in scripturis suis, vtebantur modo loquendi per quem potuit innotescere quod erant praecones Christi Sequitur dicendo enim confitemini alterutrum, non magis dicit confessionem faciendā esse sacerdoti quam alij. Subdit enim statim: & orate pro inul­cem vt saluemint: vbi nullus diceret ipsum instituisse, nec pro­mulgasse praeceptum diuinum, sed intellectus eius est sicut in illo verbo: confitemin [...] alterutrum persuasio ad humilitatē; vt sci­licet generaliter nos cōfiteamur apud proximos peccatores iux­ta illud: si dixerimus quod peccatum non habemus, nosmetipsos seducimus & vertias in nobis non est. Ita per secundum persua­det ad charitatem fraternam vt scilicet per charitatem frater­nam subueniamus nobis inuicem. Neither doth this perswade me, that Iames gaue this commaundement; neither that hee published it as commaunded by Christ: the first seemeth not: for from whence could hee haue authoritie to binde the whole church, being but only the B. of Ierusalem? vnlesse thou wilt [Page 502] say, that that church in the beginning was the principall, and consequently, that the B. therof was the principall patriarke, which the Romanes wil not grant: neither, that that authority was properly for that time taken from them. Neither is the second probable, because the apostles, when they published the Lords commandement in their writings, vsed that manner of phrase. By which it may appeare, that they were the publish­ers of Christs institution. For in saying (these words) confes one to another, he commaundeth no more to make confession to a priest, then to a lay man: for he addeth forthwith; and pray one for an other, that ye may be saued. Where none wil say that he ordained, neither that he published gods cōmandemēt, but the vnderstanding is as in the other place, a perswasion to humility, to wit, that we generally confesse our selues sinners to our neighbors. Euen so doeth he by the second perswade to brotherly loue: to wit, that of charity we wil help one another.

Thus writeth their subtile schoole-doctour Scotus, who not able to stablish auricular confession in the scriptures, fleeth to their last refuge, to wit, to vnwritten traditions: for in the end of al he addeth these words: Scotus vbi supr. Apparet ergo istud non esse de iure diuino promulgato per scripturam apostolicam Vel er­go tenendum est primum membrum, scilicet quod sit de iure di­uino promulgato per euangelium: vel si illud non sufficiat, di­cendum est tertium; scilicet quod est de iure diuino positiuo pro­mulgato à Christi apostolis sed ecclesiae promulgato per apostolos absque omni scriptura.

Vide Ioseph. Angles in 4. l. pag. prim.Of this opinion is Beatus Rhenanus, Richardus, Durandus, Bonauentura Hugo, Panormitanus, and the popish Canonists generally. Of Beatus Rhenanus his opinion more shall be saide shortly: of Richardus, Durandus, Bonauentura, and Hugo, Iose­phus Angles may satisfie the Reader: and what popish cano­nists hold, [...]a [...]ar. & Couar. Nauarre and Couarruuias do not conceale: of whom with others reade in my booke of Motiues.

6 I say sixtly, that by the opinion of their famous cardinall Caietane, Caiet. ea. 20. in Ioann. secret confession is against Christs institution, as also the precept that vrgeth vs to the same.

7 I say seuenthly, that auricular confessiō was not an article of faith in the church of Rome vntill the councell of Lateran, Anno Dom. 1215 [Page 503] which councell was celebrated vnder pope Innocentius the third of that name, more then 1200. yeeres after Christ. So saith frier Ioseph in his narration to the pope: yea, Ioseph. Angl. in 4. sent. de con [...] which is more to be admired, the necessity of auricular confession was not established by popish decree, before the said Innocent▪ was pope of Rome: so writes their own historiographer Platina. Platina in vit [...] Zeph [...]ri [...]

The fourth obiection.

Tertullian and Cyprian who liued aboue 1300. yeres ago, do both make mention of secret confession made closely to the priests: yea, of such sins as the people neuer did, Cypr. de lapsi [...]. saue only that they thoght of thē in their harts. Which words can neuer be rackt to publike confession, Tertull. de poenit, but must perforce be vnderstood of that auricular cōfession, which is this day vsed in the church of Rome.

The answere.

I say first, that Cyprian and Tertullian speake of publike 1 confession, which the fathers of the ancient church appointed to be done for publike crimes: which practise in some measure is this day obserued in our church of England. I say second­ly, 2 that albeit in the ancient church, some deuout people of great zeale confessed to the priests their secret faults, desiring their counsel, prayers, and instruction in that behalfe: yet were such confessions voluntary vntill Innocentius, neither were they made by all the people, Confession was voluntary for 1215. yeeres af­ter Christ. neither did they recite all their sinnes, but such onely as seemed good vnto them. This an­swer is sufficiently prooued already; yet for better satisfaction of the Reader, I will confute papists by papists in expresse termes. Beatus Rhenanus a popish diuine, Primo principal and a man of great learning, though carried away with the errours of his time, hath testified this veritie so sincerely and so copiously, as more neede not be said herein. First therefore he hath these words: De publica confessione siue [...] facit mentionē, Beatus Rhena­nus in annot. ad libr. Tertull. de poenitent. (cuius eti­am Leo papa meminit de poenitentia, dist. 1.) qua maiores no­stros apparet aliquandiu vsos fuisse priusquā ista secreta nas­ceretur, qua hodie cōscientiā nostram sacerdoti detegimus, vs (que) ad circumstantiarū omnium minutias; quā tamen saluberrimam esse nemo potest inficiari. Sane sunt etiam inter iuris pontificij interpretes, qui institutam ab ecclesia tradant confessionē: igi­tur quantum conijcere datur, illa sumpsit originem ex veteri [Page 504] instrumento: haec autē hinc nata videtur, quod constitutis quibus­dam poenitentiae legibus, quib & tempus & modus singulis pec­catis expiandis praestituebatur, (Canones poenitentiales vocant▪) opus▪ fuit sacerdotem in consilium adhiberi, praesertim à laicis.

He maketh mention (he speaketh of Tertullian,) of publike confession, whereof Leo also maketh mention; which it is cleare that our ancestors vsed som space of time, before this secret cō ­fession was hatched, with which we this day disclose our consci­ence to the priest, til we haue told the least circumstance of al, which neuertheles no man can denie to be very good. Yea, ther be euen amōg them that interpret the popes law, who acknow­ledge confession to be ordained by the church. Therefore as I can coniecture, This testimonie is worthy of consideration. the publike confession began of the olde Testa­ment; this auricular came vp thus, because so soone as certain lawes were made, in which the time and the maner were ap­pointed for the punishment of euery sinne (which they tearme the penitentiall canons;) it was needefull to haue a priest for counsell, especially to the lay people.

1 Out of these words I note first, that Tertullian, Cyprian, Leo, and all the ancient writers, do alway vnderstand publike, when they speake of confession; although some of them, as Leo were bishops of Rome themselues.

2 I note secondly, that the ancient church knewe not this late Popish auricular confession, as which was hatched but of late yeares.

3 I note thirdly, that this Beatus Rhenanus is a great papist, as who acknowledgeth this confession auricular to be good; & consequently, that his answer is most forcible against y e papists

4 I note fourthly, that this auricular confession was ordained by the law of man, and neither by Christ nor by his apostles.

5 I note fiftly, that the confession wherof the ancient fathers speake, was of some speciall sinnes, but not of all: I proue it, because Rhenanus saith that it began of the old testament; Leuit. 16.21. [...]. Esdr. 9.2. in which it is cleare, that all sins were not particularly confessed. Let this be wel marked.

6 I note sixtly, that after the constitution of the penitential ca­nons, priests were ordained purposely to giue counsell and instruction to the simple Lay people, which in processe [Page 505] of time, is brought to a further matter.

Secondly, Rhenanus hath these expresse words: Secundo princi­paliter. Vides igi­tur necessarium fuisse sacerdotis vti consilio, quatenus institutis poenitentiae legibus fieret satis: quae laicis non perinde cognitae erant. Sequitur: caeterum soli Deo confitendum esse, diuus Chry­sostomus author est. Thou seest therefore that it was necessa­ry to vse the counsel of a priest, Rhenanus vbi supr. that so the penitentiall canons might be obserued, which the lay people vnderstood not. But for al that, that we must confesse our selues only to God, S. Chrysost. is our author. Out of these words I note first, that 1 the ancient church appointed priests ouer the penitents, onely for this end and purpose; that they might giue them counsell how to make satisfaction according to the canons, which them selues did not vnderstand. I note secondly, that we are bound 2 to confesse all our sinnes, onely to God alone. Which Rhe­nanus (though a Papist) granteth constantly, Behold the con­fusion of popery, for better proofe cannot be had. being thereto inforced by the authoritie of the scripture, of S. Chrysostome, S. Cyprian, S. Basil, S. Bede, S. Ambrose, S. Hierome, Tertullian, Hesychius, Theodulphus, Theodorus, Bertra­mus, Rabanus, and Nectarius; all which hee alleadgeth for his opinion. Who can wish further proofe?

Thirdly, Rhenanus writeth thus: Tertio. principal. Non aliam ob causam complurium hîc testimonijs vsi sumus, quam ne quis admiretur Tertullianum de clancularia illa admissorum confessione nihil locutum, quae quātum conijcimus, penitus id temporis ignoraba­tur. For no other cause haue I vsed here the testimonies of so many writers, but lest any should maruell, The pure primi­tiue church knew not auricular confession. that Tertullian spake nothing of that secret confession, which (as I thinke) was altogether vnknowen at that time. Lo, Tertullian spake not one word of auricular confession, as which was not heard of in his time. So then, the holy fathers are wholy against the papists, euen by the iudgement of a famous papist. Fourthly, Rhenanus saith thus; Thomas Aquinas & Scotus, homines ni­mium 4 arguti, confessionem hodie talem reddiderunt, vt Ioannes ille Geilerius grauis ac sanctus theologus, qui tot annis argen­torati concionatus est, apud amicos suos saepe testatus sit, iuxta corū deuteroseis impossibile esse confiteri. But Th. Aquinas & Scotus, men too much delighted with subtilties, haue brought [Page 506] confession this day to such a passe, Popish confessi­on is vnpossible, euen by the grant of the Papists. that Ioannes Geilerius a graue and reuerend diuine, and a preacher a long time at Ar­gentoratum, said many a time vnto his friends, that it was im­possible for a man to make his confession, according to their tra­ditions. Marke well for Christs sake. Out of these words I note first, that the vaine curious distinctiōs of the schoole doctors, haue brought much mischeif into the church of god: which if a papist had not spoken it, wold 2 seeme incredible to the world. I note secondly, that it is impos­sible for a papist to make his confession according to the popish law; & consequently, that al papists by popish doctrine, must perish euerlastingly. Who will not defie poperie that deepely conside­reth these things? Marke wel my words, gentle reader. The papists teach vs to hold for an article of our beleef, that we are bound to make our confessions as the popish lawe prescribeth; that is, as Aquinas and Scotus haue set towne the same. And for al that, Ge [...]lerius a papist himselfe and a great diuine, com­plained often to his friendes, that no man coulde possiblie performe the same. Fi [...] on poperie, and God of his mercie conuert al papists to the trueth. Nowe then, since on the one side, the po­pish confession must bee made vnder paine of damnation, and since on the other side, none possibly can make the same as is required; it followeth of necessitie by popish doctrine, that all papists must be damned eternally. O miserable poperie, con­founded by thy selfe! Thine owne doctors O popery, (such force hath the truth) haue bewrayed thy trecherie to the world. It is to vs his great mercy, for the merits of Christ Iesus, and to you papists his iust iudgement, for the punishment of your sinnes. If you wil in time repent and embrace his holy gospel, his mercie is open towards you: if you will still continue in your wilful obstinacie, God doubtlesse wil reuenge the bloud of his innocents at your hands. For with your beggerly vn­written traditions, you deuour the soules of many thousands. 3 I note thirdly, that many liuing among the papists, doe ex­ternally obey the popish law; who in their hearts detest a great part of their late hatched Romish religion. Many among the papists dare not vtter their minds This is euident by the secret complaint of this learned man Geilerius, who tolde that to his trustie friends, which hee durst not disclose to others.

Tertio principa­liter.I say thirdly, that in S Cyprians time, some were so zealous and so esteemed the sacred ministerie, that although they did [Page 507] not denie the faith publikely in time of persecution: yet bicause they had some doubts therein, & were troubled in their minds, they voluntarily disclosed their secret griefes to Gods mini­sters humbly desired their godly aduise, and submitted them­selues to do what they thought expedient: by reason whereof, they sometime had publike penance inioyned them, and confes­sed that in the face of the congregation, which they before dis­closed secretly to the ministers: which thing was appointed for edification sake by the ministers, and of deuotion voluntarily performed by the penitents. This my answere is fully con­tained, as well in the words of Origen, as of Saint Cyprian.

Saint Cyprian hath these words; Cypr. de lapsis, pag. 284. Quanto & fide maiores & timore meliores sunt, qui quamuis nullo sacrificij aut libelli fa­cinore constricti, quoniam tamen de hoc vel cogitauerunt, hoc ipsum apud sacerdotes dei dolenter & simpliciter confitentes exomologesin conscientiae faciunt, animi sui pondus expo­nunt, salutarem medelam paruis licet & modicis vulneribus exquirunt. How much sounder in faith and better in holy feare are they, who neither hauing offended by sacrificing to the I­dols, nor by exhibiting libels to the magistrates, yet because they sometime thought of these matters, do simply & penitent­ly confesse the same to Gods ministers, doe lay open their con­science, and do disclose the griefe of their minds, and seeke for wholesome medicine, though their wounds be small and ea­sie to be cured. Out of these words I note first, that all ge­nerally 1 made not their confessions of secret faults, but one­ly certaine zealous & deuout persons. I note secondly, that as 2 al people did not confes their secret faults, so neither did these deuout penitents confes al their secret faults; but only their se­cret cogitations, concerning y e denial of their faith in persecuti­on. I note thirdly, that these deuout persōs perceuing thē that did the facts openly, to be inioyned to confesse the same in the 3 face of the congregation, & withal doubting what themselues were bound to doe for their secret thoughts of the same mat­ters; came voluntarily to Gods ministers, confessed the griefe of their mind vnto them, and desired their godly counsell. All which may be gathered out of S. Cyprians words, and more plainely out of Origens words following.

[Page 508] Origen hath these expresse words, Tantumodo circumspice dili­gentius, cui debeas confiteri peccatum tuum. Proba prius medi­cum▪ cui debeas causam languoris exponere; qui sciat infirmari cum infirmante, flerecum flente▪ qui condolendi & compatiendi nouerit disciplinā, vt ita demum si quid ille dixerit, qui se pri­us & eruditum medicum ostenderit & misericordem; si quid con­silii dederit facias & sequaris: si intellexerit & praeuiderit ta­lem esse languorem tuum, qui in conuentu totius ecclesiae exponi debeat, & curari, ex quo fortassis & caeteri aedificari poterunt & tu ipse facilè sanari, multa hoc deliberatione, & satis perito medici illius consilio procur andum est. Onely looke about thee diligently, to whom thou maist confes thy sinne. Trie first the Phisition to whom thou must disclose the cause of thy disease; such a one as knoweth to be infirme with him that is imfirme, to weepe with him that weepeth, and hath learned to sorrow and take compassion; that so at the length, if hee shall say any thing, who before hath shewed himselfe to be a skilfull & merci­ful Phisition; if he shall giue thee any counsell, thou maiest do and folow the same. If he shall perceiue and foresee thy disease to be such, that it must be disclosed in the assemblie of the whole congregation, & so be cured, wherby perhaps both others may be edified, & thy selfe made whole; then this must be done with great deliberation, & by the skilful counsel of the said phisition.

1 Out of these words I note first, that the penitents made elec­tion both of that they did confesse, and of the priest also to whom they did confesse. Where this day by the law of poperie, wee must confesse euery sin by compulsion, and also to our parish-priest 2 only. I note secondly, that we must confesse to none, but to such as we first know to be discreet and learned, & so by your fauour, we must this day confesse to few parish priests in Eu­rope. For they are commonly sir Iohns lacke-latine, & as wise 3 as none of thē al. I note thirdly that when such things as were voluntarily confessed to the priest, seemed to be such as might edifie the people; then the priests exhorted to confesse the same againe, before the whole congregation. Which point conuin­ceth plainely, that such their confessions were voluntarie, and not by constraint of law. I prooue it, because the priest may not for the safegard of his life, nor for to saue the whole world, re­ueale [Page 509] any one sinne of auricular confession, or once vrge the pe­nitent to do the same. For so much the selfe same popish lawe teacheth, no learned papist can denie.

The replie.

That confession which Nectarius did abrogate at Constanti­nople, was priuate and not publike, as Rhenanus thinketh. For Sozomenus, Cassiodorus, and Nicephorus, doe all three affirme iointly, that that priest was designed ouer the peni­tents in euerie church, who was knowen to bee a discreete per­son, and a keeper of secrecie. But doubtles in vaine was a kee­per of secrecy chosen, where euery thing was to be published.

The answere.

The true intelligence of this storie, will bring great light to the whole matter of confession. For which respect, I will proceede so methodically in answering this obiection, as pos­sibly I can. I therfore say first, Primo principal. that Nectarius the B. of Con­stantinople, vtterly abolished the law made for confession, & that to auoide the great vices, which ensued thereupon. Which being so, it must folow of necessity; that confessiō was not com­manded by the law of God. For otherwise it shuld be in mans power (which no wise man will grant, The story of Ne­ctarius must be well marked.) to disanull the law of God. Againe, neither the holy B. Nectarius, would euer haue attempted so to abolish gods ordinance; neither would so ma­ny famous bishops, haue imitated his fact. And yet is it cer­taine, that all the bishops of the east church did follow his opi­nion; yea, euen S. Chrysostome, Nicep. li. 12. c. 2 [...] who succeeded Nectarius at Constantinople, that goodly patriarchall seat of the world. So saith Nicephorus.

Now for the proofe of the principal point, to wit, that Nec­tarius abandoned confession simply and wholy, The first proba­tion. (which is the point that the papists do and must denie, or els forsake their po­pery:) I proue the same first, by Thomas Waldensis a papist highly renowmed among them; who affirmeth the story so ab­solutely, as our Iesuite Bellarmine cānot deny the same; & his reasons to the contrarie, are ridiculous and childish. For first, Bellarm. de poe­nitent. lib. 3. c. 15 he saith, that pope Nicholas calleth Nectarius y e mighty aduer­sarie of heretikes, and the defender of the church. Secondly he saith, that saint Chrysostome and many other bishops approued [Page 510] Nectarius his opinion. Ergo, saith our Iesuite, he could neuer take away auricular confession. S. Chrysostome and all the bi­shops of the East, practised the same that Nectarius appointed, and Thomas Waldensis a zealous papist vnderstandeth it of confession generally; and yet Nectarius because he was a godly man, could not abolish popish confession, saith our Iesuite. But I weene, I may better conclude; that because Nectarius was an holy man, Our Iesuite is driuen to vse pe­titio principii. and sawe great knauerie vsed by reason of con­fession; to wit, whoredom between the deacon and the confessio­nist; therefore hee iustly abolished that lawe, which was only made by the power of man. For our Iesuite taketh that as graunted, that is in controuersie; which is a great fault in the Schooles, called Petitio principij. For I am so far from gran­ting his auricular confession to be of God, that I haue copious­ly 2 disproued the same already. I prooue it secondly, by the ma­nifold testimonie of S. Chrysostome, The second pro­bation. who was the next successor to this holy Nectarius. In one place he hath these words; Pecca­ta tua dicito, Chrysost. hom. 2. [...]n Psal. 50. tom. 1. vt deleas illa. Si confunderis alicui dicere, quia peccasti; dicito quotidie in anima tua. Non dico vt confitea­ris conseruo tuo, vt exprobret. Dicito Deo, qui curat ea. Tell thy sins, that thou maiest blot them out. If thou be ashamed to confesse them to any man, because thou hast sinned; confesse thē dayly in thy mind. I say not this, to cause thee to confesse them to thy fellow seruaunt; that hee may vpbraid thee. Confesse them to God, Chrys. de Lazar. [...]ac Din. hom. 4. [...]om. 2. pag. 1359. that cureth them.

Againe, in another place he saith thus: Condemnasti peccatū tuum? deposuisti sarcinam. Quis haec dicit? ipse iudex tuus. Dic tu peccata tua prior, vt iustificeris; cur igitur te quaeso pudescis & erubescis dicere peccata tua? caue enim homini dixeris, ne tibi opprobret. Ne (que) enim conseruo confiteris, vt in publicum profe­rat, sed ei qui Dominus est, ei qui tui curam gerit, ei qui huma­nus est, ei qui medicus est ostendis vulnera. Ne (que) enim ignorat, etiamsi tu non dixeris; qui sciebat etiam antequā perpetrares. Quidigitur causae est, quo m [...]nus dicas: non enim ex accusatione fit grauius peccatum, imò mitius magis ac leuius: & ob hoc ipsū, Deus vult te dicere, non vt puniaris, sed vt relaxeris: non vt ipse sciat peccatum, cur enim id postulet, quum iam sciat? sed vt tuscias, quantum tibi debitum remittatur. Ideo verò vult te scire beneficii magnitudinem, vt perpetuò gratias agas, vt seg­nior [Page 511] fias ad peccandum, vt ad virtutem promptior. Nisi dixeris debiti magnitudinem non agnosces donationis eminentiam. Non inquit, cogote in medium prodire theatrum, ac multos adhibere testes: Mihi soli dic peccatum priuatim, vt sanem vlcus, te (que) do­lore liberabo. Hast thou condemned thy sin? What can more plainly be said, a­gainst Romish confession? then hast thou dis­charged thy selfe of thy load. Who saith so? euen thine owne iudge. Tel thou thy sins first, that thou maiest be iustified. Why therefore I pray thee art thou bashfull, and ashamed to tell thy sins? beware to tel them to man, least he vpbraid thee. For thou doest not confesse them to thy fellow seruant, that hee may tell them abroad; but to him that is thy Lord, to him that hath care of thee, to him that is gentle, to him that is the phisicion doest thou shew thy woundes. For neither is he ignorant of them, al­though thou tell them not, who knew them before thou diddest them. What then is the cause, that thou maiest not tel them? For the sin is not made greater for cōfessing it, but rather more light and easie. And for this cause will God haue thee to tell it: not for to punish thee, but for to acquite thee: not that he may know thy sin; for why should he require it, since he knoweth it already? but that thou maiest know how much debt is forgiuen thee, & therefore will he haue thee to know the greatnesse of the benefite, that thou maiest alway giue thankes, and be more slow to sinne, and more propense to vertue. Vnlesse thou tell the greatnesse of the debt, thou shalt not know the excellencie of the gift. I doe not (saith he) compell thee to come forth into the middest of the theatre, and to bring many witnesses. Tell thy sinne to mee alone priuately, that I may heale thy disease, and I will deliuer thee from thy griefe.

Againe, in another place, hee writeth thus; Non tibi dico vt te prodas in publicum neque apud alios te accuses: Chrysost in epis. ad Hebr. hom. 3 [...]. tom. 4. sed obe­dire te volo prophetae dicenti, reuela Domino viam tuam. Ante Deum ergo tua confitere peccata, apud verum iudicem cum ora­tione delicta tua pronuntia, non linguâ sed conscientiae tuae me­moria, & tunc demum spera te misericordiam posse consequi. I doe not bid thee come forth in publicke, No confession made to the priestes. neither to accuse thy selfe before others: but I would haue thee to obey the pro­phet when he saith; reueale thy way to God. Before God ther­fore confesse thy sinnes, before the true Iudge in prayer [Page 512] pronounce thine offences; not with thy tongue, but with the me­mory of thy conscience, and then hope to haue mercie.

Againe in another place, he hath these wordes: Vos oro, fra­tres charissimi, Chrysost. de in­compreh. dei nat. contra Anomaeos hom. 5. tom. 5. crebrius deo immortali confiteamini, & enume­ratis vestris delictis veniam petatis & numen propitiū. Non te in theatrum conseruorum tuorum duco, non hominibus peccata tua detegere cogo: repete coram deo conscientiam tuam, & ex­plica: ostende Deo medico praestantissimo tua vulnera, & pete ab eo medicamentum: ostēde ei qui nihil opprobret, sed humanis­simè curet. Cur taces quae optimè ille nouit? dicat (que) enumera, vt fructum maximum consequaris. I desire you my deere bre­thren, Confession to God, but not to man. to confesse your sinnes often to God almightie: & when you haue reckoned vp your sinnes, then to craue his pardon and mercie. I doe not leade thee into the theatre of thy fellow ser­uauntes, I doe not compell thee to disclose thy sinnes to men. Repeate before God thy conscience, and vnfolde it; shewe to God thy woundes, and aske him a medicine for the same: shew them to him y t neuer vpbraideth, but cureth with all humanitie. Why doest thou conceale those things, which he knoweth right well? tell and number them, that thou maiest reape the great fruite thereof.

Againe in another place, he writeth in this maner; Confunde­ris & erubescis peccata tua effari; Chrysost. de p [...] ­nit. & confess. tom. 5. p. 905. atqui oportebat maximè a­pud homines eadicere & inuulgare. Confusio enim est peccare, nō est confusio confiteri peccata. Nunc autem ne (que) necessarium praesentibus testibus confiteri: cogitatione fiat delictorum exqui­sitio, abs (que) teste sit hoc iudicium. Solus te Deus confitentē videat. Thou art confounded & ashamed to vtter thy sins, but somtime it behooued to tell and publish them, especially before men. For it is confusion to sin, but it is no confusion to confesse our sins. And this day it is not necessarie to haue witnesses present, Confession was once made to man, but after that taken away. whē we confesse our sins. Let vs examine our sins in thought and cogitation, let this iudgment be without any witnesse, let God only see thee when thou confessest. Thus saith S. Chrysostome, whom I haue alledged at large, the rather to confute the Ie­suite Bellarmine. Whom whether I haue confuted, or no, let the indifferent reader giue his censure, when he hath heard my discourse to the end. Our Iesuite wil needs saue the life of his [Page 513] popishe auricular confession, though himselfe spend the best bloud in his body, in defense of the cause. In regard hereof, hee imagineth that in the time of Nectarius, not onely publique confession; but also priuate Romishe enumeration was in vse. This graue Iesuiticall consideration premised; hee telleth vs sagely, if we will beleeue him, that S. Nectarius abandoned onely publicke confession, permitting Romishe auricular con­fession, still to remaine in force. This is the whole scope of the Iesuite, it cānot be denied. The scope of the Iesuite must be marked. And because S. Chrysostome was the next bishop in Constantinople after this holy Nectarius, & cō ­sequently must needs best know his practise; the Iesuite per­force wil haue S. Chrysostome only to speake against publick cō ­fession, & not at al to disproue their priuate Romish mumbling.

I therefore note first, out of S. Chrysostomes wordes; that he 1 doth not indeed speake expressely of Romish priuate confessiō, (as which was not hatched in his time;) though virtually he do in manifest termes condemne the same. I note secondly, that he 2 earnestly in euery place exhorteth to confesse our sinnes to God: and withal laboureth to perswade vs; that that is enough to at­taine remission at Gods handes.

I note thirdly, that albeit he speake an hundreth times of cō ­fession to God, yet doth he not once wil vs to confesse our selues 3 to man. I note fourthly, that S. Chrysostome vtterly disswadeth from confessing our sins to men. For first, hee willeth vs not to 4 confesse to our fellow seruants: Secondly, not to confesse with our tongue. Thirdly, not to haue any witnesse of our confession. Fourthly, to confesse only within our selues, and in our own se­cret cogitations. Fiftly, to confesse in such maner, All confession is abandoned, none at all is excepted as only God heareth vs. By all which waies and reasons, he opposeth that confession which is made to God; against that auricular confes­sion, which our Iesuite would haue to be made to man. I note fiftly, that he saith, we are freed from confessing our sinnes to 5 men; which somtime we were bound to do. Where no doubt he vnderstandeth that time, in which Nectarius had not abando­ned the law of confession. And consequently, that if we were still bound to popish auricular confession, he would haue made some mention thereof; A man made free, is still in bondage with our Iesuite. and not haue said generally and without al ex­ception, y t we are made free frō confessing to man. For no man [Page 514] doubtlesse is free from confession, that still remaineth bound 6 vnto the same. I note sixtly, that if Nectarius had abandoned but one kinde of confession, and not another; S. Chrysostome being so wise and so learned, and speaking so often and so much of the one, would haue spoken at the least some one word of the other; which yet he edid not, because there was no such thing 3 in his time. I prooue it thirdly, because Nectarius did not on­ly displace, The third proba­tion. and put out of office the penitentiarie-priest; but withall left it to the free iudgement of euery one to come to the holy communion without confession, as euerie mans conscience mooued him. Which could no way be true; if the penitentes had bin stil bound to popish auricular confession. For (as I said before, Histor. trip. lib. 9. cap. 35.) the late Romish confession at that time, was not heard of in the world. This determination of Nectarius is witnessed, not only by Socrates & Sozomenus, Socrat. lib. 5. c. 19 Sozo. lib. 7. c. 16. Niceph. lib. 12. cap. 28. but also by Cassiodorus and Nicephorus. I wil only alledge Nicephorus for al, whose words are these: Nectarius statuit suadentibus illis, vt cui (que) permitte­retur, pro conscientiâ & fiduciâ suâ communicare, & de imma­culatis mysterijs participare. Nectarius determined by their ad­uise, (he meaneth Eudaemon of Alexandria and his complices, as writeth Socrates,) that euery one might communicate & be par­taker of the holy mysteries, as his own conscience and faith di­rected him. Ergo neither publicke nor yet priuate confession 4 was required at that time. I prooue it fourthly, because both Sozomenus and Cassiodorus after him doe say; The fourth pro­bation. that sinnes did more abound, by reason that confession was taken away. For the confession of al sinnes, must needs bridle sin more then the confessiō of a few sins; specially of such sins as were known before. These are Sozomenus his own words: Siquidem anteà vt ego existimo, minora erant peccata, tum ob verecundiam eo­rum qui sua ipsorum delicta ipsi enuntiabant, Sozo. lib. 7. c. 16. Can. lib. 9. ca. 35. tum ob seueritatē eorū qui iudices eius rei constituti erant. For before, as I deem, lesse sinne was done, aswel for their bashfulnesse that confessed their sins, as for their seueritie that were the iudges therof. Lo, the bashfulnes of confession was taken away by the determina­tion of Nectarius, Ergo auricular confession, that of necessitie discloseth al sin, could by no meanes remaine. For small bash­fulnesse, or rather none at all, proceedeth of confessing sins al­ready [Page 515] known: but confession of secret sinnes though to one only priest, bringeth great bashfulnes with it; yea, No place left to auricular confes­sion. such intollerable bashfulnesse & feare also, as many haue concealed many sinnes for many yeares togither. This is so manifest to euery popishe confessary; as if any denie it, his own conscience will confound him. To this it is consectary: that many haue done the same, al the daies of their life. And yet is it certain by Bellarmines own graunt, that secret sinnes were neuer confessed publickly.

I say secondly, that in the auncient church before the heresie of Nouatus, as I haue prooued out of Tertullian, Origen, Secundo princi­paliter. and 2 Cyprian; the penitentes both made election of their confessary, and of the sins which they did confesse. The Canons only vr­ged them to this, to confesse publicke faultes publickly. This was the practise of the primitiue church, for the space of 250. yeares after Christes ascension.

I say thirdly, that after the heresie of Nouatus, which began 3 vnder the persecution of the Emperour Decius, Tertio principa­liter. about the yere of our Lord two hundreth and threescore: the godly bishops for discipline sake, made an addition to the ecclesiasticall Canon, Ann. Dom. 260 as Socrates termeth it. That is to say, that in euery church there should be one speciall priest designed, to whom the peni­tents should secretly confesse their publicke and greeuous sins; and after onely to confesse openly such faultes, as that wise priest shuld think cōuenient, & fit for edificatiō. For as Sozome­nus saith, it seemed an odious thing to confesse sins publickly: Sozom. & Orig. vbi supra. and as Origen writeth, the Ethincks did often deride such con­fessiōs: therfore the church appointed, y t not al publick sins shuld be cōfessed publickly, but such only as seemed good to the peni­tentiary priest. I say fourthly, y Nectarius did abrogate this ad­ditament (whatsoeuer it was) wholly, euē by Bellarmines own 4 grant, which is seriously to be obserued. Quarto principa­liter. For as Socrates recor­deth, this appendix or additiō conteined all those sins, which the penitents did or were bound to confesse: and consequētly, Socr [...]. lib. 5. c. 19. it wil follow of necessitie, y t Nectarius did abolish al confessions made to man, & the confessions of al sins totally. I proue it, A deadly blow to the Iesuite. because both Socrates & our Iesuite doe say; that whatsoeuer the peni­tents did confesse, the same was done to the penitentiarie priest.

[Page 516] 5 I say fiftly, that this appendice to the old Canons, whereof Socrates speaketh, Qu [...]nto principa­l [...]ter. which conteined al the sins great and small y t the penitents did confesse, was abrogated by Nectarius S. Chrysostomes predecessour, about the yeare of our Lord three hundreth ninetie foure, Anno Dom. 394 throughout the East Church. Neuer­thelesse, the former constitution made in the time of Decius a­gainst the Nouatians, was still of force in the Romaine church. Which by degrees receiued superstitious augmentations, Nicephorus. Socrates, Sozomenus. vn­till it got y e Romish new no perfection, which this day is in vse.

The 1. obiection.

A man of great secrecie was chosen to bee the penitentiarie priest; which prooueth, that other faults then publick were con­fessed to him. For such sinnes as were publickly to be reuea­led, needed no secrecie at all.

The answere.

I answere, that the penitentes were not debarred from con­fessing anie sin; although the canons of the church did not vrge them to confesse any faultes, saue the publique onely. And be­cause the zealous people in the primitiue times vsed to confesse many other sins, for to haue graue and godly aduise therein; the superintendentes and ouerseers of the church (then and nowe commonly called Bishops,) appointed euery where such a con­fessary ouer the penitentes, as was very discreete, and a keeper of secrecie. Which they did for this end and purpose, least such secret faultes as the penitentes voluntarily confessed for coun­sell sake, should be disclosed and knowne abroad.

The replie.

Socrates, Sozo­menus, Nicephorus, vbi supra. Socrates, Sozomenus, and Nicephorus, doe all three auouch, that the penitentes confessed all their sinnes done after bap­tisme. Which was a flat platforme and patterne of auricular confession, this day vsed in the church of Rome. Yea, Socrates addeth, that they confessed their sins particularly.

The answere.

I say first, that they all say indeed, that y e penitentes confessed 1 sins done after baptisme: but no one of the three affirmeth, (as the obiection saith,) that they confessed all their sinnes com­mitted [Page 521] after baptisme; the generall signe (all) cannot be found annexed thereunto. I say secondly, that true it is, that they con­fessed 2 their sins particularly; that is to say, sins the which they did confesse, were confessed distinctly; for otherwise the peni­tents could not haue receiued instructiōs according to the con­tentment of their minds. I say thirdly, that it is one thing to confes sins particularly, another thing to confes them totally. 3 For they confesse particularly, Note this against the papists▪ that confesse their sins distinct­ly, although they conceale many a one: but they onely confesse totally, that confesse all, both great and smal without excepti­tion. And therefore said Socrates significantly, that they confes­sed sinnes done after baptisme, [...] in part, but he said not, [...] wholy, or in all.

The second obiection.

Socrates, Sozomenus, Vbi supra. and Nicephorus do al inferre this vpon the fact of Nectarius: to wit, that we cannot henceforth reproue one an others sinnes; which illation can connotate no other thing, but publike confession onely. Therefore secret confes­sion, remained still in force.

The answere.

I say first, that as the fact argueth al publike confession to 1 be taken away, so can it not conuince any secret to remaine. I say secondly, that nowe and then by your fauour, your secret 2 confessions haue bin disclosed. I say thirdly with Nicephorus, that stil they did confesse their sinnes that would, Nicephorus vbi supra. although nei­ther 3 any priest was assigned for that purpose, neither did anie constitution enforce them so to doe. I say fourthly, (and this answere confoundeth our Iesuite) that Socrates calleth the con­fession 4 of sinnes after baptisme, that appendice which was ad­ded to the ecclesiasticall canon, in the time of persecution. Socra. lib. 5. ca. [...] These are his words: Ab illo tempore quo Nouatiani se ab ec­clesia seiunxerant, recusauerant (que) cum his qui tempore persecu­tionis regnante Decio concitatae lapsi erant, communicare, ec­clesiarum episcopi canoni adiunxerunt, vt in singulis ecclesiis presbyter quidā poenitentiae praesset: quò, qui post baptismū lapsi fuissent coram presbytero ad eam rem designato peccata sua con­fiterētur. From that time in which the Nouatians seuered thē ­selues from the church, Ann. Dom. 254 and refused to communicate with them that were fallen, during the persecution of the Emperour De­cius, [Page 518] the bishops of the churches added to the canō, that in eue­ry church a priest shoud be ouer the penitents, to the end, that whosoeuer were fallen after baptisme, might confes their sins before the priest designed for that purpose. Thus writeth Socra­tes, by whose words it is cleare, that to confesse our sins com­mitted after baptisme, was the appendice to the canons: & yet cannot the Iesuite Bellarmine denie, that Nectarius abolished that appendice or addition; and consequently, wil he, nill he, he must likewise grant, that Nectarius disanulled the law for con­fessing sins after baptisme. These are the expresse words of our Iesuite. Bellarm. de poe­nitent. lib. 3. ca. 14. col. 1667. Non sustulit Nectarius, nisi appendicem ad veteres canones, quae accesserat initio haeresis Nouatianae. Nectarius tooke away nothing, saue onely that appendice which was ad­ded to the olde canons, which was made in the beginning of the Nouatian heresie. And thus (me thinke) the stornie of Nectari­us though somewhat intricate, is discussed sufficiently.

CHAP. XIII. Of the authoritie of summoning councels.

OF the force & validitie of late popish councils, I haue spo­ken sufficiently in my booke of Motiues, Now, where the papists chalenge to their Pope, a great prerogatiue aboue the Emperour; because (as they say) he euer commanded generall councels to be holden euery where; this doctrine in this place, I purpose briefly to disproue.

The first conclusion.

Vide Epiphan. contr. Andianos, libr. 3. tom 1. pa. [...]67. haer. 70.The first general councel of Nice, (in which Arrius denying the consubstantialitie of the son of God, was condemned,) was not celebrated by the Popes appointment, (who in those daies was reputed but as other bishops;) but by the flat and expresse commandement of the Emperor Constantinus surnamed the Great, in the yere 327. This I do not barely say, but I will prooue the same after my wonted manner, by the expresse testi­monies of approued Historiographers. Ann. Dom. 327

Socrat. lib. 1. ca. 6Al the fathers assembled in the sacred councel of Nice, wrote to the church of Alexandria, and to the inhabitants of Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, in this expresse maner: Quoniam dei gratia & mandato sanctissimi Imperatoris Constantini, qui [Page 519] nos ex varijs ciuitatibus & prouincijs in vnum congregauit, magnum & sanctum concilium Nicaenum coactum est necessariū videtur, &c. Because through the grace of God, and by the commandement of the most holy Emperor Constantine, who hath gathered vs together out of diuerse cities, and prouinces, the great and holy councel of Nice is assembled: it seemeth necessary, that the whole councell send letters to you; by which ye may vnderstād, aswel those things that were called into questiō, as the things that are decided & decreed in the same. Thus writeth Socrates. Out of these words I note first; that this te­stimonie 1 is of greatest credit without al exception, as which was not published by one or two, but by more then three hun­dred bishops as writeth Nicephorus, Niceph. li. 8. c. 1 [...]. who were the most vertu­ous & learned priests in the christian worlde. I note secondly, 2 these holy fathers, of this famous councel, doe not once name the Pope in their letters; so far were they in these daies, frō as­cribing the chiefe prerogatiue in councels, to the B. of Rome. I note thirdly, that al the councel confesseth in their ioynt let­ters 3 as we see, that the councel was called by the emperor, and that they all were assembled together by his commandement. Where I wish the reader, to obserue diligently the word (Cō ­mandement: The Emperour commaundeth councels to be holden.) for if the emperor did not cal coūcels together by his own authority, but by the popes, as the papists prate; then could not this holy councel truely say, as al the fathers thereof constantly do say, to wit, that they came thither by the Empe­rours commandement. I note fourthly, that none in the world 4 can better tell how the councell was called, then the fathers of the councel, who were the persons called; and yet do they ioyne the emperors commandement with the grace of God, and ex­clude the Pope altogether.

Theodoret ▪ hath these words: Ʋerum vbi spes eum fefellerat, Theodoret. lib. [...] ▪ cap. 7. celebre illud Nicaenum concilium cogit, & publicos asinos, mu­las, & mulos, quinetiam equos episcopis & comitibus suis ad iter faciendum vtendos dat.

Sozom. hath these words: Verū vbi contra quàm expectabat, Sozom. li. 1. c. 1 [...] res succederet, & contentio reconciliationem concordiae, &c. But after the matter succeeded otherwise then he expected, & reconciliation was hindered with contention; and Hosius also sent to make peace, returned leauing y e thing vndone; y e empe­ror [Page 524] appointeth a councel at Nice a city in Bythinia, & writeth to the presidents of al churches to be presēt at a day appointed.

Niceph. lib. 8. ca. 14. Niceph. hath these words: Infectis reb. ad imperatorē rediit, qui ad pacem componendam missus fuerat, Hosius. Ita (que) impera­tor, &c. Hosius that was sent to make peace, returned to the Emperour, not hauing accomplished the matter. Therfore the Emperour perceiuing the mischife to grow to a head, doth pro­clame the famous councel of Nice in Bythinia, and by his let­ters calleth al bishops thither at the day appointed. Thus wee see euidently by the vniforme testimonie of foure graue Histo­riographers, whereof three liued more then a 1100. yeares a­go: that the bishop of Rome had no more to do in general coun­cels, then other bishops had. First, they tel vs, that the Empe­rour sent Hosius the bishop of Corduba, The Bishop of Rome reputed as a common man. to bring the contenti­ous to vnitie. Secondly, when that would not take place, that hee proclaimed a councell to bee holden at Nice in Bythinia. Thirdly, that he cōmanded al bishops to come thither at a cer­tain day apointed. But of the B. of Rome, neuer a word at al.

The second Conclusion.

The second generall councell of Constantinople, holden a­gainst Macedonius and his complices, for denying the diuinity of the holy ghost, was called by the commandement of the em­perour Theodosius the first, Ann. Dom. 389 about the yeare of our Lord 389.

Socrates hath these words, Imperator nulla mora interposita; concilium episcoporum ipsius fidem amplectentium conuocat; Socrat. li. 5. cap. 8 quo tum fides concilii Nicaeni corroboraretur, &c (The emperor Theodosius) with al expedition calleth a councel of bishops em­bracing the right faith, that aswel the faith of the Nicene coun­cell might be confirmed, as that a bishop might be appointed at Constantinople, & because he was in hope to make the Ma­cedonians, to agree with the bishops that held the right faith, he sent forthe bishops that were of the Macedonian sect.

Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 7. Sozomenus hath these words; Breui deinde concilium episco­porum sibi consententium cōuocauit partim vt Nicaeni concilii decreta confirmarentur, patrim vt ordinaretur aliquis qui Con­stantinopolitanae sedis episcopatum administraret. Then shortly after (Theodosius) called a councel of Bishoppes that agreed with him, partly that the decrees of the Nicene councell might be confirmed, & partly that one might be appointed B. at Con­stantinople.

[Page 525] Sigebertus writeth in this maner; Sigeb. in chron. anno 386. Secunda synodus vniuersa­lis 150. patrum congregatur Constantinopoli, iubente Theo­sio & annuente Damaso papa, quae Macedonium negantem spi­ritum sanctum Deum esse condemnans, consubstantialem patri & filio spiritum sanctum esse docuit. The second general sy­node of an hundred and fifty bishops is assembled at Constan­nople, by the commandement of Theodosius, Damasus agree­ing thereunto; in which councell Macedonius, who denied that the holy ghost was God, was condemned, & the consubstan­tialitie of the holy ghost with the father and the sonne was con­firmed in the same.

Nicephorus, Theodoretus and Prosper, Vide Niceph. lib. 12. ca. 10. Tripart. hist. lib. 9. c. 12. teach the same doc­trine, whose words for breuitie sake I here omit.

The third conclusion.

The third generall councel, being the first Ephesine; of two hundred bishops, was proclaimed by the commandement of the Emperour Theodosius the yonger, against Nestorius denying the virgin Mary to be [...], Ann. Dom. 433 and affirming Christ to haue two persons, prouing that two natures did subsist in one onely per­son of Christ Iesus, in the yere of our Lord 433.

Euagrius hath these words; Euagrius li. 1. c. 3. Haec nefaria Nestorij dogmata cum Cyrillus episcopus Alexandria vir, &c. When Cyrillus the bishop of Alexander, a man of great renowned, had distinct­ly confuted the wicked opinions of Nestorius, and Nestorius for al that gaue no place to his writings, neither obeyed Cyril­lus nor the councell of Caelestinus the bishop of old Rome, but licentiously powred out his poyson against the church: Loe, the graue bishop Cyrillus made sute to the emperour, not to the pope, to haue a Councill called in his name. then Cyrillus made sute to Theodosius the yonger, who at that time was Emperour in the East, that by his will and authortie a councell might be called at Ephesus. The Emperour vppon this sent his letters to Cyrillus, and to the other presidents of the churches, appointing the assembly to bee vppon Whitsun­day, at what time the holy Ghost came downe vnto vs.

Nicephorus hath these words; Niceph. lib. 14. cap. 34. Theodosius imperialibus lite­ris suis in metropoli Ephesi locorū omnium episcopos conuenire iussit, sacram▪ &c. Theodosius commanded by his imperiall letters that all bishoppes should meete in the metropolitaine church of Ephesus, at the day of Pentecost (which wee call Whitsunday;) for on that day, the holy ghost came vppon the [Page 526] Apostles. He added this to his letters, that no man shoulde ex­cuse himselfe either before God or the worlde; but that euerie one should be there present at the day appointed.

Cassiodor. in tri­part. hist. lib. 12. cap. 5. Cassiodorus hath these words; Non multo post tempore, iussio principis episcopos vndi (que) Ephesum conuenire praecepit. No long time after the commandement of the Emperor (Theodosius) charged the bishops to come from euery place to Ephesus.

Sigebert. in an­no 4 [...]3. Sigebertus hath these words, Tertia synodus vniuersalis E­phesina prima, ducentorum episcoporum, iussu Theodosii iunioris Augusti aedita est, quae. Nestorium, &c. The third general councel the first Ephesine of 200. bishoppes, was celebrated by the commandement of the emperor Theodosius the yonger, which councell iustly condemned Nestorius affirming Christ to haue two persons, shewing that two natures in Christ did subsist in one person.

The fourth conclusion.

Euagr. lib. 1. ca. 9.The fourth generall councel of Chalcedon against Eutiches, who affirmed Christ to haue but one onely nature after the hy­postaticall vnion, although hee granted him to haue had two before the coniunction thereof; was called by the commande­ment of the emperour Martian, in the yeare of our Lord, 454.

Socrates hath these words, Passimque in historia impera­torum mentionem propterea fecimus, Ann. Dom. 454 quod ex illo tempore quo Christiani esse coeperunt, ecclesiae negotia ex illorum nutu pen­dere visa sunt, at (que) adeo maxima concilia de eorundem senten­tia & conuocata fuerunt & adhuc cōuocantur. I haue therfore made mention of the emperours in euerie place of my hystory, because since that time in which they became Christians, the af­faires of the church depended vppon their good wil and plea­sures: in regard whereof, most famous councels were then cal­led by their appointment, and are so caled euē to this day. Out of these words I note first, that Socrates was a famous greeke Historiographer. I note secondly, that hee liued aboue 400. yeares after Christs sacred incarnation. I note thirdly, that the end for which he made mention of the Emperours, was to de­clare that the chiefest matters of the church did depend on their good pleasures. I note fourthly, that councels were euermore appointed by authoritie of the Emperors, euen to the dayes of Socrates, which was 400. yeares after Christ. These obser­uations [Page 527] well marked, this Corollarie followeth of necessitie, that the vsual practise of the ancient Christian Apostolike and Catholike church, doth flatly ouerthrow all Poperie, and late Romish abhomination.

Nicephorus hath these words: Earum rerum gratia, Niceph. lib. 15. cap. 2. impera­torum literis, locorum omnium episcopis conuocatis, synodus Chalcedone est coacta. In regard of these matters, a councell was called at Chalcedon, and all bishops sent for thither, by force of the Emperours letters.

Sigebertus hath these words; Sigebert. in an­no 452. Instantia Leonis papae iubent imperatore Martiano, congregata & habita est quarta vniuer­salis synodus sexcentorum & triginta episcoporum apud Chal­cedonem. The fourth generall councel of six hundreth & thirtie bishops, The pope reque­sted, but the em­perour comman­ded the thing to be done. was holden in Chalcedon by the commandement of the Emperour Martian, at the request of Pope Leo. Loe, the Pope could but request; to command was in the Emperours power. Euagrius in the second booke and second chapter of his hystorie, teacheth the selfe same veritie.

The 5. conclusion.

The Emperor euermore had the chiefest place in councels, which thing is an euident confirmation of the former conclusi­ons.

Sozomenus hath these words; Vbi autem venit praestituta dies, Sozom. lib. 1. [...]. 18. in qua, &c. And when the day appointed came, that they shuld decide the cōtrouersies, the bishops come together into the pa­lace, as the emperor had decreed, Loe, the emper [...] had the highest place, and the bi­shops sate no [...] downe till ha [...] commanded them. that he might consult with them of the matters. And when he came to the place where the priests were, he passed by to the highest roome of y e assemblie, and sate downe in a chaire prepared for him, and commanded al that were present in the councell to sit downe.

Out of these words I note first, that all the bishops came at the emperors appointment, to attend his maiesty at the time & 1 place by him designed. I note secondly, that he consulted with them, for and concerning the controuersies of religion; as who 2 knew right well, that the vnitie and peace of Christs church pertained to his charge. I note thirdly, that he had the highest place in y e councel. I note 4. that bishops did not sit down vntil 3 4 [Page 528] the Emperour commanded them so to do.

The famous popish archbishop and Cardinall Panormita­nus, hath these golden words, to the great comfort of all true Christians, Panormit. de e­lect. cap. signifi­casti, prope fin. & the confusion of al papists: Ipse autem Imperator repraesentat totum populū christianum, cū in eum translata sit iu­risdictio & potestas vniuersi orbis: loco ipsorū hoc ergo popu­lorum▪ &c. But the emperour representeth al christian people, because the iurisdiction and power of all the world is imposed vpon him. Therefore in steede of the people, the Emperor cal­leth councels; and for this purpose is it, that the calling of councels was euer done by the emperor, as is alreadie said; but afterward it was reserued to the Pope.

1 Out of these words I note first, that the testimonie of this Panormitaine must needes be forcible against the papists, be­cause he was their owne popish Abbot, their Canonist, their 2 archbishop, their Cardinal. I note secondly, that the Emperor hath the chiefest iurisdiction ouer all the christian world, euen 3 ouer the Pope of Rome. I note thirdly, that in respect of his vniuersall and supreme iurisdiction, hee hath authoritie to call 4 councels. I note fourthly, that in the primitiue church al coun­cels were called, by the authoritie of the Emperour. I note 5 fiftly, that in processe of time, the Emperour of Rome yeelded vp his authorittie of calling councels, to his bishop of Rome: by which grant and the like, the Pope at length abused all the world.

The veritie and infallibilitie of this conclusion is so manifest and irrefragable, that the Iesuite Bellarmine cannot denie the same. And therefore he is enforced to excuse the Popes ab­sence from councels, because he could not sit aboue the Em­peror: his words are alleaged in my booke of Motiues. By this testimonie, the Popes humilitie doth sufficiently appeare; and for affinitie sake, I will adioyne the testimonie of an other Monke, for his tyrannie.

Sigebertus a Monke, and therefore must bee of good credit with monkish Iesuits and other papists, after he hath discour­sed largely of the popes tyranny, and namely of the monke Odo alias Otto, who aspiring to the Popedome named himselfe Vrbanus the second, Sigebert. in anno 1088. addeth these words: Vt pace omnium bo­norum dixerim, haec sola nouitas, non dicam haeresis, nondum in [Page 529] mundo emerscrat, vt sacerdotes illius qui regnare facit hypocri­tam propter peccata populi, doceant populum quod malis regibus nullam debeant subiectionem, & licet ei sacramentum fidelitatis fecerint, nullam tamen debeant fidelitatem, nec periuri dicantur qui contra regem senserint: imò qui regi paruerit, pro excom­municato habeatur, qui contra regem fecerit noxâ iniustitiae & periurij absoluatur. To speake by the fauour of al good men, this sole noueltie, I will not say heresie, was not yet knowne in y e world; that his priests, who causeth an hypocrite to raigne for the sinnes of the people, should teach the people, that they owe no subiection to wicked kings, and that although they haue ta­ken the othe of fidelitie, yet doe they owe them no allegeance, neither are they periured that think any thing against the king: Yea, hee that obeyeth the king is reputed an excommunicate person, and hee that taketh parte against the king, is absolued from iniustice and periurie. Thus we see poperie to be heresie, and the Popes to be heretikes and wicked men, as their owne Monke Sigebertus teacheth vs.

CHAP. XIIII. Of the Bishops of Rome, after Pho [...]as had made it the head of all churches.

THe byshops of Rome hauing obtained the supremacie, Ann. Dom. 607 by the imperiall grant of Phocas that parricide and cruel ty­rant; heaped mischiefe vpon mischiefe, and neuer made an end thereof. And that which I do here report of them, shalbe truely and sincerely collected out of their own deare friends, Sigeber­tus Gemblacensis, Marianus Scotus, Bartholomaeus Carranza, & Martinus Polonus. Whereof the first 3. were popish monkes, and the fourth a famous popish archbishop; so that whatsoeuer they say of the Popes, must needes bee of credit with the pa­pists. For doubtles they did not write any thing of any Pope, which the verie truth did not enforce them vnto: as who were most vnwilling, to discouer the trupitude of their disholy fa­thers. And Platina their renowmed Abbreuiator Apostolicus may be the fift witnesse, and Polydorus the sixt, if neede shall so require. This general preface I make once for al, lest I be te­dious to the reader, in the often repetition of my witnesses.

Pope Bonifacius the third with much ado obtained of Pho­cas [Page 530] (after he had cruelly murdered the emperor Mauritius with his wife & children) that Rome should be y e head of al churches: because before that time, the church of Constantinople had the chiefe prerogatiue of al patriarchall seates. Ann. Dom. 607 So that popish pri­macie (as we see) ensued vpō most bloudy tyranny: Anno. 607.

Constanrinus.Pope Constantinus of a lay man was made a priest, and by tyrannical ambitiō inuaded the Popedom, to the great scandal of Christs church. But shortly after through the zeale of the faithful, Ann. Dom. 765 hee was depriued of his pontifical magnificence, and both his eies plucked out, Anno. 765.

Pope Iohn the eight of y t name, be lying her sexe; & clad in mans attire, Pope Iohn. with great admiration of hir sharpe wit & singu­lar learning, was chosen to be the pope of Rome. Shortly af­ter by the familiar helpe of her beloued companion, she brought forth y e homely fruits of her popedome, An 855. This history of Pope Iohn is handled at large in the chapter of succession, Ann. Dom. 855 or rather of popish primacie: & if it be not true, then doubtlesse smal credit can be giuen to any popish traditions: for approued popish writers, affirme it to be as I haue said.

Adrianus.Pope Adrian the third, made a law, that the Emperor shuld not deale with y e election of y e pope. Where we may behold the ambitious minds, & the tyrannicall proceedinges of the late bi­shops of Rome. This was done Anno 886. About this time, Italie reuolted from the emperour. Ann. Dom. 886

Formosus.Pope Formosus was a periured person. For pope Iohn de­graded him bringing him to laicall state again, after he had bin the B. of Portua. He further took him sworn, y t he neither shuld be bishop, nor euer returne to y e citie of Rome. Yet pope Mar­tin absolued him from his oth; and after a fewe yeares he did not only come to the city, Ann. Dom. 892 but also was Pope, Anno. 892.

Stephanus.Pope Stephanus the sixt, persecuteth pope Formosus after his death. He calleth a councel, & disanulleth al the degrees of pope Formosus his predecessour. He causeth his body to be brought forth into his consistory; y e papall induments to be taken away; a laicall habite to be put on the dead corpse; two fingers of his right hand to be cut off; and that done, his body to be put into the graue. And what was the cause I pray you, of this great stomacke against Formosus? Verily because this Ste­phanus sought to haue bin pope before him; and where his am­bitious [Page 531] intent was preuented by Formosus, Ann. Dom. 898 hee auenged him as a right Romaine, vpon his dead corpes: in the yeare 898.

Pope Iohn the ninth called a councell of 74. bishops, Pope Iohn. and disanulled the decrees of that Synode which pope Stephanus held against Formosus. Behold y e sweet christian vnitie, Ann. Dom. 900 amongst the holy popes of Rome. This was done, in the yeare 900.

Pope Sergius the 3. caused Formosus, Sergius. (who now had bin dead almost ten yeares,) to be taken out of his tombe, & to be set in a chaire with pontifical attire vpon his backe: that done, he com­māded his head to be cut off, & to be cast into Tyber. And what offence trow ye, had this Formosus done? doubtlesse, because Formosus had kept him from the Popedom. Ann. Dom. 907 This was done in the yeare of our Lord, 907.

Iohn the 10. the sonne of Sergius the third, Ioannes. sometime bishop of Rauennas, came to the popedome by violent meanes, and for that respect, the people shortly after deposed him, Ann. 917. Ann. Dom. 917

Pope Iohn the 12. was made pope by violent means for his father Albericus being a man of great power & might, Ioannes. enfor­ced the nobles to take an oth; that after the death of pope Aga­pitus, they would promote his son Octauianus to the popedome. Which othe was accomplished, and he was named Iohn. He was a great hunter, and a man of licentious life. He kept wo­men openly, to the notorious scandall of the church. Insomuch, that some of the cardinals wrote to Otto king of the Saxons, to come and besiege Rome. Which the pope perceiuing, commā ­ded that Cardinals nose to be cut off that gaue the counsell, and his hand that wrote the letters. This pope being often admo­nished by the Emperor and clergie, and neuer giuing any signe of amendement; was deposed in the presence of the Emperor, and pope Leo chosen in his stead; in the yere of our Lord, 968. The Romains chose another pope in the time of this Leo, Ann. Dom. 968 who named himselfe Benedictus the fift; for which cause when the Emperour Otto besieged Rome, Benedictus was deliuered to him, whom hee banished and restored Leo to the popedome. This Benedictus died in Saxony the place of his exile, and was buried in Hamburge. But Pope Iohn delighted still with adulterie, died without repentance sodainely. Ioann [...].

Pope Iohn the 13. was apprehended by Peter the Prefect of the city, & imprisoned in Pont-Angelo, and after that driuen [Page 532] into exile into Campania: Ann. Dom. 970 10. monethes and eighteene dayes being expired, he returned to Rome by the assistance of the em­perour, and auenged himself of his persecuters: wherof he slew some, hanged other some, and banished the rest into the confines of Saxonie, in the yeare of our Lord, 970.

Benedictus.Pope Benedictus the sixt, after he had been pope one yere & 6. monthes was strangled with wormwood in Pont-angelo, in the yere of our Lord, 978. 978.

Pope Bonifacius the 7. was made pope by the Romanes, after they had thratled Benedictus the sixt. Bonifacius. Who afterward not able to tarry in the citie, robbed S. Peters church of al the trea­sure in it, and fled to Constantinople. At length he returned to Rome with a great summe of money, and when hee coulde not preuaile, he pluckt out a Cardinal-deacons eies, in the yeare of our Lord, Anno Dom. 980. 980. And here note by the way, that some Cardinals are deacons, some priestes, some bishops: neuerthelesse, he that is but a deacon, is of greater authoritie, then any bishop or arch­bishop whosoeuer in the popish sect.

Pope Syluester the second was first a monke, a Frenchman borne, Syluester. Gilbertus by name. He promised homage to the deuill, so long as he did accomplish his desires. Who being very ambiti­ous, did so often expresse his desire to the deuill, as he made ho­mage vnto him. He was first made archbishop of Rhemes, then at Rauennas, at the last pope of Rome. For the diuel know­ing his ambitious minde, brought him to honour by degrees. Being made pope, hee must needes know of the diuell, howe long he should liue in his pontificall glory. The diuell answe­red him, The pope in pon­tificalib. forget­teth the names of his churches. so long as he did not say masse in Hierusalem. The pope receiuing that answere, was verie ioyfull within himself: hoping to be so farre from dying, as he was farre in mind from going to say masse in Hierusalem beyond the sea. It chaunced that in Lent the pope said masse, in the church Sanctae crucis, which they call, in Hierusalem, my self know the place. It see­meth that the pope infatuated with pride and honour, had quite forgot the name. While he was at masse (O holy sacrifice!) he heard a great noise of diuels, and so both remembred the place, and his death to be at hand. Wherefore he wept (although be­fore most wicked,) disclosing his offence to all the companie, and nothing doubting of Gods mercie. Withal, he commanded [Page 533] to cut away from his bodie, all the members with which he had done sacrifice to the diuell. He was buried in Lateran church, Anno. Dom 1007. in the yeare of our Lord, 1007.

Pope Benedictus the 8. was seene after his death as it were corporally riding vpon a blacke horse. The bishop that saw him spake thus vnto him. Art not thou pope Benedict, whom wee know to be lately dead? I am saith hee, that vnfortunate Bene­dict. But how is it with thee father, saith the bishop? I am now in great torment saith the pope, and therefore woulde I haue some money to be giuen to the poore, because all that I gaue the poore aforetime, was gotten by robbery and extortion. Ann. Dom. 1032. This was done, in the yeare of our Lord, 1032.

Pope Benedictus the 9. was depriued of his popedome, Benedictus. & one Syluester placed in his roome. This Syluester was deposed, and Benedictus recouered the popedome againe. Yet this Benedict was cast out again, and another put in his place. Which other was so ignorant, that he could not say masse, but as one did in­struct him. For which cause he was put out, Ann. Dom. 1042. and another placed in his roome, in the yeare of our Lord, 1042.

Pope Clemens the second, Clemens. came to his popedome by violent meanes, in the yeare of our Lord, 1058. 1058.

Pope Damasus the second inuaded the popedome, Damasus. and had a sodaine death, in the yeare of our Lord 1060. 1060.

About the yeare of our Lord 1072. one Mathildis a moste mightie and rich countesse, gaue all her landes, Ann. Dom. 1072. goods and pos­sessions to S. Peter, which is by interpretatiō, to the pope; and it is this day called S. Peters patrimonie. Such oblations as these, made the pope so mightie as he is.

Pope Anastasius the 4. made a new pallace in Sancta Maria rotunda, Anastasius. and gaue to the Lateran church a chalice of curious works, abbut the weight of twentie markes, Ann. Dom. 1162. in the yeare 1162. Thus popes wickednesse, mischiefe, and tyrannie, I finde euery where, but that any one pope since Bonifacius claimed the pri­macie, (which is more then 900. yeares since,) made any one sermon in all his life, I cannot reade. I might here speake of the vanitie of Romish cardinals, as that one cardinall bestow­eth yerely 4000. crownes for the keeping and vpbolding of his most curious garden at Tyuola. It is foureteene English miles from Rome, my selfe haue seene the same. Free accesse is gran­ted [Page 534] to all sortes of people, such is his glory to haue it seene.

Bonifacius 8.Pope Bonifacius the 8. made a constitution, in which he cal­led himself Lord spirituall and temporall of the whole world. Whereupon he required Philip the French king, to acknow­ledge that he held his kingdome of him: which when the king refused to doe, hee gaue his kingdome to another. This was done Anno. 1302. Anno. Dom. 1302. This pope entred as a foxe, reigned as a Wolfe, and died as a dog: so doe they write of him.

CHAP. XV. Of certaine popish sects, which they terme the or­ders of religious men.

WHatsoeuer I shal set down of these sects or religious or­ders, as the papistes must needs haue them termed; shal be truely and sincerely collected out of these popishe historio­graphers: to wit, Martinus Polonus, Philippus Bergomensis, Polyd. Ʋirgilius, Palmerius, Platina, and Ar. Pontacus Burde­galensis. Which I here for once admonish, least the often repe­tition thereof should be tedious.

Benedictus an Italian, the father of all monkes, erected an Abbay in the mount Cassinum, The first Sect. and instituted the sect of the Be­nedictines; Ann. Dom. 527. about the yeare 527. These monkes in a short time began to be dissolute, and were deuided into many new sectes; whereof same were called Cluniacenses, some Camalduenses, some Vallisumbrenses, some Montoliuotenses, some Grandimon­tēses, some Cistertienses, some Syluestrenses. Al which being most variable in life, The pope must needes be S. Pe­ters successor. maners, & obseruations, wil for al that be right Benedictines. Euē forsooth as our late popes must needs be S. Peters successors, thogh they be as like as York & foul Suttō.

This sect of the Benedictines far altered from the first insti­tutiō, Ann. Dom. 1335. was reformed in y e yere 1335. For as Polydore grauely reporteth, monks do not lōg obserue their monastical institutiō.

The sect of the Carthusians, was ordained by one Bruno, in y e yere 1084. The second Sect. How this sect had the first originall, it is worthy of due attention. 1084. This is the story. While Bruno was the rea­der of philosophy at Paris in France, it chanced that a friend of his being a man of good external life, died; who lying dead vpō the coffin in the church, soundeth out these words in the eares of the said Bruno, I am damned by the iust iudgment of God. By [Page 535] which miracle Bruno was so terrified, y t hee knew no way how to be saued, but by inuenting the sect of the Carthusians. Behold here the subtletie of the deuil, who wanteth no means how to set vp superstition & idolatry. For if the story be true, as I think it was in deed, then doubtlesse the voice came from the diuel, as which brought forth y e spirit of pride & not of humility. I proue it, because this Bruno could not be cōtent to be a monk amongst the Benedictines, but he must be Lord Abbot of a new sect. For since the order of the Benedictines, was the ready way to heauē, as popery taught him: either he condemned his own religion, & consequently his own institutiō, or my consecution must be ad­mitted. Let what papist as list reply▪ my reason can not be cō ­uinced. And here I note by the way, The ab [...]ominati­on of sectes in po­perie. the formal deformitie of al the sects or orders in poperie; to wit, that the papistes ascribe merite and saluation to the same. Let therefore this story of our holy father Bruno neuer be forgotten.

The order called [...]raemonstratensis, The third Sect. began the yeare 1119. The first authour thereof was one Norbertus by name. Ann. Dom. 1119. Who doubtles either con [...]emned the former orders, at the least of im­perfection; or els was puffed vp with the spirit of pride, as were his predecessors his fraterculi before him.

The sect of the Carmelites began in y yere 1170. & was insti­tuted by one Almericus y e bishop of Antioch. This sect, The fourth Sect. 1170. though it had the original in the time mentioned; yet was it not in full perfection, for the space of 40. yeres to come.

The sect of Dominicans (whereof Tho. Aquinas, surnamed Angelicus was one,) began in the yere 1198. The fift Sect. The authour of this sect was one Dominicus Calaguritanus, a Spaniard borne. 1198. The sect it selfe was termed, Ordo fratrum praedicatorum.

The sect of the Franciscans began in y e yere 1206. The sixt Sect. Of which sect was Io. Scotus, 1206. surnamed D. Subtilis The author of this sect was one Franciscuss Asisiates, an Italian born. The sect it self was termed, Ordo fratrum minorum. Thus we see y t these Romish sects were multiplied, as if it were swarmes of Bees.

The sect of the Iesuates, The seuenth sect. began in the yeare of our Lord 1371. the author of this sect was one Ioannes Columbinus Se­nensis; the sect it selfe was termed, ordo Iesuatorum. 1371.

The sect of the Iesuites, The eight Sect. began in the yeare of our Lord 1540. The author thereof was one Ignatius Loyola, 1540. a souldier [Page 536] and a Spaniard borne. The sect of our Romish Iesuites, is not yet three-B [...]ore yeres old. The moonkes of this sect, as they were hatched after al others, so doe they in pontificall pride exceed al the rest. This sect is termed, ordo societatis Iesu; the verie name expressing their proud and hauty mindes. For no name of so many sectes before them, nor any other appellation could content them; vnlesse they be termed fellowes, and compani­ons with Iesus Christ. They are indeede so proud and stately, that where euery other Romish sect hath some cardinall to be their protector; they only (to die for it) wil haue none at al. And why? because forsooth they will depend vpon none, neither sub­mit themselues to any, saue to the pope alone: to whom I weene they wil be subiect, because they can no other doe. They are not only proud, but very factious people. They are hated generally of all sortes of men: they cherish themselues, and seek to ouerrule all others. They employ some of their sect to no o­ther end, but only to looke into matters of state: that so by para­siticall informations made to the pope, they may leade all the world in a string.

The Perioch.

First therfore, since popish primacie began in the yere 607. 1 Secondly, since priests marriage was neuer prohibited, til the 2 yere 385. Thirdly, since popes pardōs were neuer heard of til 3 the yere 1300. Fourthly, since popish purgatory tooke no root 4 in the Romish church, til the yere 250. Fiftly, since inuocation 5 of saints & adoration was not known, til the yere 370. Sixtly, 6 since popish pilgrimage began in the yeere 420. Seuenthly, 7 since the merite of works de condigno, was disputable about the yere 1081. Eightly, since the communion vnder both kindes 8 was neuer thought vnlawful, til the yere 1414. Ninthly, since 9 the popes buls were not authenticall, til the yere 772. Tenth­ly, 10 since auricular confession was not established, till the yeere 254. Eleuenthly, since general councels were euer summoned 11 by the emperours, & many like matters of importance, as may appeare by this smal volume; I may reasonably conclude, that al men careful of their saluation, wil detest from their hearts al popish faction. [...].

A Table containing the texts of holy scripture which are handled in this Ʋolume: Necessary at the least for the simple Reader; as by which he may readily finde such places soundly answered, as the Papists vse to wrest against the trueth.

The Texts of the Old Testament.

  • GEnesis chapter 3. verse 22. And now le [...]t he put forth his hand, and take also of the tree of life, and eate and liue for euer. Page 1
  • Ge. 4.7. And thou shalt haue power ouer thy sin 361
  • Ge. 14.18 Melchisedech offred bread & wine. 419
  • Ge. 48.16 And let my name be named vpon them, & the name of my fathers Abraham & Isaac. 311
  • 2. Sam. 12.14. Howbeit because by this deede thou hast caused the enemies of the Lord to blaspheme, the child that is borne to thee, shal surely die. 292
  • Iob 42.8. And my seruant Iob shal pray for you, for I wil accept him, lest I should put you to shame. 315
  • Psal 99.5. Adore ye his footstoole, for it is holy▪ 326
  • Psal. 110.4. Thou art a priest for euer after the or­der of Melchisedech. 419
  • Psal. 66.12. We went into fire and water and thou hast brought vs into a place of comfort. 298
  • Psal. 107.13, 14 He b [...]ake their bonds asunder. ib
  • Ierem. 35.6 Ionadab the sonne of Rech [...]b our fa­ther commaunded vs, saying: Ye [...] shal d [...]i [...]ke no wine, neither you nor your sonnes for euer. 59
  • Dan. 4.24. [...]edeeme thy sinnes with righteousnes 392
  • Dan. 9.24. Seuenty weeks are determined vpon thy people. 99
  • Dan. 8.14. Vnto the euening and the morning, two thousand and three hundred: then shall the sanctuary be [...]ansed. 98
  • Zach. 9.11. I haue loosed thy prisoners, &c. 297
  • Mal. 1.11. And a pure oblation shall be offered e­uery where. 468
  • Mal. 3.3. He shal fine the sonnes of Leui. 299

Texts of the New Testament.

  • MAtth. chap. 5 verse [...]6. Thou shalt not depart thence vntill thou hast payed the vtmost far­thing 300
  • Mat 12.32 He that sinneth against the holy ghost shal neither be forgiuen in this world, neither in the world to come. 299
  • Matt. 16 19. And whatsoeuer thou shalt binde on earth, &c. 272
  • Matth. 28.20. And beholde I am with you till the worldes end. 208
  • Luke 18.25. It is easier for a camel to go through a needles eie, then &c. 472
  • Luke 22.36. The sa [...]nts are equall to the angels in heauen. 338
  • Luke 22.31. I haue prayed for thee that thy faith neuer faile. 212
  • Iohn 16.13. He will leade you into all truth. 210
  • Ioh. 21.16. Feede my sheepe. 215
  • Ioh. 21.26. Then came Iesus when the doores were shut and stoode in the middes. 270
  • Actes 2.24. Whom God hath [...]a [...]ed vp, and loosed the sorowes of hell. 305
  • 1. Cor. 3.12, 13. And the fire shall trie euery mans worke of what sort it is. 301
  • 1. Cor. 15, 29. What shall they do that are baptized for the dead? 302
  • 2. Cor. 2.10. To whom ye pardon any thing, I also pardon. 277
  • 2. Cor. 8.13, 14. That also their abundance may be for your lacke, that there may be equalitie. 295
  • Ephes. 4.11. He hath put pastors and doctors in his church vntil the worlds end. 193
  • Philip. 2.10. That at the name of Iesus euery knee should bow 301
  • 1. Corinth. 9 5. Haue we not power to leade about a sister a wife? 220
  • Coloss. 1.24. And fulfil the rest of the afflictions of Christ in my flesh, for his bodies sake, which is the church. 281
  • 1. Timo 3.2. A bishop must be the husband of one wife. 217
  • 1. Timot. 3.15. The church is the ground of trueth. 207
  • 1. Timot. 4.3. Forbidding to marry, and to abstai [...]e from meates. 226
  • 1. Timot. 5.11, 12. Hauing damnation, bicause they haue broken their first faith. 241
  • Hebr. 13 4. Marriage is honorable in all 225
  • 1. Ioan. 5.16. If any man see his brother sinne a sin not to death 310
  • Apoc. 5 13. And all the creatures which are in hea­uen, and on earth, and vnder the earth, and in the sea▪ &c. 304
  • Apoc. 19.10. See thou do it not: I am thy fellow-seruant. 321

A Table Alphabeticall.

A
  • Abels death folio 46
  • Abra [...]m [...] birth and acts 49
  • Popish Abstinence 59
  • Adam created on friday 46
  • Adam, though hee were mortall, might haue liued foreuer 1
  • Adams age, death, and buriall 46
  • Ages of the world 2
  • Agnus Dei and the superstition thereof 492
  • Agrippa king of the Iewes 137
  • Allegeance taken away by the Pope 528
  • [Page]Alexandra the wife of Alexander 137
  • Angels if they heare our prayers 337
  • Antichrist. See Supremacie and Priests marriage
  • Antichristian tyranny 200
  • Antiochus his linage 147
  • The Apostles, when and where they preached 172
  • Aristobulus king Herods sonne 139
  • Arrius and his heresie 178
  • Arrius thought to deceiue Constantine 179
  • Augustus the name of euery emperor 151
  • Auricular confession 493
B
  • The tower of Babel 48
  • Babylon the place of the captiuitie 26
  • Praying vpon beades 487
  • Bernard condemneth merite of workes 389
  • Bernard affirmeth concupiscence to be sinne ibid.
  • Bernard affirmeth the virgin M. to be a sinner 287
  • The Bookes of the scripture burnt, and restored by Esdras 133
  • The Booke of Ieremie burnt by Ioachim, and writ­ten againe 34
  • The Bookes of the Prophets 36, &c.
  • Bread remaineth in the eucharist 335
  • Popish Bulles 492
  • The building of the Temple 28
  • All Bishops erre by popish grant 204
C
  • A Camel may passe through a needles eie 472
  • Candlemas day 491
  • The Captiuitie of the ten tribes 29
  • The Captiuitie of the two tribes 2 [...]
  • The Cardinalles hat 488
  • The popish Carni-uale 492
  • Ceremonies of the Romish Church intollerable 486
  • Christs resurrection 168
  • Christs ascension and being in heauen 171
  • Christs body cannot be in two places at once 436
    • and 169
  • Christs body not carnally in the eucharist 466
  • Christs body truely eaten in the eucharist 464
  • Christs body not eaten by the wicked 452
  • Christs passion, and the houre thereof 167
  • Christs resurrection 168
  • The Church cannot erre, and how it is to be vnder­stoode 207
  • The Church inuisible, and how 206
  • The Church visible, and how ibid.
  • The visible Church among the Papists, & how ibi.
  • Church-seruice ought to be in the vulgar tongue 476
  • Circumcision a signe onely of the couenant 52
  • Concupiscence sinne in the regenerate 389
  • Confession in popish maner when it began 509, &c
  • Confession first instituted 515
  • Confession in popish manner impossible by grant of learned Papists 5 [...]6
  • Confession not knowne in Tertullians time 505
  • Confession abolished by Nectarius 509.510
  • The Communion of infants 186
  • Communion vnder one kinde 402
  • Communion of priests alone 415
  • Consecration in the popish masse, and the forme thereof 432
  • The signe of the Crosse 157
  • Councelles summoned by the Emperour 518
D
  • Dayes 2300. expounded 140
  • Dayes of popish abstinence 59
  • Daniel preached in Babylon 36
  • Daniel expoundeth the seuentie weekes 101
  • Darius king of the Medes 93
  • Dauid and other kings of the Hebrewes 24
  • The generall Deluge 27
  • The Departure of Israel out of Egypt 56
  • The Disciples of Christ 172
  • The Duration of the world. 2
E
  • Eli the priest Iudge of Israel 12
  • Elias at what time he liued 23
  • Elias the Cabalist his prophecie 2
  • Elias knew not the 7000. faithfull reserued in Sa­maria 206
  • The elect cannot erre, neither all generally, nor one finally 207
  • Emperours of Rome 86
  • Errour may be in the church 206
  • Errours how they come 342
  • The Eucharist giuen to infants 186
  • The Eucharist expounded by Chrysostome 461
  • The Eucharist is not Christs body 467
  • The Eucharist vnder one kind [...] 402
  • The Eucharist broken 484
  • Eutiches and his heresie 181
F
  • Abrahams Faith did iustifie him 383
  • Sole Faith iustifieth 370
  • Faith can not be without good woorkes 399
  • The first Faith broken, how vnderstoode 241
  • A true Fast 72
  • Fasting and choice of meates 60
  • The Fathers doe erre very often 342
  • Festiuall dayes 116
  • Fidelitie & allegeance condemned by the pope 528
  • Free-will how it remaineth 358
G
  • Grace that iustifieth is not inherent 370
  • The Grace of the Maniche [...]s 176
  • Saint Paul iustified by Grace: yet a sinner stil 374
  • Grace infused may stand with sinne 350
  • The virgin Mary abounded with Grace, yet not fre [...] from sinne 28 [...]
  • The Greekes and their supputation 8 [...]
  • [Page]Gryphus at strife with his vncle 123
  • The Gouernement of the Iewes 135
H
  • The Heresie of Arrius 178
    • Of Nestorius 180
    • Of Macedonius 181
    • Of Eutiches ibidem
    • Of Mahomet 182
  • The Historie of Nectarius 509 Of Spiridion 64
  • Hierusalem besieged 153 Destroyed 25
  • Holy dayes and Sabbaths 116
I
  • Iesuites are humble 144 Dissemblers 145
  • Images 139
  • Indulgences 270
  • Inuocation of Saints 319
  • Ioseph and his acts 57
  • Iosue 58
  • Of the Israelites but seuentie persons went into E­gypt 53
  • Israelites 400. yeeres in Egypt 54
  • Iustice inherent 383
  • Iustice of the regenerate vnperfit 351
  • Iustification by faith 370
  • Iustification formall in Christ ibid.
  • Iustification by workes 383 and 384
  • Iulianus Apostata 175
K
  • Kings of the Assyrians 74
    • Of Egypt 128
    • Of the Iewes 135
    • Of Israel 20 24
    • Of Iuda 24
    • Of Macedonia 116
    • Of the Medes 76
    • Of the Persians 94
    • Of the Romanes 83
    • Of Syria 123
  • Kings are supreame gouernors in causes ecclesiasti­call 34 and 426
  • Kings that afflicted the Iewes 147
  • Kissing the altar 483
    • The pax 482
    • The patine 483
    • The Popes feete 487
L
  • The Law impossible after Adam 350, &c.
  • The Law fulfilled by faith 370
  • Euery transgression of the Law a mortal sin. 381
  • What time the Law was giuen 56
  • The Lie in the midwiues 55
  • The Librarie of king Ptolomie 132
M
  • Macedonius [...]81
  • The Maniches 176
  • Marriage of Priests prohibited onely by mans lawe 216
  • Gratian alloweth priests marriage 231
  • The Nicene councell alloweth priests marriage 233
  • The Masse how it is called a sacrifice 428
  • The canon of the popish Masse 480
  • Masse in one kinde contrary to Christs institution and antiquitie 402
  • Popish Masse iniurious to Christs passion 417
  • Popish Masse is not a propitiatorie sacrifice 432.433, &c.
  • Popish Masse a clowted beggars cloake 476
  • Priuate Masse is diabolical 414, &c.
  • Masse ought to be saide in the vulgar tongue 476
  • Melchisedech what he offered 422, &c.
  • No Merit in mans worke 372, &c.
  • The Merit which the fathers ascribe to good workes 394, &c.
  • The Meritorious cause of iustification 345
  • The popish Miter 486
  • A Monarchie contained not all power in it 129
  • The Monarchie of the Assyrians 74
    • Of the Greekes 121
    • Of the Persians 92
    • Of the Romanes 149
  • Moses and his actes 55
N
  • The seuerall Names of the ten tribes 43
  • Nectarius abolished confession 510
  • Nestorius 180
  • Nero and his wicked actes 150
  • Noah his floud 27
  • Nouatus the cause and beginning of popish confes­sion 512
  • Nunnes may lawfully marry, euen after vowes 235
O
  • Olympias 116
  • The Olympiads 81
  • The Originall of confession 509, &c.
    • Of kissing the Popes feete 487
    • Of pardons 270
    • Of pilgrimage 341, &c.
    • Of popish masse 480
    • Of changing Popes names 486
    • The Originall of praying for the dead 296
    • Of praying to Saints 311
    • Of praying on beades 487
    • Of popish primacie 187
    • Of purgatorie 296
    • Of single life 224
    • Of transubstantiation 436
P
  • Pardons 270
  • Pax vsed in poperie 481
  • Phocas author of primacie 188
  • Pilgrimage 341, &c.
  • Popes and their wicked dealing 529
  • Of kissing the Popes feete 487
  • [Page]Changing the Popes name 486
  • Praying to Saints 311
    • For the dead 296
    • In the vulgar tongue 476
    • Vpon beads 487
  • Prima [...] 187
  • Priuate masse 414
  • Purgatorie 296
  • Ptolomaeus his librarie 232
R
  • Reliques of Saints not to be adored 349
  • Remus how slaine 82
  • The Romish church hath erred 203, &c.
  • The church of Rome holdeth many things whereof it can yeelde no reason 186
  • The church of Rome vseth to wrest the scripture ib.
  • Rome, how it had the name 82
  • Rome, when builded ibidem
S
  • The alteration of the Sabbath 108, &c.
  • The Sacrifice of the masse 428
  • The Saracens 182
  • A Scribe what it signifieth 133
  • The Scripture must try euery trueth 342
  • The Sects of Romish religion, and when they began 530
  • The Septuagints and their celles 131
  • Succession of kings. See Kings.
  • Succession in the Romish church 194, &c.
  • Supremacie of the Romish church 187
T
  • The Temple, when it was built 2 [...]
  • Transubstantiation, when it began 436
  • The destruction of Troy 81
  • All Trueth to be tried by the scripture 342
V
  • No sinne Veniall of it owne nature 381
  • Vestments and their colour 490
  • The Virgin Mary a sinner 287
  • Virgins may marry after their vowes 235
  • The Visible church clogged with superstitions. See Church
  • Vowes cannot dissolue lawful marriage 253, &c.
  • Vowes vnlawfull 265
W
  • The Wearing of a Cardinalles hat 488
  • The seuentie Weekes in Daniel are declared 101
  • The scripture must Witnes trueth 342
  • A Woman pope of Rome 191
  • A Woman clad in mans apparell 74
  • Good Workes cannot iustifie before God 383, &c
  • Good Workes do not merit 392
  • Widowes damned for breaking their first faith. 241
FINIS.

Among other faults escaped in the Printing, these especially are thus to be corrected:

Pag. 2. for Cabatist reade Cabalist
Pag. 13. for 432 443
Pag. 19 for 428 443
Ibidem for 4082 4097
Pag 21. The first two lines as part of the sen­tence afore-going.
Pag. 37. for Achab Achaz
Ibidem for eight seuenth
Pag. 74. for hadle handle
Pa. 75. for Tantanes Tautanes
Ibid. for Tantens Tantens
Pag. 1 [...] deest made, with other literall faultes, which the ingenious Reader may easily espie and amend.

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