THE WORKES OF THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTIE PRINCE, IAMES

BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING OF GREAT BRITAINE, FRANCE AND IRELAND, DEFENDER of the FAITH, &c.

PVBLISHED BY IAMES, BISHOP of Winton, and Deane of his MAIESTIES CHAPPEL ROYALL.

1. REG. 3. VERS. 12. Loe, I haue giuen thee a wise and an vnderstanding heart.
[printer's or publisher's device]

LONDON PRINTED BY ROBERT BARKER AND IOHN BILL, PRINTERS TO THE KINGS most Excellent MAIESTIE. ANNO 1616.

Cum Priuilegio.

‘HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE’ ‘DIEV ET MON DROIT’
ILLUSTRISS ET POTEN PR. CAROLUS MAGNAE BRITAN ET HYB PR EB ET AL DUx.


TO THE THRICE ILLVSTRIOVS AND MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE, CHARLES, THE ONELY SONNE OF OVR SOVERAIGNE LORD THE KING.

SIR:

I Haue humbly sought leaue of his most Excellent MAIESTIE, to present your Highnesse with this Ʋolume of his MAIESTIES WORKES. I durst not but make the Suite; and his MAIESTIE could not well deny it. I will not say, that it had beene a peece of Iniustice in the KING to haue denyed you this right: But I dare say, it had beene a point of Sacri­ledge in a Churchman to haue stolne from you such a por­tion [Page]of your Inheritance, which consists as much in the WORKES of his Royall Ʋertues, as in the wealth of his mighty Kingdomes. Basilius wrote de Jnstitutione Principis to his Sonne Leo; Constantinus to his Sonne Romanus; Manuell to his Sonne Iohannes; and Charles the fift, to his Sonne Philip: The workes of the three former are ex­tant both in Greeke and Latine. His Maiestie, after the Example of those Emperours, and sundry other Kings, wrote his ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟΝ-ΔΩΡΟΝ to Prince Henry, your Highnesse most worthy Brother: His part, by GOD his Prouidence, is falne to your Lot; and who may iustly detaine from you the rest? The rule in Scripture is; that if the first fruits be holy, so is the whole lumpe; and to whom the first was giuen, to him all the rest was due: To your Highnes therefore are these offered, as to the trew Heire and Inheritor of them. And that I may make you the better accompt of them; May it please your Highnesse to vnderstand, that of these Workes, some were out before; some other of them neuer saw light before; and others were almost lost and gone, or at least abused by false co­pies, to their owne disgrace and his Maiesties great dis­honour. Now it being the duetie of all Deanes in their Churches, Dispersa colligere; I thought it might sort well with the nature of my place in the Chappel, wherein I haue had the Honour so many yeeres to serue his Maiestie, to gather these things that were scattered, and to bring to light those that too long had lien in darkenes, and to pre­serue in one body, what might easily haue bin lost in parts. In this Presentment, I must humbly craue of your Highnes, not to be mistaken in the trew meaning and maner of it: For these Workes come not to you, as vsually Bookes doe to men of great Dignitie, for Patronage and Protection; for Protection is properly from iniurie; and that the Royall Author of them is best able to right: But to you they come partly for preseruation, and for that the Disposition [Page]of Nature hath made you more apt, and more principal­ly for a Patterne, and that not vnfitly; since the Samplar is euer more ancient then the Exemplification: And as in the preseruation, the Sonne hath his aduantage by succee­ding; so in the Patterne, the Father by preceding hath his Prerogatiue. Let these Workes therefore, most Gracious Prince, lie before you as a Patterne; you cannot haue a better: Neither doeth the Honour of a good Sonne con­sist in any thing more, then in immitating the good Presi­dents of a good Father; as we may very well perceiue by the Scripture phrase, where the vsuall Encomium of good Kings is, that they walked in the wayes of their Fathers. Al men see, how like the Patterne GOD and Nature haue framed the outward Lineaments: and who knowes your Highnes wel, knowes also, that the inward Abilliments hold in the like proportion. The Philosophers say, that Imita­tion proceeds from Inclination; And trewly, if your fu­ture Imitation be answerable to your forward Inclina­tion, in Religion, Learning and Ʋertue; your Highnesse cannot come farre short of your Patterne, nor yet of any of your Predecessors that euer went before you: Which GOD grant together with the length of many good and happy Dayes.

Your HIGHNESSE
Most humbly IA. WINTON.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

AMongst the infinite number of great Ʋolumes wherewith the world seemes, as it were, to bee wayed downe, there bee few of them that were written at once, or were at first published toge­ther. Writings as they consist of sun­dry natures; so they will beare a diuers maner of Edition. To set foorth an Art by pieces, is to shew you a body dismembred; the one is no more vncomely, then the other is vnproper. To publish a Histo­ry before it be at an end, is to turne the Hower-glasse before it bee runne out; neither of both will giue you a trew taste of the time. But writings of other Natures, Common places and Controuer­sies, Meditations and Commentaries, as they are for the most part, accidentally taken vp, so they are as occasionally set out: They craue no other birth into the world, then they had conceptions in our braines, singly by vs conceiued, and singly by themselues set out.

The different maner of GOD his setting foorth of his owne Workes, may instruct vs in this point. His diuine Wisedome held one course in his Naturall Workes, an other in his Ceremonialls, Politicalls and Moralls. Jn his Naturalls he made a masse at once, which speedily he diuersified into diuers formes. Hee gaue a kinde of potentiall delineation of all things in that vniuersall matter, which presently hee distinguished into diuers Species in [Page]perfection: But in his Ceremonialls, hee takes another course, he brings not them out of a Masse, but into a Masse: He doeth not out of a Totum produce the parts, but out of the parts make vp the whole. For example; Jn the Ceremonialls, first he beginnes with Sacrifice, long after he followes with Circumcision, then hee filleth a Tabernacle with them; at last makes them full vp in a Temple. Jn his Politicalls, hee beginnes with a paternall Go­uernment in a family, proceeds to an Election of a Captaine in an Armie, as in Iosuah and the Judges, perfects it by way of Suc­cession in a setled Kingdome, as in Solomon and his Successors. Jn his Moralls, hee beginnes with the word out of his owne mouth, proceeds with the Tables written by his owne fingers, followes on with the fiue Bookes penned by Moses, till hee make vp the Canon perfect by a number of succeeding Prophets.

What we haue from GOD in a president, it may wel beseeme vs to practise; and since his Bookes came out so farre asunder, it is no reproach to any man, though his Workes come not foorth together: for there is a reason for it in vs answerable in some proportion to that of the Workes of GOD, for workes of Nature haue their roote from within vs, and bring with them a radicall kinde of ver­tue, that neuer suffers them to rest, till they haue produced their fruite to perfect forme and perfection: Workes of deliberation and Art, haue their foundation from without vs, and giue vs occasion to worke vpon them, as our phantasies thinke fittest for the present time: Hence proceeds it, that the workes of Nature haue so few errors in them, those of Art so many; They of Nature so constant, they of Arte so variable; they of Nature so perma­nent, they of Art so soone perish; they of Nature so well accepted and approued of all, they of Art accepted or reiected, as it pleaseth the seuerall apprehensions of men to conceiue of them.

Now, albeit the workes of men be of Errors so full, of nature so different, subiect to so many Jnterpretations, published at so diuers times; Yet hath it bene euer esteemed a matter commendable to collect them together, and incorporate them into one Body, that we may behold at once, what diuers Off-springs haue proceeded [Page]from one braine, and how various Conceptions the wit of man is able to afford the world. To instance in a few of them beginning a little higher then the writings of ordinarie Men. The seruants of Hezekiah are commended in Scripture for collecting together the Sentences of Solomon. Iesus the sonne of Sirach is praised for searching out the Copies of his Grandfathers workes: But prin­cipally Ezra is had in great honour for setting in order the whole Bookes of the Old Testament, and deuiding them into Chapters and Ʋerses, which before were caried along in a scroule, by a con­tinuall Series, without any distinction at all. S. Iohn is reported to haue searched out the Copies of the three former Euangelists, and to haue added his owne for the fourth in that order, as now they are extant. And the Primitiue Church was curious to gather together the Epistles of the Holy Apostles; which, they being not able by reason of persecution perfectly to performe in euery place, gaue occasion to after-times, to call the authority of so many of them into question.

But to descend; How are we bound to those, who haue laboured in setting out the Counsells, and Works of the Fathers together? Jnsomuch, that we thinke our selues as much bound to Eusebius and Hierom, and of later times to Peter Crab and Erasmus and diuers others, who haue laboured in that kinde, as wee doe al­most to the Authors themselues. Traian commended Plutark for gathering the Apothegmes of wise men together. Constan­tinus the sonne of Leo, collected out of all Histories, both in the East and West, one Corpus Historicum, which they counted an inestimable Treasure. Iustinian by the helpe of Tribonia­nus did the like in the Lawes. Gratian compiled the Decrees out of the Epistles of Popes, Councells and Fathers. Damascen collected into one body of Diuinitie, the Sentences of the Greeke Fathers; And Peter Lumbard 400. yeeres after him by his ex­ample did the like in the Latine Fathers. And how doe wee labour to recouer Bookes that are lost? The Bookes of Origen that amounted to sixe thousand, as Epiphanius witnesseth, were much laboured for by Eusebius and others. The Bookes of Ci­cero [Page]de Repub. were much sought for by Cardinall Poole; and great summes of money haue bene spent to recouer the lost Decades of Liuie. Wherefore since it hath beene heretofore the practise of all aages, to collect the workes of Men of worth, and preserue them from perishing; to labour much in recouering those that haue bene lost; to giue to euery childe the owne Father; to euery Booke the trew Author: (for there neuer had bene halfe so many birds to haue flowen about the world with false feathers, if euery Author had set out his owne workes together in his owne time,) J hope then it shall not be now a matter of reproofe in a Seruant, to trauaile in the setting foorth of the Works of his Master; and for giuing you that together, which before yee could hardly get a­sunder; and for preseruing that in a Masse from perishing, that might easily be lost in a Mite.

But while I am collecting workes one way, I heare others scat­tering wordes as fast an other way, affirming, it had beene better his Maiestie had neuer written any Bookes at all; and being writ­ten, better they had perished with the present, like Proclamations, then haue remayned to Posterity: For say these Men, Little it befitts the Maiesty of a King to turne Clerke, and to make a warre with the penne, that were fitter to be fought with the Pike; to spend the powers of his so exquisite an vnderstanding vpon pa­per, which had they beene spent on powder, could not but haue pre­uayled ere this, for the Conquest of a Kingdome. For a King, say they, to enter a Controuersie with a Scholler, is, as if he should fight a Combate with a Kerne; he doth no more descend from his Honour in the one, then he bringes vpon himselfe Disgrace by the other. And since that Booke-writing is growen into a Trade; It is as dishonorable for a King to write bookes; as it is for him to be a Practitioner in a Profession. Jf a King will needs write; Let him write like a King, euery Lyne a Law, euery Word a Pre­cept, euery Letter a Mandate. Jn good trewth, I haue had my eares so oft dung through with these Obiections and the like, as I know not whether I conceiued amisse of my selfe or no, thinking I had more ability to answere these Calumnyes, then I had patience [Page]to heare them: And therefore hauing so fit opportunity, J shall not let to deliuer my opinion; Whether it may sorte with the Maiestie of a King, to be a writer of Bookes, or no. First I could neuer reade, that there was any Law against it; and where we haue no Law, the best is to follow good Examples: And many Diuines are of opinion, that examples that are not contrary to any Precept, doe binde vs in practise, at least so farre; that though they doe not inforce vs to the doing, yet they warrant the deede when it is done; And if Examples will serue the turne, wee haue Exam­ples enough.

First to beginne with the King of Kings God himselfe, who as he doth all things for our good; So doeth he many things for our Jmitation. Jt pleased his Diuine wisedome to bee the first in this Rancke, that we read of, that did euer write. Hee wrote, and the writing was the writing, saith Moses, of God; the maner was after the maner of engrauing; the matter was in Stone cut into two Tables, and the Tables were the worke of God written on both sides. Diuines hold, that the Heart is the principall Seate of the Soule; which Soule of ours is the immediate worke of God, as these Tables were the immediate worke of his owne fingers. The Stone, the expresse represent of the hardnesse of our heart; the engrauing the worke of God so deepely impressed, that it can neuer be blotted out; the writing, the writing of the Law in our hearts; In two Ta­bles, for our double duty to God and Man; on both sides to take vp our heart so wholly, that nothing contrary to those Precepts should euer haue any place in our Soules. And certainely from this little Library, that God hath erected within vs, is the foun­dation of all our Learning layd; So that people Ciuillized doe ac­count themselues depriued of one of the best abilities of nature, if they be not somewhat inabled by writing, to expresse their mindes: And there is no Nation so brutish or Barbarous, that haue not inuented one kinde of Character or other, whereby to conuey to o­thers their inward Conceptions. From these Tables of God, wee may come to the writing of our Blessed Sauiour, which we may put in the next place, though not for order yet for Honour. His Di­uine [Page]Maiestie left behinde him no Monument of writing, writ­ten by his owne hand in any externall Booke; for he was to induce and bring in an other maner of the writing of the Law of Loue; not in Tables of stone; written not with incke and paper, but in the Tables of our fleshly hearts written by the Spirit of the Liuing God: Yet did he once with his owne finger, write on the Pauement of the Temple of Ierusalem. What he writ, J will not now dis­cusse. S. Ambrose saith he wrote this Sentence: Festucam in oculo fratris cernis, trabem in tuo non vides. Beda thinkes, he wrote that Sentence that he spake: He that is with­out sinne, let him cast the first stone at her. Haymo hath a pretty Conceit: He thinketh, he wrote certaine Characters in the Pauement, which the Accusers beholding might see, as in a glasse, their owne wickednesse; and so blushing at it went their wayes. What euer it was, sure we are, our Sauiour would haue false accu­sations written in dust, to bee troden vnder foote of them that passe by. But howsoeuer, I say, our Blessed Sauiour did leaue behind him no writing of his owne hand; Yet we may not deny, but that God in the old Testament and our Sauiour in the New, haue left vs many bookes of their owne inditements: For all the Bookes of ho­ly Scripture were written by inspiration; and the Prophets and Apostles were but their Amanuenses, and writ onely as they were led and actuated by the Spirit of God: So that we may not make the Author of any of those Bookes any other then God Himselfe.

The old world before the flood wil afford vs no writings, neither did that aage require them; for the liues of Men of that aage were liuing Libraries, and lasted longer then the labors of Men doe in this aage: Yet S. Iude doeth insinuate somewhat of the writings of Enoch, who though he were not in Stile a King, Yet there is no reason to contend with him for that Title; for his Dominion would beare it, standing Heire-Apparent to the greater part of the world. Origen, Tertullian and Augustine report many things out of the supposititous writings that went vnder his name: And Iose­phus and that Berosus, that wee haue, tell vs, that hee erected [Page]two pillars, the one of Stone, the other of Bricke, wherein he wrote of the two-fold destructions of the world, the one by Water, the o­ther by Fire: But howsoeuer that be trew, it is very probable, he wrote something of that matter, which though it perished with that world; yet doubtlesse the memory thereof was preserued by Tradition vnto the dayes of the Apostles.

J will not here insist vpon the writings of Moses, who was not onely a Priest, and a Prophet, but was, as himselfe records, a­mongst the people a King, and was the first that euer receiued au­thoritie from GOD to write in Diuinitie: Neither will J insist vpon the Example of King Dauid, in whose Psalmes and Himnes, are resounded out the praises of GOD in all the Chur­ches; for that J finde nothing that these men writ, but what they writ as the Scribes of GOD, acted, as I said euen now, by GOD his Spirit, and not guided by their owne. Yet I suppose wee may safely collect thus much from them, that if GOD had thought it a matter derogatory to the Maiestie of a King to bee a Writer, he would not haue made choice of those, as his chiefe Instruments in this kinde, who were principalls in that other Order. J would easily beleeue, that such men as haue had the honour to be GOD his Pen-men, should neuer vouchsafe to write any thing of their owne: for as we hold in a pious opinion, that the blessed Virgine, hauing once conceiued by the holy Ghost, would neuer after con­ceiue by man; So surely men, that had deliuered nothing but the conceptions of that Spirit, should hardly be drawne euer to set out any of their owne labours. But we see the flat contrary both in Sa­muel and Solomon, the one the greatest Iudge, the other the most glorious King, that euer that Kingdome had. Samuel, who writ by GODS appointment, the greatest part of those two Bookes, that beare his name, writ also by his owne accord, a Booke contay­ning the Law of a King, or Institution of a Prince, whereby hee laboured to keepe the King as well from declining to Tyrannie, as the people from running into Libertie. Solomon, besides the Bookes of Scripture, which remaine, writ many likewise of his owne accord, which are lost: For to say nothing of his 3000. Para­bles, [Page]his 5000. Songes, that ingens opus, as the Hebrues call it, of the nature of all things, Birds and Beasts, Fowles and fishes, Trees and plants, from the Hysop to the Cedar: All these were rather workes to manifest humane wisedome, then Diuine know­ledge; written rather for the recreation of his owne spirit, then for the edification of the Church: For I cannot conceiue, but those Bookes would rather haue taught vs the learning of Nature; (for which GOD hath left vs to the writings of men) then edified vs in the gifts of Grace; for which hee hath giuen vs his owne Booke. Neither let any man suggest, that these writings, that are lost, and, as they say, were destroyed in the destruction of the Temple by the Babylonians, were of the same authoritie, as those that doe remaine: for J can hardly be induced to beleeue, that the writings, that were indited by the Spirit of GOD, layed vp in the Arke, receiued into the Canon, read publikely in the Church, are vtterly perished. Jt is a desperate thing to call, either the pro­uidence of GOD, or the fidelity of the Church in question in this point: For if those, that haue bene, are perished; then, why may not these that remaine as well be lost? which is contrary to our Saui­ours assertion, that one Iota shall not perish till all bee fulfilled: Therefore J rather incline to thinke; that what euer was Scrip­ture, still is, then that any is lost: Neither is this opinion so curious to hold, as the other is dangerous to beleeue; Better it is euer, to argue our selues of ignorance, then to accuse GOD of improuidence: But if so much Scripture be lost, as is alleadged, farewell GOD his prouidence, farewell the fidelitie of the Church, to whose care was concredited the Oracles of GOD. Let vs come to the wri­tings of Kings, where we shall not incurre any danger of this con­trouersie; that were so farre from being acted by GOD his Spirit; that they were more like those Disciples of Iohn, that had not heard whether there were an Holy-Ghost, or no; that knew no­thing of GOD, though they felt neuer so much of his Goodnesse; that neuer beleeued his Omnipotencie, though they had neuer so much experience of his Power.

To beginne with the Assyrians, whose first Monarch was [Page] Nimrod, and his chiefe Citie Babel: from his time to Sardana­palus the last of that Monarchie, there was no King amongst them, that gaue himselfe to Letters: for as their Kingdome was founded in Tyrannie, so they laboured to keepe it in Barbaritie; neither must we euer looke to see Learning flourish, where Tyran­nie beareth the Standerd; for Learning hath no more a facultie to bring the minde to vnderstanding, then it hath with it a power, that workes the will to libertie; neither of which, can euer consist with Tyrannie: And therefore it is no wonder, that this aage affoorded no learned Kings: for in that State, which continued thirteene or foureteene hundred yeeres, yee can scarce reade of a learned man: Therefore let either Histories or Poets paint that out for a Golden aage, as they please, there was neuer any aage, that hath left so little memory of the Golden tincture of their Witts.

After the time of Sardanapalus, in the dayes of Phull, Tig­lath-Philasar and Salmanasar, of whom mention is made in Scripture, and to whom, as it is thought, Ionas preached, and with whom some of the Prophets were conuersant, when as these Kings came into the land of Israel, as they did in the dayes of Menahem, who gaue to Phul-Belochus a thousand Talents of Siluer for a Tribute; And in the dayes of Hezechiah came Salmanasar and besieged Samaria three yeeres, and caried away a great part of the people of the Kingdome of Israel: From that time forward, their Kings gaue themselues to Letters; insomuch as in the dayes of Nabucodonolor, who set vp the Monarchy of the Babylonians, within one hundred yeeres of Salmanasar King of the Assyrians, learning was in great estimation, and the Kings Court was a Schoole for the best witts of the Kingdome to be bred in, that they might bee able to stand before the King fur­nished with all learning and vnderstanding. And if Stories do not intollerably deceiue vs; Daniel and his companions instructed fiue great Monarches, as in the trew knowledge of GOD, so in the vnderstanding of all excellent Arts and Sciences; Namely Nabuchodonosor, Euilmerodack, Baltazar, Darius of the [Page] Medes, and Cyrus of the Persians: And it were no hard mat­ter to proue the trewth of this out of Daniel himselfe.

Come to the Persians, who conuersed more with the Prophets, as with Ezra, Nehemiah, Zachary, Malachy and the people that were in captiuitie; we shall finde them giuen much to Letters. Cyrus the first Monarch is recorded to haue written large Commentaries of all his diurnall Actions: amongst those Books are found, saith Esdras, the Edicts of reducing of the Iewes to their Countrey: He wrote diuers Letters for the same purpose to all the chiefe Cities of Asia; some whereof, we haue in the 11. of Io­sephus, Chap. the first. Many things likewise are reported to haue bene written of Artaxerxes, Darius, and some others of those Monarches, as wee may partly conceiue by the Canoni­call Bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah, and more by the Apocri­phal- Esdras, who reports it to haue bene a custome of those Kings, so much to delight in learning, and in the sayings of wise men, that they vsed for an exercise in their greatest Solemnities, to haue so­lemne Orations made in the presence of the King and State, of sundry purposes, which, whoso performed to the liking of the King, was rewarded with the highest Preferments, that so mighty a Mo­narch could aduance them vnto.

Come we to the Graecians; and there we shall finde Learning in the Tropicke of Cancer at such a height, as it neuer was before, nor euer, that we read of, since. And surely it is worth the ob­seruing, that when that extarordinary Diuine Light went out, hu­mane Learning came in; and the ende of the Prophets was the beginning of the Poets: The last of the diuinity of the one, the first of the Philosophy of the other: for from the end of the Captiuity till the Comming of our Sauiour Christ, the space of foure hundreth yeares and more, in which there was no Prophet, that euer J reade of, there were so many Orators, Poets and Philosophers of such singular giftes in all kindes; as wee are onely their Schollers since, and can neuer attaine to the Excellency of our Master. Jn this time Alexander the Great was as famous for his Learning and writings, as he was for his Victories: He wrote to Antipater [Page]of all his owne Actions in Asia and in India, as Plutark reports in his Life. S. Ciprian in his Tractate of the vanitie of Jdoles, saith, that Alexander the Great wrote Insigne Volu­men to his Mother; wherein he signifies vnto her, how it was tolde him by a certaine Egyptian-Priest, that all the Gods of the Gentiles had bene but men. And S. Augustine also in his twelft Booke De ciuitate Dei makes mention of other of the wri­tings of Alexander to Olimpias his Mother about the Suc­cession of the Monarchies.

Amongst the Kings of Syria, Antiochus surnamed Epi­phanes, writ many Bookes, and sent them into Iudea, about changing the Rites and Ceremonies of the Iewes into the Reli­gion of the Grecians; The principall heades of his Bookes may be found in the Bookes of Machabes and in Iosephus. A­mongst the Romans, which of their Emperours did not ad­uance his fame by Letters? Iulius Caesar, besides many other things, writ his Commentaries after the example of Cyrus. Octauius, as Suetonius reportes, writ many Volumes, The historie of his owne life, Exhortations to Philosophie, He­roick Verses, Epigrams, Tragedies and diuers other things; of whom I will only relate two Stories not impertinent to my purpose. He is reported to haue bene a very diligent searcher out of all such Bookes, as appertayned to the Roman-Ethnick-Religion. All the Bookes Fatidicorum, of Fortune-tellers, that pro­ceeded not from approued Authors both of Greeke and Latin, he cast in the fire, to the number of two thousand: Onely he reserued the writings of the Sibills, but with that choise, as hee burnt all such of them as he thought to bee counterfeit. J relate this Story the rather, for that J thinke it were a good President for our Au­gustus to follow, to make a diligent search of all good and profita­ble Authors; As for all Hereticall Pamphlets, slaunderous Libells and impertinent writings, to commit them to Vulcane: for one of the maine meanes of corrupting this people in point of Religion, proceeds from the free vse of reading of all kinde of writings without any restraint.

[Page]The other Storie of Augustus is that famous Inscription of his, which he made to be set vp in the Altar of the Capitoll to our Sauiour Christ; of which Nicephorus makes mention; as also Suidas in the word Augustus. Caesar Augustus being proclai­med the first Emperour of Rome, hauing done many great things and achiued great Glory and felicity; came to the Oracle of Apollo, & offering vp a Heccatomb, which is of all other the greatest Sacrifice; demaunded of the Oracle, who should rule the Empire after his decease; receiuing no answere at all, offe­red vp an other Sacrifice, and asked with all, how it came to passe, that the Oracle that was wont to vse so many wordes, was now become so silent? The Oracle after a long pause, made this answere:

Me puer Hebraeus, Diuos, Deus ipse gubernans
Cedere sede iubet, tristemque redire sub Orcum:
Aris ergo dehinc tacitus abscedito nostris.

The Emperour receiuing this answere, returned to Rome, e­rected in the Capitoll the greatest Altar that was there, with this Inscription: Ara primogeniti Dei. Surely, our Au­gustus, in whose dayes our Blessed Sauiour Christ Iesus is come to a full and perfect aage: As hee was borne in the dayes of the other, studying nothing at all to know, who shall rule the Scepter af­ter him (for God be praised, he is much more happie then was Au­gustus in a Blessed Posterity of his owne) but indeauoring, that CHRIST his Kingdome, may euer Reigne in his King­dome, hath consulted all the Oracles of GOD, and hath found in them, that there is but one onely Altar to be erected to the onely Sonne of GOD, who is Blessed for euer; and therefore hath set himselfe and bestowed much paines to bid that Man of Sinne, cedere sede, and redire sub Orcum, that hath erected so many Altars Athenian-like, to vnknowne Gods, making more prayers and Supplications to supposed Saints, then euer the other did to Gods they knew not. But to returne, Clau­dius Caesar, that had so much wickednesse in him, had this [Page]good in him, that hee writte many good Bookes. Suetonius reports, hee writ so many Bookes in Greeke, as that hee erected a Schoole of purpose in Alexandria, called after his owne name, and caused his Bookes to be read yeerely in it: He writ in Latine likewise 43. Bookes, contayning a Historie from the murther of Caesar to his owne time. There would bee no ende of the reporting of the writings of the Heathen Emperours. That one example of Constantine amongst the Christian Emperors shall suffice: Eusebius hath written curiously his Life, and is not sparing to report of his Learning; How many Orations and dis­courses he made, exhorting his Subiects and seruants to a good and godly life; How many nights hee passed without sleepe in Medita­tions of Diuinitie; His Speeches in the beginning and ende of the Councell of Nice; That fomous Oration, Ad Sanctorum coetum, pronounced in Latine by him Selfe, after translated in­to Greeke by diuerse, doe shew, how much Glory hee gayned by Letters.

From these great Monarches abroad, giue mee leaue a little, to descend to our owne Kings at home. Alphredus King of the West-Saxons, translated Paulus Orosius, S. Gregorie De pastorali cura, and his Dialogues into the English tongue: He translated likewise Beda of the Actes of the English, and Boe­tius de consolatione Philosophiae, Dauids Psalmes, and ma­ny other things: Hee writ besides a Booke of Lawes and Institu­tions against wicked Judges: Hee writ the sayings of Wise­men, and a singular Booke of the fortune of Kings, a collection of Chronicles, and a Manuel of Meditations.

Ethelstanus (or Adelstan, as our Stories call him) Rex Anglorum, as Baleus calls him, caused to be translated the Bible out of Hebrew into Saxon, and writ himselfe a Booke of Astro­logie, the Constitutions of the Cleargie, corrected many olde Lawes, and made many new.

King Edgar writ to the Cleargie of England certaine Con­stitutions and Lawes, and other things.

Henrie the first, the yongest Sonne of the Conquerour, was [Page]brought vp in the Vniuersitie of Cambridge; and excelled so in the knowledge of all Liberall Arts and Sciences, that to this day he doeth retaine the name of Beau-Clerke.

Achaius King of the Scots, writ of the Acts of all his Prede­cessors. And Kenethus King of the Scots, writ a huge Vo­lume of all the Scottish Lawes, and like an other Iustinian, re­duced them into a Compendium.

Iames the first writ diuers Bookes both in English and La­tine Ʋerse: He writ also, as Baleus saith, De vxore futura.

Henrie the eight writ of the Institution of a Christian man, and of the Institution of youth: Hee writ also a defence of the 7. Sacraments against Martin Luther; for which hee was much magnified of the Pope, and all that partie; Jnsomuch as hee was stiled with the Title of Defensor fidei for that worke: And trewly it fell out well for the King, that hee writ a Booke on the Popes side; for otherwise, he should haue them raile on him for his writings as freely, as they reuile him for his Actions. For he writ two Bookes after that; the one De auctoritate Regia contra Papam; the other Sententia de Concilio Mantuano, as well written for the Stile and Argument, as the other is: But because they seeme to breath an other breath, there is no Trumpet sounded in their praise.

Edward the sixt, though his dayes were so short, as he could not giue full proofe of those singular parts that were in him; yet hee wrote diuers Epistles and Orations both in Greeke and La­tine: He wrote a Treatise De fide to the Duke of Somerset: He wrote a History of his owne time, which are all yet extant vnder his owne hand, in the Kings Library; as M r. Patrick Young, his Maiesties learned and Industrious Bibliothecarius, hath shewed mee; And which is not to bee forgotten, so diligent a hearer of Sermons was that sweet Prince, that the notes of the most of the Sermons he heard, are yet to bee seene vnder his owne hand with the Preachers name, the time, and the place, and all o­ther circumstances.

Queene Elizabeth our late Soueraigne of blessed memory, [Page]translated the prayers of Queene Katherine into Latine, French, and Italian: Shee wrote also a Century of Sentences, and dedicated them to her Father. J haue heard of her Transla­tion of Salustius; but I neuer saw it: And there are yet fresh in our memories the Orations she made in both the Vniuersities in Latine; her entertayning of Embassadors in diuers Languages; her excellent Speaches in the Parliament, whereof diuers are ex­tant at this day in Print. And to come a little neerer his Maie­stie; The Kings Father translated Valerius Maximus into English; And the Queene his Maiesties Mother, wrote a Booke of Ʋerses in French of the Institution of a Prince, all with her owne hand, wrought the Couer of it with her needle, and is now of his Maiestie esteemed as a most pretious Iewell.

Therefore since wee are compassed about with such a Clowd of Witnesses (albeit these are but a little handfull in comparison of the infinite multitude, that might be produced,) Since we haue the examples of all the Mightie-men of the World, euen from the beginning thereof vnto this day; who haue striuen as much to get a Name for their writings, as fame for their doings; haue affected as much to be counted Learned as Ʋictorious; and to be reputed of, as much for their wise Sayings, as for their worthy Deeds; Why should it bee thought a thing strange in this time, that his Maie­stie, whom GOD hath adorned with as many rare perfections of Nature and Arte, as euer he did any that wee read of, (I except such as were Diuinely inspired) should lend the world a few leaues out of the large Volumes of his Learning? J commend the wisedome of our Aduersaries, who hauing assayed all meanes, the wit of man is able to inuent, to incline his Maiestie to like of their partie; and finding by all their Tricks, they haue got no ground, would at last put his Maiestie to silence, and gaine thus much of him, at least; that since he will doe nothing for them; yet that he would say nothing against them. Therefore they cry out against his Maiesties writing, and vpbrayd him more for that hee doeth write, then they doe for any thing that hee hath written: Jt is ynough to wonder at, that Rex scribit. These people are wise in [Page]their generation, and haue learned by long experience; that as the Kingdome of CHRIST is the Gospel of peace, so it hath bene from the beginning spread more by the Pennes of the Apo­stles, then by the power of Princes; more propagated by the sweet writings of the ancient Fathers, then it could bee suppressed by the seuere Edicts of Emperours; and of late, their Kingdome hath bene more shaken by a poore Monke, then it hath bene able to recouer by the helpe of Mighty Monarches. Therefore since the writings of poore Schollers haue so raised the Kingdome of CHRIST, and so discouered the Mysterie of Jniquitie; they do well to feare what may follow vpon the Writings of so great a King.

They liue securely from bleeding by his Maiesties Sword; but they are not safe from being blasted by the breath of his Maiesties Bookes. Jf they could bring it about therefore, to calme and quiet his Maiesties Spirit from working vpon them that way; as they see his Maiesties sweetnesse to bee farre from drawing of their bloods the other way, they would deeme it a greater Conquest, then all the conuersions of the Kings of the East and West-Indies they tell vs so many tales of: For they looke vpon his Maiesties Bookes, as men looke vpon Blasing-Starres, with amazement, fearing they portend some strange thing, and bring with them a certaine Influence to worke great change and alteration in the world: Neither is their expectation herein deceiued; for we haue seene with our eyes, the Operation of his Maiesties Workes in the Consciences of their men so farre, as from their highest Con­claue to their lowest Cells, there haue bene, that haue bene con­uerted by them; and that in such number, as wee want rather meanes to maintaine them, then they minds to come to vs. But to conclude this point, that Kings may write; Giue mee leaue to offer you this Meditation.

How many are the wayes that men doe inuent to perpetuate their Memorie! Insomuch, that mortall-men haue made them­selues Gods, when they were dead, that they might be adored, as if they were aliue. Wherein, is the Impetus of Nature so strong, [Page]as in the affection that propogates to Posteritie? Wherefore serue Pictures, but to continue our features? Why doe men bestow so much cost in sumptuous Buildings, but to leaue a Monument of their Magnificence? To what end doe we erect Holy-houses and Hospitalls, but to possesse mens mindes with the Deuotion of our Soules? And shall wee blesse a King, when wee behold him in his Posteritie! Shall wee admire his features, when wee contemplate them in his Pictures! Shall we wonder at his Mag­nificence, when we gaze vpon it in his stately Edifices! and may wee not as well bee rauished, when wee see his sharpe Wit, his pro­found Judgement, his infinite Memorie, his Excellent affe­ctions in his admirable Writings? Certainely it is a peruersnes to esteeme a man least, for that whereby hee liues the longest; to value him more for the outward worke of his hand, then for the inward operation of his minde; to esteeme him more for that which instructs but little, then for that which shall edifie for e­uer. What now remaines of Caesar so famous as his Commen­taries? What of Cicero, as his Orations? How comes Ari­stotle to be of more authoritie then Alexander? Seneca, then Nero? The Triumphes and Ʋictories of the one are vanished; the Ʋertues of the other remaine in their perfect vigour: And though all other Monuments by time consume and come to no­thing; yet these by time, gaine strength and get authoritie; and euer the more ancient, the more Excellent.

Hauing now deliuered my opinion, that J thinke it neither vn­lawfull nor inconuenient for a King to write, but that he hath the Liberty that other men haue, if hee can get the leysure; to shew his abilities for the present, to perpetuate his Memory to Poste­rity; to aduance his praise before his owne People, and gaine Glory from others; but especially to giue Glory vnto GOD.

J will craue leaue to descend to an other Consideration: for it may be, there will not be so much fault found with a King for wri­ting, as for the matter or Subiect whereof he treates: For Persona­ges of their eminent Degree and State, must not spend their paines on poore purposes; nor write so much to try their witts [Page]on triuiall thinges, as to winne themselues Honor by the Excellency of their subiect. Jndeed, if I were worthy to aduise a King, hee should meddle very sparingly, and but vpon important Causes, with Polemicalls: Hee should not often fight but in the field; for put the case a King writ neuer so modestly, that there be not in a whole Booke one word ad hominem, nor any touch of his Aduersary in any personall infirmity; yet J know not how it comes to passe, that in all Controuersies, a solide answere to an argument, is a very sufficient occasion to make an Aduersary wonderfull angrie. And so long as there are diuersity of Opinions, there will neuer want matter for Confutations. And in these Replications the per­son of a King is more exposed and lyes more open, then the person of a poore Scholler can doe; for as he is a farre greater marke, so he may farre more easily be hit: And though they misse him and can hit vpon nothing iustly to bee reprehended in him; yet they doe thinke it Operaepretium, to make a Scarre in the face of a King; Whereas on the contrary, if a King doe write of Piety or Deuo­tion, compile a History, giue Precepts of Policy, handle Mo­ralls, or treate of some rare Experiences of Nature; wee doe in these things commend his Iudgement, admire his parts without any euill cogitation against his Person. There can hardly be gi­uen a more viue Example in this case, then is to be found in the Writings of his Maiestie. When the King had published his Basilicon-Doron, a Booke so singularly penned; that a Pome­granat is not so full of kernells, as that is of Excellent Counsells: What applause had it in the world? How did it inflame mens minds to a loue and admiration of his Maiestie beyond measure; Insomuch that comming out iust at the time his Maiestie came in, it made the hearts of all his people as one Man, as much to Ho­nour him for Religion and Learning, as to obey him for Title and Authoritie; and gaue vs then a taste, or rather the first fruits, of that we haue since reaped a plentifull Haruest of, by his Maiesties most prudent and Gracious Gouernment ouer vs. The like I may say of his Maiesties Demonologie; a rare peece for many Pre­cepts and Experiments, both in Diuinitie and Naturall Philo­sophie. [Page]Jn these, there was nothing heard of, but Sunne-shine and faire-weather; euery countenance sweet and smiling vpon them: But as soone as his Maiestie dealt against the Pope, tooke the Cardinall in hand, made the world see the vsurped power of the one, and Sophistry of the other; Good Lord, what a stirre we had; what roaring of the wilde Bulls of Basan, what a commotion in euery Countrey; Jnsomuch, that I thinke, there is scarce a People, Language or Nation in Christendome, out of which his Maiestie hath not receiued some answere or other; ei­ther by way of resuting, or at least by rayling: So that, had not the King contemned and made himselfe sport and recreation by such kinde of Reuelling, rather then bene mooued to passion; It could not haue bene but a marueilous perturbation to a Prince of so exqui­site sense and vnderstanding. But what of all this? Shall wee wish his Maiestie had not fought with beasts at Ephesus, stopped the roaring of the Bull, nor encountered the Cardinall? Trewly when J thinke vpon the wonderfull abuses, and Hyperbolicall in­dignities his Maiestie hath receiued from these men; I am some­what of that minde: But when on the other side, J consider his Maiesties zeale for to maintaine the cause of GOD and Right of Kings; his singular dexteritie to doe it; the blessing of GOD that hath followed vpon his so doing of it; I cannot but change my opi­nion, and bee of another minde. And the better to induce you to bee of my minde; I will make vnto you a trew Relation of his Maiesties entering into this businesse, and then leaue it to your consideration; whether there were not a Diuine hand, that led his into it, or no. Jt is the Speach of our Blessed Sauiour, that there is nothing hid, that shall not be knowne; and what is spoken in darkenesse, shall be heard in the Light: This his Maiestie as himselfe confesseth, found trew in the comming foorth of one of his Bookes; and I thinke it may bee found as trew in the comming foorth of some other of them. For after the Pope had put forth his Breues, and the Cardinall had sent his Letters to the Arch­priest; the one to enioyne the People not to take the Oath of Al­legiance, affirming they could not take it with safety of their Sal­uation; [Page]the other to reproue the Arch-priest for that hee had ta­ken it, and to draw him to a penitencie for so foule a Lapse: His Maiestie like as became a Prudent and a Religious Prince, thought it not meete, that these things should passe for current, but that it was expedient his People should know, that the taking of this Oath was so farre from endangering their Soules, as that it intended nothing but ciuill Obedience, and without touching any point of their conscience, made the State secure of their Allegi­ance. To performe this worke, his Maiestie thought the Bishop of Winchester that then was, a very fit man, both for his sin­gular Learning, as for that he had long laboured in an Argument not much of a diuers nature from this: Whereupon his Maiestie calling for penne and incke, to giue my L. of Winchester dire­ctions, how and in what maner to proceed in this Argument, I know not how it came to passe; but it fell out trew, that the Poet saith,

— Amphora coepit
Institui, currente rota, post vrceus exit.

For the Kings Penne ranne so fast, that in the compasse of sixe dayes, his Maiestie had accomplished that, which hee now calleth his Apologie; which when my Lord of Canterburie that then was, and my Lord of Elie had perused, being indeed deliuered by his Maiestie but as briefe Notes, and in the nature of a Minute to bee explicated by the Bishop in a larger Ʋolume; yet they thought it so sufficient an Answere both to the Pope and Cardi­nall, as there needed no other: Whereupon his Maiestie was per­swaded, to giue way to the comming of it foorth, but was pleased to conceale his Name: And so haue wee the Apologie beyond his Maiesties owne purpose or determination.

After that the Apologie was out, his Maiestie diuerse times would bee pleased to vtter a Resolution of his; that if the Pope and Cardinall would not rest in his answere, and sit downe by it; take the Oath as it was intended for a point of Allegiance and Ciuill Obedience; Hee would publish the Apologie in his owne name with a Preface to all the Princes in Christen­dome; [Page]wherein hee would publish such a Confession of his Faith, perswade the Princes so to vindicate their owne Power, discouer so much of the Mysterie of Jniquitie vnto them; as the Popes Bulles should pull in their hornes, and himselfe wish he had neuer medled with this matter. The Cardinall contending against the Apologie, his Maiestie confirmed his Resolution, and with the like Celerity, in the compasse of one weeke, wrote his Monitory-Preface: for as Hirtius said of Caesars Comentaries, Qua foelicitate they were done, let others iudge; but Qua celeritate, J can tell: And being so written, published it and the Apologie in his owne Name; and made good his word, sent it to the Empe­rour and all the Kings and free Princes in Christendome.

Now hauing made this Relation, wherein J haue deliuered nothing but trewth; Let me offer vnto you some few things worthy Consideration.

First, that vpon the comming foorth of that Booke, there were no States, that disauowed the Doctrine of it in that point of the Kings power; And the Venetians mainetained it in their wri­tings, and put it in Execution; The Sorbons maintained it like­wise in France.

Secondly, their owne writers, that opposed it, so ouerlashed, as they were corrected and castigated of men of their owne Religi­on; Becanus his Booke corrected by the Cardinalles of Rome; Bellarmines Booke burnt in Paris; Suarez his Answere burnt al­so in France. As for the Raylers, I leaue them to God his Iudg­ment, whose hand hath bene vpon the most of them.

Thirdly, his Maiesties Confession of faith, hath bene so gene­rally approued, as it hath conuerted many of their partie: And had it not bene (as J haue bene informed by diuerse) for the Trea­tise of Antichrist, many more would easily haue bene induced, to subscribe to all in that Preface.

Fourthly, Kings and Princes haue by his Maiesties Pre­monition, had a more cleare insight, and a more perfect discouery into the Iniury offered them by the Pope in the point of their tem­porall Power, then euer they had; Jnsomuch, as that point was [Page]neuer so throughly disputed in Christendome, as it hath bene by the occasion of his Maiesties Booke.

Fiftly and lastly, for the point of Antichrist; I haue heard many confesse, that they neuer saw so much light giuen to that Mysterie, neuer descerned so much trewth by the vniforme con­sent of the Text, and strength of Interpretation of places, as they haue done by his Maiesties Booke. So that, though Contro­uersies be fitter subiects for Schollers ordinarily, then for Kings; Yet when there was such a necessitie in vndertaking, and such a successe being performed; I leaue it to the world to iudge, whether there were not a speciall hand of GOD in it, or no. Now since I haue begunne with this point of Antichrist, J will make bolde to proceed a little with his Maiesties Paraphrase vpon the Reue­lation, wherein that Treatise of Antichrist is principally grounded.

His Maiesties singular vnderstanding in all points of good Learning is not vnknowne: But yet aboue all other things, GOD hath giuen him an vnderstanding Heart in the Interpretation of that Booke, beyond the measure of other men: For this Para­phrase, that leades the way to all the rest of his Maiesties Workes, was written by his Maiestie before hee was twenty yeeres of aage; and therefore iustly in this Ʋolume hath the first place, the rest following in order according to the time of their first penning. Anciently Kings drempt dreames, and saw visions; and Prophets expounded them: So with King Pharaoh and Ioseph in Egypt; So with Nabuchodonosor and Daniel in Babylon. Jn this aage, Prophets haue written Ʋisions, and Kings haue expounded them. GOD raised vp Prophets to deliuer his People from a temporall captiuitie in Egypt and Ba­bylon, by the Jnterpretation of the one; And GOD hath in this aage stirred vp Kings to deliuer his People from a Spirituall E­gypt and Babylon, by the Interpretation of the other. It is an ob­seruable thing, that GOD neuer made his People any great pro­mise, but he added vnto his promise a famous Prophecie. Three great promises we reade of, that runne through all the Scriptures. [Page]The first of the Messiah; the second of the land of Canaan; the third of the Kingdome of Heauen: To these three promises, are reduced all the Prophecies. Of the promise of the Messiah, prophecied all the Prophets from the fall of the first Adam, to the comming of the second: Of the promise of the Land of Ca­naan, prophecied Iacob and Ioseph, and the rest, from the pro­mise made to Abraham, to the possessing of it by Iosuah and the children of Israel: Of the promise of the Kingdome of Heauen, made by our Sauiour CHRIST', prophecied the Apostles; principally S. Paul, and S. Iohn in the Reuelation. Now though all were to lay hold on the promises; yet few were able to vnderstand the Prophecies. And surely, though all the people of GOD are to lay hold on the promises of that Glorious King­dome described in that Booke; yet few are able to vnderstand the Prophecies therein contained, comprehending in them a per­fect History and State of the Church, euen from the destruction of Ierusalem, till the consummation of the whole world. Yet this I thinke, I may safely say; That Kings haue a kinde of interest in that Booke beyond any other: for as the execution of the most part of the Prophecies of that Booke is committed vnto them; So it may be, that the Interpretation of it, may more happily be made by them: And since they are the principall Instruments, that GOD hath described in that Booke to destroy the Kingdome of Antichrist, to consume his State and Citie; I see not, but it may stand with the Wisedome of GOD, to inspire their heart to ex­pound it; into whose handes hee hath put it to excute, vntill the LORD shall consume both him and it with the Spirit of his mouth, and shall abolish it with the brightnesse of his comming: For from the day that S. Iohn writ the Booke to this present houre; I doe not thinke that euer any King tooke such paines, or was so perfect in the Reuelation, as his Maiestie is; which will easily appeare by this Paraphrase, by his Maiesties Meditation on the 20. Chap. and his Monitorie Preface. Jt was my purpose to haue past through all his Maiesties Books; to haue expressed the Argument and the occasion of their writing; But I find by that J haue already [Page]said, I should be ouer tedious vnto you. This therefore in generall; They are all worthy of a King, and to be kept to Posterity: For if Ouid could imagine, that no time should eate out the memory of his Metamorphoseis, which were but fictions; J hope no time shall see an end of these Books, that carry in them so much diuine trewth and light. And as in this first worke of the Paraphrase, his Maiestie hath shewed his Piety; So in this last Pearle (I meane his Maiesties Speach in the Starr-Chamber) his Maiestie hath shewed his Policy: The first sheweth, hee vnderstands the Kingdome of GOD; this last, that hee as well apprehends the State of his Kingdomes in this World: The first sheweth him to haue a large Portion in that of Heauen; and this last sheweth him to haue a great Power and experience in these King­domes hee hath on earth. Therefore, let these men, that de­light so much in Detraction and to vilify him, whom GOD hath exalted; and to shed his blood, whose Soule GOD hath bound vp in the Bundle of life; Let them, J say, write what euer the Subtilty of the olde Serpent can put into their heads, or the Malice of Sa­than infuse into their hearts; Let them speake, what the poyson of Aspes is able to put into their lippes; they are not all able to make his Maiestie to appeare lesse then he is, nor to shew, that euer they had of theirs a King so accomplished. It is trew, that wee haue not had many Kings in this Kingdome of our Profession: But for those we haue had, this Iland of ours neuer saw the like, either for partes of Nature, giftes of Learning or Graces of Piety.

The little time of life, that God lent to King Edward, must needs lessen his prayses; But neuer did there appeare beginnings of more rare perfection, then in him.

The length of Queene Elizabeths dayes, together with the felicity of her time, was not only a Glory to her owne People, but a wonderment to the World, euen our Aduersaries, as Moses said, being Iudges. And praysed be GOD, the present time passeth a long with the like felicity and much more Securitie: for let me re­count a little, for the Glory of GOD and encouragement of his [Page] Maiestie, to goe on in his happie Course begunne, the Blessings of GOD we receiue by him; And then let our Aduersaries tell vs, whether we be a miserable People or no, as some of late haue gone about to perswade vs. Neither doe J stand in feare of any mans reprehension; for J will speake nothing but trewth, and I haue my President from GOD his owne Booke; wherein the good Actes of euery good King are to their eternall praises trewly recounted.

First to beginne with Religion, as the Generall to the Armie: Of all Gods Blessings wee haue it without any alteration or change contynued vnto vs. His Maiesties first Care was for the Confirmation of the Gospell: for at his Maiesties first comming in; who knowes not the endeauours of men, to haue made a change, either to the Papists, or to the Puritanes? His Maie­stie therefore, to quiet the State and Peace of the Church, called a Conference at Hampton-Court; where passing ouer the one, as being neuer in his heart to giue the least way vnto; He so tempered the other, as the Harmony hath bene the better euer since.

The Religion thus ratified; His Maiesties next Care was for the Translation of the Bible, it being the ground of our Religi­on: His Maiestie was desirous his People should haue it in as much perfection, as the Jndustrie and Labors of the best Learned were able to afford it them.

Hauing done what was necessary for the Spirituall part of the Church, his Maiestie tooke into consideration the Temporal State thereof: No sooner came the Parliament, but finding what spoile had bene made of the Lands thereof in the tyme of his Predeces­sors, by a libertie they had to take the Landes of the Church for a longer Terme then others could doe; Cut himselfe off from that libertie, and equalled himselfe to a common person in the taking of any State in the Churches Landes.

When his Maiestie had done this in England, he looked backe into Scotland, and reforming the State of the Church there, as farre as in his Princely-Wisedome he thought conuenient for the time; restored the Bishops there, as to their Spirituall Keies; [Page]so to their temporall Estates, though it were to the great losse and dammage of his owne Reuennue and Crowne.

From Scotland his Maiestie came to Ireland, that forlorne Kingdome both for Temporall and Spiritual estate, till be looked into it: There his Maiestie hath reduced the Bishoppricks, not only to their old Rents; but added vnto them many new Reuen­nues; so that many places there are answerable to the best Li­uings here: Neither hath his Care bene onely on these high places of the Church, but hath descended to the lowest in the same, hauing both protected the Benefices from being raysed to any higher Taxe, and hindred all courses, that might giue his Cleargie mole­station or trouble.

His Maiesties Bountie hath not bene wanting to Colledges and Hospitalls, hauing parted with his owne Tenures, to giue them power of larger Indowments; whereby there hath bene works of more sumptuousnes and cost done in his Maiesties time, then there hath bene in any one aage before.

J may not forget one thing, that since his Maiesties comming to this Crowne, he hath neuer put into his Coffers the meane prof­fitts of any Ecclesiasticall liuing, but hath bene a Fidus-Deposi­tarius, and euer giuen them to the next Jncumbent.

Let me descend a little from these workes of Piety to Peace. Neuer hath there bene so vniuersall a Peace in Christendome since the time of our Sauiour Christ, as in these his Dayes: And I dare say, as much, if not more, by the procurement of his Maie­stie, then by any other earthly meanes in this world. A Peace (to let forraigne partes passe) so entertayned at home; that in his Maiesties three Kingdomes, apt enough by constitution, and not vnaccustomed by practise to be at variance, there hath bene no Ci­uill dissension at all. With Peace GOD hath giuen vs Plentie: So that, if Peace and Plenty haue not made vs too too wanton, I know not what wee want. Neither is there any crying out for lacke of Iustice in our Courtes; for neuer was there Iustice ad­ministred with more liberty from the King, nor more vprightnes from the Judges; And yet in the free dispensation of Iustice, [Page]Mercie did neuer more triumph. If this bee to bee miserable, J know not what on earth they call Happinesse: GOD continue these still vnto vs; and then, let them call Happinesse, what they please.

But I know wherefore all is miserable; because there is no more Mercy shewed to their Catholiks.

J will put it as a Crowne vpon all his Maiesties Mercies: There was neuer King, that had so great a cause giuen him, that euer tooke so little bloode, extending his Mercy to all, that were not personall workers in that Powder-Plot: And before that you had hatched that Monster, neither was the person or purse of any your reputed Catholicks touched. And since that time, you may doe well to complaine of your Miseries; but the Church and Comonwealth both, doe trauaile and groane vnder the bur­then of your disobedience: But the worst J wish you, is, that at length by his Maiesties long Patience, you may bee drawne to Repentance; for as we are come out from you, lest we should bee partakers of your plagues; so we pray for you, that you may come in to vs, that you may be participants of our felicities.

To Conclude this Preface: GOD hath giuen vs a Solomon, and GOD aboue all things gaue Solomon Wisedome; Wisedome brought him peace; Peace brought him Riches; Riches gaue him Glory. His wisedome appeared in his wordes and Workes: his Peace, he preserued by the power of his Army: His riches he ray­sed, as by his Reuennue, so by the Trade of his Nauie: His Glory did accrue from them all. Now, as in these, GOD exalted him beyond all the Kings that euer were, or should be after him; So had he in other things Humiliations not farre behind the proportion of his Exaltations; the fearefullest fall, that the Scripture affords an Example of; the most vnchast life and immoderate excesse of Women, that we read of; the weakest Posterity for Wisedome and Gouernment, that we finde in all the Line of his Succession. GOD would haue it so, that he should no more be set out, as a Type of the Glory of his owne Sonne in the felicity of his State one way, then he would haue him proposed as a patterne of Humane [Page]frailty an other way. Therefore, though we may not approach him in his Typicall State; yet GODS Name be blessed, that hath gi­uen vs to goe farre beyond him in his personall Condition: For we haue already, blessed be GOD, seene the Constancie and perseue­rance of his Maiesty in his Holy Profession, without any Eclipse or Shaddow of change, longer then we are well able to deduce the whole life and reigne of Solomon. We haue not the Daughter of Pharao an Idolatrous King; nor feare we strange women to steale away his heart from the Seruice of GOD: But a Queene, as of a Royall, so of a Religious Stocke, professing the Gospell of Christ with him; A Mirrour of trew Modestie, a Queene of Bounty, both beloued and admired of all his People: A Posterity that we need not feare for folly in the one Sexe, nor for leuitie in the other; Both which made Solomon speake so much, (as the Iewes say) in his Prouerbes, of a foolish sonne, because his owne was not wise, and of wanton Women, because he feared the vani­ty of his owne Daughters. But GOD hath left his Maiestie a Sonne; a Prince, as in outward Liniaments, so in inward Abi­liments, (I need say no more) an Alter-Idem, a second-Selfe; A Daughter, a Princesse of that Piety, singular vertue and Modestie; as makes her both beloued at home and admired abroad. J haue done: Only I desire the Readers of these Workes, to pray to GOD, that as he hath so farre aduanced vs, as to bestowe vpon vs, with the Heauenly Treasures of his trewth, the riches of his earthly Iewels in so Sacred a King, so admired a Queene, so hopefull a Prince, so vertuous a Princes; He would for his Mer­cies sake, for his Sonnes sake, continue this the Light of his Counte­nance vpon vs in them and their Posterity, till the comming of that Kingdome, which neuer shall haue end. AMEN.

Thine in the Lord, IA. WINTON.

THE SEVERALL TREATISES ACCORDING TO THE TIME WHEREIN THEY WERE WRITTEN, AND THEIR PLACE IN THIS Collection, &c.

  • A PARAPHRASE vpon the Reuelation. Pag. 7.
  • Two Medi­tations; The
    • First vpon the 7. 8. 9. and 10. Verses of the 20. Chap. of the Reuelation. Pag. 73
    • Second vpon the 25. 26. 27. 28. and 29. Verses of the 15. Chapter of the first Booke of the Chronicles. Pag. 81
  • Daemonologie,
    • First Booke. Pag. 94
    • Second Booke. Pag. 108
    • Third Booke. Pag. 123.
  • Basilicon-Do­ron,
    • First Booke. Pag. 148
    • Second Booke. Pag. 155
    • Third Booke. Pag. 180.
  • The trew Law of Free Monarchies AnonymΩs. Pag. 193
  • A Counter-blast to Tobacco AnonymΩs. Pag. 214
  • A Discourse of the Powder Treason AnonymΩs. Pag. 223.
  • [Page]An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance, first set out AnonymΩs, and afterwards published with the Prae­monition vnder His Maiesties owne name. Pag. 247
  • A Praemonition to all Christian Monarches, Free Prin­ces and States, written both in English and Latine by his Maiestie. Pag. 289
  • A Declaration against Ʋorstius, written by His Maiestie first in French, after translated into English by His Ma­iesties leaue. Pag. 349
  • A Defence of the Right of KINGS, against Cardinall Perron, written by His Maiestie in French, and there­after translated into English by His Maiesties leaue. Pag. 392
  • Fiue Spea­ches; THE
    • First in Parliament, ANNO 1603. Pag. 485.
    • Second in Parliament, ANNO 1605. Pag. 499.
    • Third at White-hall, ANNO 1607. Pag. 509.
    • Fourth at White-hall, ANNO 1609. Pag. 527.
    • Fift in the Starre­Chamber. ANNO 1616. Pag. 549.

THE EPISTLE TO THE WHOLE CHVRCH MILI­TANT, in whatsoeuer part of the Earth.

TO whom could I haue so fitly directed (Christian Readers) this Paraphrase of mine vpon the Re­uelation, as vnto you, who are the very and true posteritie of those Churches, to whom the Booke it selfe was dedicated, and for whose instruction and comfort the said E­pistle was endited by the Holy Spi­rit, and written by that great Theologue IOHN the Apostle, whom our Master beloued deerely? J doubt not but it will seeme strange to many, that any of my aage, calling, and litera­ture, should haue medled with so obscure, Theologicall, and high a subiect: But let my earnest desire (by manifesting the Trueth,) as well to teach my selfe as others, serue for excuse; considering also that where diuers others in our aage, haue medled with the interpretation of this Booke, pressing with preoccupied opinions, onely to wrest and conforme the meaning thereof to their parti­cular and priuate passions; J by the contrary protest, that all my trauailes tend to square and conforme my opinions to the trew and sincere meaning thereof: Which causes mooued me to vndertake this worke; not thereby to despise infinite others, who to the glory [Page 2]of God, and great comfort of his Church, hath giuen it a great light already, but rather that by oft perusing and dew considering therof, whereto this worke hath led mee, J might be the better acquain­ted with the meaning of this Booke, which J esteeme a speciall cannon against the Hereticall wall of our common aduersaries the Papists: whom I would wish to know, that in this my Paraphrase vpon it, J haue vsed nothing of my owne coniecture, or of the au­thoritie of others, but onely haue interpreted it, in that sense which may best agree with the methode of the Epistle, and not bee contradictorie to it selfe: The meaning whereof I expound, partly by it selfe, and partly by other parts of the Scriptures, as the worke it selfe will beare witnesse: And therefore this one thing J must craue of our Aduersaries, that they will not refute any part of my Interpretation, till they finde out a more probable them­selues, agreeing with the whole context, & cum serie tempo­rum; and where their consciences beare them witnesse that J speake the Trueth, that they will yeeld vnto it, and glorifie God therein, and this is all the reward I craue for my paines. But of one thing I must forewarne you (Christian Readers) to wit, that yee may vnderstand, that it is for the making of the Discourse more short and facile, that I haue made IOHN to be the Spea­ker in all this Paraphrase; and not that I am so presumptuously foolish, as to haue meant thereby, that my Paraphrase is the onely trew and certaine exposition of this Epistle, reiecting all others: For although through speaking in his person, I am onely bounded and limitted to vse one, and not diuers interpretations, of euery seuerall place; yet I condemne not others, but rather allow them to interpret it diuersly, so being, it agree with the analogie of faith, with the methode of the Text, & cum serie temporum, as I said before: for those three being obserued, it may fall out that di­uers, diuersly expound one place, and yet all be according to the trueth, and very meaning of the Spirit of God, as may easily be pro­ued by the Text it selfe: For in the 17. Chapter the Angel expoun­ding to Iohn, the seuen heads of the beastes that came out of the Sea, hee saith the seuen heads which thou sawest vpon the beast [Page 3]are the seuen Hills, and they are also seuen Kings: Here ye see one thing is expounded in two very farre different fashions, and yet both true; And therefore let wise men take their choice in these things, obseruing alwayes these rules I haue spoken of; as spe­cially for example; This Hebrew word Arma geddon in the 16. Chapter and sixt Phiale, although I expound it to signifie de­struction by deceipt, as composed of [...] Gnarma & Geddon which may very well agree with the History, because it is the name of the place, saith Iohn, where the wicked being assem­bled together by the alluring and deceipt of Satan, and his three spirits of Diuels to make warre with the faithfull, were all de­stroyed by God, and so their destruction came, and was procured by deceipt; Yet others interpret it to signifie destruction by waters, as composed of [...] Harma & Geddon, which also may very well agree with the Historie. For waters indeed in this Booke signifie oft many people and Nations, as appeareth by the very Text in the 17. Chapter; And others take it to be an allu­sion to the destruction that Ioshua made of Gods enemies vpon the hill of Mageddon, and therefore to bee composed of [...] Harr, which is called a Hill and Mageddon, which may also very well agree with the Historie.

And as J speake of this, so J speake the like of Gog and Ma­gog in the 20. Chapter, and of all other ambiguous places in this Booke.

Jt rests then that what ye finde amisse in this Paraphrase, yee impute it to my lacke of yeeres and learning; and what ye find worthy to be allowed in it, that yee attribute the full praise thereof to GOD, to whom onely all praise appertaineth.

Fare-well.

THE ARGVMENT OF THIS WHOLE EPISTLE.

THIS Booke or Epistle of Reuelation, was called in doubt, aswell for the incertaintie of the Author, as also for the canonicalnesse of the Booke it selfe, by sundry of the ancients, and specially by Eu­sebe; For soluing whereof I need not to insist, since it is both receiued now of all Christians, and also diuers of the Neoteriques, in speciall Beza in his Preface vpon it, hath handled that matter sufficiently alrea­dy; So that this doubt onely rests now in men, that this Booke is so obscure and allegorique, that it is in a maner vnprofitable to be taught or interpreted; Whereunto I will shortly make answere, and then goe forward to set downe the methode of the same: And therefore to make a deduction from the be­ginning, let vs vnderstand in what seuerall or principall parts the whole Scrip­tures may be diuided in; and then which of them this Booke is. How soone Adam being made perfect in his Creation, and hauing the choise of Life and Death, Good and Euill, did by his horrible defection make choise of Death, and cast off Life, and by that meanes infected his whole posteritie with double sinne, to wit, Ori­ginall and Actuall, God notwithstanding had such a Loue to mankinde, as being his most Noble workemanship, and Creature, made to his owne Likenesse and Image, that he selected a Church amongst them, whom first because of their weakenesse and incredulitie, he with his owne mouth taught, and next instructed and raised vp notable men amongst them to be their Rulers, whom he endued with such excellent gifts, as not onely their example in life preached, but also by Miracles they strengthe­ned and confirmed their Faith: But lest this ministrie of men should make them to depend onely vpon their mouthes, forgetting Him, and making Gods of them, he at length out of his owne mouth gaue them his Law, which he caused them to put in Writ, and retaine still amongst them; And then lest they should forget and neglect the same, he raised vp godly Rulers, as well Temporall, as Spirituall, who by their ho­ly liues and working of Miracles, reuiued and strengthened the Law in their hearts. [Page 5]But seeing, that notwithstanding all this, they cast themselues headlong in the gulfe of vices (such is the vnthankefull and repining Nature of Man,) hee raised vp Prophets, as especially Ieremie and Daniel, to accuse them of their sinnes, and by Visions to forewarne them of the times to come, whereby the godly might turne and arme themselues, and the wicked might be made inexcusable. And thus much for the Old Testament. But then God seeing that notwithstanding this, there crept in such a generall corruption amongst them, that scarce one might be found that bowed not his knee to Baal; Hee then by his vnsearchable Wisedome incarnated his E­ternall Sonne and Word THE LORD IESVS, who by his death and Pas­sion accomplished the faith of the Fathers; whose Saluation was by the beleeuing in him to come, as also made an open and patent way of Grace to all the world there­after: And then as vpon a new world, and a new Church, Gods Fatherly care to Mankind was renued, but in a more fauourable forme, because hee looked vpon the Merits of his deare Sonne: Then, first Christ with his owne mouth did instruct men, and confirmed his Doctrine by Miracles, and secondly raised vp the Apostles to giue the Law of Faith, confirming it by their liues and Miracles: And last, that not­withstanding this Defection was beginning to creepe in againe, hee inspired one of them, to wit, IOHN to write this Booke, that hee might thereby, euen as Ieremie and Daniel did in the old Law, aswell rebuke them of their sinnes, as by forewar­ning them, to arme them against the great tentations that were to come after. Then of it selfe it prooues, how profitable this Booke is for this aage, seeing it is the last Reuelation of Gods will and Prophesie, that euer was, or shall bee in the World: For wee shall haue no more Prophesies nor Miracles hereafter, but must content our selues with the Law and Prophecies already giuen, as Christ in his Parable of La­zarus and the rich man teacheth. Now as to the Methode, this holy Epistle is di­rected to the seuen Churches of Asia Minor, whom hee names and writes to parti­cularly in the first three Chapters of the same, and vnder their Names to all their trew Successors, the whole Church Militant in the World. The whole matter may bee diuided in sixe parts, to wit, The praise or dispraise of euery one of these Churches, according to their merits wherein they merit good or euill, what way they ought to reforme themselues, and this is contained in the three first Chapters: And to make them inexcusable, in case they slide againe, hee shewes the estate of the whole Church Militant in their time; he tells them what it shall be vntill the end of the World, and what it shalbe when it is Triumphant and immortall after the disso­lution: These three last parts are declared by Visions in the rest of the E­pistle, first the present estate of the Church then, and what it should be thereafter vn­to the later day, is summarily declared by the first sixe of the seuen Seales: in the sixt and seuenth Chapters, and afterwards more at large by the seuen Trumpets that came out of the seuenth Seale in the 8. 9. 10. 11. Chapters: And because through Tirannie and abuse of the Popedome, Poperie is the greatest temptation since Christes first comming, or that shalbe vnto his last; therefore he specially insists more at large and cleerly, in the declaration and painting forth of the same, by Vision of the woman in the wildernesse, and of the Beasts that rose out of the sea and the earth in the 12. 13. and 14. Chapters: And then to comfort men that might otherwise despaire, Chap. 15.16. because of the [Page 6]greatnesse of that temptation, he declares by the next following Vision of the Phials, what plagues shall light vpon the Pope and his followers: Next, he describes him a­gaine, Chap. 17.18.19. Chap. 20. farre clearer then any time before, and likewise his ruine, together with the sor­row of the Earth, and ioy of Heauen therefore: And then to inculcate and ingraue the better the foresaid Visions in the hearts and memories of Men, hee in a Vision makes a short summe and recapitulation of them, to wit, of the present estate of the Church then, and what it should bee thereafter, vnto the Day of Iudgement, to­gether with a short description of the said Day: And last he describes by a Vision, the glorious reward of them, who constantly persist in the Trueth, resisting all the temptations which he hath forespoken, To wit, he describes the blessed estate of the holy and Eternall Ierusalem, and Church Triumphant, and so with a short and pithie Conclusion makes an end.

A PARAPHRASE VPON THE REVELATION OF THE APOSTLE S. IOHN.

CHAP. I.

ARGVMENT.

The Booke, the Writer, and the Inditer; the end and vse thereof: The dedication of this Epistle to the Churches and Pastors, vnder the vision of the seuen Candlesticks and seuen Starres.

GOD THE FATHER hath directed his Sonne and Word, IESVS CHRIST, to send downe an Angel or Minister, to me Iohn his seruant, and by him to reueale vnto mee certaine things which are shortly to come to passe, to the effect in time the cho­sen may be forewarned by me; 2 Who haue borne witnes that the word of God is true, and that IESVS CHRIST is, and was a faithfull witnesse, and haue made true report of all I saw. 3 Happy are they that read and vnderstand this Prophesie, and conforme themselues there­unto in time, for in very short space it will be fulfilled: 4 I am directed to declare the same, specially to you the seuen Churches of Asia, with whom be grace and peace from the Eternall, the Father, and from the Holy Spirit: 5 And IESVS CHRIST, that faithfull witnesse, the first borne of the dead, the Mightie King of the world, and head of his Church; Who for the loue he bare vs, hath made vs innocent by his blood in the worke of Re­demption: 6 To him then we, whom hee hath made Spiritual Kings and Priests, in Honour and Holinesse, and ordained to serue and praise his Father, giue all glory and power for euer: so be it. 7 Assure your selues of his comming againe from Heauen in all glory, and all eyes shall see him; Yea the wicked shalbe compelled to acknowledge that it is euen very he, whom [Page 8]so they did persecute: Christ cruci­fied. And the whole world shall haue a feeling before him of their vnthankefulnesse. So be it. 8 I am Eternall, saith the Lord, before whom, all things (which is or was) are present, and I am only the worker of all, I who euer Was, and still am, shall surely come againe accor­ding to my promise: 1. Cor. 2. And as I am Eternall and true, so I am Almighty, preordinating all things before all beginnings. 9 I Iohn, your brother in the flesh, Iohn banish­ed to Pathmos for the trueth, writeth the Reuelation. and companion with you, aswell in the seruice of Christ, as in the patient suffering of the Crosse, being for that word of God and witnes­sing of Christ, whereof I spake, so persecuted, that for safety of my life I was constrained to flie all alone to the solitarie Ile of Pathmos. 10 Then was I bereft in spirit vpon the Sunday, which is hallowed to the Lord: Then heard I behind me, turne about and take heed, the mighty voyce of the Lord as a Trumpet, because he was to declare the estate of the battell of the Church Militant vnto me; 11 Saying these wordes, I am A and Ω, to wit, the first and the last, write thou in a Booke what thou seest, and send it to the Seuen Churches in Asia, the names of which are these, Ephesus, Smyr­na, Pergamos, Thyatyra, Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea: 12 And when I turned mee to see the voyce, Vers. 10. I did see seuen Candlesticks representing these seuen Churches: 13 And in the middest of them the figure of the Sonne of man representing him, clothed with a side garment for grauitie, and gir­ded about the paps with a girdle of Gold for glory: 14 His head and haire were white as white Wooll, Psal. 51. Esay. 4. Matth. 3. Ierem. 1.15. Esay 17. or Snow for innocencie; and his eyes were bright like flames of fire, to signifie his all-seeing knowledge: 15 His feet were of brasse, brightly flaming as in a furnace, to declare his standing in Eternity: And his voice like the sounding of many waters, representing his Maiestie in commanding: 16 And hee had in his Right hand, the side that the Elect are on, Hebr. 1.10. Vers. 10. seuen Starres for you the seuen Angels, that is, Pastors of the seuen Churches: Ephes. 6. Esay. 60. Matth. 7. And from his mouth came a two-edged sword, to wit, the Sword of the word, which comes onely from him; and his face was as the Sunne shining bright, for from his Face comes all light to illuminate blind Man. 17 And when I thus did see him, I fell dead at his feet for asto­nishment, Psal. 63. Psal. 139. but he lifted mee vp againe with his right and fauourable hand, and comfortably said vnto mee, Feare not, be not astonished, for I am the first and the last. Christ is risen from death to life. Timoth. 1. Hebr. 2. 18 Who, as verily as now I liue, was once dead, as thou thy selfe beares witnesse, and yet now doe liue for euer and euer, and by my death onely I haue ouercome Hell and Death; and I onely and no other, keepe the Keyes that haue the power of them both. 19 And now I came to charge thee to write these things which thou hast now seene, because they are afterwards to come to passe.

CHAP. II.

ARGVMENT.

Admonition and exhortation to the Churches of Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamos and Thyatira.

WRite then this to the Angel, or Pastour of the Church of Ephesus: He that hath the seuen Starres, Chap. 1. v. 10. or seuen Pastours in his Right hand, or fauourable power, or protection, and who walkes among the seuen Golden Candlesticks, or watches ouer the seuen Churches, euen hee, I say, Chap. 1. sayes thus vnto thee: 2 I know thy workes, thy trauaile and patience, & that thou suffrest not the wicked to walke with thee, but hast learned them out, False apostles in the Church of Ephesus. that call themselues Apostles in the Church of Ephesus, and are not, and hast tried them to be lyers: 3 Thou art also loaded with a great burden, and yet wil­lingly sustainest it, and for the loue of my Name hast thou trauailed much, and yet weariest not: 4 But in this I must finde fault with thee, that thy former charitie is waxed cold: Destruction to the Church of Ephesus, ex­cept they re­pent. Chap. 1. Ioh. 12. v. 35. Nicolates. Pouerbs 15. 5 Remember then from whence thou hast fallen, and repent, turning thy selfe to thy first workes, otherwise I wil turne against thee soone, and will remoue thy Candlesticke out of the place it is in, to wit, the light of the Gospel, from thy Church, if thou repent not in time: 6 But this againe, thou doest well to hate the deeds of the Nico­laitans which also I hate. Matth. 23. 7 Let all who haue eares, or are willing to be fol­lowers of me, heare and take example by this which the Spirit of God sayes to the seuen Churches, or their seuen Pastours in the name of them: 1. Iohn 2. 1. Iohn 5. Prou. 3.5.18.22. And to him who is Victor in the battell against Satan and the flesh, I shall giue to eate of the Tree of Life, which is in the middest of the Paradise of God, to wit, I shall make him liue eternally in Heauen. 8 To the Angel or Pastour of the Church of Smyrna write thou, This sayes the first and the last, Ephes. 1.3. who was dead but now liues: 9 I know thy workes, thy trouble and pouertie, but thou art rich, to wit, in graces; I know also what blasphemies are vsed against thee, by them who call themselues Iewes, but are not, but by the contrary are of the Synagogue of Satan. The Church of Smyrna af­flicted and troubled, yet doeth conti­new. Psal. 91. 10 Feare not when yee shall be troubled by the deuil, for he will persecute and trouble some of you in the flesh, that your constancie may be tried, and ye shall haue great affliction for the space of tenne dayes, to wit, for a certaine space, but be yee faithfull vnto the death, and for your continuance I shall giue you the Crowne of life immortall. 11 Hee that hath an eare, let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Churches; and he that ouercommeth shall not be hurt by the second death, which is Hell. Pergame the principall Ci­tie in Attalia. 12 And to the Angel or Pastour of the Church of Per­game, write thou, Thus saith he that hath the two edged sword: 13 I know thy workes and where thou dwellest, euen where the throne of Satan is, to wit, among a great number of wicked; Yet hast thou not denied thy Faith in me, no not in straightest times, Antipas Mar­tyr. when Antipas my faithfull Martyr and [Page 10]witnesse, was slaine among you, where Satan, to wit, many wicked re­maine: 14 Yet haue I some few things to lay to your charge, to wit, That yee permit them to remaine amongst you, who retaine the doctrine of Balaam, 1. Cor. 10.14. who perswade men to eate of things immolate to Idoles, and to commit fornication, and filthinesse in the flesh: For the very same did Ba laam to Balac, to cause the Israelites stumble. 15 Thou offendest also in suf­fering some to be amongst you, who retaine the doctrine of the Nicolai­tans which I hate. 16 Repent therefore in time, otherwise I will come a­gainst thee soone, and I will fight and ouercome them who are amongst you, with the sword of my mouth, to wit, by the force of my word. 17 He that hath an eare, let him heare what the Spirit saith to the Churches: And to the Victour shall I giue to eate of that secret and hidden Manna, to wit, of Me the spirituall food of the faithfull, of whom that Manna which was hid in the Arke was a figure: And I will also giue him a White stone, or a Marke of his election and righteousnesse through imputation, and in it a New name written, to wit, his name shall be written vp in the Booke of life, which no man knoweth but he who receiues it; for no other may know the certaintie of ones Election, but onely he who is elected. 18 And to the Angel or Pastour of the Church of Thyatire, write, This saith the Sonne of God, whose eyes are like flames of fire, and whose feet are like to gliste­ring brasse: 19 I know thy workes, thy charitie, thy almes, and carefull helping of the weake, thy faith, thy patience, and shortly all thy workes; but in speciall I praise thy great constancie and firme continuance, euen so, as thy last workes are better then the first: 20 Yet some few things haue I to lay to thy charge, to wit, that thou sufferest a woman, like to Iezebel in wickednesse and Idolatrie, who calls her selfe a Prophetesse, to teach and seduce my seruants, to commit fornication and filthinesse of the flesh, and to eate of things immolate vnto Idols: 21 Yet gaue I her a time to repent from her filthinesse, but she would not. 22 Therefore loe I shall cast her into a bed, to wit, I shall destroy her in the puddle of her sinnes, and I shall trouble with great affliction all them who commit adulterie, to wit, spiri­tuall adulterie with her, if they repent not of their euill workes in time. 23 And I will kill and destroy her sonnes, to wit, all the followers of her doctrine, that all the Churches and faithfull may know me to be the sear­cher out of the secrets of all hearts, and the iust renderer and recompencer of euery man according to his workes. 24 But I say vnto the rest of you who are at Thyatire, who haue not receiued that false doctrine, nor know not the depth nor secrets of Satan or wickednesse, whereof the other falsely did purge themselues, I will not lay any other burthen vpon you, then that which already constantly yee beare: 25 But that which yee haue, holde it out valiantly vntill my comming againe. 26 For vnto him who is victour, and beares out to the end that burthen which I lay vpon him, I will giue power ouer Nations, to wit, hee shall triumph ouer the world: 27 And he shall rule them with an yron rod, and they shall be bro­ken [Page 11]like vessels of earth, according as I haue receiued the power from my Father: 28 And I shall giue vnto him the Morning starre; for as the mor­ning starre shines brighter then the rest, so shall he shine brighter in glory then his fellowes. 29 He that hath an eare, let him heare what the Spirit sayth to the Churches.

CHAP. III.

ARGVMENT.

Admonition and exhortation to the Churches of Sardis, Philadelphia, and Laodicea.

ANd to the Angel or Pastour of the Church of Sardis write thou, Thus sayth he who hath the seuen Spirits of God, Sardis. to wit, hee with whom the holy Spirit is vnseparably ioyned, and who hath the bestowing of all the graces of Gods Spi­rit on the Elect, and hath the seuen Starres, to wit, who is the head of you the seuen Pastours, I know thy workes, for ye say ye liue, and yet are dead, for your faith is fruitlesse. 2 Be watchfull then, and sleepe no longer in negligence and carelesse securitie, but strengthen againe that which is dying in you, to wit, reuiue your zeale and feruencie which is waxed cold, and almost quenched; for surely I haue not found your works so holy, and pure, as they are able to abide a triall before the face of God. 3 Remember then what thou hast once receiued & heard, that thou maist obserue the same and repent; but if thou watch not as I haue said, I will come as a thiefe, for the day of triall shall come when ye looke least for it, if ye be not alwayes, and at all times prepared: 4 Yet haue yee some few heads and notable persons in Sardis, who haue not defiled their garments, to wit, corrupted their workes as the rest haue done, and therefore they shall goe with me being made white, to wit, being made innocent by my merit, for they are worthy thereof: 5 And the Victour shall be clothed with a white garment of innocencie by imputation, neither shall I wipe his name out of the Booke of life, but shall auow him to be one of mine be­fore my Father and his Angels. 6 He that hath an eare, let him heare what the Spirit sayth to the Churches: 7 But to the Angelor Pastour of the Church of Philadelphia write thou, This sayth hee who is onely holy and trew, Philadelphia. and who hath the key of Dauid, who openeth and no man shutteth, who shuts and no man openeth, as sayes Esay; Chap. 22. for as Dauid was both King and Pro­phet, and was the figure of me, so I, as the veritie and end of that figure, am onely he, who hath the keyes of absolute condemning, or absoluting spiritu­ally and eternally. 8 I know thy workes, and loe, I haue set an open doore before thee, to wit, I haue made the way of grace patent vnto thee, which doore no man can shut, because I haue reserued the secret power of electi­on and reprobation onely to my selfe; and this fauour will I shew you, be­cause [Page 12]yee retaine some good and vertuous things amongst you, and hast kept my Word, and hast not beene ashamed of my Name, nor denyed the same; 9 Loe therefore I will make subiect vnto thee, these who are the Synagogue of Satan, to wit, those who call themselues Iewes, and are not, but lye: I shall make them (I say) come and adore before your feete, and they shall be compelled to know that I haue loued thee: 10 And this shall I do vnto thee, because thou hast faithfully retained the tidings of my trou­bles and sufferings, and therefore shal I deliuer thee also to trie the indwel­lers of the Earth. 11 Loe, I come shortly, therefore retaine surely to the end, that good which is in thee, lest another doe receiue thy Crowne and reward: 12 For I will make the Victor a pillar in the Temple of my God, to wit, a speciall and stedfast instrument in the Church, out of the which he shall neuer againe be cast foorth: for hee who once is elected, is neuer cast off; and I shall write on him, the Name of God, to wit, he shal beare the Marke and Seale of an Elect, and the name of the Citie of my God, which is new Ierusalem, to wit, the holy and blessed number of Saints and Angels which commeth downe from heauen from my God, to wit, is shortly and certeinly to come downe, by the generall compeiring at the latter day: And I shall also write on him mine owne Name, for I shall apply my gene­rall redemption of mankinde to him, in speciall, and so I shall write my new Name vpon him, to wit, of Redeemer and Sauiour, which name I haue lately acquired through my passion, death, and rising againe. 13 Hee that hath an eare, let him heare what the Spirit sayth vnto the Churches. 14 And to the Angel or Pastour of the Church of Laodicea, Laodicea. write thou, Thus sayth the Amen, to wit, he that is wholly and perfect holy, and true in all his promi­ses, that saithfull Witnesse, who is the beginning of the workemanship of God, as well because hee is that Word which did create all, and so is their beginning, for that they all receiued their beginning and being from him, as because the vniting of the Manhood with the Godhead in his person is the most excellent, and so the beginning, that is, the chiefe, or first in pre­eminence of all the workes of God. 15 I know thy workes, sayth hee, to wit, that thou art neither hote nor colde, would to God thou wert either hote or cold, to wit, either feruent and pure in the trueth, or altogether cold and ignorant, that is, seeing and confessing thine ignorance and slacknesse, that thou mightest be instructed in the same: Iudgement against Lao­dicea. 16 But thou art lukewarme, and neither hote nor cold, and so inexcusable; and therefore as lukewarme liquor prouokes vomit, so will I spew thee out of my mouth: 17 For thou sayest and thinkest thy selfe to be wealthy, and greatly enriched, and lacke nothing; but thou knowest not thy selfe to be spiritually in miserie and wretchednesse, poore, blinde, and naked of the grace and fauour of God: 18 I would wish thee to buy of me gold purged by the fire, that thou mayst thereby be made truely rich; I meane, I would wish thee to conquer by true repentance and earnest prayer, the Word and trueth of God; (which because it can receiue no filth or spot, and is able to abide the triall, Dauid [Page 13]properly in his Psalmes compares to golde purged by the fire) which will make thee rich in all spirituall graces: I would also wish thee to clothe thy selfe with a white garment, to wit, with innocencie and righteousnes, that the shame of thy nakednesse and vncleannesse appeare not, and to anoint thine eyes with an eye-salue, that thou mayst cleerly see from whence thou hast fallen: 19 But despaire thou not for these my sharpe words, for those whom I loue, I reprooue and fatherly chasten: Take vp therefore againe zealously the right way to saluation, and repent thee earnestly of thy for­mer iniquities. 20 Loe I stand at the doore, and knocke; for I offer my selfe vnto you by my Ambassadours, and my word in their mouth, who­soeuer heareth my voice and openeth the doore, to wit, whosoeuer heareth my voice, and yeeldeth thereunto due obedience, to him will I come in, to wit, my holy Spirit shall enter into him, and I will sup and be familiar with him, as he shall doe with me, and reuerence me with loue: 21 And I will make the Victour to sit with me in my Throne, to wit, he shalbe par­taker of my Glory, euen as I sit with my Father in his Throne, and am in my manhood, in which I ouercame, exalted to sit in glory at his right hand, equall in power, eternitie and glory with him. 22 Hee that hath an eare, let him heare what the Spirit sayth to the Churches.

CHAP. IIII.

ARGVMENT.

The rauishing of the Writer: The description of the Maiestie of God in Heauen, compassed about with Angels and Saints, vnder the figure of Saints and Elders.

ANd when this speech of IESVS was ended, I looked vp, Ezech. 1. and loe, I did see a doore opened in Heauen, to the effect that I might see and heare therein, the figuratiue represen­ting of those things that were to come after: And that first voice which spake vnto me before, lowd as a trumpet, and was the voice of IESVS CHRIST, spake vnto mee, and said, Mount vp thither, for I am to shew thee those things that are to be done here­after. 2 Then was I immediatly bereft in spirit; for the eyes of my earth­ly and grosse body, could not haue seene and comprehended those hea­uenly and spirituall mysteries: And loe, I did see a Throne set in heauen, and did see one sit thereon, to wit, GOD the Father in all Glory and Ma­iestie: 3 And he that sate thereon, was like in colour to the Iasper and Sar­dine stones; greene as the Iasper, to represent his euerlasting flourishing without decay; and fiery redde as the Sardine, to signifie his great bright­nesse and consuming power, who is the trier and separater of the Elect from the reprobate: and the Rainebow, coloured like the Emerauld, did compasse him round about, to testifie thereby, that as after the deluge [Page 14]hee made the Rainebow a Sacrament of the promises made to Noah, so this Rainebow which now I did see compassing his Throne, should serue for a sure Sacrament, that hee will neuer suffer his Elect to perish, but will alwayes, and at all times be compassed, with a great care and watchfulnes ouer them: Greene it was as the Emerauld, to signifie the continuance without ceasing of his care; as the Emerauld comforteth the sight, so is this Sacrament an vnspeakeable comfort vnto the Elect in their trouble­some dayes. 4 And about his Throne were foure and twentie other seats, and I saw foure and twentie Elders or Ecclesiasticall Rulers sitting there­upon, clothed with white garments, and hauing Crownes of Golde vpon their heads: These are the twelue Patriarkes, and then the twelue Apostles, [who for that they haue beene the speciall teachers both of the olde and new Law, to the saluation, aswell of Iewes as of Gentiles, are set in seates about his Throne for glory, and clothed with white garments for their innocencie and brightnesse] and crowned with crownes of golde in to­ken of their victory ouer Satan and the flesh, and of their glorious reward therefore. 5 And from his Throne went foorth thunder, lightening, and terrible voices, to represent the great seueritie and terriblenes of his Iudge­ments, denounced by the olde Law, and executed on the wicked: And there were seuen lampes of burning fire before his Throne, which is the infinite, mightie, and flaming bright holy Spirit, resembling the loue and light of the new Law of the Gospel of Christ. 6 And there was a sea of glasse like vnto Christall before his Throne, for that as in a glasse he cleere­ly sees euen all the secretest actions and cogitations of all in the world, de­scribed here by the Sea, which is euer before his face; for nothing can be hid from his presence and prescience: And though in lustre and glaunce the world be like the liuely fountaines of waters, which are the faithfull, daily springing and flowing with good workes by fruitfull faith, yet is it indeede without motion or liquor, dead and like glasse, whensoeuer the Lord IEHOVAH doeth thunder his Iudgements vpon it: And in the middest of the Throne, and about the same, were foure beasts; their foure hinder parts were in the midst of it, their shoulders bearing it vp, and their head and wings without and about the same; and these beasts were full of eyes behind and before: These are the holy Cherubims, the highest degree of Angels, Ezech. 10.12. foure in number, as well because of their foure qualities to exe­cute his will, (as yee shall heare hereafter) as for that the Lord directs them when it pleaseth him, to all the foure corners of the world, and are as it were his foure windes to blow, that is, to execute either fauour or Iustice, in whatsoeuer place he appointeth them; they are about his Throne, and as it were sustaine the same; testifying thereby, that they are most excel­lent of all others, & per [...], the pillars or footstooles of his glory: Their number of eyes before and behind, signifie their certaine know­ledge of things past, as to come, committed to their charge, together with their continuall vigilancie to execute GODS commandements: [Page 15] 7 And the first beast was like a Lion, the second like a Calfe, the third was faced like a man, and the fourth was like a flying Eagle; hereby represen­ting their excellent qualities in the execution of the Lords decrees, to wit, great power, courage, patience, and strength to trauell, how oft and how much they should be commanded; great wisedome and a wonderfull swiftnesse in the execution thereof. 8 And euery one of these beasts had sixe wings in circuit, (These are the sixe wings Esay speaketh of:) Esay 6.8. two at their armes, to signifie their great celeritie in accomplishing Gods com­mandements; two to couer their faces with, to testifie that the glory of God is so bright, and his Maiestie so great, as the very Angels, his most ex­cellent creatures, are not able to behold the same; and two at their feete, as well to wipe the filth of the earth off them, after they haue beene here be­low, (teaching vs thereby, that although they be oft in the world, by the direction of their Creatour, yet cannot the world infect them with her sinnefulnesse and corruptions) as also to let vs know, that they are so farre in glory aboue all men liuing in the earth, as it is impossible to vs with cor­porall eyes, to behold the least part of their glorious brightnesse without a vaile, euen as it is to them to behold the glory of the Almightie: And within they were all full of eyes, to represent their incessant looking on God, which commeth from that inward and inestimable loue they beare vnto him; which also they expressed in their continuall singing of these wordes, Holy, Holy, Holy, is that threefold Lord God Almightie, who euer was, now is, and shall come againe, replenished with all fulnesse of glory and power: 9 And when these Beasts were giuing all glory, honour, and thankes to him that sate on the Throne, to him (I say) who liues eter­nally; 10 The foure and twentie Elders, as next in ranke, fell downe vpon their faces before him that sate on the Throne, and adored Him who liues for euer, and cast downe their Crownes of golde at his feete, in token that they receiued them onely of him, saying, 11 Thou art onely worthy, O Lord, to be accounted glorious, honourable, and powerfull, for that thou hast created all things, and for thy will and pleasure haue they had their being, and were created. This glance did I see of the glory that is in heauen, at the receiuing of my Commission, contained in the following Visions which I did see of the things present and to come, in the generall Church militant.

CHAP. V.

ARGVMENT.

The description of the Booke, wherein was conteined all the Misteries which were reuealed to this Writer: Christs opening of them vnder the figure of a Lion, and of a Lambe: The praises giuen him by the Saints and Angels there­fore, who offer without any Intercessour, euery one his owne thankesgiuing, and praises to the Mediatour.

THen first I did see in the Right hand of him that sate on the Throne, Dan. 12.4. a Booke, the Booke wherein these mysteries are contained; Esay 24 11. and all the Booke was written vpon, aswell on the backe as within; on the backe was written these Visi­ons that I did see, Ezek. 2.10. and am presently to declare vnto you; within was written the plaine exposition, and the very proper names of all things which these Visions did represent, which are inclosed there, to signifie that the Lord hath not permitted me to manifest the same to the world, for the time thereof is not come yet; which Booke was sealed with seuen Seales, aswell to keepe euery part thereof vnreuealed to any, as also to giue the greater certaintie, that these things shall come to passe, which are prophesied therein. 2 And I saw a strong Angel proclayming with a loud voice, Who is worthy to open this Booke, and to loose the Seales thereof? 3 But there could none be found worthy to doe it, neither in heauen nor in earth, nor beneath the earth, no not to looke on it, much lesse to open it: for neither Angel nor deuil either knows or dare meddle with the high mysteries of God, and things future, except so farre as plea­seth him to commit and reueale vnto them: 4 Then wept I very sore that none could be found worthy to open and read that Booke, no not to looke vpon the same: for I was very sorrowfull that I could not haue it reuealed vnto me: 5 At last one of the Elders said vnto mee, Weepe not, Loe the Lion of the Tribe of Iuda hath preuailed, to wit, he who is come of Iuda, and hath admirable force in his flesh, deriued from the Tribe of Iuda, by which he ouercame Sinne, Death, and Hell, and is the roote of Dauid, (for Dauid was his figure and fore-beer in the flesh) is worthy and onely worthy to open the Booke, and loose the Seales thereof. 6 And then I tooke heed, and behold, I did see in the middest of the Throne, and the foure beasts, a second person of the Trinitie sitting with God, and in the middest of the Elders, as a man and our brother, a Lambe standing like as hee had bene slaine, to signifie that once indeed hee was slaine, but had risen againe, and had seuen Hornes and seuen Eyes, representing the innumerable times, mighty and holy Spirit of God, which after his Resurrection he sent out through the whole earth to direct, instruct, and rule the same by his pro­uidence and power: 7 This Lambe then came and tooke the Booke out of the Right hand of him that did sit on the Throne: 8 And so soone as he had taken the Booke in his hand, these foure beasts, and these foure and [Page 17]twentie Elders fell vpon their faces before the Lambe, and adored him, and euery one of them had in his hand Harpes, and golden Phials, full of sweet odours; these are the prayers of the Saints, which the foure beasts, com­prehending all the degrees of Angels, and the foure and twentie Elders comprehending the whole Church, as well Militant as Triumphant, per­ceiuing that CHRIST is to reueale all the tentations which are to fall vpon the earth and Church, before the latter dayes; doe powre forth, aswel on the Church triumphants part, thankesgiuing, that by the reuealing or opening of the Booke, he armeth the Militant Church to resist all the tentations contained therein, as also on the Church Militants part, to pray him to hasten the end and dissolution; for the hastening whereof all crea­tures sigh and grone to their Creator. Euery one of these beasts and El­ders, presents their owne praiers vnto him who sits on the Throne, to teach vs, as he is Mediatour, and therefore our prayers must be offered vnto him onely, that so there is no Intercessour betweene him and vs, but euery one of vs must present our owne prayers before him, after the example of the beasts and Elders: These prayers were inclosed in harpes, to signifie the sweet and pleasing sound, that faithfull prayers make in the eares of God; they were inclosed in golden Phials, to teach vs that acceptable prayers must come from an vndefiled heart, and pure as gold; and they themselues are called incense, because their smell is pleasant and sweet like incense in the nostrils of God. Exod. 30.7. This did the incense at the sacrifice in the old Law signifie and figurate; and of this incense speakes Dauid in his Psalmes. Psal. 141.2. 9 And they, to wit the foure and twenty Elders did sing a new Canticle, for the matter of their Canticle, to wit, the accomplishment of the Mysterie of re­demption is new, Psal. 144. and euer ought to be new and fresh in the hearts of all them that would be accompted thankefull: Their song then was this; Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receiue the Booke, and open the Seales there­of, for thou hast bene slaine, though innocent; and by thy precious Blood hast redeemed vs to God thy Father, and hast chosen vs out of all Tribes, tongues, people and nations, aswell Iewes as Gentiles: 10 And thou hast made vs Kings and Priests spiritually to our God: And we shall reigne o­uer the earth at the last and generall Iudgement, and as Kings, shall be par­ticipant of the glory of the holy and new Citie Ierusalem. 11 Then I be­held and heard round about the Throne, the beasts, and the Elders, the voyces of many Angels, to the number of many thousand thousands, Dan. 7.10. to wit, innumerable Legions of them, 12 Who said all with a loud voice, The Lambe who was slaine, is worthy to haue all power, riches, wisedome strength, honour, glory and blessing for euer. 13 I also heard all creatures in Heauen, in earth, and beneath the earth, and in the seas, euen all that are in them, I heard saying in one voyce vnto him that sits vpon the Throne, and vnto the Lambe be Blessing, Glory, Honour and Power for euer, and euer. And the foure beastes said, Amen, and the foure and twenty Elders fell on their faces, and adored him that liues for euer, and euer.

CHAP. VI.

ARGVMENT.

The opening of the first sixe Seales: The spreading of the Euangel, signified by the white horse, in the first seale: The great Persecution by the red horse, in the se­cond: The number of diuers heresies by the blacke, in the third: The Popedome and Tyrannie thereof by the pale, in the fourth: The complaint of the Saints, and their deliuerance promised: Their blessed estate in the meane time, in the fift: The day of Iudgement, and the terriblenesse thereof, in the sixt.

AFter this I looked to see when the Lambe opened the first Seale, and loe, I heard one of the foure beasts, for they were appointed to assist me in the time of these Visions, as the most excellent creatures of God; and his voice was like a thunder, making me awake, with terrour to take heede to these great and terrible Prophesies, which God was to declare vnto me, and hee said, Come and see. 2 Then I looked and did see a white horse, and he that sate on him had a bow in his hand, Zach. 1.8. Zach. 6.2, 3. and a Crowne giuen vnto him, and hee came foorth a Victour to winne and ouercome: This man com­ming on the white horse, was the comming and incarnation of our Bright and Innocent Sauiour, armed with a bow; for euer since his com­ming till now, and a space hereafter, the dart and arrow of God, to wit, the holy Spirit by the preaching of the Gospel doeth subdue, and bring the world vnder his subiection, and taketh vengeance of his enemies: His crowne is giuen to him by his Father, in token of his victory ouer the se­cond death, and as King of the Catholike Church to crowne the faith­full, Conuersion of the Gen­tiles. and so he commeth foorth a Victour ouer Satan, and to ouercome by once, conuerting a great part of the world to the trew knowledge of God: This mysterie is already begunne, but is not yet accomplished. 3 And when he opened the second Seale, 4 Loe, there came forth a red horse, and there was power giuen to him that sate on him, to take away peace from the earth, that euery one might slay one another; and there was giuen him for that purpose a great sword; for with the spreading of the Euangel and rooting of the trueth in the hearts of the nations, Persecution of the body by the Ciuill sword, in the second Seale. Continuation of trew pastors after the Mar­tyres. shall a bloody persecu­tion of Tyrants by the ciuil sword, be ioyned; which is meant by the ri­der on the red horse: but notwithstanding the Euangel shall spread and flourish, for such is the power of God, resisting the pride of man, that vnder the Crosse, the puritie of the trueth most flourisheth in the Church. 5 And when he opened the third Seale, the third Beast said vnto me, Come and see: and loe, I did see a blacke horse, and hee that sate vpon him had balances in his hand: 6 And I heard a voice from among the foure Beasts, saying, A measure of Wheat for one peny, and three measures of Barley for one peny, but wine and oyle harme thou not: for after that this first mysterie shall be ac­complished, not onely dearth and famine shall ensue the contempt of the [Page 19]trueth, but God shall permit Satan to tempt and vexe his Church with a cloud of diuers and dangerous heresies, which may be meant by the rider on the blacke horse, for the blackenesse and darkenesse of them, Heresies ment in the third Seale. shall ob­scure the light of the Gospel; but yet God, to assure vs that hee will neuer forget his owne, speakes from his Throne, comforting vs thereby, that al­though (as the balances and measure signifies) good men shall bescant, who are the fine wheat and barley of his haruest, Luke 3. yet some shall there be that shall not bow their knee to Baal, no not in straighter times that shall come after; and alwayes giues vs assurance, that the word and trueth of God, which is an eternall Oyle and comfortable Vine, shall neuer be de­stroyed, nor any wayes corrupted, in spight of all the malice of Satan in his instruments. 7 And when hee opened the fourth Seale, the fourth Beast said vnto me, Come and see. 8 Then I beheld, and loe, I did see a pale horse, and the name of him that sate vpon him was Death: This is the greatest and heauiest plague; for after that the persecutions and heresies shall take an ende, and that infirmitie and coldnesse haue cropen into the Church, The Pope­dom is meant by the pale horse in the fourth Seale, of heresie and ciuil tyranny. then shall God redouble his former plagues, by permitting Satan to erect a tyrannie composed of both these former plagues; for it shall be full of he­resie like the one, and full of ciuill and temporall tyrannie like the other: and therefore because it brings with it al maner of death, both of body and soule, the rider is iustly called Death, as the fountaine of all the sorts of the same: and the palenesse of the horse is correspondent in all points to the qualitie of the rider; for as the rider is called Death, so the colour of pale­nesse represents the same: and as the riders qualities are composed of here­sies and tyrannie, so the colour of pale is composed chiefly of blacke and red: And hell followed after him to the vtter damnation of him and his followers: And power was giuen him ouer the fourth part of the earth, to wit, the rest who are not ouercome by the other three riders; for all they who were not marked by the white horse, nor killed in body by the red, nor killed in soule by the blacke, are killed both in body and soule by this last: And as he hath power of destroying thus, giuen him ouer the fourth part of the earth, so by foure plagues specially doeth he execute the same, to wit, by Sword, Hunger, Death, and the Beasts of the earth: These plagues allude to the plagues, mentioned in the Canticle of Moses; for this tyrannie shall begin with persecution, Scarcitie of trew Pastors and worship­ping. The cruelty of the Popes ty­ranny. this persecution shall cause a hun­ger, and great scarcitie of the true worship of God, this hunger shall breed a second and eternall death, and this tyranny shall then end with a crueller and bloodier persecution of the bodies then euer was before; which shall be so barbarous, that it is compared in this Vision to the execution, vsed by wilde beasts vpon offenders, and shall spare no degree, sexe nor aage, no more then beasts doe. 9 But when he opened the fift Seale, I did see vnder the Altar, the soules of them that were slaine for the word of God, and for his Testimonie which they maintained: 10 And they cryed with a lowd voice, saying, How long wilt thou delay (O Lord) since thou art holy [Page 20]and trew, to reuenge & iudge our blood vpon them that dwel on the earth; for this last persecution did enter so fiercely into the world, and did make so great a number of Martyrs, that their soules lying vnder the Altar, to wit, in the safegard of IESVS CHRIST (who is the only Altar, Hose. 14.3. whereupon, and by whom it is onely lawfull to vs, Hebr. 13.15. to offer the sacrifice of our hearts and lips, to wit, our humble prayers to God the Father) did pray, and their blood did cry to heauen, and craue at the hands of their Father a iust re­uenge of their torments vpon the wicked, and therewith a hastening of the generall dissolution, for the deliuerie of their brethren who did re­maine yet aliue. 11 Then white robes were giuen to euery one of them, and it was said vnto them, and they were willed to rest and haue patience for a short space, vnto the time the number of their fellow seruants to God, and brethren companions in the Crosse, were fulfilled, who were also to be slaine as they were already: This surely ought to be a wonderfull and inestimable comfort to all the Church militant, since by this Seale wee are assured, that both the soules of the Martyrs, so soone as their bodies are kil­led, shall immediatly be rewarded with perpetuall and bright glory in hea­uen, not going into any other place by the way, which is signified by the White robes; as also that so soone as their number shall be complete, which shall be within a short space, God shall then craue a full account at their persecutors hands; and then as the one number shall receiue a full and eter­nall glory in body and soule, the other shall receiue a full torment in soule and body, to the cleere shining of his Iustice in the one, and his mercy in the other. 12 Then I tooke heed when he opened the sixt, and loe, there was a great earthquake, Matth. 24.29. and the Sunne-beame blacke like sackecloth made of haire, and the Moone became all bloody: 13 And the Starres fell from the heauens vpon the earth, euen as the figgetree lets her vnripe figges fall, being beaten by a mightie winde: 14 And the heauen went away like a scrole that is rolled together, and all the hilles and Iles were remooued from their places: 15 And the Kings of the Earth, the Nobles, the rich men, the Tribunes or commanders of the people, the mighty men, and all the slaues, aswell as free-men, did hide themselues in cauerns and vnder rockes of hills: Luke 23.30. 16 And they said to the hilles and the rocks, Fall vpon vs, and hide vs from the sight of him that sits vpon the Throne, and from the wrath of the Lambe: 17 For that great day of his wrath is come, and who then may stand? This is the accomplishment of that dissolution, craued and promised in the fift Seale. These terrible things, mentioned in the sixt Seale, are the alterations and signes in the last time: the very same did our Master Christ prophesie, when he was walking on this Earth.

CHAP. VII.

ARGVMENT.

A proper and comfortable digression, interiected of Gods care ouer the Elect, in the times of greatest temptations, signified by the Visions of the foure An­gels, the Election and happie estate of the elected.

BVt lest I, or any other, should doubt of the safegard and sal­uation of the Elect, thinking that these terrible plagues should haue lighted vpon both good and bad indifferent­ly, he represented vnto my sight foure Angels, standing on the foure corners of the earth, and retayning the foure winds in their hands, and stopping them, either to blow vpon the earth, the sea, or any tree: 2 And I did see one Angel going vp from the rising of the Sunne, hauing the Seale of the liuing God, and hee cried with a loud voice to the foure Angels that had power giuen them to harme the earth, and the sea, 3 Saying; Harme not the earth nor the sea, nor the trees, vntill we haue marked the seruants of God on the forehead; These An­gels, foure in number, because they sit vpon the foure corners of the earth, ready to execute Gods iudgements vpon euery part of the World, although they already had stayed the winds to blow, to wit, the progresse of the E­uangel vpon the earth, which is the world, vpon the Sea, which is the num­bers of people, vpon the Trees, which are the Magistrates, Ciuill or Eccle­siasticall; Yet one Angel came from the rising of the Sunne, to wit, 2. Peter 1. Luke 1.7. Malach. 4. directed by CHRIST, who is comfortable like the Sunne-rising to his Elect, and is that Orient day-spring, and Sunne of Righteousnes, rising ouer all the faith­full, which is mentioned in the Scriptures; Who cries and forbids these foure Angels to doe any further temporall harme, while first the chosen be sealed on the forehead, by that Seale which he beares with him for that effect, that these Angels might know them, being marked in so eminent a place, in the generall destruction, and so spare them, assuring vs thereby, that he hath such a care ouer his Elect, as he hath prouided for them before hand, euen as he did for Noah and Loth, and their families, in the time of the deluge and destruction of Sodome. 4 And I heard the number of them that were sealed in Israel, reckoned to be one hundred fourtie and foure Thou­sand; for twelue thousand were sealed of euery one of the Tribes, which makes iustly that number. Out of euery one of the Tribes was a cer­taine number chosen, to assure vs, that a number of euery one of them shalbe saued: 9 And that I might be assured that a number, aswell of the Gentiles, as of the Iewes, shalbe saued, Loe, he shewed me a number so great, as I could not reckon the same, and it was composed of certaine out of eue­ry Nation, Tribe, people and tongue: And they stood before the Throne, and in presence of the Lambe, clothed with white robes, hauing palmes in [Page 22]their hands, in token of the victorie they obteined of their longsome bat­taile. 10 And they cried all with one voice, saying, Our health and our saluation commeth from our God that sits on the Throne, and from his Lambe, to wit, their health came from God the Father, by the Mediation of his Sonne. 11 Then all the Angels stood round about the Throne, the Elders, and the foure beastes, and bowed themselues downe vpon their faces, and adored God with thankesgiuing, for his mercy to the chosen, both of Iew and Gentile, and his Iustice vpon all the rest, 12 Saying, Amen, in allowance of the things done, with full confession, that Blessing, Glory, Wisedome, Thankesgiuing, Honour, Vertue, and Power, belongs only and most iustly to GOD, for euer and euer. 13 Then one of the Elders spake vnto me, and said, What are these, and from whence are they come, who are clo­thed with white robes? 14 And I answered and said, Thou knowest, my Lord. Then he said vnto me, These are they who are preserued, and come from that great affliction, which was represented to thee in some of the Seales, and they haue washed their garments, and made them white in the blood of the Lambe: for they, by vertue of his death, are made righte­ous by imputation, whose blood is the onely and full purgation of vs, from our sinnes: 15 And therefore they are before the Throne of GOD, and serue him day and night in his Temple, to wit, they, without any in­termission, contemplate his Glory, and euer serue him by continuall thankesgiuing, and praising his Name in Heauen, which is his eternall and celestiall Temple: and hee that sits on the Throne shall dwell with them; for they shall neuer be separated from his presence. 16 And they shall be no more an hungry, or thirstie, nor the Sunne, or any heate shall trouble them: 17 For the Lambe who is in the middest of the Throne, to wit, coequall in power with his Father, he shall feed them and guide them to the liuely fountaines of waters, to wit, they shall feed of that Spiri­tuall and liuely bread, and drinke of that Spirituall and liuely water, euen himselfe; Iohn 4.14. which Water he promised to the Samaritane woman, at the well: And GOD shall wipe all teares from their eyes; for he shall both by the greatnesse of their present ioyes, put quite out of their memories, all the sorrow of their former troubles; and shall also giue them eternall ioy, which shall neuer be mixed with any kind of trouble or feare: so shall they not be molested with the vehemencie of the Sunne, or any other heate, which signifies great troubles, and sorrow.

CHAP. VIII.

ARGVMENT.

The opening of the seuenth Seale: The seuen Trumpets comming out of it: The effect of the prayers of the faithfull, signified by the vision of the fire of the Altar: Some persecution, and some heresies, signified by haile mixt with blood and fire, in the first trumpet: The great persecution by the hill of fire, in the second: The number of heresies, by the starres, falling into the fountaines of water, in the third: The vniuersall infirmitie in the Church, in some things by the Sunne, Moone, and starres darkened, in the fourth.

ANd when hee opened the seuenth Seale, there was silence in heauen almost halfe an houre, aswell to let mee know that hee had once already summarily declared the whole things which was to come after, as by silence a while to giue me occasion to meditate vpon that vision which I had seene, to the effect that afterward I might the better vnderstand the more particular rehearsall thereof, which now vnder another vision and forme, was to be declared vnto me by the opening of the seuenth Seale. 2 And I saw seuen Angels standing before God, to execute whatsoeuer thing it should please him to command them; and by his direction there were se­uen Trumpets giuen vnto them, that by these Trumpets they might with one Maiestie denounce to the world such plagues, as they were by the command of God to powre foorth vpon it. 3 Then another Angel came and stood before the Altar, hauing a golden censer in his hand, and there was much incense giuen vnto him, that he might offer vp the prayers of the Saints vpon the golden Altar, that is before the Throne: 4 And the smoke of the incense, which is the prayers of the Saints, mounted vp from the hand of the Angel to the sight of God: 5 Then the Angel tooke this new emptied censer, and filled it againe with the fire of the Altar, and did cast it downe on the earth, and there were thundrings, voices, lightenings and earthquakes: By this Angel and his proceedings, we are assured and made certaine, that Christ shall euer be vigilant ouer his owne, and that specially in straightest times hee will heare their prayers, and euer renew them with some light of the Gospel, by the working of his holy Spirit: And to assure vs hereof, the vision of this Angel was showne vnto me im­mediatly before, that by the seuen Trumpets he is to dilate these visions, showen me in the former Seales: This Angel was Christ, he stood before the Altar: this Altar is likewise himselfe, as I declared before: his standing before it, meaneth, that by his office of Mediatour, hee was to doe as fol­lowes: He had a golden censer in his hand, for he keeps the censer where­in are contained the incense which the Saints giue him, to wit, their pray­ers, to be offered vp to God by his mediation, who is that golden and pure Altar, which is euer in the presence of God, and whose requests are no [Page 24]time refused, and therefore that incense and the smoke thereof, mounts vp to the sight of God, to assure vs that our prayers, being offered in that forme, are euer acceptable: The effect whereof doeth appeare, by the An­gels filling againe the censer with the fire of the Altar, and casting it on the earth; wherewith is ioyned the noise ye heard of; for these prayers pro­cure, that their Mediatour shall out of his golden boxe, to wit, out of his treasure of power, send downe the fire of the Altar, to wit, the holy Spirit which remaineth with him, to make thunders, voices, lightnings and earth­quakes, to wit, to giue againe the Law, by renewing the efficacie of the Gos­pel, in the hearts of the faithfull, alluding to the giuing of the olde Law, whereof these fearefull noises were the fore-runners: This surely is the care and effect that our Master in all troublesome times renewes to strengthen our weakenesse with. 6 And then the seuen Angels which had the seuen trumpets prepared themselues to blow; for although they were before di­rected, yet were they not permitted to execute their office, no more then the foure Angels, who stayed the foure windes while Christ had streng­thened and armed his owne, as is said, to assure vs, that euer before any great temptation, hee will make the backes of the elect ready, and able to beare such burthens as hee is to lay vpon them. 1. Cor. 10.13. 7 Then the first Angel blew, and there was a great haile, and fire mixed with blood, and this storme was cast downe vpon the earth; whereupon followed, that the third part of the trees was withered and burnt vp, and all greene grasse was withered and burnt vp, for the first plague which hath already begun to worke, shall be mixed partly of haile, which is heresie, for as haile showers by the harme they doe to the corne, makes them to become deare, so here­sie makes the true haruest of the Lord to become scant: This haile or he­resie, and spirituall persecution, is ioyned with the sword and persecution of the flesh, which is signified by the fire, and the blood: This fiery and two edged triall shall make the third part, to wit, a part, but not the greatest number of trees, to wit, of renowmed men; and all greene grasse, to wit, all them that are not wel founded and strong in the trewth, (this greene grasse is that sort of professours, Marke 4. vers. 5, 6, 7. of whom Christ spake in the parable of the seed sowen in sandie, and thornie ground;) it shall make them (I say) to fall from the trewth, and so become withered and vnprofitable. 8 Then the second Angel blew, and there fell as it had beene a great hill, all burning in fire; and this hill was cast into the sea, and the third part of the sea be­came blood: 9 And the third part of the liuing creatures in the sea was slaine, and the third part of the ships therein did perish; for after that this former plague shall haue an end, and yet the world not turne themselues from their iniquities, then the second shall follow, which is the corporall plague of persecution, signified by the red horse in the second Seale, more amply dilated heere: This great heape of fiery persecution, like a moun­taine of fire, shall make the third part, or a certaine number of people and nations, which is signified by the seas or many waters, to ouerflow in [Page 25]blood; for as it is said of the same in the second Scale, they shall slay one another, for euen among themselues, to wit, among the wicked shalbe great bloodshed and warres; for the third, or a certaine number of all sorts of li­uing things shall die, to wit, no sort of men shall be exempted from this trouble: But especially a number, and not the greatest part of the faithfull shalbe persecuted, which is signified by the ships; for euen as ships on a stormie Sea seeke a hauen, so the faithfull among the wicked of the world, tossed here and there resisting euery waue, striue in despight of many contrarious windes, to attaine to that hauen, where at last casting their An­chor, they are freed from all worldly tempests, and dwell there eternally in a perpetuall calmenesse. 10 Then the third Angel blew, and there fell from heauen a great Starre burning like a torch, and it fell vpon the third part of riuers and fountaines of waters, and the name of the starre was Wormewood: and the third part of the riuers and fountaines were turned in­to wormewood, and many men died, for the bitternesse of the waters: This is that same plague which is signified by the blacke horse and his rider, to wit, a cloud of defections, and Apostatical heresies, here signified by a great starre burning like a torch: for it shall haue a great light, but like the light of a torch; for as the torch and candle-light is false to the eye and makes the colours to appeare otherwise then they are, and is made dimme by the brightnes of the Sunne, so shall this light of false doctrine maske iniqui­tie for a space, and make it seeme to be the trueth, vnto the time the trew light of God obfuscat and blinde it: These heresies shall be stronger in deceit, then those before: for they shall seduce the very pastours and spirituall Magistrates, which is signified by the Starres falling in a part of the fountaines of waters: for these men are the worldly fountaines, whereout the rest of the faithfull, by the buckets of their eares, draw that spring of heauenly liquor. 11 This starre is called Wormewood, for as wormewood is a bitter hearbe, what greater bitternesse can be to the soule of man, then to procure the wrath of the Almightie, through such an horrible fall? and as it turned a part of the pastours, and made them to become of bitter qualitie like it selfe, so their bitternesse did slay with the second death, a great number of men; to wit, their disciples and followers. 12 Then the fourth Angel blew, and the third part of the Sunne, the third part of the Moone, and third part of the Starres was stricken, so that the third part of them, to wit, of their light was obscured, and the third part of the day, and the third part of the night was obscured, to wit, the third part of their light was darkened: For after that one part of the pastours shall make horrible defection, it shall fall out that the whole Church visible, shalbe blinded with some errours, but not yet make a full defection, which is signified by the obscuring of a part of the light of the Sunne, Moone, and starres, to wit, of all degrees of spirituall Magistrates; so that by their generall weaknesse in some points, a part of the meaning of the Gospel shal be falsly interpreted, which is meant by the light of the day, and of the [Page 26] night: for as the cloud by day, and the pillar of fire by night did guide the people of Israel through the desart, to the land of Promise, so will this light shining, both day and night in our soules, conduct vs out through the wil­dernesse of this world, to that spirituall land of promise, where we with our God shall gloriously reigne in all Eternitie: This fourth blast is also a part of the third Seale. 13 And I saw and heard an other Angel flying through the middest of heauen, and saying with a lowd voice, Woe, woe, woe to the inhabitants of the earth, for the harme that shalbe done vnto them by the last three blasts of the Angels Trumpets: for the last three plagues shall be exceeding great, which, that I might the better note and take greater heed vnto, God wakens me vp and makes me see an Angel flying through the middest of heauen with celeritie, aswell to forewarne the holy Angels and Saints of these three plagues, so farre in greatnesse aboue the rest, as to sig­nifie by his swift flying, that they are hastily and within short space to be put in execution: And the number of Woes, to wit, which he cries, are an­swerable to the number of plagues which are hereafter to be declared.

CHAP. IX.

ARGVMENT.

In the fift Trumpet, the heresies cause a great blindnesse and ignorance, whereof commeth the Ecclesiasticall Papisticall orders, signified by the grashoppers breeding out of the smoake, and their power and qualities: Their King and head the Pope and his style: In the next Trumpet the beginning of his decay, signi­fied by the loosing of the foure Angels at Euphrates: The remedy he vseth for the same by hounding out the Iesuits, signified by the horse in the Vision: Their qualities signified by their breast-plates: The Popes and Turkes his gathering to destroy the Church, signified by a great armie of horse: The Pope is the plague for breaking of the first Table: and the Turke for breaking of the second.

THen the fift Angel blew, and I saw the starre that fell out of heauen vpon earth (for it is to be noted, that all these plagues did fall out of heauen vpon the earth, to teach vs, Quòd nullum malum est in ciuitate, quod non faciat Dominus, by his Iustice permitting, Amos 3.6. Esay 45.7. directing, ordering, and restray­ning it) I did see it get the key of the bottomlesse pit which was giuen vnto it; for this cloud of heresies spoken of in the third Trumpet and third Seale, by processe of time did breed this bastard tyran­nie, whereof I spoke in the fourth Seale, and so it brought from hell by the opening of the bottomlesse pit, whereof it gate the keyes, to wit, by the as­sistance, and deuice of Satan, it bred such plagues as follow. 2 First, by opening of the pit, came foorth a great smoke like the smoke of a furnace, to wit, it did breed such a darkenesse and ignorance in the minds of men, as the Sunne and the Aire were obscured, ( to wit, the light of the trweth re­presented [Page 27]by the darkening of the Sunne) and so in place of liuing vnder, and by the true and cleare aire of the trueth, the world shall liue vnder, and by the bastard and darke aire of false doctrine. 3 And out of this smoake came Grashoppers vpon the earth: For this great blindnesse shall breed a multitude of diuers Orders of Ecclesiasticall persons, as well Monkes and Friers, as others, but all agreeing in one hereticall Religion: These are grashoppers, because they breed of that filthy smoke of heresies, euen as Grashoppers breed of corrupted aire; they are euer teaching false doctrine with their mouth, which carries with it as great destruction to the soules of men, as the mouthes of Grashoppers doe to the greene grasse and herbs, and the earth shalbe ouerloaden with multitudes of them, euen as Grashoppers sometimes come in great heapes, and ouercharge the face of a whole countrey: And like power was giuen to them, as hath the earthly Scorpions: for as the Scorpions sting is not felt sore at first, and is long in working, and impossible to be healed, but by the oyle of a dead scorpion, so the poysoning of the soule cannot be perceiued by the recei­uer at the first, but is long in operation, for by peece and peece they infect the world with heresies, and open not all their packe at first; and the world shall neuer be freed from their heresies, vnto the vtter destruction of these false teachers themselues: 4 And it was said vnto them, or they were for­bidden to harme the grasse, or any greene thing, or any tree, but onely these men that haue not the marke of God in their foreheads: for though earthly Grashoppers when they swarme in heapes, doe destroy all greene grasse or trees, yet God shall so bridle the rage of these spirituall Grashoppers, that they shall haue no power to peruert the Elect of whatsoeuer degree, or sort, compared to greene grasse and fruitful trees; but their power shall ex­tend onely vpon them that beare not the marke or Seale of God vpon their forehead, and as withered and vnfruitfull sticks are ready for the fire: 5 But they shall haue no power to slay them, to wit, they shall not discouer to the world their greatest blasphemies at the first, as I said before, but they shall torment them for the space of fiue moneths, and their torment shalbe like the torment that a man suffers, being stinged by a scorpion, to wit, they shal by peece & peece infect them with spirituall poison; and as I haue said already, they shall not feele the smart thereof, while the second death make them to feele the same: This torment shall endure fiue moneths, that is the time limitted them by God, which alludes to the fiue moneths in Summer when Grashoppers are; This forme of speech doeth declare the continuing of the Metaphore. 6 And in these daies men shal seeke death, and shall not finde the same, and men shall desire to die, but death shall flie from them, for then beginnes the troublesome times of the later dayes, the miserie whereof I heard our Master, while he was yet on the earth, de­clare in these words that I haue now repeated. 7 And the figure of these locusts, was like vnto the horse prepared for the war, to signifie that their forme of practise & policie, shalbe so worldly wise, that they shal lacke no­thing [Page 28]perteyning to the setting forth of their intents, more then a horse of seruice which is curiously barded, feated and prepared, for going forth to the battell. And they had crownes like crownes of gold vpon their heads; for they shall pretend to be holy like the Elders, who for their reward gate Crownes of pure gold set vpon their heads, as you heard before, and so shall outwardly glance in an hypocriticall holinesse; And their faces were like the faces of men, and the faces of men signifie reason, as man is a rea­sonable creature: the likenesse then of their faces vnto men, signifies that they shall, by curious arguments, pretend reason to maintaine their false doctrine, but it shall be but a counterfait resembling of reason indeed, euen as their crownes are like vnto gold, but are not gold indeed. 8 And they haue haire like the haire of women: for as the haire of women is a speciall part of their alluring beautie, so they haue such alluring heresies whereby they make the way of heauen so easie by their helpe to whomsoeuer, how wicked soeuer they be, that will vse the same, as they allure them to com­mit spirituall adulterie with them. And they haue teeth like Lions teeth: for as the Lion is stronger in the mouth, and so may doe greater harme with his teeth then any other beast, so all these that will not be perswaded with their shewes prepared like horses for the warre, with their crownes like crownes of gold, with their faces like the faces of men, nor with their haire like the haire of women, they shall be persecuted by the power of their mouth, to wit, by their threatnings and thundering curses. 9 And they had breast plates like breastplates of iron, for they shall haue to backe this their authoritie, the assistance of Princes, whose maintayning of them shall appeare vnto the world strong as iron. And the sound of their wings was like the sound of chariots running with many horses vnto the warre: for as the grassehoppers make in the hot time of the yere & the day, a great sound with their wings, so these shalbe made so strong and fearefull by their brestplates like iron, as what they, being in the height of their day shall decree, it shal haue such a maiestie and fearefulnes, as the terrible noise of many horses and chariots hurling to battel: 10 But they had tailes like the tailes of Scorpions, and there were stings in their tailes: for at their first dealing with any, they appeare not harmeful to them that heare them, and beleeue them, but the effect and end of their practise is poison to the soule, and thereafter their tailes are like vnto the tailes of Scorpions, wherein is their sting: And they had power to trouble and harme men the space of fiue moneths: for as I shewed you before, that they should torment men the space of fiue moneths, to wit, a certaine space appointed them; so now I assure you to your comfort, that as grassehoppers last but fiue moneths that are hottest, so these shall be like vnto grassehoppers in that as well as in the rest; for they shall remaine but for a certaine space prescribed, and then shall be destroyed by the blast of Christs breath. 11 They haue also a King, but to rule ouer them, who is the Angel of the bottomlesse pit, and his name in Hebrew is Abaddon, and in Greeke Apollyon, for these by [Page 29]the permission of Gods iustice, and working of Satan, shall haue at the last a Monarch to be their head, who shall be like vnto themselues, the angel or messenger comming, to wit, instructed and inspired by Satan to bee his embassadour, and to teach his false doctrine to the counterfeit church, as well as the true Pastours are the Embassadours of God to the true Church: He is called Abaddon or Apollyon, because as hee is both a spi­rituall and ciuill Monarch, so he destroyes and killes both body and soule, as I tolde you in the fourth seale, where hee is called Death, for the same cause that hee is called heere Destroyer. 12 One woe is past, and loe two come after, for this which by the fift Trumpet is declared, is the first of the three last and greatest plagues, whereunto I wished you to take speciall heed; and therefore take good heed to the other two blasts of the trum­pets that follow. 13 Then the sixt Angel blewe, and I heard a voice comming from among the foure hornes of the golden Altar that stands euer before the eyes of God, saying these words to the next Angel that had a Trumpet, Loose these foure Angels bound at the great water Euphrates. 14 Now the summons and warning being giuen by the sixt blast of the trumpet of the sixt and fearefull plague that was to come; this command of Christ (which is the voice here mentioned) comes to the sixt Angel, commanding him to doe as ye now haue heard: For although the trum­pet was alreadie blowen, yet the execution followes not, while Christ command and permit it; for these foure Angels mentioned here, are the same who were standing before vpon the foure airths of the earth, ready to destroy the same, who were then, as you heard, stayed by Christ, while first he had sealed his owne; who now being all sealed, because this is the last plague that is to come vpon the world, except that of the consumma­tion; Christ therefore commands them to be loosed, for they were before stayed, as it were bound, to the effect they might now put in execution these things which they were ready to doe: When they were stayed, it is said they were bound at the great riuer Euphrates; alluding hereby to the history of Balthasar in Daniel, for as Euphrates diuided Babylon from the Persians and the Assyrians, which they crossed when they slew Balthasar, so this command of stay, giuen to these Angels by Christ, was that great riuer Euphrates, beyond the which they were bound, for they had no pow­er to crosse it, and to plague the world, while first all his chosen were sea­led, and that hee had loosed and permitted them, as by this command here is done: 15 And so these foure Angels were loosed, who were readie at the houre, the day, the moneth, and the yeere, to slay the third part of men, to wit, they were ready at the very moment prescribed to them by God, to destroy all men, except such as were sealed, ouer whom they had no power; and such as were reserued to the destruction of the last plague, to wit, the consummation; and so the third part was left to them to destroy. Now fol­lowes the plague of the sixt trumpet. 16 And first I saw an armie of horse­men, the number whereof were two hundred thousand thousand; for I [Page 30]heard the number reckoned: this double great number signifies, that there shall be raised vp at one time, two great Monarchies and seats of Tyrants; one ruling in the East, and another in the West, who shal cruelly persecute the Church. 17 And in this vision likewise I saw horses, whose riders had brestplates of fire, of Hyacinth and brimstone, and the heads of the horses were like the heads of Lions, and from their mouthes came fire, smoke, and brimstone; noting, that with fiery rage, smokie pride, and pretences, and loathsome and wicked courses, these two Monarches, the one secular, the other Ecclesiasticall, shall conquer and possesse the greatest part of the world: These horses are a part, yet not the least part of the forces of one of these Monarches, in whose description it is most insisted, because he is the Destroyer, of whom it is spoken in the fift Trumpet, where hee is named Abaddon: These horses and their riders are the last order and sect of his Ec­clesiasticall swarme: Their brestplates, to wit, their worldly defence is composed of fire, that is, persecution of the body, for they shall haue grea­ter credit at the hands of Princes, then all these grashoppers, spoken of in the fift Seale, and so shall vse their forces to defend themselues therewith: They are composed of the Hyacinth, for as this herbe is darke, and of a smoking colour and bitter to the taste, so shall they be defended and main­tained by the craft of their darke and bitter heresies, (which in the third Trumpet are called Wormewood, as here they are called Hyacynth;) and they are composed of brimstone, which signifieth the loathsomnesse and stench of sinne, and the flame and force of hell fire, to wit, Satan the au­thour of the one, and ruler of the other, shall by all maner of craft defend them as his speciall instruments, and the last vermine bred and come vp from the smoke of the bottomlesse pit: And they shall not onely haue power to defend themselues by these three meanes, but they shall also pur­sue and persecute the faithfull; which is meant by their horses heads like to the heads of Lions, that is, able to deuoure: The meanes whereby they deuoure, are the same whereby they defend themselues, to wit, by the pow­er of Princes, to persecute the bodies by false and hereticall bragges and sleights, which are here called Smoake, and by the drifts and frauds of Sa­tan in diuers fashions to deceiue and inflame the soule, which craft of Sa­tan is here resembled to brimstone. 18 By these three plagues, are slaine the third part of men, to wit, by fire, smoake, and brimstone, which came out of their mouthes, to wit, their malice and strength shall be so great, as they shall vse all meanes wherewith the third part of men shalbe destroy­ed, although these meanes shall not be vsed by them onely to worke this great destruction with. 19 For their strength is not in their mouthes one­ly, (as ye haue presently heard) but it is also in their tailes; for their tailes are like the tailes of serpents, hauing stings whereby they doe harme: In this they shall be like vnto the grashoppers. 20 But not the lesse, the wicked shall be so hard hearted, as the rest of them who were not destroyed by the plagues of this trumpet, shall not repent nor desist from the workmanship [Page 31]of their hands, to wit, from Idolatry, and adoring of deuils, and of images, of golde, of siluer, of brasse, of stone, and of wood, who neither can see, heare, nor goe, (whereof this hereticall Monarch is the punishment.) 21 Nor yet will they repent them nor desist from breaking the second Ta­ble, by slaughters, sorceries, fornications & thefts, whereof that other Mo­narch, who onely persecutes the body, is the reuenge, scourge, and plague.

CHAP. X.

ARGVMENT.

Iohn heares the explication of these mysteries, which was written vpon the backe of the Booke: It is not lawfull to him to manifest it: By foreknowing things to come, which is signified by swallowing the booke, he is mooued to a great ioy in the instant time, but it turneth in great bitternesse to him thereafter.

THen I saw another strong Angel comming downe from heauen; hee was clothed with a cloud, and at his head was the raine-bow, and his face was like the Sunne, and his feet like the pillars of fire: This strong Angel was Christ, clo­thed with a cloude; for in a cloud hee ascended, and in the clouds shall he come againe at the latter day: Which cloud was a guide to the people of Israel by day, while they trauailed through the wildernesse; and out of that cloud hee powres the raine and dew of his graces in abun­dance vpon his chosen: His head was clothed with the rainebow, which signifies his couenant he made with his Elect, as ye heard before: His face was like the Sunne, and his feet like pillars of fire: yee heard these two de­scribed in the beginning of my Epistle. 2 And he had in his hand an open Booke; this was the Booke of the Euangel, or glad tidings: And he set his right foote or strongest on the Sea, to make stable that liquid Element so vnstable of nature; and his left vpon the earth, which is sooner made firme, by this to shew the power he hath ouer all things contained in them, who hath no power to passe the bounds and order which he hath prescri­bed vnto them; and therefore the earth is called his footstoole, by Dauid in his Psalmes. 3 And he cryed with a mighty voice like a roaring Lyon, for they were terrible things and great which hee was to denounce: 4 And when he had cryed, the seuen thunders spake their voices; These were the seuen Spirits of God, who by his direction did speake, and I was to haue written what they did speake, of purpose to haue set it downe with the rest: But I heard a voice from heauen, saying, Seale what the seuen thunders haue spoken, but write them not: For the holy Spirit hauing declared vn­to me by them, the exposition of the sixe trumpets, the voice of God com­mands me not to manifest that vnto the world with the rest, but by sealing of it, to keepe it close vnto the due time. 5 And the Angel, to wit, Christ, [Page 32]whom I saw standing on the sea, and on the earth, lifted vp his hand to­wards heauen, 6 And swore by him that created heauen, the earth, the sea, and all that is in them, that the time should be no longer: 7 But in the dayes of the seuenth Angels voice, when he begins to blow, the mysterie of God should be consummate, according as he tolde to his seruants the Prophets: This oath he made to assure me, that the world should end im­mediatly after the accomplishing of these things, mentioned in the sixe Trumpets, and that the seuenth declares the things which are to be done at the consummation; the forme whereof will be as hee hath declared to his Prophets. 8 Then that voice which I heard, spake to me from heauen, to wit, the voice of God the Father, spake againe vnto me, and said, Goe and take that open booke which is in the hand of the Angel, who stands on the sea and the earth: 9 And so I went vnto the Angel, and desired him to giue me the booke: and hee answered, Take and swallow it, and it shall bring a bitternesse vnto thy belly, but in thy mouth it shall be as sweete as honie. 10 Then I tooke the booke, and found that which he said to me of it, to be true; for indeed I thought it delightfull vnto me, to know the my­steries of God, by swallowing the booke, and so it was sweet in my mouth; but so soon as by the digestion hereof I must preach it to the world, and for that cause become to be hated, contemned, and persecuted by the wicked, and see but a small increase of my great labours, then surely it will be bitter to my belly, as it was to Ionas, and shall be to all the true preachers thereof thereafter. 11 Then he said vnto me, Thou must prophesie againe before people, nations, tongues, and many kings for my children in Christ, to wit, my successours in doctrine, who shall be in the time of these plagues, shall haue the same commission to teach ouer againe the same Euangel, to the sal­uation of all the beleeuers: these shall haue such boldnesse giuen vnto them, as they shall constantly declare their commission, not only before the people, but euen before many kings, and shall not be afraid of their faces.

CHAP. XI.

ARGVMENT.

Babylon the Popes Empire, is the outward part of the Temple: The trew Church is in Sancto Sanctorum; but vnder the persecution of these hypocrites for a certaine space: Faithfull Pastours are sent from time to time to witnesse the trewth: They are persecuted, condemned, and slaine by Antichrist: God raiseth vp at the last stronger preachers, who shall describe the Popedome, and foretell the destruction thereof: In the seuenth Trumpet is the day of Iudgement described.

ANd then was a long reede like a rod giuen vnto me, and the Angel who gaue me the booke stood before me, and said, Arise, and measure the Temple of God, and the Altar, and all them that adore in it, with that reede that is giuen thee: 2 But the court that is without the Temple, exclude thou, [Page 33]and measure it not, for it is giuen vnto the Gentiles, who shall tread down the holy Citie for the space of two and fourtie moneths. Now lest I should despaire of any profit which my successors could haue made in doctrine in their time, because as it appeareth by the sixt Trumpet, the whole world should be subdued to these two Monarchies; Christ, aswell to assure me some should still remaine pure and vnspotted, as also to shew mee, and by me to forewarne the Church, that this most dangerous Monarch, called Apollyon, should corporally succeede in the Church, and should sit in the Temple of God, giues me a reede for that cause, and commands me to measure the Temple, for he will saue all them that are of the true Church, for they are the inward parts of the Temple; and the rest by reason of their hypocrisie, shalbe accounted of as Gentiles; and this diuision shalbe made by my successours in doctrine, (of whom I spake already) for they by the measure and triall of the word, signified by the reede, shall separate that holy Sanctum Sanctorum from the rest of the outward Temple of God, to wit, the hypocriticall and Antichristian Church, which shall tread downe and persecute the true Church, for the space of two and fourtie moneths, or three yeeres and an halfe, for it is both one number. This space prescri­bed by Christ, alludeth to Daniels prophecie of two times, a time, and halfe a time; for as Daniel meant thereby the halfe of his propheticall weeke, so Christ meanes by this, that the persecution of this Destroyer, shall last the halfe, to wit, it shall reigne about the midst of the last aage of this whole weeke, which begins at his incarnation and first comming, and ends at his last comming againe; which because it is the last period, it is here com­pared to a weeke: 3 But I shall giue that holy towne to two witnesses of mine, who clothed with sackecloth, shall prophesie the space of one thou­sand two hundred and threescore dayes; for these my successours he shall raise vp as witnesses, to wit, a sufficient number of them, (for out of the mouth of two or three witnesses, euery word is confirmed) to witnesse that their doctrine is false, who persecute the Church which he shal giue vnto them, for he shall make them their patrons, to defend and feed them by the pow­er of the true word, and they shall preach repentance to that counterfeit Church; and therefore they are said to be clothed in sackecloth. And to assure vs to our great comfort, that in all the time of blindnesse, God shall euer be raising vp some of these two witnesses against the hypocriticall De­stroyer, and to comfort and confirme his true Church, it is said, They shall prophesie the number of dayes that yee haue heard, which is correspon­dent iustly to the moneths before mentioned, to wit, they shall not leaue off to witnesse, all the time of the Antichristian kingdome. 4 These witnes­nesses, are two greene Oliues, who anoint the Elect with that holy oyle; and two Candlestickes (as Christ said, to enlighten the world with their brightnesse) who are set downe, and doe their office, in the presence of him, who is Lord and ruler of the earth. 5 And if any shal presse to harme them, fire shall come out of their mouthes, and deuoure their enemies; [Page 34]for whosoeuer will doe them any hurt, himselfe must be slaine so, to wit, the holy Spirit, who is the fire in their mouth, shall accuse and cause to be de­stroyed with the second death, all them that either persecute them, or will not heare, or obey their doctrine: 6 These witnesses haue power to shut heauen, that it raine not in the dayes of their prophesie; and they haue power ouer the waters, to turne them into blood, and to strike the earth with euery kinde of plague, so often as they please; for hee shall authorize them and their message, with as sure testimonies, as the shutting of the hea­uen, and stay of the raine was vnto Elias, so long as he forespake it should be so; and as vnto Moyses, the turning of the waters into blood, and the striking of the earth of the land of Egypt, with diuers and sundry plagues: 7 But these shall be witnesses, by their death as well as by their life: For how soone any of them shall haue runne that course in the earth, which God hath appointed them, they shall be persecuted, ouercome, and slaine by that beast, the Angel of that bottomlesse pit, and king of the locusts, and that great towne & seat of the Monarchy shal publikely put them down, as malefactours: 8 So as their dead bodies or carkeises shall lie in the streets thereof: And this towne is spiritually called Sodom, because of the spiri­tuall adultery, to wit, Idolatrie that it shall commit and maintaine; and spiri­tually Egypt, because it shall oppresse and intollerably burthen the soules of the chosen, euen as Egypt captiuated the bodies, and burthened the backes of the people of Israel, and in that towne also was our Lord cruci­fied; for where Christs members are put to death for their Masters cause, (as this towne and Kings therof shal do) there is Christ himselfe crucified in effect, and his crucifying shalbe as wel imputed to them, as to Iudas who betrayed him: 9 And men of all tribes, peoples, tongues, and nations, shall see their carkeises the space of three dayes and a halfe, and they shall not be suffered to be buried in sepulchres: 10 And the inhabitants of the earth shall be glad and reioyce for their slaughters, and shall send gifts one to another, in token of ioy, because they are made quit of these two pro­phets, who tormented the indwellers of the earth; for the whole world, who are not in Sancto Sanctorum, shall not onely suffer, but allow that these witnesses be not onely slaine, but also be so cruelly vsed an contemned, as not to be suffered to be buried amongst others: And the whole earth shall reioyce at their death; because that euen as Achab blamed Elias for troubling of Israel, so shall the world thinke these witnesses troublesome vnto them, because they discouer vnto them their shamefulnesse, and call them to the repentance thereof. 11 And thus shall they be contemned for the space of three dayes and a halfe, to wit, of three yeeres and a halfe; which signifies, that during the space of the Antichrists reigne, they shall be thus vsed; but after the space of three dayes and an halfe, the Spirit of life comming from God, shall enter into them, and they shall be set vpon their feete, and a great feare shall fall vpon them that did see them before: 12 And they heard a great voice from the heauen, saying vnto them, Come [Page 35]vp bither, then they ascended vp into heauen, and their enemies saw them doe so; for although that during the flourishing of this hereticall and by­pocriticall Monarchie, the trew Pastours no sooner appeared, then they were put to death, yet at the last this Monarchie shall begin to decay, when the three yeeres, or the three dayes and an halfe thereof shall be expired: and then shall the Spirit of life from God, to wit, the holy Spirit sent from God, worke mightier in the latter Pastours of these dayes, so as in them shall the by-past Martyrs be reuiued, and their doctrine shall take roote in the hearts of many, and their reasons shalbe so pithie, as the Antichristian sect, and the rest of the world shall know as perfectly that they shall pre­uaile, as if they heard God call them to heauen, to reward them there for their victory: Neither shall they haue power of their liues, for God shall mooue the hearts of many to defend them in such glory and safetie, as if they were mounting vp to heauen in a cloud, and they not able to hinder them. 13 And then at that time shall be a great earthquake, to wit, great tumults among nations, and the tenth part of the citie shall fall: This citie is diuided in tenne parts, to shew it is the same Monarchie that shall after­wards be described by a beast with ten heads: And by the falling of the tenth part thereof, is meant, that diuers nations shall shake off the yoke of that Monarchie, and so a part of the strength of that citie shall decay; and there was slaine in that earthquake, seuen thousand men, to wit, a great number of men shal be slaine in these tumults, and the rest were afraid, and gaue glory vnto the God of Heauen, for these tumults and iudgements of God, shall by their terrours reduce some to the knowledge of the trewth. 14 The second woe is past, for these are the plagues of the sixt Trumpet, and loe, the third woe comes soone; for next followes the declaration of these dayes, wherein the consummation shall be, first of that Antichristian kingdome, and next of the whole earth; take therefore good heede vnto the third woe, for it is the last. 15 Then the seuenth Angel blew, and there were great voices in heauen, saying, The kingdomes of the world are made the kingdomes of our Lord, and of his Christ, who shall reigne for euer and euer. This ioyfull cry was in heauen, because the dayes were come wherein the day of Iudgement should be, and so the power was to be taken from the kings of the earth, who were enemies to the Saints, and Christ was hereafter to be the great, sole, and immediate King ouer all. 16 Then the foure and twentie Elders, who sate vpon seats in the sight and presence of God, for ioy that the saluation of their brethren was at hand, did fall vpon their faces, and adored God, saying, 17 We thanke thee Lord God Almightie, who is, and who was, and who art presently to come a­gaine, because now thou art to make thy great power manifest, and art to begin thy glorious Kingdome. 18 And the Gentiles waxed wrathfull, for all the wicked now perceiue, that neither their force nor craft can auaile; for thy wrath is now come which none may resist, and the time of the dead is come, for now all the dead are to be iudged, and thou art to reward thy [Page 36]seruants the Prophets, and all the Saints, and all that feare thy Name, small or great, and thou art to destroy them that destroy the earth, by the perse­cuting of thy Saints, and defiling it with euery sort of vice. 19 Then the Temple of God was open in heauen, that the Arke of his couenant might be seene, which was within it: God now did shew the Arke of his coue­nant, to assure all the Saints that he would now haue mind of his promise, and according thereto would presently send downe Christ to Iudge the earth, as was done then in all terrour; which is signified by lightning, voi­ces, thunder, and earthquakes, which then were made; and a great haile, which signifies the destruction of the earth, as showres of haile of all o­thers, are the most harmefull and destroying.

CHAP. XII.

ARGVMENT.

A new vision: The deuils malice against Christ and his Church: The Church by Gods prouidence escapes his furie: Shee is secret, and lies hid for a space: The deuill raiseth vp heresies and persecutions to destroy her; but all that cannot preuaile; whereupon he goeth to raise vp her great enemie the Pope.

NOw as this seuenth Seale, wherein these seuen Trum­pets were (which ye haue presently heard declared) was no other thing, but the more ample dilating of the sixe former Seales, (as I did shew before) so this vision which I am next to declare vnto you, is nothing else but a clee­rer setting forth, and fore-warning of these times, which are most perillous for the Church of all them which are to come after, espe­cially of the three last woes. 1 And there was a great signe, and a woon­derfull vision seene in heauen, to wit, a woman clothed with the Sunne, and the Moone was vnder her feete, and she had a crowne of twelue starres vp­on her head, 2 And she was great with childe, and shee was so neere her childbirth, as she was alreadie crying, and was sore pained with the trauell to be deliuered of her childe: 3 And there was also another signe, and woonder seene in heauen; A great red dragon hauing seuen heads, and ten hornes, and vpon his head seuen diamonds: 4 And his taile drew the third part of the starres of heauen with him, and did cast them downe to the earth: This dragon stood before the woman, awaiting to deuoure her birth so soone as shee was deliuered of it: 5 But she brought forth a man­childe, who was to rule all nations with a rod of yron, and her sonne was caught vp to God, and his Throne: 6 But the woman fled into the wil­dernesse, where she hath a place prepared by God, that she might be fedde there the space of one thousand two hundred threescore dayes. 7 And there was a great battell stroken in heauen, for Michael and his Angels fought against the dragon and his angels: 8 And the dragon and his an­gels [Page 37]could not obtaine the victorie, but by the contrary their place was no more found in heauen: 9 And so that great dragon, to wit, that olde ser­pent who is called the deuill and Satan, who seduceth the whole face of the earth, was cast downe to the earth, and all his angels were cast downe with him. 10 And I heard a voice in heauen, saying, Now is wrought the health, the vertue, and the kingdome of our God, and the power of his Christ; for the accuser of our brethren is cast downe, who day and night accused them in the sight of our God: 11 For they that fought with him, haue o­uercome him, for the loue they beare vnto the Lambe and his blood, and to the word of his Testimonie, and haue prodigally giuen their liues euen vnto death for that cause: 12 Therefore reioyce ye heauens, and yee that dwell therein; but woe to the inhabitants of the earth, and the sea, for the deuill is come downe to you, and he is full of great wrath, because he hath but a short space to reigne. 13 And when the dragon saw himselfe cast down vpō the earth, he pursued the woman who had borne the manchild: 14 But there was giuen to the woman two great Eagle wings, that shee might flee from the sight of the serpent into the wildernes, to the place that was there appointed for her to be nourished for a time & times, and halfe a time. 15 Then the serpent did cast out of his mouth after the woman to ouertake her, a water like a great flood, to carry her away perforce: 16 But the earth helped the woman, and opened her mouth, and swallowed vp by the way the great flood which the dragon had cast out of his mouth: This part of the Vision was to declare vnto me, that howsoeuer the Church, which is signified here by a woman, (for she is the spouse of CHRIST, who is her head, her husband, and her glory, obeying him with a reuerent loue, and yet weake and infirme like to a woman) how soone, I say, the Church shining in all brightnesse and innocencie, which is represented by her gar­ment of the Sunne, and treading vnder feete, and contemning the world and the vanities thereof, here signified by the Moone, being vnder her feet; a Planet that hath no proper, but a borrowed light, and subiect to all mutabilitie, like the world, and being crowned with the shining glory of the twelue Patriarches and Prophets, and the twelue holy Apostles, succee­ding them in the vnitie of doctrine, and therefore are called here a Crowne of twelue starres vpon her head; How soone, I say, that she thus arayed did bring forth CHRIST in the flesh, who is that man-child, who rules the Gentiles with an Iron rod, as Dauid saith in his Psalmes: That great red and ancient Dragon, for in our first forefather he vttered his malice, to wit, the diuell, who is ruler of infinite numbers of men, which is signified by his seuen heads, and seuen diadems, or Crownes vpon them, and who hath innumerable meanes and instruments to be executors of his malicious will, which is signified by the tenne hornes, alluding to Daniel; and who is so mighty in deceipt, that he doeth not onely allure the infidels to follow him, but euen a part of the Pastours, and the visible Church to their de­struction, which is signified by his drawing after him with his taile as fol­lowers [Page 38]of his intisements, the third part of the Starres of heauen, and cast­ing them to the earth: This dragon hauing waited to destroy her birth, and for earnestnesse gaping for it before it was borne, and not able to pre­uaile, but by the contrary seeing CHRITS rising from the dead, and then his ascending into heauen, which is signified by the Childs pulling vp to GOD and his Throne, and seeing the Church to flourish, though vnder persecution, which is signified by her flying to a place in the wildernesse, which God had prepared for her, where thereafter she must lurke for the space of the dayes ye heard reckoned, to wit, the Church shalbe vnknowne, and as it were vnregarded, and no man shall know how it shalbe sustained; for GOD shall nourish it the space of the Antichrists kingdome, which is the number of dayes ye heard counted before: The Dragon, I say, hauing found this, that both CHRIST and his Church did escape his hands, and not onely that, but that himselfe also by the vertue of CHRISTS renew­ing of vs, was no moreable to accuse the Saints of God, as he did in time of the old Law, since now we are made righteous, which is signified by the battell in heauen, where GOD, to declare that none is like vnto him, made CHRIST, here called Michael, (whose name imports, Who is like GOD) with his Angels, to fight and ouercome the diuel and his angels, and to cast them on the earth; Satan, I say, finding himselfe thus debarred from further accusing of the Saints, hauing found that he should neuer haue place to doe that in any time thereafter; as on the one part it reioyced all the Angels and Saints in heauen, for their bretherens cause on the earth, as is witnessed by the song that the voyce did sing in Heauen, praising God therefore, and extolling the deed of Michael and his Angels, who fought so earnestly for the Saints on earth, as if they had bene mortall, they would not haue spared their liues in that cause for their sakes, whom CHRIST had redeemed with his blood, and of whose clection he had borne witnesse to his Father; so on the other part it enraged the Dragon, so that he became the crueller tempter of men vpon the earth, aswell for that his place of ac­cusing in heauen was taken away, by the mysterie of the redemption which is signified by this fight, as for that he knew within short space he was by CHRISTS second comming, to be cast downe from the earth in­to hell, there to be chained in eternall captiuitie and misery, euen as by the first comming he was cast from the heauen, which is signified by the last part of the Song, so as he pursueth the Church with heresie and ciuil pow­ers, which both are signified by the floods of waters which he spewed out of his mouth, after that the Eagle wings were giuen the woman to flie to that place appointed for her in the wildernes, where she must remaine the number of dayes ye haue heard, to wit, after that God had giuen his Church a sufficient swiftnesse to eschew the rage of Satan, and to lurke the space of Antichrists raigne, which lasteth three times or three yeeres and a halfe, that is, a time prefixed by GOD, and vnknowne to men, as ye haue sundry times heard already. But seeing that all this vanisheth, as if the earth had [Page 39]swallowed and dried vp that flood suddenly. 17 The Dragon therefore or the diuel, became more wrathfull and enraged then before against the woman, or the Church, and went about by some other way, to make warre against the rest of the womans seed, who kept the Commandements of GOD, and had the testimonies of CHRIST to GOD the Father, that they were chosen and called, for these are onely the true posteritie of the Church, to wit, the successours in grace, faith, and trewth. 18 And I stood vpon the Sea shore, I meane, it seemed to me that I stood vpon the Sea shore, because I did wait to see come out of it, which represented all peo­ples and nations, such powers, as Satan would imploy to fight against the Church; for the declaring whereof this Vision was shewen vnto me, and whereof these two last great wonders were but the introduction, that by these things past, as the roote, I might the better vnderstand the branches, which are to bud forth thereof as followeth.

CHAP. XIII.

ARGVMENT.

The Popes arising: His description: His rising caused by the ruine of the fourth Monarchie the Romane Empire: The rising of the false and Papisticall Church; her description; her conformitie with her Monarch the Pope: The great reue­rence borne to the Pope by many nations, and not onely to him, but to his Legates: A generall defection so great, as there shall not be an other visible Church, but the Popedome: Of the first Pope who did take to himselfe all their blasphemous and arrogant styles.

ANd then I saw a beast rising out of the Sea, to wit, from a­mong the number of Nations and peoples; I saw a Mo­narchie chosen and erected vp by this Dragon the deuil, and it had seuen heads and tenne hornes, and tenne dia­dems vpon the tenne hornes: the signification of these heads and hornes, was declared vnto me by an Angel, as ye shall heare in the place conuenient hereafter, Chap. 17. and vpon these heads was the name of blasphemie: for they by the persecution of the Saints, and adoring false gods, shall both by word and deed blaspheme the name of the Eternall. 2 This beast or Monarchie, Daniel 7. is the fourth King or Monarchie wherof Da­niel prophesied, to wit, euen that Monarchie which presently reignes, and hath the power of the other three reuiued in it, for it is farre greater then they: And therefore as that Monarchie of the Leopard, gat that name be­cause of the swiftnes of the conquest: and that of the Lion, because of the mightines and cruelty therof: and that of the Beare, because of the strength and long standing thereof; so this is called like the Leopard, to wit, in shape, whereof commeth her agilitie: headed like a Lion, because his strength is in the head, as ye heard already: and legged like a beare, because [Page 40]in the Beares legges consists his greatest strength, and durablenesse; this proportion signifies, that this Monarchie is farre greater then all the rest, and all their powers are reuiued in it, as I said before. 3 And I perceiued that one of the heads of the beast, had bene deadly wounded, but the wound thereof was healed, and the whole earth followed this beast with a great wondering; this was to signifie vnto me, that it was not of this beast that I was ordained to forewarne you, for the worst of this beast is almost past already, and this Monarchie shall be within short space de­stroyed, but this beast or Monarchie is shewen vnto me, because out of the ruines thereof shall rise in that same Seate where it was, that hereticall Monarchie whereof I am to forewarne you, which is signified by the dead­ly wound it gat on the head which was healed againe: for as the Phaenix re­uiues of her owne ashes (as prophane stories make mention) so out of the ashes of this Empire shall rise and be reuiued an other, which shall grow so mighty, that the whole earth that is without Sanctum Sanctorum, shall with amasement reuerence, obey and follow it, as ye heard presently declared. 4 And they adored the Dragon who gaue power to the Beast, for they shall giue themselues ouer to the workes of darkenes, which is to serue, and adore the diuel, who raised vp this beast to make warre against the seed of the woman, Chap. 12. as ye heard before. And they also adored the diuel in his instrument, by reuerencing that Beast and Monarchie erected by him: and they said, Who is like vnto the Beast, or who may fight with him? for this Monarchie shall be so strong in worldly power, as the world shall thinke it so farre in strength aboue all other powers, that it is impossible to ouercome it, especially, that the little stone which was cut without hands out of the mountaine mentioned by Daniel, Daniel 2. shall euer destroy it, which notwithstanding at the last shall bruise it in pieces. 5 And there was a mouth giuen vnto it to speake great things and blasphemies; It is said in Daniel, Daniel 7.11. that his mouth shall speake in magnificencie, and vtter words a­gainst the Soueraigne, to wit, this Monarchie and King thereof, shall extoll himselfe farre aboue all liuing creatures, and shal vsurpe farre higher Styles then euer were heard of before, by the which, and by his false doctrine to­gether, he shall so derogate from the honour of GOD, and vsurpe so all power onely proper vnto him, as it shall bee great wordes against him, and blasphemie of his Name. And there was power giuen him to doe, to wit, GOD shall permit his Tyrannie to encrease, and persecute the Saints the space of two and fourtie moneths: This space was men­tioned vnto me, to let me know thereby, that this Monarchie risen out of the ruines of the other, Chap. 11. is the same which is meant by that Citie, where­of ye heard alreadie in the sixt Trumpet, which persecuted the two Wit­nesses; for the same space is assigned to her there, and consequently it is that same seate and Monarchie which is meant by the angel of the bot­tomlesse pit, Chap. 9. called Apollyon in the fift Trumpet: by the Rider on the pale horse, Chap. 6. called Death, in the fourth Seale, and also obscurely meant in [Page 41]the sixt Trumpet by the halfe of that great hoste of horsemen, Chap. 9. of the which halfe the armed horse which I saw in the vision, was a part of the power, whose head and Monarchie was the plague for idolatry, as ye heard; which Monarchie, together with the other (of whom yee also heard obscurely in that place, as the plague of the sinnes against the second Table) to wit, this great beast here mentioned, and the other reuealed, a vowed and open ene­mie of Christs Church, shall both gather their forces to fight against it in that battell of the great day of the Lord, Chap. 16. whereof ye shal heare in the owne place: Then this beast, according to the power which was giuen him, opened his mouth in blasphemies against God, and spake iniurious words against his Name, his Tabernacle, to wit, his Sanctum Sanctorum, which is the Church militant, and them that dwell in heauen; for his reigne shall be so great, that hee shall not onely blaspheme the Name of God, in such sort as ye heard alreadie, and persecute the members of Christ that shall be on the earth in his dayes, but likewise vpbraid with calumnies the soules of the Saints departed: 7 And for that effect he was permitted by God to make warre against the Saints; and hee gaue him power to ouercome them cor­porally, and to rule ouer all tribes, tongues, and nations; so great shall his Monarchie and power be: 8 And so all the in-dwellers of the earth shal adore him, to wit, a great part of them shall reuerence him, whose names are not writen in the booke of life, which is the Lambes that was slaine, which booke was written before the foundation of the world was laide; for these are alwayes excepted from bowing their knees to Baal, who were predestinate by Christ to saluation before all beginnings. 9 He who hath an eare, let him heare and take heede vnto this sentence that followeth, to wit, 10 If any man leade in captiuitie, in captiuitie shall he be led againe: if any man slay with the sword, with the sword shall hee be slaine againe: then since ye are assured, that God in his good time shall iustly mete to their tyrannie, the same measure that they shall mete to his Church, let not your hearts in your affliction, through despaire of Gods reuenge, (because of his long suffering) swarue from the bold and plaine professing of his trueth; for in this shall the patience and constant faith of the Saints or the chosen, be tried. 11 And then I saw another beast rise vp vpon the earth, and it had two hornes like vnto the Lambe, but it spake like the dragon, for lest this Monarchie should be taken to be a ruler onely ouer the body, and that I might vnderstand the contrary, to wit, that he was specially a spirituall ty­rant ouer the soules and consciences of men, this other beast was shewen vnto me, which representeth the hereticall kingdome of the grashoppers, whereof Apollyon was made King in the fift Trumpet; Chap. 9. and it vseth the co­loured authoritie of Christ, by pretending two swords, or two keyes, as re­ceiued from Christ, which is signified by the two hornes like the Lambes, but the end whereof it vseth that authoritie, is to get obedience to that false doctrine which it teacheth, signified by speaking like the dragon or deuil. 12 It is this false and hypocriticall Church then, which doeth exercise all [Page 42]the power of the former beast, to wit, teacheth the Kings of this Monarchy and seat, by what meanes they shall allure and compell the people to obey their commands; and this Church shall also entise the earth and the inha­bitants of the same, to wit, all nations which beleeue the false doctrine that it teacheth, to adore this other beast, whose deadly wound was healed; for it shall perswade them that this hereticall Monarchie ought for conscience sake to be obeyed by all persons, in whatsoeuer it commandeth, as if it could not erre: 13 And to perswade men thereof, it makes great signes or wonders, yea euen causeth fire to fall out of heauen vpon earth in the sight of men; vpon whom, because they shall swarue from the loue of the trewth to beleeue lies, God shall iustly by the meanes of this false Church, as his instrument of reuenge, send a strong illusion and deceit, with great efficacie of miracles and woonders, 2. Thess. 2. 2. Kings 1. yea as mightie and strong as that of Elias was, calling for fire from heauen, which here is repeated. 14 And all these miracles it did in the presence of the beast, to make the beast to be a­dored therefore, by the inhabitants of the earth, and it perswades them to make an image of the beast, which was wounded by the sword, and reui­ued againe; for not onely shall this hereticall Monarchy haue power in his owne person to command absolutely many nations, but euen the nati­ons shall consent, by the perswasion of this false Church, to obey the abso­lute command of his Lieutenants, Legats and Embassadors in euery coun­trey, so as they shall not onely be exempted from the lawes of euery coun­trey, wherein they liue, but shall euen be fellowes and companions in all honours and priuiledges to the princes or kings thereof: And this willing consent of nations vnto this, by the perswasion of this false Church, is sig­nified here, by the making of this image at the Churches perswasion. 15 And power was giuen vnto it, to wit, vnto this false Church, to quicken this image, and to make it speake, and to cause that all those who will not adore this image, should be slaine corporally; for as the consent vnto this authoritie of the image must be giuen by the nations, and so they to be the makers thereof, so the authoritie, which is meant by the quickening of it, and making it speake, must be giuen it by the working of this false Church, whose rage shall be so great, as it shall persecute any who will not thinke the commands whatsoeuer of this Monarches embassadours and images, to be an infallible Law, as well as his owne. 16 And so this false Church makes that all, small or great, rich or poore, bond or free, in short, all men of whatsoeuer degree, shall take the Character or seale of this Mo­narchie into their right hand, or into their forehead, to wit, publikely pro­fesse obedience thereto, and assist the maintenance thereof, and downe-throwing of all resisters: 17 And that none may buy and sell except they haue the Character or the name of the beast, or the number of his name; for this defection shall be so vniuersall, and so receiued by all degrees of men, as it shall not be possible to any, neither shal that hypocriticall church permit any to be partakers of their ciuill societie, which is meant here by [Page 39] [...] [Page 40] [...] [Page 41] [...] [Page 42] [...] [Page 43]buying and selling, except they be knowen to be of his fellowship in reli­gion, which is meant by the character, and his name, and the number thereof. Then since you see that this defection shall be so generall, beware of euery one that shall say, Lord, Lord, thereby to deceiue you, for you see by this, that false prophets shall for a time so triumph, as they shall vaunt themselues to be the trew Church, because there shall be no other Church visible at that time, although there shall euer besome that shall not bow their knee to Baal; for the woman shall not be deuoured by the dragon, 1. Kings. 19. Chap. 12. but hid and nourished in the wildernesse out of sight for a space, as ye heard before. Retaine well in memorie these words, for the time shall come in the latter dayes, that this doctrine shall be thornes in the eyes of many. 18 Now, as to the number of the beast here is wisedome, let him that is endued with knowledge number it, for the number of the beast or Mo­narchie, is the number of the man, to wit, of the first Monarch of this seat, who shall first vsurpe all these styles of blasphemie, and who in the fourth Monarchie shall reuiue a spirituall supremacie and tyrannie; and his num­ber, to wit, the date of yeeres that he shall begin to reigne, in reckoning from the time of this Reuelation, is sixe hundred sixtie and sixe. Benedictus the 2. Platine.

CHAP. XIIII.

ARGVMENT.

The happie estate of the faithfull in the meane time of the Popes Tyrannie: His destruction: The faithfull onely are all saued.

NOw so soone as the tyrannicall gouernment of these two beasts, to wit, the false church and their king had bene de­clared by this last Vision vnto me, euen as before, after the denouncing of the fearefullest plagues, the happy estate of Christ and his Church was declared to comfort me, as ye heard before; so now the plagues that are to be wrought by this spirituall Tyrannie being declared, the estate of Christ and his followers in the meane time is next set forth as followeth. Then I did looke, and loe I saw the Lambe standing vpon Mount Sion, and with him a hundred fourtie and foure thousand, hauing the Name of his Father written vpon their foreheads: for in the meane time that this Tyrannie was raging on the earth, this Lambe Christ was standing vpon Mount Sion, to wit, vpon his ho­ly place, out of which he promised saluation to the faithfull, as Dauid saith, and is accompanied with this great number of faithfull, which number was composed of twelue thousand of euery Tribe, as ye heard before; but this number comprehends in this place all the faithfull, aswell of Gentiles as of Iewes, although it seeme to be vnderstood of the Iewes onely, which is done for continuing of the Metaphore, because as Sanctum Sanctorum, which was a part of the materiall Temple of Ierusalem, did signifie before [Page 44]all the faithfull, as ye haue heard, so now this number of Iewes here, signifies the faithfull, both of Gentiles and Iewes, as I haue said, who now are descri­bed here making publike profession of Christ, by bearing his marke on their forehead, an eminent part, euen as the wicked beare on their forehead the Character of their king, the angel of the bottomlesse pit: These faith­full followers of Christ did beare now his Marke, to testifie thereby, that they were preserued by it, euen in the very time that this Tyrannie was raging all the fastest. 2 And I heard a voyce from heauen like the sound of many waters in greatnesse, and like the roaring of the thunder in ter­riblenesse; And I also heard the voyce of many harpers playing on their harpes, 3 And singing as it were a New-song, before the Throne, and before the foure Beasts, and the Elders, and none could learne that Song, except these hundred foure and fourtie thousand, to wit, these who are bought from the earth: for they who were bought and redeemed by the precious Blood of Christ, from among the rest of the world, and so were no more of their number, were onely able to learne and vnderstand these voyces, for vnto them onely it apperteineth: Where first God promised, that he should shortly destroy that Tyrannie, (which voyce of God is here described by resembling it to the sound of many waters, as Dauid doeth, and to the roaring of the thunder;) And where next the thankes thereof is giuen by the Saints and Angels in singing the praises of God, as earnest­ly, and cheerefully, as if it were but a New-song, and to represent the har­monie thereof, they sing to the concords of the harpes and instruments in the presence of God sitting in his Maiestie, and compassed about with the foure Beastes, and foure and twentie Elders, of whom ye heard mention made before. 4 These attendants on the Lambe, are these who are not defiled with women, to wit, not guiltie of spirituall adulterie, for they are Virgines, as Christ called them in the parable of the Lampes: these fol­low the Lambe whithersoeuer he goeth, for they goe not astray from his footsteps, neither to the right, nor the left hand, and those are they who are bought from among men, and are the acceptable first fruits vnto their Father, and his Lambe. 5 And in their mouthes was found no guile, for they are inculpable before the Throne of God, because the Lambe hath fully payd their debts for them. 6 Then I did see another Angel flying through the middest of heauen, hauing the Eternall Euangel in his hand, that he might preach the same to all the inhabitants of the earth, euen to all nations, tribes, tongues, and peoples: for euen as ye heard before in the sixt Trumpet, of the reuiuing againe of the two Witnesses, who were slaine by this tyrannicall and hereticall Monarchie, so now the same was decla­red vnto me by this Angel, who when this Tyrannie is in the greatest pride, as ye haue heard, flies through the middest of heauen to be publike­ly heard and seene by all, hauing with him these eternall glad tidings to preach them to all the earth, to wit, God shall in the end of this Tyrannie, while it is yet triumphing, raise vp and send his Angels or messengers, [Page 45]who shall publikely teach the trewth, and refute the errours of this tyran­nie before the eyes of the Sunne and the Moone, to the saluation of a part of euery countrey, and to double condemnation of the rest through ma­king them inexcusable, who wil not turne in time. 7 And their exhor­tation shalbe this, which then I heard the Angel say with a lowd voyce; Feare God, and render him all glory, for the day of his iudgement comes at hand, adore him therefore who made heauen and earth, and seas, and fountaines of water, to wit, all things, good and euill: and the particular ap­plications that these Witnesses shall make of this generall doctrine, to the times of corruption that they shall be in, shall be this that I heard two An­gels folowing declare, of whom the first said; 8 It is fallen, It is fallen, Ba­bylon that great City, because she gaue to al nations to drinke of the Vine of wrath, of her fornication or spiritual adulterie, to wit, that great Monarchie called Babylon, because it leades and keepes the soules of men in spirituall thraldome, euen as the Monarchie of Babylon led, and kept the people of Israel in a corporall captiuitie, that Monarchie, I say, shall be suddenly de­stroyed: for it is to be noted, that as there is no distinction of times in the presence of God, but all things are present vnto him, so he and his Angels calleth oftentimes that thing done, that is shortly and certainly to be done thereafter, which forme of speach ye wil sundry times heare thus vsed here­after; That Monarchie, I say then, shall shortly be destroyed, and that iust­ly, because she hath abused a great part of the earth, by intising them to be senselesse (as if they were drunken,) and to embrace her errours and ido­latries or spirituall whoredome: For as men are entised by whores to leaue their owne spouse, and enter in to them, so shall they perswade the nations to leaue their societie with their spouse IESVS CHRIST, and onely settle their saluation vpon her, and for the committing of this spirituall whoredome, this Monarchie is here called Shee, Chap. 17. and afterward the great Whore, and the reason that they shall giue why they make this warning, shall be in these words, which I heard the third Angel proclaime, to wit, 9 For whosoeuer shall adore this Beast any longer, or his image, or take his character on his forehead, or his hand, as ye heard before, 10 He shall for his iust reward and punishment, drinke of the Wine of the wrath of God, yea of the pure and immixed wine thereof, powred out in the cup of his wrath: And he shalbe tormented with fire and brimstone, to wit, he shall be cast into hell, the torments whereof they doe signifie, and that in the presence of the holy Angels, for they shall beare witnesse against him in the sight of the Lambe: for the Lambe shall iudge and condemne him: 11 And the smoake of his torments shall mount vp in all worlds to come, to wit, he shalbe vncessantly tormented for euer: For all these that adore the Beast and his image, and hath the character of his name, shall not haue rest day nor night, to wit, they shalbe perpetually tormented without any release or reliefe. 12 And in these dayes when the Witnesses shalbe ma­king this exhortation, in these things shall the constancie of the Saints or [Page 46]faithfull be tried, and by this triall shall they be knowne and discerned, that obserue and retaine the Commandements of God, and the faith of Iesus the Sauiour. 13 Then I heard a voice from heauen, saying to me, Write, Blessed are the dead that die for the Lords cause hereafter, so sayes the Spirit, for they rest from their trauails, and their workes follow them: This voyce from heauen did by these wordes declare vnto me, that these Witnesses who should make this exhortation that ye haue heard, should be persecu­ted therefore by that spirituall Babylon; but that these should be happiest, who lost their liues for so good a cause, for the confirmation whereof the holy Spirit sayes, Yea, and subioynes the reason, to wit, because both they rest from these continuall labours and troubles, that they were alwayes subiect vnto in the earth, and in recompense thereof their workes follow them: for as faith is the onely leader of men to heauen, and so goes before them; so according to the greatnesse and honour of their calling in earth, if they discharge it well, they are rewarded in heauen with a measure of glory conformed thereunto; and so their workes follow them, to obtaine that measure in that place wherof they were already assured by the meanes of faith in Christ onely. For although the Sunne, and the Moone, and the starres be all bright lampes and lights of the heauen, yet are they not all a­like bright, but the brightnesse of euery one of them is different from the other; Alwayes let vs assure our selues, that although our measures shall be vnequall, yet from the greatest to the least, all the vessels of mercie shall en­ioy in all fulnesse, as much glory as they shalbe able to containe, and the vnequalitie of the measure shalbe, because they are notable euery one of them to containe alike in quantitie; and the like shalbe done with the mea­sures of paines to the reprobate in hell. 14 Then I beheld, and loe I saw a white cloud, and vpon the cloud sate one like a man, hauing on his head a crowne of gold, and in his hand a sharpe sickle: 15 And an other Angel came out of the temple, & cried with a lowd voice to him that sate vpon the cloud, Thrust in thy sickle to reape, for the houre of thy reaping is come, and the haruest of the earth is withered for ripenesse, and readinesse to be cut: He who was like the Sunne of man, and was sitting on a white cloud, was Christ in a bright cloud of glory, crowned with a Crowne of victory; all that was spoken of him here, was to declare to me, that the last dayes wherein his comming againe shalbe, shall be next following, to the reuea­ling of Babylon, by the reuiuing of the witnesses, as ye heard in the end of the sixt Trumpet; 16 At what time Christ shall gather his haruest of the elect together, as I heard himselfe say while he was yet on earth among vs. 17 Then another Angel came forth of the Temple that is in heauen, and he had an other sharp sickle in his hand: 18 And an other Angel came from the Altar, who had power ouer the fire, and he cried with a lowd voice to him that had the other sharpe sickle, saying, Put downe thy sharpe sickle, and gather the clusters of the Vine-trees, for the grapes are ripe. 19 Then the Angel put downe his sickle on the earth, and gathered the Vines of the [Page 47]earth, and cast them in the winepresse of the wrath of God: For so soone as Christ hath gathered his haruest together, then the reprobate are fully to be destroyed, as is declared here by the Anges command, who came from the Altar, to wit, as directed by Christ. Thi [...] Angel had power ouer the fire, to wit, he had direction to destroy, as he commanded, the messen­ger of Gods plagues, who had the sickle to doe it, who at his command cut the Vines and cast them in the great Winepresse of Gods wrath, to wit, destroyed the reprobate in the abundance of the writh of God: 20 And the Winepresse was troden without the Citie, and the blood came out of the Winepresse, euen to the horse bridles, and spred to the bounds of one thousand and sixe hundred furlongs. This is surely a great comfort to all the chosen, that notwithstanding all the rest of the world, except such as are Christes haruest, whom he hath gathered together in the holy Citie, the rest, I say, shalbe destroyed in such a great number, as their blood shall of deepenesse come to the horse bridles, and ouerflow the whole land of Canaan, whereof the number of furlongs, or eight parts of miles, ye heard, is the length; Yet though it ouerflow the whole earth, which is signified by Canaan, it shalbe without the holy Citie which is in the middest of the land, to wit, although the trew Church shalbe in the middest of the world, as Ierusalem was in Canaan, yet that destruction shall not make a haire of one of their heads to fall, but it shalbe without them, and they fully exemp­ted from it, as the land of Goshen was from the plagues of Egypt.

CHAP. XV.

ARGVMENT.

The faithfull praiseth God for the Popes destruction, and their deliuerance: The plagues which are to light on him and his followers, is to be declared by the powring forth of the seuen Phials.

THen I saw another signe in heauen, great and wonderfull, to wit, seuen Angels hauing the seuen last plagues, for by them is fulfilled the wrath of God; for the Spirit of God, hauing already declared vnto me the generall destruction of the whole world, which is without the holy citie, hee next declared vnto me, vnto my greater comfort, the particular plagues that are to light vpon spirituall Babylon, as a iust recompense of her sinnes, and of the plagues that shee is to loade the earth withall; and these are the seuen hinmost which are in the hands of the seuen Angels, of whom there is here mention made. 2 And I saw as it had beene a glassie Sea mixed with fire, and they that had wonne the victory ouer the beast, and ouer his image, or embassadours, and his character and the number of his name, to wit, from that time that the last beast rose out of the ruines of the other, I saw these victours (I say) standing aboue, or vpon this sea of glasse, [Page 48]and they had the harpes of God: For now hauing declared on the one part how vnhappie the state of Babylon shall be by the seuen last plagues, which shall fall vpon it; so on the other part, by these who stand on the sea of glasse mixed with fire, he declared vnto me what should be the bles­sed estate of the chosen at that time that these plagues shall fall vpon Ba­bylon, to wit, of these victours; for they shall reueale the Antichrist and deface him, they shall hen behold the rest of the world, which is here sig­nified by the sea of glase, and they shall haue the harpes of God, to wit, the praises of God in their mouthes, because he hath mixed this glassie sea with fire, to wit, hath destroyed and made his iudgements to fall vpon this wic­ked world, as their sorg which followes will declare: 3 And they sung the song of Moses the seruant of God, & the song of the Lambe: It was cal­led the song of Moses, as well because they did sing the praises of Gods iu­stice vpon this glassie Sea, to the reuenge of the blood of his chosen, as Mo­ses sayth in the very last wordes of his Canticle; as because Moses praised God for the deliuerance of his people, from the corporall thraldome of E­gypt; and the song of the Lambe, because they praised him for doing the like, by relieuing the Church from the thraldome of the spirituall Egypt in the times of the Euangel: and their song was this; Great and wonder­full are thy workes, O Lord God Almightie, iust in punishment, and trew, for the performance of thy promises are thy wayes, O King, and defender of all thy Saints and trew followers: 4 Who will notfeare, O Lord, and glorifie thy Name, since thou art onely perfectly holy, for all nations shall come at the latter day, and adore before thee, since thy iudgements are now made manifest, and lighted vpon the earth. 5 And next after this, I saw these particular plagues euery one, (for the which the Saints did thus praise God, as followeth) for I did looke, and I saw the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimonie in heauen opened; the like of this ye heard was done in the beginning of the seuenth Trumpet, and for the same cause it was also done here, to wit, to shew the Arke of the couenant which was therein, for thereby God did witnesse, that hee was now mindfull of his promise by the sending out of these seuen Angels, and seuen plagues, which were now to be executed. 6 And out of this Temple came seuen Angels, for from the remembrance of his Arke and Couenant proceeded their direction, and they were clothed with pure and white linnen, for innocencie and pu­ritie, and girded about their breasts with gold, for honour and glory. 7 And one of the foure beasts gaue these Angels seuen Phials of golde, full of the wrath of God that liues eternally, and for all worlds to come: These Angels are thus arayed, and these golden and precious Phials of the wrath of God, are giuen them by one of the foure beasts, the most excellent creatures of God, all to teach vs, that as these plagues shall be most bitter to Babylon and her followers, so shall they be most sweet to all the chosen for their deliuerance; for they are to light vpon the wicked, and no wayes to harme any of the holy Citie. 8 And the Temple in heauen was filled [Page 49]with the smoake comming from the Maiestie of God, and from his vertue and power: And there could none go in into the Temple while the seuen plagues of the seuen Angels were fulfilled, to teach vs that no flesh, how guiltlesse soeuer it be, can compeare before God, when in his wrathfull face he is clothed with iustice, but onely when with a cheerefull countenance, clothed with mercy, he stretcheth foorth his hands vnto vs.

CHAP. XVI.

ARGVMENT.

By the first Phyale the Popes followers are plagued with sundry new and vnknowen diseases: By the second Phiale all kinde of plagues, Juch as sword, famine, and pestilence light vpon the nations that acknowledge him: By the third, are di­uers Popes raised vp at one time, who striuing for the seats, fight among them­selues, and so they are iustly recompensed for shedding the blood of the Saints: By the fourth, the reuerence of him begins to waxe colde in the hearts of men: By the fift, his abuses begin to be discouered: By the fixt, his forces decay, which he perceiuing, houndeth out the Iesuits, to gather all his forces to destroy the faith­full, with whom God fights to his destruction: By the seuenth, the latter day is described, and the Popedome rent asunder.

THen I heard a voice out of the Temple, saying to these seuen Angels, Goe powre foorth in great abundance vp­on the earth, the seuen Phials of the wrath of God; for now they were to be shewen, and to be described vnto me. 2 Then the first Angel went to worke, and pow­red foorth his Phiale on the earth, and there fell a great and grieuous sore vpon all them that had the character of the beast, or ado­red his image: These plagues which were shewed to me, were onely or­dained to light on Babylon, (as I said before) and therefore they mete vnto her with the measure that shee shall measure others with, to wit, they shall plague her and her followers with the like plagues that she shall plague o­thers with, corresponding aswell in number as in qualitie: they also haue allusion to the plagues of Egypt, because she is called spiritually Egypt, (as yee heard in the sixt Trumpet) and so by this first plague is signified, that as shee persecuted the faithfull, and killed them, (as is declared in the sixt Trumpet) and as Moses made a scabbe to come vpon all the Egyptians for Pharaohs sake, so shall there fall a pestilent and pernicious sore vpon all his followers, to wit, they shall be troubled with diuers new and horrible dis­eases. 3 Then the second Angel powred foorth his Phiale vpon the sea, and the sea was made by it like the blood of a dead body, and euery liuing thing in thesea died; for as that beast should first so trouble thesea, to wit, the peoples and nations, with persecuting all them who wil not adore her, and by her abuse cause the world to become dead to all good workes and [Page 50]fruitfull faith, as is declared by the vision where I saw her rise out of the sea; and as Moses turned the redde sea into a corrupted blood, with drow­ning the Egyptians, (which is here called the blood of a carrion) by the which all the fishes therein were poisoned, so shal the nations and the peo­ples, which are the followers and partakers of Babylon, be troubled with warres within and without, and with all kinde of plagues, such as pesti­lence, and famine, and such others. 4 Then the third Angel powred foorth his phiale vpon the Riuers and fountaines of water, and they be­came blood; for as this false Church and grashoppers did corporally suc­ceed to the fountaines of waters, to wit, the trew Pastours, (as ye heard in the third Trumpet) and did assist their King Apollyon, to persecute bloodi­ly the liuely fountaines of waters, or trew Pastours, who yet remained vn­corrupted, as ye heard in the sixt Trumpet; and as Moyses made all the ri­uers and fountaines of waters in Egypt to become blood, so shall the tea­chers and heads of this false Church, be diuided among themselues, yea there shall be in three or foure diuers places, three or foure diuers persons, and euery one of them shall claime to be king of the locusts; which que­stion shall be decided by the cruell and bloodie edge of the sword: And therefore to shew me how iustly that great persecutor of the Saints, is now made to be the persecutor of himselfe, diuided in diuers persons, 5 I heard the Angel of the waters, to wit, the third Angel, who powred these plagues vpon the waters, vse these words; Iust art thou, O Lord, who is, who was, and holy for that thou hast iudged these things; 6 Because euen as they, to wit, these corrupt, filthie, and false fountaines of waters, haue shed the blood of thy Saints and Prophets; so hast thou now giuen them of blood to drinke, for they are worthy of such a reward. 7 Then I heard the voice of one from the Sanctuarie, for confirmation hereof, saying; Certainely, O Lord God, trew and iust are thy Iudgements, for thou hast perfourmed thy promise, and hast iustly recompensed them. 8 Then the fourth An­gel powred foorth his phiale vpon the Sunne, and power was giuen vnto him to afflict men with fire; for euen as the Sunne was darkened in the fourth Trumpet, to wit, the speciall teachers did begin to fall from the sin­ceritie of the trewth, enticed thereunto, though not by Apollyon himselfe, (for hee was not yet risen) yet by the qualities whereof hee is composed, and therefore is he here punished for the same: And as Moses troubled by the hote Easterne winde the land of Egypt by the breeding of grashop­pers, so shall the fierie spirit of God in the mouthes of his witnesses, so trouble Babylon with the burning sunne of Gods trewth, as men shall be troubled with a great heat, to wit, she and her followers shall be tormen­ted and vexed therewith. 9 But they blasphemed the name of God who had power ouer these plagues, and repented not, that they might giue him glory; for such is the nature of the wicked, and so hardened are their hearts, that the same scourges and afflictions which make the godly turne themselues to God, and so are the sauour of life vnto them to their eternall [Page 51]saluation, they by the contrary make the wicked to runne from euill vnto worse, and so are the sauour of death vnto them to their iust and eternall condemnation. 10 Then the fifth Angel powred forth his phiale euen vpon the very throne of the beast, and his kingdome was made darke, and they, to wit, he and his followers gnawed their tongues for dolour: for as this beast did breed and was nourished by the smoake and darkenesse that came foorth of the bottomlesse pit, whereof he is the Angel and messen­ger, as was declared in the fift Trumpet: And as Moses made a great darke­nesse to come vpon the land of Egypt, so now after the witnesses re­uealing him, which yee heard signified by the heat in the fourth phiale, shall follow, that this kingdome shall become obscure by the light of the trewth, and shall come to be despised by many, whereby he and his fol­lowers shall be mooued to a great rage, which I meant by gnawing their tongues for dolour. 11 And they blasphemed the God of heauen for their dolours and griefes, and repented them not of their workes: for as I said before, neither corporall punishments, signified by sores, nor spirituall, signified by dolours, can moue them to repent, but to a greater obstinacie and rage, as ye shall see by their actions, immediatly after the powring foorth of the sixt phiale vpon the great water Euphrates, 12 Then the sixt Angel powred foorth his phiale vpon the great riuer of Euphrates, and the waters thereof were dried vp, that the passage of the Kings, comming from the East might be prepared, so as that beast by the meanes of many people (signified by waters) did tyrannize ouer the Church of God; and as Moses by Aarons rod made a dry and safe passage through the Red-sea to the people of Israel, Exod. 14. so God by this plague dries vp that great water Euphra­tes, which compasseth Babylon, during his will, to wit, he makes now the power of this Monarchie to decay, and layes it open to inuasion and de­struction, as ye shall heare: This water was dried to make passage for the Kings comming from the Sun rising, alluding to Daniel, as I shewed in the sixt Trumpet: for euen as the Persians and Medes came from the East, Chap. 9. cros­sed Euphrates, ouercame Babylon and slew Balthasar King thereof, so imme­diately after that the Witnesses haue begun to reueale spirituall Babylon, as is declared in the fourth phiale, and that thereupon hath followed, that the kingdome thereof is become darke, as is declared in the fift phiale; then shall follow, that God shall prepare the destruction thereof, by dry­ing Euphrates', whereupon shall ensue, that such instruments as God shall appoint, directed by that Sunne rising, to wit, Christ (as ye heard in the sixt Seale) shall destroy that King, and sacke that great Citie, to the perpetuall confusion of all her followers, as ye wil heare more clearely declared here­after. 13 And then I saw from the mouth of the dragon, and from the mouth of the beast, and from the mouth of the false prophet, three vn­cleanespirits come foorth like to froggs; for this is all the repentance that these three phials shall worke in the heart of Babylon, as I said before, to wit, for the last remedie, the diuel or dragon shall inuent him a fresh order of [Page 52]Ecclesiasticall factours and Agents, as the diuels last brood: These are the same that I called horse, in the vision in the sixt Trumpet, three in number to correspond to their threefold armour, as ye heard in the said Trumpet, because there came out of their mouthes three sorts of persecutions and destructions; And themselues came out of three mouthes, out of the dra­gons, because the diuel is the inuenter of them, out of the beasts, because the beast or King of Locusts commands ouer them, directs and employes them for the standing of his kingdome, as the last refuge when now he sees the decay thereof euidently comming on, out of his false prophets or false Churches, because it authorises them for the aforesaid effects: These vncleane spirits and teachers of false and hereticall doctrines and wicked policies, resembling frogges, as well for that they are bred of an old, filthy, and corrupted false doctrine, which for a long space haue blinded the world before their comming, as frogges breed of rotten and slimie cor­ruption; as also for that they goe craftily about to vndermine and con­demne all Ecclesiasticall orders preceding them, as vnperfect and vnpro­fitable, because their kingdome is darkenesse; But howsoeuer they thus craftily insinuate themselues in the fauours of the people, surely their do­ctrine is nothing else, but the very same filthy puddle of vncleane and wic­ked heresies and impieties, taught by the grashoppers before, euen as the yong frogges grow like the former. 14 For they are spirits of diuels, to wit, wicked and craftie like them, doing myracles of deceipt, for they shall wonderfully deceiue men; and they goe to all the Kings of the earth, and to the whole world, to gather them together to the battell of that day of God Almightie; for they shall haue such credit of a great part of the Prin­ces of the earth, as I also shewed you in the sixt Trumpet, as they shall ga­ther great forces together, as the last brood of the diuel, as I told you be­fore, to fight against his Church, who notwithstanding shall ouercome them, as will after more clearely be declared. 15 Happy are they then that swarue not, nor despaire in the meane time, but awake and keepe their garments cleane and vndefiled from the generall corruption, lest o­therwise they walke naked, not clothed with the garment of righteousnes, and so their shamefull parts, or naturall inclination to euill be discouered: For loe I come as a thiefe, for no man shall know the houre, no time of my comming. 16 And the place whereunto these vncleane spirits gathered the Kings to this battell against Gods Church, in Hebrew is called Arma­geddon: for by deceipt they assembled the Kings and nations to their owne destruction. 17 Then the seuenth Angel powred out his phiale in the aire, and there came forth a great voyce from the Temple in heauen, euen from the Throne, saying, It is done. 18 Then was heard great sounds, and lightnings and thunders, and there was a great earthquake, and such in greatnesse was neuer seene since men were vpon the face of the earth; for euen as the aire was troubled and obscured by smoke of hell, out of the which the king of Locustes, bred in the first Seale, and as Moses made haile [Page 53]in great abundance to fall on Egypt, which Meteore doeth breed in the aire; so God hauing stricken the battell against Babylon, and her followers, and hauing ouercome them, as ye heard in the sixt Seale; now followeth immediatly the last plague of the consummation by the aire; for in the aire shall that great noise be heard, which is the fore-runner of that Great day, most comfortable to the trew Church, but most terrible to all the rest of the world, which day is proclaimed by the voice of God from his Temple, wherein was his Couenant, declaring the consummation in these words ye heard; and as the great noise signifies the same, so in speciall doeth the great earthquake, as Christ himselfe prophesying thereof, doeth declare. 19 And that Citie was rent in sunder in three parts, and that iustly, be­cause she destroyed the third part of the earth, as ye heard in the sixt Trum­pet: and the Cities of the nations fell, because they dranke the cup of her abominations: And great Babylon and her sinnes, came then in memorie before God; for then he was to make her drinke the cup full of his wrath, to her vtter destruction. 20 And all the Isles fled, and the mountaines were no more found, for no deepenes of Seas, nor inaccessiblenes of moun­taines shall haue power to saue the wicked, from the fearefull and terrible iudgements of that great and last day: This doeth also signifie the latter day, as ye heard before. 21 And a great haile to the greatnesse of talents fell vpon men, but they blasphemed God for the plague of haile, for it was exceeding great; This great haile signifieth also a great destruction at the latter day, as ye heard in the seuenth Trumpet, but yet the wicked shall be so stiffenecked, as euen at their last breath, their malice and obstinacie shall rather encrease then diminish, as is declared here by mens blaspheming of God for the plague of the haile.

CHAP. XVII.

ARGVMENT.

The Angel expounded to Iohn this vision of the Pope, describes him at large, and clearely declares the authors, and maner of his destruction.

BVt because that these plagues, and Babylon whereupon they lighted, did seeme obscure vnto me, therefore one of the seuen Angels who powred forth their phials ful of plagues, did say vnto me, Here then, I will shew vnto thee more plainely the condemnation of this great Whore, and what shee is that sitteth vpon many waters; 2 With whom the Kings of the earth haue committed spirituall adulterie, and with the wine of whose whoredome the inhabitants of the earth, to wit, a great number of nations, who are not of the Elect, are made drunke, as you heard before. 3 Then he bereft me in Spirit, as I told you in the beginning of this Epistle, to the [Page 54]wildernes, which signifies the Gentelisme, as saith Esay; for she and her fol­lowers are Gentiles in effect, as ye heard in the sixt Trumpet: And as our Master sayes, All these that gather not with vs, they scatter; for no more is there a middest betwixt God and the diuell, nor betwixt the rewards there­of, heauen and hell; and as one of these two Masters we must of necessitie follow, so of the same necessitie to one of these two places must we goe. And then I saw in the wildernes a woman, euen Babylon that whore, sit­ting on a scarlet coloured and bloody beast, euen as shee was sitting be­fore in the likenesse of a man vpon a pale horse, in the fourth Seale: And this beast was full of blasphemie, and had seuen heads and tenne hornes, as ye heard before. 4 And the woman was clothed with purple and scarlet and pretious stones and pearles, and had in her hand a golden Cup; for this Monarchie and the Monarch thereof, shall aswell be corporally clo­thed with these colours, and decked with pretious stones; as also, these co­lours which are finest of all others, and these pretious stones signifie, that this Monarchie and the seat thereof, shalbe most glorious and glaun­cing to the eyes of the world, as I said before, which shall not onely be the trew Church by appearance of outward glory, but euen retaine many of the generall points of religion, which is signified by her golden Cup; but this Cup was full of abhominations, and of the vncleannesse of her spiri­tuall whoredomes: For albeit in many points she shal retaine the trewth, which shall abuse men, and allure them to her, yet shall she mixe and poy­son this trewth with her owne abominable and hereticall inuentions, and traditions, and with the vncleannesse of her spirituall adulterie, whereof ye haue heard before. 5 And on her forehead was written a mysterie, Babylon the great, to wit, spirituall Babylon, as ye heard before, the mother of the whoredomes and the abhominations of the earth; for from her shall proceed the greatest, and in a maner, the onely chiefe abuses and heresies, coloured and clothed with the shew and title of Christiantie, with the which these, who shall outwardly say, Lord, Lord, shall euer be infected with, vntill the consummation, and as a mother, she shall not onely breed, but shalbe the chiefe nourisher and maintainer of them; And this is called a mysterie, because although this abuse shall be publike, as is signified by being written on her forehead, yet none shall consider the abuse thereof, but onely such, whose eyes it shall please God to illuminate for that effect. 6 And I saw the woman drunken with the blood of the Saints, and of the Martyrs, and witnesses of Iesus the Sauiour, to wit, she shall greedily and cruelly shed their blood without all measure, reason or pitie, as yee haue often heard before: And when I thus saw her, I wondered at her maruei­lously, and I could not coniecture the meaning of the seuen heads and ten hornes that the beast had, on whom she sate. 7 And the Angel who had now shewen her vnto me, as ye now haue heard, seeing me thus wonder, sayes vnto me, Marueile not, for I will reueale vnto thee the mysterie of this woman, and of the beast shee rideth vpon, which hath seuen heads [Page 55]and ten hornes: 8 This beast that thou hast seene (or Monarchie) was, (for it is the fourth Monarchie, which is very great and flourishing) and is not, for it is now so farre decayed, that in a maner it is not, and it is to rise againe out of the bottomlesse pit, as yee heard in the fift Trumpet, how foone the wound of the head shall be healed, whereof ye heard before, and it shall goe to perdition, as ye often haue heard already, and the in-dwellers of the earth shall wonder, whose names are not written in the booke of life, before the foundation of the world was laide; of this wondering yee heard before; they shall wonder (I say) at this beast, which was, to wit, in great power, and is not, to wit, in a maner, as ye presently heard, and yet is, I meane doeth stand, though farre decayed from the former greatnesse: 9 Take good heede vnto this that I declare vnto thee, for herein shall the trew wisedome of men be tried, to wit, in knowing by this my description, what particular Empire and Tyrannie I speake of: And the seuen heads of this beast signifie, aswell seuen materiall hilles, whereupon the seate of this Monarchie is situated, as also seuen kings, or diuers formes of Ma­gistrates that this Empire hath had, and is to haue hereafter; 10 Fiue of them haue beene alreadie, one is presently, and makes the sixt, another shall follow it, and make the seuenth, but it is not yet come; and when it comes, it shall remaine but a very short space. 11 And this beast which was, to wit, so great, and is not, for now it is decaying, as thou presently hast heard it, is the eight, and yet one of the seuen; for this beast which rose out of the ruines of the fourth Monarchie, as ye heard before, in respect it vseth an hereticall Tyrannie ouer the consciences of men, by that new forme of Empire, is different from any of the rest, and so is the eight, and yet be­cause this forme of gouernment shall haue the same seate which the rest had, and vse as great Tyrannie, and greater vpon the world, and shall vse the same forme in ciuill gouernment, which one of the seuen vsed, there­fore because it is so like them, I call it one of the seuen. 12 And the tenne hornes which thou sawest, signifie tenne Kings, to wit, the great number of subalterne Magistrates in all the Prouinces vnder that Monarchy, who haue not yet receiued their kingdome; for vnder all the diuers sorts of go­uernments that shall be in it, except the last and hereticall sort, these sub­alterne powers shall be but in the ranke of subiects, but they shall take their kingly power with the beast, to wit, at the very time that this Apollyon shall rise out of the ashes of the fourth beast or Monarchie, the kings of the earth shall become his slaues and subalterne Magistrates, whereas the sub­iects were onely the power of that Monarchie before: so as the hornes or powers of this beast, were but of subiects before it was wounded, but af­ter the healing of it, the worldly kings and rulers shall become the powers and hornes of it. 13 These shall haue one counsell, and shall giue their strength and power to the beast, to wit, these kings shal all willingly yeeld obedience to Babylon, and shall employ their whole forces for the mainte­nance of that Monarchie, and the persecution of the Saints: 14 For they [Page 56]shal fight with the Lambe in his members, albeit all in vaine, for in the end the Lambe shall ouercome them, because he is Lord of lords, and King of all kings, and these that are with him and followeth him, are called Cho­sen and Faithfull. 15 He also said vnto me, The waters that thou saw this Whore sit vpon, are the peoples, multitudes, nations, and tongues that haue subiected themselues to her Empire: 16 But as touching these ten hornes thou saw, thus farre I foretell vnto thee, although that for a time these kings shall be slaues and seruants to Babylon, and shall be her instru­ments to persecute the Saints, the time shall come before the consumma­tion, that they shall hate the Whore, who abused them so strongly and long, and shall make her to be alone, for they shall withdraw from her their Subiects, the nations that were her strength, and shall make her na­ked, for they shall discouer the mysterie of her abominations, and shall eate her flesh, and burne her with fire, to wit, they shall spoile her of her riches, power and glory, and so destroy her. 17 But doe not thou wonder at this, for God gaue them in their hearts, to wit, permitted them to be abused by her for a space, that they might doe what pleased her, and consent to all her vnlawfull policies and pretences, and giue their kingdomes vnto this beast, vntill the words of God might be accomplished, to wit, they shall submit their very Crownes, and take the right thereof from her, vnto the fulnesse of times here prophecied: At what time God shall raise them vp, as ye heard, to destroy Babylon; for the hearts of the greatest kings, as well as of the smallest subiects, are in the hands of the Lord, to be his instru­ments, and to turne them as it shall please him to employ them. 18 And this woman, or Whore which thou sawest, is that great citie and seate of this Beast or Monarchie, which beareth rule ouer the kings of the earth, as thou hast heard alreadie: But although it be one seat, yet diuers and a great number of kings or heads thereof, shall succeed into it, one to ano­ther, all vpholding an hereticall religion, and false worship of God, and one forme of gouernment, as the fourth Monarchie did, out of the which this did spring, as ye haue heard.

CHAP. XVIII.

ARGVMENT.

The sorrow of the earth for the destruction of the Popedome: The profite that worldly men had by his standing: The great riches and wealth of that Church: The Pope by his Pardons makes merchandise of the soules of men: Heauen and the Saints reioyce at his destruction, albeit the earth and the worldlings lament for the same.

ANd then I saw another Angel comming downe from hea­uen, hauing great power, so that the earth shined with his glory, for so soone as God, by one of the seauen Angels who had the phials, had more plainely described vnto mee this woman sitting on the beast, then he did before, hee now appointeth this other Angel, who is Christ, to declare vnto me, and pro­claime to the world (as is signified by his comming downe to the earth for that cause) the iust condemnation of Babylon according to her sinnes. 2 And hee cryed out with a loude voyce, saying, It is fallen, It is fallen, Baby­lon that great Citie, and it is made the dwelling place of vncleane spirits, and the habitation of all vncleane and hatefull fowles, to wit, it shall be de­stroyed, and that great Citie, the seate of that Monarchie, shall be desolate for euer, euen as it was prophesied of Ierusalem; 3 Because all nations haue drunke of the Vine of her whoredome, and the kings of the earth haue committed whoredome with her, and the Merchants of the earth are become rich by the great wealth of her delights, in so great a worldly glory and pompe did that Monarchie shine. 4 And I heard another voyce from heauen, to wit, the voyce of the holy Spirit, saying, Goe foorth from her my people, to wit, all the chosen, lest ye be participants of her sinnes, and of the plagues which are to fall vpon her for them: For if but out­wardly ye haunt with her, and seeme to beare with her abominations, yee shall bee accounted guiltie of her sinnes; for if ye will haue Christ to pro­fesse you publikely at the latter day, before his Father and his Angels, and reward both your body and soule with eternall felicitie, yee must not bee ashamed to serue him both in body and soule before men: And this war­ning I giue you before-hand to make you inexcusable, who will otherwise doe: 5 For her sinnes are come to such a height, as they haue touched the heauen, and God is mindfull of them; then not onely haunt not with her, as I haue said, (for it is not enough not to doe euil) but, 6 Rayse your selues vp against her, and render the like that she hath done to you, yea pay her with the double of her owne workes, and in the cup which she propi­ned vnto others, render her the double, to wit, trouble, and destroy her by all meanes, and in all things, euen as she troubled and destroyed others be­fore; and according to her pride and wantonnesse, recompence her with torment, woe, and wailing: 7 For she sayes in her mind, I fit a Queene, [Page 58]or am a stabled Monarch, neither am I a widow, or shall euer bee desolate, nor shall euer see dolour, or taste destruction. 8 And therefore because she thus builds her felicitie vpon her worldly strength, by worldly instru­ments shall shee bee plagued, with death, with dolour, with hunger, and burnt with fire, to wit, after suffering all sorts of torments, shee shall in the end be vtterly destroyed, for strong is the Lord God, who shall condemne her. 9 And then shall the kings of the earth, who were her hornes, and had committed whoredome and riotousnesse with her before, weepe and lament for pittie, when they see the smoake of her burning; for although some of themselues shall be the destroyers, as ye heard before, yet shall her destruction be so great, as their hearts shall pittie the worke of their hands, when they shall see the great smoake of her destruction. 10 And they shall stand farre off from her torment, to wit, her torment shall put them in memorie of their guiltinesse of her sinnes, which shall afray them wonder­fully, and shall say in great admiration, Alas, Alas, for that great Citie Ba­bylon, that strong Citie, whose iudgement and destruction is all come in one howre, and at once. 11 And the Merchants of the earth shall weepe and mourne for her, because their merchandise wil no more bee bought, for her pompe shall make the Merchants rich, by getting readie sale of all fine wares, 12 Such as gold, siluer, precious stones, pearles, fine linnen, purple, silke, and scarlet for her garments, and all kind of vessels to doe her idolatrous seruice, of Iuorie, costly wood, brasse, iron, or marble stone; 13 Cynamome, and all kind of odours for her Church, with oyntments, and incense for the same purpose, and the fine flower of wheat, and all kind of victuals and cattell, and sheepe for her sumptuous banquets, and horse, and Chariots, and slaues for her triumphes, and processions, and soules of men; for shee shall haue many that shall be Merchants vnto her of the soules of men, by selling for mony, Pardons giuen by that Monarch, which shall bee thought to haue power to saue, redeeme and free mens soules: but ye shal heare more shortly of this hereafter. 14 And the fruits of the desire of thy soule, O Babylon, shall goe from thee, to wit, thy ioyes and delights shall all turne to sorrow, and all fat and faire things are gone from thee, to wit, thou shalt leaue all profit and pleasure, neither shalt thou euer find them any more, for thou shalt be destroyed for euer. 15 And so the Merchants of these stuffes, being made rich by the buying and sel­ling of them, they shall stand afarre off from thy torments, and weepe, and waile, 16 saying, Alas, Alas; for that great Citie that was clothed with fine linnen, purple, and scarlet, and was of so glistering a pompe, as was gilded with gold, and decked with pretious stones and pearles: 17 For loe now how in one houre all her riches and pompe is evanished, and all the gouernours and owners of ships, and all the multitudes of men in the ships, and all the marriners in them, and all these who gaine their liuing vpon the sea, shal stand afarre off for feare, 18 And cry, seeing the smoke of her burning, saying with a great admiration, Who was like in power or [Page 59]shining glorie to this Citie? 19 And for pittie of her decay, and sorow for wanting by that meanes, the carrying to her from all other countries all sorts of merchandise, they shall cast dust and ashes vpon their heades, and say, Alas, Alas for that great Citie, wherein was made rich all these that had shippes vpon the sea, by the prices and trade shee made vs haue, and now she is made desolate in one houre: 20 But although the earthly men bee sorrowfull for her fall, as yee haue heard, because they want their earthly commodities and pleasures thereby, which she whose religion was earthly, to wit, founded vpon mens traditions and inuentions, and maintained by earthly pompe and power, did make them enioy; yet reioyce yee heauens for her fall, and ye holy Apostles and Prophets be glad thereof; for God, in punishing her hath reuenged your cause. 21 Then for confirmation of this Prophesie of her destruction, I sawe a strong Angel take a great stone like a milstone, and cast it in the sea, saying, Euen with such a force shall Ba­bylon that great Citie be casten downe, and the very place thereof shall no more be found, as Ieremy prophesied of corporall Babylon. 22 And the sound of harpers, and musitians, and players on pipes and trumpets shall no more be heard in thee; for no ioy nor mirth shall any more bee in that Monarchie, or the seate thereof, nor no craftes-man of any craft shall bee found in thee, neither shall the grinding of the mill be heard any more in thee; for that Citie, or seate and Monarchie shall no more bee inhabited: 23 And the light of a candle shal be no more found in thee, and the voice of the husband and the wife shall no more be heard in thee; for as it shall not be inhabited any more by the wicked, so neither shall the godly dwell therein; so accursed shall it be, so as the lampes of the fiue virgins shall not burne there, neither shall Christ and his spouse, the true Church any more be there, although that during the standing of that Monarchie, some cho­sen, though few and secret, were, and at all times shall be, euen within that City, the seate thereof, whose merchants were the great men of the earth, and with whose witchcrafts all nations wereseduced. 24 And the blood of the Prophets, and of the Saints was found in her, and of all them that were slaine vpon the earth, to wit, this plague of destruction shall iustly fall vpon her, aswell for that she made her messengers or embassadours, who are great in power, (as yee heard before) to bee the sellers of her Par­dons, Prayers, Sacraments, Merits, and euen of the sinnes, and soules of men, as ye haue presently heard; and so by that meanes and the like, bewit­ched, as it were, and abused many nations; as also for that shee had cruelly persecuted and murthered the Saints, so as the blood of all the Saints since Abel, who willingly sacrificed their liues for the loue of Gods trewth, and for the testimonie of his Sonne, shall be layd vpon her head, and imputed vnto her, in following, fulfilling, and exceeding the rage of former Ty­rants, oppressing and persecuting the Church of God.

CHAP. XIX.

ARGVMENT.

The Saints praise God for ioy that the Pope is destroyed: The glorious forme of Christes second comming set downe at large: The Pope and his Church is condemned for euer.

THen according to the voyces speaking to the heauen, and Prophets and Apostles there, to wit, that they should re­ioyce as much for the fall of Babylon, as the vnregenerate men did lament therefore, as ye haue heard; according, I say, to this exhortation, I heard the voyce of a great multi­tude in heauen, saying, Hallelu-iah, which is if ye interpret it, Praise God with a lowde voyce, Saluation, honour, glorie, and power is onely with our Lord God: 2 For true and iust are his Iudgements, and he hath condemned that great Whore, who hath defiled the earth with her whoredome, and he with his hand hath reuenged vpon her the blood of his seruants: 3 Then for the second time they said, Hallelu-iah; for the smoake of her destru­ction goeth vp in all worlds to come, for she shall neuer rise againe, but shalbe burned with a perpetuall fire. 4 And likewise for thankesgiuing for the same, the foure and twentie Elders fell downe vpon their faces be­fore God, and adored him, and the foure Beasts also adored God sitting vp­on his Throne, and all the beasts and Elders said with one voyce, Amen, Hallelu-iah. 5 And I heard a voyce come from the Throne, to wit, from one of the foure beastes that supported it, saying, Praise our God all ye his Seruants, and all ye that feare him, small and great. 6 And then con­formely to that direction I heard, as it had bene the sound or voyce of a great multitude, and as it had bene the sound of many waters, and as the sound of great thunders, to wit, the voyce of all the Creatures in heauen, whose sound in greatnes might be compared to the noise of many waters, or to the roaring of the thunder, and they said all in one Voyce, Hallelu-iah, because our Lord God Almightie hath now reigned by destroying Baby­lon, and her followers. 7 Let vs therefore reioyce and be glad, and render him all glory: for the Marriage of the Lambe is come, to wit, the latter Day is at hand, and his wife hath made herselfe ready for him, to wit, his Church is now purified from among the wicked. 8 And it was giuen vnto her to clothe herselfe with pure and bright linnen, which is the iustification of the Saints; for as fine linnen is a pure bright, white, and pretious stuffe, so are the Saints clothed with that pretious vndefiled, and glorious garment of righteousnes through imputation; And this our garment of Iustifica­tion, with the which we shalbe clothed at the latter day, must onely come of his righteousnesse, so (as ye presently heard,) it must be giuen vs by him; for as of our selues we cannot thinke a good thought, so can we merit no­thing but eternall death, and when we haue done all the good workes we [Page 61]can, we must thinke our selues but improfitable seruants, as Christ him­selfe said. 9 Then the same voyce, to wit, the voyce of the Angel that shewed me these things, said to me, Write and leaue in record to all poste­rities: Happie are they that are called to the Supper of the Lambes marriage, whereof thou thy selfe heard him speake parabolically; for those who are called, shall neuer againe be cast off, but are chosen for euer. And he said vnto me, these words of God are trew which I bad thee write, to leaue to posteritie, that God himselfe hath giuen this comfortable promise, which I haue specially willed thee to witnesse to thy Brethren, because it will come to passe in the later dayes, that this whoring and hereticall Babylon, shall diswade all her followers from trusting this promise, and so driue men to an vncertaintie of their Election. 10 And I fell downe at this Angels feete to haue adored him (so all flesh is giuen of it selfe, to adore some vi­sible thing which is idolatry, such is the corruption of our flesh, if it be not holden vp by grace from aboue,) but he did reproue me, and said, Beware thou doe it not: For although I be a more excellent creature of God then thou art, yet am I but thy fellow seruant, and so one of thy brethren, bearing the testimony of IESVS in heauen, to be his seruant and creature, as thou doest in earth: Adore therefore God onely, for no creature must either be prayed to, or adored, nor no mediation can come, but by Christ onely, and thinke mee not a God for prophesying thus vnto thee, (for the wit­nessing of Christ is the Spirit of prophesie) for that gift is common to others, aswell as to mee, and it is the same Spirit of prophesie, albeit not the same gift of it that foretells things to come, which giues grace to all the Elect, to beare trew and constant record of Christ. 11 Then I saw thereafter the forme of the day of Iudgement; for I saw the Hea­uens open, and loe, a white horse came downe from them, (of this white horse yee heard in the first Seale) and hee that sate vpon him, to wit, Christ, was called faithfull and trew, for by giuing Iudgement, hee was now to performe his promise; and hee was also called, Hee that iustly iudgeth, and fighteth, for hee was presently to iudge the world, and to con­demne perpetually all the reprobate: 12 And his eyes were like the flames of fire, (as yee heard in the beginning of this Epistle) and on his head were many diademes, for now he was to reigne eternally ouer all the kingdomes of the earth, as the Elders did sing in the seuenth Trumpet; and he had a Name written vpon him, which no man did know but himselfe; for the mysterie of his Name of Redemptor is so profound, as no creature is able to comprehend it by wisedome; and therefore I heard himselfe say, that no Angel, no not himselfe in so farre as he is man, did foreknow the day of his last comming, which shall be the fulfilling of that mysterie. 13 And he was clothed with a garment dipt in blood, wherewith the gar­ments of the soules of Martyrs are washed, as ye heard in the fift Seale, and he is named, The word of God, as I did shew you in the beginning of my Euangel. 14 And the hostes of Angels and Saints in heauen, followed [Page 62]him vpon white horses clothed in white, and pure linnen, whereof yee heard alreadie: 15 And from his mouth came foorth a sharpe sword, as ye heard in the beginning of this Epistle, that he might strike the Gentiles therewith; for hee shall rule them with a rod of yron, as Dauid sayth, and he treadeth, to wit, giueth command and power to tread the lake or sea of the vine of the fury and wrath of God Almightie, as ye heard in the se­uenth Trumpet: 16 And he hath vpon his garment, and vpon his thigh, as the strongest part of his body, this name written, The King of kings, and Lord of lords. 17 And I saw an Angel standing in the Sunne, that there he might be seene publikely of all, and that the Whole world might take heed to that which he was to proclaime, and he cried with a loude voice to all the fowles flying through the middest of heauen, Come and gather your selues to the supper of the Lord; 18 To eate the flesh of Kings, of Tribunes, of mightie men, of horses and of their riders: in short, come eate the flesh of all free-men and slaues, great and small: This was to de­clare, that the day of Iudgement was come, wherein should that destru­ction ensue, signified by fowles eating their flesh, (because fowles vse to eate the flesh of dead men vnburied) which should ouerwhelme all sorts of men, excepting alwayes these that were marked, who were sundry times excepted before, as ye heard. 19 Then I saw that beast, to wit, Ba­bylon, together with the kings of the earth who tooke her part, and their armies gathered together, to make warre with him that sate vpon the white horse, and with his armie: 20 But the Beast was taken, together with the false prophet, or false Church, which by her false miracles seduced the nations that did beare the Character of the Beast, and adored his image, as ye heard before, and they were both cast quicke in the lake of fire burning with brimstone: 21 And the rest were slaine by the sword which came out of his mouth, that sate vpon the horse, and the fowles were filled with their flesh; for how soone Christ shall come to Iudgement, then shall all the enemies of God be destroyed, and so full victory obtained of this bat­tell, whereof yee heard in the sixt Trumpet, and sixt phiale, and shall heare farther hereafter: And chiefly Babylon, and the false Church shall be cast into hell, because they merit double punishment for the abusing of men, although they shall not also want their damnation that followeth them, as is signified by their slaughter with the sword of his mouth, whereof yee heard in the beginning of this Epistle, and by the fowles eating their flesh, as ye presently perceiue.

CHAP. XX.

ARGVMENT.

The summe and recapitulation of all the former visions, to wit, the first estate of the Church in all puritie after Christ: The heresies, and specially the Popedome that followed: The destruction thereof, in their greatestrage: The latter day: The saluation of the Elect, and condemnation of all others.

THe Spirit of God hauing now shewen vnto me the estate of the Church militant, with the speciall temptations and troubles of the same, from the death of Christ to the con­summation of the world, and their ioyfull deliuerance and victory at that time, by the first sixe Seales; and next more amply by the seuenth Seale, wherin were the seuen trumpets; and thirdly, her greatest temptations and troubles, more cleerely and at large, by the vi­sion of the woman, persecuted by the Dragon; and lastly, the cleere and ample description, and damnation of Babylon, that great persecuter, the sorrow of the earth, and ioy of heauen therefore: This vision now that ye shall presently heare, was next shewen vnto me, to serue for a summe as it were, and a short recapitulation of the whole Prophecie, so often reitera­ted before; which is here diuided in three parts: First, the happy estate of Christes Church, though not in the eyes of the world, from his first com­ming to a long time after, as was declared by the first Seale: Next, the grieuous troubles and temptations, vnto the which shee shall be subiect thereafter, as was declared by the third and fourth Seale; and by the third, fourth, fift, and sixt blastes of the Trumpets: And thirdly, the destructi­on of all her enemies, her ioyfull deliuerance, and the consummation, as was declared by the sixt Seale, the seuenth Trumpet, the seuenth phiale, and the comming downe of the white horse, which in my last words be­fore these, yee heard described: But specially in this vision is declared, the punishment at the latter day of the deuill himselfe, before the destruction onely of his instruments, being mentioned, as ye formerly heard. The vi­sion then was this; 1 I saw an Angel come downe from heauen, and he had the key of the bottomlesse pit, and a great chaine in his hand: 2 And hee tooke the dragon, to wit, the ancient serpent, who is the deuill and Sa­tan, to wit, the Tempter, and bound him for the space of a thousand yeres: 3 And did cast him in the bottomlesse pit, and closed him in there, that it should not be opened, that he might come foorth and seduce the nations, till the space of a thousand yeeres were completed and past, for thereafter he must be loosed for a short space. 4 Then I saw seats, and persons sit­ting vpon them, and iudgment or power of iudging was giuen vnto them: And I also saw the soules of them who were beheaded, or otherwise put to death, for the testimonie of Christ, and the word of God, and adored not the Beast, nor tooke his image, neither his character on their foreheads, [Page 64]nor on their hands: These shal liue and reigne with Christ, the space of the thousand yeres ye heard: 5 But the rest of the dead shal not reuiue, till the space of these yeres be complete: This is the first resurrectiō. 6 Blessed and holy is he that is partaker of the first resurrection; for ouer such the second death shal haue no power, but they shalbe Priests of God and Christ, & shal reigne with him for euer. This is the first part of the diuision, wherof I pre­sently told you, to wit, Christ by his passion did bind the deuill, who before was raging in the world, and closed him in hell by the remouing of the vaile of blindnes from the whole earth, which remained so the space of a thou­sand yeres, to wit, a long space, & all that time the deuil remained bound and casten into hell by Christ, who only hath power of it; so as in all that space, the nations were not seduced: for the efficacie of heresies was not yet cro­pen in, and the Saints and Church visible shal so increase, albeit in the midst of persecution all this time, and so retaine the purity of the trewth, as by the glory of their constancie, and patience in the time of their persecution, they shall as it were reigne ouer the earth, and by their Martyrdome be Iudges therof; for it is called Christs reigning and the Saints vpon the earth, when his word, and trew professours thereof, shine visibly therein, as I haue said: and these were they who adored not the beast, to wit, they are the elect, who were predestinate before all beginnings, to be preserued from all infections and heresies, which is generally represented by this part of them, that the beast or Babylon shal raise and maintaine, as the greatest and most perillous that euer shall be raised by Satan: And the honourable sitting of the Saints and soules of Martyrs was shewed to me, to assure me, that how soone the soule of any faithfull man is parted from the body, it ascendeth immediatly vnto heauen, there abiding in all glory, the reioyning againe of his glorified body at the latter day, coniunctly to possesse all glory in heauen eternally; like as by the contrary, the reprobate soule, how soone it parteth from the body of the wicked, goes down immediatly to hell, there abiding in all tor­ment, the knitting again with his cursed body at the latter day, there iointly to be subiect to eternall paine; neither is there any resting place by the way for any of them: and the rest of the dead, to wit, all the wicked, shal not be re­uiued while this space be complete; for the wicked shall neither during this space, nor at any time thereafter, taste of the regeneration, which is the first resurrection, and second birth, as Christ said to Nicodemus: and therfore, as I said already, Blessed and happy are they who are partakers of the first resurrection, for the second death, to wit, hell, shall haue no power of them, but they shall be Priests of God and Christ, and reigne with him these thousand yeeres, to wit, they shal eternally in heauen offer vp that Eucharisticall Sacrifice of praise to God, and so be ioyned in fellowship with the chosen, which were vpon the earth in that aforesaid time. This first part of this vision is begun al­readie; now followeth the next part. 7 And when these happy dayes are expired, then shal the deuill be loosed out of his prison: 8 And he shal go forth with greater liberty to seduce the nations which are in the four airths [Page 65]of the earth, to wit, he shal not only, after the spreding of many heresies, cause a general blindnes & defection, but also make a great persecution vpon the faithful Church, by gathering Gog and Magog to battell against them, whose number is like the sand of the sea, to wit, after innumerable troubles, at last he shall gather to the great day of the battell of the Lord (of the which ye heard in the sixt Trumpet, and sixt phiale, and last immediately before this Vision) Gog and Magog, to wit, two great seates of Monarchies and Ty­rannies ouer the Church, who both at one time shall rise in the latter dayes, and both at another time shalbe destroyed by the blast of Christes breath, as ye shall heare; whereof the one is the auowed, and professed enemie of GOD, and his CHRIST, but the other is Babylon, the hypocriticall and most dangerous aduersary: Of these two ye heard in the sixt Trumpet, and so these two, although pride, and enuie, shall still keepe a rooted ma­lice betwixt them, yet they shall both with innumerable forces, make warre against the trew Church, as Herod and Pilate did band themselues against Christ, notwithstanding the particular dislikes which were be­twixt them: It is these and their forces that must fight against the Saints at Arma-geddon, as ye heard in the sixt phiale, and the special drawers on of this battell shalbe the three frogs, who are the last vermin, bred of the smoake of the bottomlesse pit, as ye also heard in the said phiale. 9 These great forces then went vp vpon the earth; for the diuel raised them out of the bottomlesse pit, and they spread themselues vpon the breadth of the earth, so great was their number, and compassed the Tents or dwellings of the Saints, and the holy Citie; for they were prepared to inuade the trew Church on all sides, and by all meanes, but the fire came downe from hea­uen and deuoured them; for God by his Almighty power, euen when their power was greatest, and nothing so like, as an apparant rooting out of all the faithfull, in rebus desperatis, did miraculously confound all the aduer­saries of his Church: And now comes in the third and last part of this Vi­sion, to wit, the description of the Consummation: 10 For I did see the diuel, who seduced these wicked, cast into a lake of fire and brimstone, to wit, in hell, out of the which he shall neuer come againe, where also the beast, and the false prophet were, as ye heard before; Here now I saw the diuel punished eternally, to my greater comfort, for troubling the Church, where before I saw onely his instruments punished, as I said in the begin­ning of this Vision: and he and his instruments shall be tormented there day and night, to wit, incessantly for euer and euer. 11 Then I saw a great white Throne, and one sitting thereupon in all glory and bright­nesse, to wit, IESVS CHRIST, now comming from heauen, to iudge the earth: and from his sight fled the earth and the heauen, and their place was not found; for the whole earth, and much of the heauen shall be de­stroyed and renewed at his last comming. 12 And I saw all the dead, great and small, standing in GOD his sight; for then is the resurrection of the dead, who at that time must be iudged: And the bookes were opened, [Page 66] to wit, the counsels, and secrets of all mens hearts; and another booke, to wit, the booke of Life was opened, to the effect that all those whose names were written into it, to wit, predestinated and elected for saluation before all beginnings, might there be selected for eternall Glory: And the dead were iudged out of these things which were written in the bookes, accor­ding to their workes; for as God is a Spirit, so iudgeth he the thoughts of man, and so by faith onely iustifies him, which notwithstanding is done according to his workes, because they, as the fruits of faith, cannot be sepa­rated from it, and beare witnesse of the same to men in the earth. 13 And the Sea gaue vp all the dead she had; for all the dead must then rise, as I haue shewed already; And death and hell gaue vp all they had, for not onely the bodies, but euen the soules of the wicked shalbe iudged there, and euery one was iudged according to his workes, as I presently did shew you. 14 And hell and death were casten in the Lake of fire, which is the second death, to wit, hell and death shall then be closed vp for euer within them­selues, and shall neuer againe come forth to trouble the Saints; for death, which is the last enemie, shallbe abolished from holy Ierusalem for euer. 15 And whosoeuers name is not found written in the booke of Life, is casten into the Lake of fire; for not onely the publike euill doers, but euen whosoeuer is not predestinate for saluation, shall at that time be casten into hell, for there is no midway; but whosoeuer gathereth not with Christ, he scattereth, as I shew before.

CHAP. XXI.

ARGVMENT.

A large and glorious description of the Church Triumphant in Heauen: and of all the members of that holy and Eternall Ierusalem.

NOw the Spirit of God hauing by this last vision made a summe and recapitulation of all the former, as yee haue heard, he, by this following and last vision, declareth, and gloriously describeth the reward of all them, who constant­ly perseuere vnto the end, in the trew seruice of God, not­withstanding all the assaults of Sathan, which ye haue heard dilated: the reward was then, to be eternall inheritours of holy Ierusalem, as yee shall presently heare. 1 For I saw a new heauen and a new earth: it is ouer this new heauen and new earth that the faithfull should reigne kings, and priests for euer, as yee heard before: And the first heauen, and the first earth went away, neither was the sea any more; for all shall be burnt with fire at the consummation, which fire shall renew them, and take away their corruption and mutablitie, releeuing them from the seruitude of death, to the liberty of the glory of the sonnes of God; who notwithstanding shall not dwel there but in heauen. 2 And euen I Iohn saw the holy new City [Page 67] Ierusalem comming downe from heauen, made ready of God like a bride, that is decked for her bridegroome: For this holy Church triumphant shal come downe in all shining glorie to meete Christ her husband, when hee shall haue iudged the world, (as ye haue heard before) to bee incorporated and ioyned with him for euer. 3 And I heard a mighty voyce from hea­uen, saying, for confirmation of this happy coniunction; Loe the Taber­nacle of God, and his dwelling place is with men, and hee will now dwell with them for euer, and they shall be his people, and he shall be a God with them, and their God: 4 And God shall wipe all teares from their eyes; for they shall feele no more any sorow, as ye haue often heard before, and death shall be no more, neither shal any sorow, crying, or dolour euer be in that Church triumphant; for the first are gone away, and all these things then shall haue an end. 5 And then hee that sate vpon the Throne, to wit, God the Father, said, Loe, I make new or renew all things, and he said vnto me, Write, and leaue in record what thou hast seene: for surely these words are faithfull and trew, and shall come certainely to passe. 6 And he also said vnto me, It is done, for when these things shall come to passe, then is the full accomplishment of all things, I am A and Ω, to wit, the be­ginning, and the ending of all things: For as I made the Creation, so shall I cause the Consummation. And I shall giue to him that thirsteth, of the fountaine of water of life, freely, or for nothing, to wit, he will grant salua­tion to all them who cal vpon him for it, and that for nothing; for it cōmeth of his free mercie, and not of any merit in vs: How foolish then are they to be accompted, who contemning that saluation which they may obtaine for the crauing, buie with their siluer a counterfeit saluation from Babylon, as ye heard before? 7 And he that ouercommeth Satan and his owne flesh shall possesse all, to wit, he shall be a full inheritour of Gods kingdome, and I shall be a God to him, and he shall be a sonne to me: 8 But for all them who are fearefull and vnbeleeuing, not hauing a sure confidence and trust in my promises, and for execrable men, and murtherers, and fornicators, and sorcerers, and idolaters, and all lyers, for all these sorts of men, I say, there is place appointed in that lake, which burneth with fire and brimstone, which is the second death. 9 Then there came vnto me one of these seuen Angels, which had the seuen phials ful of the seuen last plagues, and he sayd vnto me, Come and I will shew vnto thee the Bride, which is the Wife of the Lambe: for this Angel was directed to shewe mee the glorie of this holy Hierusalem, the Church triumphant, not to satisfie my curiosity therewith, but that I might leaue in record to all posterities to come, not as a hearer onely, but as an Oculatus testis, what glorious, and eternall reward did abide all the faithfull. 10 And so he tooke me vp in the Spirit to a high and great Mountaine; for it became well, that so glorious a sight should be shewen vpon so eminent a place, and there hee did shew mee a great Citie, to wit, that holy Ierusalem, comming downe from heauen, and from God, as ye heard before. 11 And it had the glory of God in it, and [Page 68]the light or brightnesse of it, was like vnto the glittering of a most pretious stone, yea euen like the greene Iasper in flourishing eternitie, and like the cleare Cristall in shining brightnesse; 12 And this Citie had a great and high wall, to hold out all them who had not the marke of the Lambe, as ye shall heare after, and to protect the Citizens from all blastes of troubles, for all teares will then bee wipte from their eyes, as ye heard before; And this Citie had also twelue gates, and in them twelue Angels, and their names were written vpon them, which were the names of the twelue Tribes of the sonnes of Israel. 13 And there were three gates towards the East, three towards the West, three towards the South, and three to­wards the North, to signifie that out of all parts and places of the world, and whatsoeuer thy vocation be, if thou call to God with an vpright heart, thou shalt find that the entrance into the Citie, is equally distributed about the same. 14 And the wall of the Citie had twelue foundations, where­upon were written the twelue names of the Apostles of the Lambe: These twelue Angels of the twelue gates, and twelue foundations of the wall, are the foure and twentie Elders, of whom ye heard in the beginning of this my Epistle; the twelue Angels of the twelue gates, are the twelue Pa­triarkes, who were the first teachers of the way, and so the guides to this holy Ierusalem; for by the Law which they represent, we must first beginne to know the trewth, and to know our selues: and the twelue foundations are we, the twelue Apostles, for vpon our doctrine is that wall founded which hedgeth in the Saints in an eternall securitie, and debarreth all o­thers. 15 And the Angel who spake with me, had a golden reed in his hand, to measure therewith the Citie, and the gates, and the walles of the same, thereby to signifie the iust proportion and symmetrie, that shall be among all the parts of this holy Citie. 16 And this Citie was foure­square, because of the gates towards the foure parts of the earth, to receiue indifferently the commers out of any of them, as yee heard before; And it was alike long and broad, to signifie the infinite bounds thereof: and hee measured the Citie with his reed, and it came to twelue thousand furlongs: this number also expresseth the great bounds of this Citie; for it is here vsed for a number of perfection, as sundry times before: And this Citie was alike in length, breadth and height, for all the parts of it were alike large. 17 And the Angel did measure the wall of it, and it was an hun­dred and foure and fourtie cubites of height: this number is correspon­dent to the number of Saints, who were standing with the Lambe on Mount Sion, as ye heard before; and the measure wherewith this was mea­sured, was the measure of the man, which is the measure of the Angel; This Citie is measured with the measure of CHRIST, God and man, to teach vs that he is onely the Architectour of this Spirituall Citie, which he mea­sureth by his cubites, and not by the cubites of any man. 18 And the fabricke of the wall of the Citie, was composed of Iasper, to signifie that the wall thereof shall stand eternally: and the Citie it selfe was of pure [Page 69]gold, and like to cleere glasse, whereon no filth will remaine. 19 And the twelue foundations of the Citie were decked with all kind of precious stones: the first foundation was of Iasper, the second of Saphire, the third of Chalcedonie, the fourth of Emerald, 20 The fift of a Sardonix, the sixt of a Sardius, the seuenth of a Chrysolite, the eight of a Berill, the ninth of a Topaze, the tenth of a Chrysophrasus, the eleuenth of an Hyacinth, the twelfth of an Amethist: These twelue sundry stones, one for euery one of the foundations, signifie, that we, the twelue Apostles, who are these twelue foundations (as ye heard) shall euery one receiue a diuers reward and crowne of glory, according to the greatnesse and excellencie of our labours in the earth: these twelue precious stones allude also to the twelue precious stones in Aarons brestplate. 21 And the twelue gates were of twelue pearles, and euery gate of a sundry pearle; (this signifies the like of the Patriarches) and the Market place of the Citie was of pure golde, and like the glistering glasse, signifying thereby, as by an euident token, that seeing the Market place (which is the commonest place of euery towne) of this spirituall City, is of so fine and bright stuffe, that no base, and vn­cleane thing shall be in any part thereof: 22 And I saw no Temple in it, for the Lord God Almightie, euen the Lambe, is the Temple of it, for no other shall be there wherein God must be praised, but the person of Christ, in whom all the faithfull shall be incorporated, as I said before. 23 And this Citie shall neede no Sunne nor Moone to shine in it, for the glory of God hath made it bright, and the Lambe is the lampe thereof; for as it is no corporall paradise nor dwelling place on earth, which is heere spoken of, so is no part of the glory thereof earthly, but cele­stiall and spirituall: 24 And the Gentiles which are saued, shall walke in that light, and the kings of the earth shall bring their glory vnto that citie; for all the faithfull kings shall resigne all their worldly glory in that citie, and receiue a new and incorruptible glory from the Lambe, who is the light thereof: 25 And the gates thereof shall not be shut in the day time; for there shall neuer be any suspicion of trouble there, for which cause worldly cities often shut their gates, and the night shall neuer be there, but an eternall brightnesse through all. 26 And the honour and the glory of the nations shall be brought into her, for all their worldly glory shalbe nothing in respect of the glory of this City. 27 And there shall nothing enter into this Citie that defileth or is defiled, nor no man that committeth any abominable deed, or that speakes lies, but onely these shall haue entrance into this holy City, whose names are written in the Lambe his booke of Life, as ye heard before.

CHAP. XXII.

ARGVMENT.

The rest of the same description: Mans pronenesse of his owne nature to idola­trie: The Writer tells his name, that no man may doubt who was the writer of this Booke, and who endited the same: The faithfull ought to wish the com­ming of the latter day: The curse vpon them who adde or take from this Booke, and vse it not aright.

THen to the effect that I might know that the inhabitants of this holy Citie, were as well eternall, as the walles and glory of the same, this Angel did shew vnto me the cleere and pure flood of the water of life, whereof Christ pro­mised to giue the Samaritane to drinke, as I said before: and it was cleere like crystall, and it flowed from the Throne of God, and the Lambe: This Riuer alludeth to that spring of Ezechiel, which came foorth from vnder the Temple floore; and it also alludeth to the Riuers of earth­ly Paradise: 2 And in the middest of the market place, and on either side of this Riuer, did grow the Tree of Life, hauing twelue maner of fruits, euery moneth bearing once, and bearing leaues for the health of the Gen­tiles: This Tree, and this water of Life, are the heauenly meat and drinke, meant by Christ, when the Capernaites were scandalized with his do­ctrine, as ye read in the Euangel written by me; and of this Tree and wa­ter were those of Ezechiel, and in earthly paradise the figures: the number of the fruits thereof answereth to the number of the tribes of Israel, who through eating the fruits thereof by faith, obtained saluation; as likewise the varietie and plentie of ioyes to all the faithfull there; and as it bare fruit to the Iewes for food, that is, to satisfie them, so it did beare leaues to the Gentiles, who being healed by these leaues of all spiritual diseases, were not onely preserued, but also prepared and got appetite thereby, to eat and turne into nutriment, or spirituall strength and contentation, the fruites thereof: This tree grew on euery side of the water of Life, to signifie that they are both but one thing and inseparable, both proceeding from the mightie and mercifull Throne of God, and his Lambe, and they were both in the middest of the Market place, to signifie by their being in so com­mon a place, that as they are the support, strength and comfort of the Church triumphant, or holy Citie, so all the in-dwellers therein haue the like free accesse thereunto, and are all alike participant thereof: 3 And no accursed thing shall be any more, for then shall hell and death be confi­ned, and restrained within themselues for euer, as ye heard in the former vision: for the seat and throne of God and his Lambe, shall remaine in this holy Citie for euer; and all his seruants shall be there, seruing him eternal­ly by thankesgiuing and praises: 4 And they shall see his face, and be e­uer reioycing at his presence, hauing his name written vpon their fore­heads, [Page 71]as yee haue often heard. 5 And no night nor darkenesse shall be there at all, neither haue they need of lampes, nor of light of the Sunne, nor any materiall light, for the Lord God makes them bright, as yee haue heard alreadie: and they shall reigne there in all glory for euer and euer. 6 Then the Angel, after all these things had beene reuealed vn­to me, sayde vnto me for the confirmation of them, All the wordes of this Prophecie are trew and faithfull, and the same Lord GOD who inspired from time to time his holy Prophets to forewarne his Church of things to come, hee also sent his Angel vnto mee, that by me hee might reueale vnto his seruants these things that are shortly to come to passe. 7 Loe, I come shortly, sayth the Lord, happy is hee there­fore that obserueth and obeyeth the wordes of the Prophecie in this Booke. 8 And I Iohn am he who haue heard and seene these things: I declare you my name the oftener, lest the authority of the Booke should be called in doubt, through the vncertaintie of the Writer: And when I had heard and seene these things, I fell at the Angels feet that shewed me them, with mind to haue adored him: 9 But he said vnto me, See thou doe it not, I am thy fellow-seruant, and one of thy Brethren the Prophets, although I be an Angel, and one of them which keepeth and obeyeth the words of this Booke: adore thou therefore God, to whom all worship onely apper­taineth: By this my reiterated fall and offence, notwithstanding that lately before I had committed the same, and was reprooued for it, and warned to forbeare it, as ye heard before, I am taught, and by my example the whole Church, of the great infirmitie of all mankind, and specially in that so great an offence of the adoring of creatures, whereof God is so iealous, as he saith in his Lawe: and vpon consideration of man his infirmitie in this point, not I, but the Spirit of God by me, in the very last words of one of my E­pistles, saith, Deare children, beware of Idoles: and in this I insist so much not without a cause; For I know that Babylon in the latter dayes, shall special­ly poison her followers with this spirituall adulterie or idolatrie, as ye haue heard mention made in this Booke. 10 And the Angel said vnto me, Seale not the words of the Prophecie of this Booke, for the time is at hand. Yee heard before, how I was commanded to seale that which the seuen Thun­ders spake, because it was not lawfull for me to reueale the same: but now on the contrarie I am commanded to write, and forbidden to seale these Prophecies, because I am appointed to reueale the same, in respect that the time of their accomplishment is at hand. 11 And hee also said vnto mee, Despaire thou not of the effect of this Prophecie, although it profite no­thing the wicked, but to make them the more inexcusable: For God hath fore-signified, that he who doeth harme, notwithstanding this Prophecie shall yet continue his wrongs; and hee who is filthie, shall yet notwith­standing this remaine filthie; euen as on the other part, it shall confirme and encrease the iust man in his iustnesse, and the holy man in his holines: for it is not the words of Prophecie spoken, but the Spirit which is coope­rant [Page 72]with it, which makes the seed of faith to take root in any mans heart. 12 Loe I come speedily, saith the Lord IESVS, and bring my reward with me, to render to euery man according to his workes, as ye haue heard be­fore. 13 I am A and Ω, the beginning and the end; the first and the last, as ye haue heard already. 14 Happie are they who obey and keepe Christes commandements, that they may haue right and part in the tree of life; (for by obeying they shall be made Citizens of that holy Citie, of the which that is the food) and that they may enter at the gates to that Citie: for the gates shall be readie and open to receiue them: 15 But without this Citie, as debarred thence, shall bee Dogges, to wit, all prophane liuers, fornicators, sorcerers, murtherers, and idolaters, and all who loue, and make lies; and shortly all, who continue in any kind of knowen sinne with­out repentance. 16 IIESVS, saith the Lord, sent my Angel to reueale these things to Iohn, that they might be testified to you the seuen Churches: I am the root and off-spring of Dauid, and I am the bright morning Starre, to wit, the fountaine of all your glorie. 17 And the Spirit, and the Bride saith, Come, to wit, the Church; for they for their deliuerance wish his se­cond comming to be hastened, and Christ, for the loue he beareth them, hath graunted them their request: and he that heares it, let him say, Come, for it becommeth all the faithfull to wish it: And he that thirsteth let him come, to wit, he that would drinke of the water of life, let him craue earnest­ly the dissolution and latter day: And let any who will, receiue the water of life freely and for nothing, as ye heard before. 18 And I protest vnto all that shall heare the words of the Prophesie of this Booke, that if any man adde vnto it any thing, God shall make all the plagues in this Booke to fall on him. 19 And if any man take away any thing from the words of the Booke of this Prophesie, God shal take his part away out of the book of life, and out of the holy Citie, and out of these blessings that are written in this Booke: For whosoeuer in coping or translating this Booke, adulte­rateth any waies the Originall, or in interpreting of it, wittingly strayes from the trew meaning of it, and from the analogie of Faith, to follow the fantasticall inuention of man, or his owne preoccupied opinions; he I say, that doeth any of these, shalbe accursed as a peruerter of the trewth of God and his Scriptures. 20 And now I will conclude with this comfort vnto you, to wit, He, euen Christ, that testifies these things that ye haue heard: he I say, doeth say, Surely I come shortly. Euen so come Lord IESVS to hasten our deliuerance. 21 The Grace of our Lord IESVS CHRIST be with you all, and all your successours in trew doctrine, by the which both yee and they may be so strengthened in the trewth, that by your resisting all the temptations contained in this Booke, and constantly perseuering to the end, yee may at last receiue that immortall Crowne of glorie mentioned in the last Vision. AMEN.

A FRVITFVLL MEDI­TATION, CONTAINING A PLAINE AND EASIE EXPOSITION, OR laying open of the VII. VIII. IX. and X. Verses of the 20. Chapter of the REVELATION, in forme and maner of a Sermon.

THE TEXT. ‘ 7 And when the thousand yeeres are expired, or ended, Satan shall be loosed out of his prison.’ ‘ 8 And shall goe out to deceiue the people, which are in the foure quarters of the earth, euen Gog and Magog, to gather them together to battaile, whose num­ber are as the sand of the Sea.’ ‘ 9 And they went vp to the plaine of the earth, which compassed the tents of the Saints about, and the beloued Citie: but fire came downe from God out of the heauen, and deuoured them.’ ‘ 10 And the diuel that deceiued them, was cast into a lake of fire and brimstone, where that beast and that false prophet are, and shalbe tormented euen day and night for euermore.’

THE MEDITATION.

AS of all Bookes the holy Scripture is most necessary for the instruction of a Christian, and of all the Scriptures, the Booke of the REVELATION is most meete for this our last aage, The necessi­tie of the knowledge of the Reuela­tion. as a Prophesie of the latter times: so haue I selected or chosen out this place thereof, as most proper for the action we haue in hand presently. A summe of the 20. Chap. of the Reue­lation. For after the A­postle IOHN had prophesied of the latter times, in the nineteenth Chapter afore-go­ing, he now in this twentieth Chapter gathered vp a summe of the whole, wherein are expressed three heads or principall points.

1. First, the happie estate of the Church, from Christs dayes, to the dayes of the defection or falling away of the Antichrist, in the first sixe verses of this 20. Chapter.

[Page 74]2 Next, the defection or falling away it selfe, in this place that I haue in hand, to wit, the seuenth, eight, ninth, and tenth verses.

3 Thirdly, the generall punishment of the wicked in the great day of Iudgement, from the tenth verse vnto the end of the Chapter.

The Apostle his meaning in this place then is this, The meaning of this present text. That after that Sa­tan then had bene bound a thousand yeeres, which did appeare by his dis­course afore-going, of the Saints triumphing in the earth, hee shall at last breake forth againe loose, and for a space rage in the earth more then euer before: but yet shall in the end be ouercome and confounded for euer..

It resteth now, knowing the summe, that we come to the exposition or meaning of the Verses; The order ob­serued in handling this text. and first expound or lay open by way of a Para­phrase the hardnesse of the words, next declare the meaning of them, and thirdly note what we should learne of all.

THE FIRST PART.

AS touching the wordes in them for order sake, wee may note: 1 First Satan his loosing: 2 next his doing, after he is loosed: 3 and last his vnhappie successe.

Then for the first, Satan in his instruments is loosed to trouble the Church. by Satan is meant not onely the Dra­gon, enemie to Christ and his Church, but also with him all the instruments in whom he ruleth, and by whom he ruleth, and by whom he vttereth his cruell and crafty intentions, specially the Antichrist and his Clergie, ioyned with the Dragon before in the 16. Chap. verse 17. and called the beast, and the false prophet. For as Christ and his Church are called after one Name, Christ, by reason of their most strait and neere vnion, and heauenly effects flowing there from, 1. Cor. 12.12. So Satan and his sinagogue are here rightly called Satan, The thou­sand yeeres. by reason of their vnion, and cur­sed effects flowing therefrom. These thousand yeeres, are but a number cer­taine for an vncertaine, which phrase or maner of speaking, is often vsed by the Spirit of God in the Scriptures, meaning a great number of yeeres.

Moreouer, The prison whereout Sa­tan is loosed. the prison whereout he is loosed, is the hels, which by the Spirit of God are called his prison, for two causes: 1 One, because during the time of this world, at times appointed by God, he is debarred from walking on the earth, 2. Pet. 2.4. Ind. ver. 6. and sent thither, greatly to his torment, as was testi­fied or witnessed by the miracle at Genezareth among the Gadarens, Matth. 8.28. 2 Next, because that after the consummation or end of the world, he shall be perpetually or for euer imprisoned therein, as is written in the same Chapter, ver. 10. Finally, he is loosed by interruption or hindering, and for the most part, The loosing of Satan. to the iudgement of men, abolition or ouerthrow of the sincere preaching of the Gospel, the true vse of the Sacraments, which are seales and pledges of the promises contained therein, and lawfull exer­cise of Christian discipline, whereby both Word and Sacraments are main­tained in purity, called in the first verse the great chaine, whereby the di­uell [Page 75]is bound and signified by the white horse, gouerned by the Lambe. Chap. 6. verse 2. So the meaning of all this 7. verse is this: The diuel, ha­uing bene bound, and his power in his instruments hauing bene restrai­ned for a long space, by the preaching of the Gospel, at the last he is loosed out of hell by the raising vp of so many new errors and notable euill in­struments, especially the Antichrist and his Clergie, who not onely infect the earth a new, but rule also ouer the whole, through the decrease of trew doctrine, and the number of the faithfull following it, and the dayly in­crease of errours, and nations following them, and beleeuing lies hating the trewth, and taking pleasure in vnrighteousnes, 2. Thess. 2.11, 12. And thus farre for Satan his loosing.

Now to the next, his doing after he is loosed. Satan first de­ceaueth, then allures to fol­low him, and in the end maketh all his to take armour a­gainst the Church. First he goeth out to se­duce or beguile the nations that are into the foure corners of the earth, and they become his, though in certaine degrees his tyrannie and trauaile appeareth, and bursteth out in some more then in others: For as all that doe good, are inspired of God thereto, and doe vtter the same in certaine degrees, according vnto the measure of grace granted vnto them: so all that doe euill, are inspired by Satan, and doe vtter the same in diuers de­grees, according as that vncleane spirit taketh possession in them, and by diuers obiects and meanes, allureth them to doe his will, some by ambiti­on, some by enuie, some by malice, and some by feare, and so forth: and this is the first worke.

Secondly, he gathereth Gog and Magog to battell, Gog and Ma­gog. in number like the sand of the Sea, and so he and his inclined to battell and bloodshed, haue migh­tie armies, and in number many, inflamed with crueltie. The special heads and rulers of their armies, or rather rankes of their confederats, to goe to battel and to fight, are twaine, here named Gog and Magog; Gog in Hebrew is called Hid, and Magog Reuealed, to signifie that in two sorts of men chiefly Satan shall vtter himselfe, to wit, hypocrites, and auowed or open enemies to God: It is said then that Satan shall in the latter times rule a new ouer the world, who shall stirre vp the nations vnder the banners of these two enemies to God, the hypocriticall and open, to spread themselues in great multitudes vpon the earth.

Thirdly, they shall ascend vpon the plaine of the earth, presumptuously and proudly, bragging of their number and force, and thinking none shall be able to resist their rage: They shall compasse and besiege the campes of the Saints, and beloued Citie, that is, the handfull of the faithfull beloued of the Lord, against whome, trusting in their vntellable number, like the sand of the sea, they shall make a cruell and vncessable warre.

The elect are called Saints and beloued, The Elect are the Saints and beloued Citie of God. because they are in the loue of God selected and seuered out, and by grace engraffed in Christ, in whom they are counted and found iustified, sanctified, worthy of loue and end­lesse glorie: Their faithfull fellowship is compared to Tents, and to a Ci­tie beloued, to signifie their continuall warfare in the earth against Satan [Page 76]and sinne, with all his instruments: their mutual amitie, and friendly con­iunction in loue among themselues, and ioyning together to maintaine the good cause that their God hath clad them with: but chiefly to signifie the mightie and al-sufficient protection or defence in prosperity and aduersity, flowing from God for their iust aide against all powers that can pursue, whereby they also become faire as the Moone, pure as the Sunne, terrible as an armie with banners, Cant. 1.6, 9. Yea as a defenced Citie, and yron pil­lar and wals of Brasse against the whole earth, Ierem. 1.18.

The summe then of Satan his doing after he is loosed, The summe of Satan his doing after he is loosed. is this: hee shall deceiue the nations: he shall gather an infinite number of hypocrites and open enemies together, inflamed with crueltie, and these shall in pridefull presumption fiercely bend themselues against the chosen of God, and his trewth professed by them. But what at last shall the successe be? surely most vnhappy: for fire shall come downe from heauen and deuoure them, and the diuell that deceiued them, and all his instruments, chiefly the Beast and false Prophet shall be cast in a lake of fire and brimstone, The vnhappy successe of Satan. and shall bee tor­mented day and night incessantly for euer and euer: that is, how greatly soeuer their brags be, how neere soeuer they shall appeare to be to obtaine their purpose, God from heauen, as the pallace and throne, wherefrom hee giueth proofe of his mercie towards his owne, and of his iustice toward his enemies, shall send plagues and destruction, as well ordinary, as extra­ordinarie vpon them: Ordinarie, by reuealing their wickednesse by the thundring mouthes of trew pastors, which is oft called fire in the Scrip­tures: Extraordinarie, by all corporall plagues to their vtter destruction, and vntellable torment for euer in the hels. Thus farre for the exposition or paraphrase of the words.

THE SECOND PART.

NOw followeth the interpretation of the sentence accor­ding to the order vsed in the first part. The putitie of the Gospel induring, stay­eth the Ante­christ his ri­sing. And first we must know what time these thousand or many yeres was in, and when, and how Satan was loosed. This time is to be found in the sixt Chapter, in the opening of the first three seales of the secret booke of God his prouidence by the Lambe, to wit, the time when the white, red, and blacke horses had their course in the world: And to speake more plainely, the Diuell his power did lurke, which is called his binding, and the Gospel did flourish in a reasonable puritie many hun­dreth yeeres after Christ, as the Ecclesiasticall histories beare witnesse: For in great puritie the Gospel did continue long, which is signified by the course of the white horse, albeit the professors were vnder the crosse signi­fied by the red horse, and troubled wonderfully by heretickes, signified by the blacke horse, by wormewood that fell in the Fountaines of waters in the third trumpet, and by waters that the dragon spewed out of his mouth, in the vision of the Dragon and the woman, chap. 12. This time did endure [Page 77]from Christ a space after Augustine his dayes, when the bloodie Sword of persecution ceasing, the whole Church began to be defiled with diuers he­resies, which comming vnto a mature and ripe heape, did produce or bring foorth the Antechrist, signified by the pale horse in the fourth seale, by the king of the Locusts in the fift trumpet, by Babylon in the 11 and 18. Chapter, by the second Beast rising out of the sea in the 13. Chapter, and by the woman clad with scarlet in the 17. chapter. The arisings of the he­resies, and the Antichrist breeding of their smoake, is in this place called the loosing of Satan.

Now followeth after this his loosing, what he doeth: The Gospel being hid, the Antichrist beginneth to breed & tend to his height. He deceiueth the nations vniuersally: he gathereth Gog and Magog with vntellable armies to fight, he climeth vpon the plaine of the earth, he compasseth the tents of the Saints, and the beloued Citie about: These are his doings.

Now because these actions are most liuely declared in other places of the same booke, I will shortly alleadge them to make the matter cleere by conference of places, expounding euery one another. It is said in the ninth chapter, that the Antichrist shall send out his locusts or Ecclesiasticall or­ders, by faire allurements to entice the world, to yeeld to his and their a­bominable heresies, and shall preuaile ouer the most part. It is said in the 11. chapter, that he shall persecute the Saints, kill the two witnesses, and shall reioyce with the kings of the earth, for their killing, as hauing beene the onely lets to his full glory. It is said in the 13. chapter, that he shall blas­pheme God in vsurping his power, that by the aduice and assistance of the false Prophet, or false Church, hee shall send out his Images or Embassa­dours through the world, persecuting and destroying them that will not obey him and them, and acknowledge his supremacie; yea, none shall be suffered to buy or sell, or vse ciuill societie, that acknowledgeth not his su­preme power and dignity. It is said in the 16. chapter, that God plaguing him for these foresaid abuses, he shall be so farre from repentance, as by the contrarie he shall finde out a new sort of vermin, that is, a new Ecclesiasti­call order, which are called their frogges, who shall mooue and entice the Princes of the earth to ioyne with him, and make warre against the faith­full, pressing vtterly to destroy them: and of that battell, and the end ther­of doeth this place make mention.

Now shortly ioyne all these together, and so obtaine the meaning. There shall arise an Antichrist and enemie to God and his Church: hee shall bee head of a false and hypocriticall Church: hee shall claime a supreme power in earth: he shall vsurpe the power of God: he shall deceiue men with a­busing locusts: he shall persecute the faithfull: none shall bee found that dare openly resist him: In the end, feeling his kingdome decay, and the trew Church beginning to prosper, he shall by a new sort of deceiuing spi­rits, gather together the Kings of the earth in great multitudes like the sands of the Sea, and by ioyning or at least suffering of that other great open enemy, he shall with these numbers compasse the campes of the faithfull, [Page 78]besiege the beloued Citie, make warre against the Saints: but victorie shal he not haue, and shame and confusion shalbe his, and all his partakers end.

Now whether the Pope beareth these markes or not, The Pope is Antichrist, and Poperie the loosing of Satan, from whom procee­deth false do­ctrine & cru­eltie to sub­uert the king­dom of Christ. let any indifferent man iudge; I thinke surely it expounds it selfe: Doeth he not vsurpe Christ his office, calling himselfe vniuersall Bishop and head of the Church? Play­eth he not the part of Apollyon, and Abaddon the king of the Locusts and de­stroyer, or sonne of perdition, in chopping and changing of soules be­twixt heauen, hell, and his fantasticke or imagined purgatorie at his plea­sure? Blasphemeth he not, in denying vs to be saued by the imputation of Christ his righteousnesse? Moreouer, hath hee not sent forth and abused the world with innumerable orders of locusts and shauelings? Hath hee not so fully ruled ouer the world these many hundreth yeeres, as to the fire went hee, whosoeuer hee was, that durst deny any part of his vsurped su­premacie? And hath he not of late dayes, seeing his kingdome going to decay, The Iesuites pernicious vermine. sent out the Iesuites, his last and most pernicious vermin, to stirre vp the Princes of the earth his slaues, to gather and league themselues to­gether for his defence, and rooting out of all them that professe Christ truely? And whereas the open enemie of God, the Turke was vnder bloo­dy warres with him euer before, is there not of late a truce among them, that the faithfull may be the more easily rooted out? And are not the ar­mies presently assembled, yea vpon the very point of their execution in France against the Saints there? In Flanders for the like; and in Germa­nie, by whom already the Bishop of Collein is displaced? And what is pre­pared and come forward against this Ile? Doe we not daily heare, and by all appearance and likelihood shall shortly see? Now may we iudge if this be not the time, whereof this place that I haue made choice doeth meane, and so the due time for the reuealing of this Prophecie. Thus farre for the interpretation of the sentence or meaning.

THE THIRD PART.

NOw I come to the last part, what we may learne of this place, which I will shortly touch in few points, and so make an end.

And first of the deuill his loosing by the rising of An­tichrist, for the iust punishment of the vnthankefull world hating the trewth, and delighting in lies, and manifesting of his owne chosen that stucke to the trewth; we haue two things to note: One for instruction, Man his sinne procureth God his iu­stice to loose Satan. that the iustice of God in respect of man his falling wilfully frō the trewth, (as Paul saith) iustly did send to the world the great abuser with efficacie of lies; as well to tyrannize spiritually ouer the con­science by heresie, as corporally ouer their bodies by the ciuill sword. And therefore we must feare to fall from the trewth reuealed and professed by vs, that we may be free from the like punishment. The other for our com­fort, that this tyrannie of the Antichrist, sifting out the chaffe from the [Page 79]corne, as our Master sayth, Backe-sl [...]ers [...] constant [...]hri­stians shall be crowned. Matth. 10.22. shall tend to the double condemnation of the fallers backe, and to the double crowne of glory, to the perseuerers or stan­ders out to the end. Blessed therefore are they that perseuere or stand out to the end, for they shall be saued.

Next, 2 of the number of nations in the foure quarters of the earth decei­ued, and companies gathered together to fight like the sand of the sea, The defecti­on or falling away vnder Antichrist, shall be vni­uersall. Wee are taught, that the defection or falling away vnder the Antichrist, was generall, and so no visible Church was there: whereof two things doe follow: One, the Church may be corrupted and erre: another, the Church may lurke, and be vnknowen for a certaine space.

Thirdly, of that that Satan is not content onely to deceiue, 3 Satan his chil­dren both de­ceiue, and per­secute. except hee also gather to the battell his instruments; we are informed of the implaca­ble or vnappeaseable malice, borne by Satan in his instruments against God in his members, who neuer ceaseth like a roaring Lyon (as Peter sayth) to goe about assailing to deuoure. This his malice is notably laid foorth in the 12. and 13. Chap. of this Booke: For it is said, that when he had spew­ed out great riuers of waters, that is, infinite heresies and lies to swallow vp the woman, and notwithstanding shee was deliuered therefro, yet a­gaine hee raised vp a beast out of the sea, the bloody Romane Empire by the sword, to deuoure her, and her seed; and that being wounded deadly, yet hee raiseth another beast foorth of the earth, which is the Antichrist, by heresie and sword ioyned together to ferue his turne: So the deuill, see­ing that no mist of heresies can obscure or darken the Gospel in the hearts of the faithfull, and that the cruell sword of persecutors cannot stay the prosperous successe of Christ his kingdome, hee raiseth vp the Antichrist with both his swords, to the effect that as one of them sayth, That which Peter his keyes could not, Paul his sword should: And so hath hee done at this time; For seeing the true Church will not be abused with the absurd heresies, for last refuge, now rooted out must they be by the ciuill Sword.

Fourthly, of their great numbers, 4 The wicked in number euer ouerpasse the godly. able to compasse about the tents of the Saints, and to besiege the holy Cities, we are enformed that the wicked are euer the greatest part of the world: And therfore our Master sayth, Many are called, few chosen: And againe, Wide is the way that leadeth to destruction, and many enter thereat: but narrow is the way that leadeth to life, and few enter there­at. Also hee calleth them the world, and the Deuill the prince of the same.

Fiftly, the agreeance of Gog and Magog, the Turke the open enemy, 5 The wicked at variance a­mong them­selues, can wel agree in one against Christ and the Pope the couered enemie, to this persecution, declareth the rooted ha­tred of the wicked against the faithfull: who though they be otherwise in enmitie among themselues, yet agree in this respect, in odium tertij, as did Herod and Pilate.

Sixtly, the compassing of the Saints, and besieging of the beloued City, 6 The false Church euer persecuteth. declareth vnto vs a certaine note of a false Church, to be persecution: for they come to seeke the faithfull; the faithfull are those that are sought: The wicked are the besiegers; the faithfull the besieged.

[Page 80]Seuenthly, 7 Scripture by Scripture should be ex­pounded. 2. King. 1.10, 11. in the forme of language, and phrase or maner of speaking, of fire comming downe from heauen here vsed, and taken out of the Booke of the Kings, where, at Elias his prayers, with fire from heauen were de­stroyed Achazias his souldiers: as the greatest part of all the words, verses, and sentences of this booke are taken and borrowed of other parts of the Scripture, we are taught to vse onely Scripture for interpretation of Scrip­ture, if we would be sure, and neuer swarue from the analogie of faith in expounding, seeing it repeateth so oft the owne phrases, and thereby ex­poundeth them.

Eightly, 8 of the last part of the confusion of the wicked, euen at the top of their height and wheele, we haue two things to note: One that God al­though he suffereth the wicked to run on while their cup be full, yet in the end he striketh them, first in this world, and next in the world to come; to the deliuerance of his Church in this world, and the perpetuall glory of the same in the world to come: The other note is, that after the great perse­cution and the destruction of the pursuers, shall the day of Iudgement fol­low: For so declareth the 11. verse of this same Chapter; but in how short space it shall follow, that is onely knowne vnto God; Onely this farre are we certaine, that in the last estate, without any moe generall mutations, the world shall remaine till the consummation and end of the same.

To conclude then with exhortation: It is al our duties in this Isle at this time, to do two things: One, to consider our estate: And other to conforme our actions according thereunto: Our estate is, we are threefold besieged: First, spiritually by the heresies of the antichrist: Secondly, corporally & ge­nerally, as members of that Church, the which in the whole they persecute: Thirdly, All men should be law­fully armed spiritually and bodily to fight against the Antichrist, and his vphol­ders. corporally and particularly by this present armie. Our actions then conformed to our estate are these: First, to call for helpe at God his hands: Next, to assure vs of the same, seeing we haue a sufficient warrant, his constant promise expressed in his word: Thirdly, since with good consci­ence we may, being in the tents of the Saints, & beloued City, stand in our defence, encourage one another to vse lawfull resistance, and concurre or ioyne one with another as warriors in one Campe, and citizens of one be­loued City, for maintenance of the good cause God hath clad vs with, and in defence of our liberties, natiue countrey, and liues: For since we see God hath promised not only in the world to come, but also in this world, to giue vs victory ouer them, let vs in assurance hereof strongly trust in our God, cease to mistrust his promise, and fall through incredulitie or vnbeliefe: For then are we worthy of double punishment: For the stronger they waxe, and the neerer they come to their light, the faster approcheth their wracke, and the day of our deliuery: For kind, and louing, true, and constant, carefull, and watchfull, mighty, and reuenging is he that promiseth it: To whom be praise and glory for euer. AMEN.

A MEDITATION VPON THE xxv. xxvj. xxvij. xxviij. and xxix. verses of the xv. Chap. of the first Booke of the Chronicles of the Kings:

Written by the most Christian King, and sincere Professour of the trewth, IAMES by the grace of God, King of England, France, Scotland, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith.
THE TEXT. ‘ 25 So Dauid and the Elders of Israel and the Captaines of thousands went to bring vp the Arke of the Couenant of the Lord, from the house of Obed-Edom with ioy.’ ‘ 26 And because that God helped the Leuites that bare the Arke of the Couenant of the Lord, they offered seuen Bullockes and seuen Rammes.’ ‘ 27 And Dauid had on him a linnen garment, as all the Leuites that bare the Arke, and the singers and Chenaniah that had the chiefe charge of the singers: and vpon Dauid was a linnen Ephod.’ ‘ 28 Thus all Israel brought vp the Arke of the Lords Couenant with shouting and sound of Cornet, and with Trumpets, and with Cymbales, making asound with Violes and with harpes.’ ‘ 29 And when the Arke of the Couenant of the Lord came into the Citie of Dauid, Michal the daughter of Saul looked out at a window, and saw King Dauid dauncing and playing and shee despised him in her heart.’

THE MEDITATION.

AS of late when greatest appearance of perill was by that forreine and godlesse fleete, I tooke occa­sion by a Text selected for the purpose, to exhort you to remaine constant, resting assured of a hap­py deliuerance: So now by the great mercies of God, my speeches hauing taken an euident effect, I could doe no lesse of my carefull duety, then out of this place cited, teach you what resteth on your part to be done; not of any opinion I haue of my abilitie to instruct you, but that these meditations of mine, may af­ter my death remaine to the posteritie, as a certaine testimony of my vp­right and honest meaning in this so great and weightie a cause. Now I [Page 82]come to the matter. Dauid that godly King, you see, hath no sooner ob­tained victory ouer Gods, and his enemies the Philistines, but his first acti­on which followes, is with concurrence of his whole estates, to translate the Arke of the Lords couenant to his house in great triumph and glad­nesse, accompanied with the sound of musicall instruments: And being so brought to the Kings house, he himselfe dances and reioyces before it: which thing Michal the daughter of Saul and his wife perceiuing, she con­temned and laughed at her husband in her minde. This is the summe.

THE METHOD.

FOr better vnderstanding whereof, these heades are to be ope­ned vp in order, and applied. And first what causes mooued Dauid to doe this worke. Secondly, what persons concurred with Dauid in doing of this worke. Thirdly, what was the a­ction it selfe, and forme of doing vsed in the same. Fourthly, the person of Michal. And fiftly, her action.

THE FIRST PART.

AS to the first part; Zeale in Da­uid and expe­riēce of Gods kindnesse to­wards him, moued Dauid to honour God. The causes moouing Dauid, passing all others, I note two: One internall, the other, external: the internall was a feruent and zealous mind in Dauid fully disposed to extoll the glorie of God that had cal­led him to be King, as he saith himselfe. The zeale of thy house it eats me vp, Psal. 69.9. But more largely ex­pressed in the 132. Psalme, composed at the same time while this worke was a doing. The externall was a notable victorie newly obtained by the power of God ouer and against the Philistines, olde and pernitious enemies to the people of God, expressed in the last part of the 14. chapter preceding. By this victorie or cause externall, the internal causes and zeale in Dauid is so doubly inflamed, that all things set aside, in this worke onely he will be occupied. These are the two weightie causes mo­uing him. Wherof we may learne, first that the chiefe vertue which should be in a christian Prince, and which the Spirit of God alwayes chiefly prai­ses in him, is a feruencie and constant zeale to promote the glorie of God, that hath honoured him. Next, that where this zeale is vnfained, God leaues neuer that person, without continuall powring of his blessings on him, thereby to stirre vp into him a double measure of zeale and thankful­nesse towards God. The Church euer troubled by men, hath a ioyfull end. Thirdly, that the Church of God neuer wanted ene­mies and notable victories ouer them, to assure them at all times of the con­stant kindnes of God towards them; euen, when as by the crosse, as a bit­ter medicine, he cureth their infirmities, saueth them from grosse sinnes, and trieth their faith: For we find plainely in the Scriptures, that no soo­ner [Page 83]God himselfe choosed Israel to be his people; but assoone, & euer ther­after as long as they remained his, the diuell so enuied their prosperity, as hee hounded out his instruments the nations, at all times to trouble and warre against them, yet to the comfort of his Church afflicted, and wrack of the afflicters in the end. This first was practised by Pharao in Egypt: and after their deliuerance, first by the Ammonites, and then by the Phi­listines continually thereafter, vntill the rising of the Monarchies, who euery one did exercise themselues in the same labour. But to note here the rage of all prophane Princes and nations which exercised their crueltie vp­on the Church of God, were superfluous and tedious, in respect of that which I haue set downe in my former meditation: Wherefore I onely goe forward then in this. As this was the continuall behauiour of the Nations towards Israel; So it was most especially in the time of Dauid, and among the rest at this time here cited; at what time hauing newly inuaded Israel, and beeing driuen backe, they would yet assemble againe in great multi­tudes to warre against the people of God, and not content to defend their owne countries as the Israelites did, would needes come out of the same to pursue them, and so spread themselues in the valley: But Dauid by Gods di­rection, brings foorth the people against them, who fights, and according to Gods promises, ouercomes them, onely by the hand of God, and not by their power, as the place it selfe most plainely doeth shew: So the Church of God may be troubled, but in trouble it cannot perish; and the end of their trouble is the very wracke and destruction of Gods enemies.

THE SECOND PART.

NOw followes secondly the persons who did concurre with Dauid in this action: Three rankes of persons concurre with Dauid in this worke. The Spirit noteth three rankes of them. In the first are the Elders of Israel: In the next, are the captaines ouer thousands: In the third; are the Priests and Leuites, of whom summarily I will speake. These Elders were substituted vnder Dauid in the kingdome, and as his hands in all parts of the countrey ministring iu­stice and iudgement to the Kings subiects: And they were of two sorts, maiestrates in walled townes, who in the gates of the cities executed iudge­ment; and chiefe in Tribes, and fathers of families, who in the countrey did iudge and minister iudgement as the Scripture reports: They were not vn­like to two of the estates of our kingdome, the Baron and the Burgesse. The Captaines ouer thousands were godly and valiant men, who vnder the King did rule in time of warre, had the custodie of the Kings person, and fought his battailes: These were necessarie officers for Dauid, who was appointed by God in his time (as wee are taught out of Gods owne words, speaking by Nathan to Dauid) to fight Gods battailes, to subdue the enemies of his Church, and to procure by so doing, a peaceable kingdome [Page 84]for Solomon his sonne, who should in peace, as a figure of Christ the Prince of peace, build the Lords Temple. These are spoken of here, to teach vs, first, that their calling is lawfull: next, that in their calling, they should be earnest to honour God: and thirdly, that these Captaines chiefly were law­fully called, and lawfully walked therein, as we haue plaine declaration out of Dauids owne mouth, expressed well in the whole 101. Psalme, seeing none were admitted in his seruice or houshold, but such as vnfainedly fea­red God. And without all question, godly and zealous Dauid would neuer haue committed the guard of his person, nor the fighting of Gods battailes to the enemies of God, or men of warre, of whose godlinesse and vertue he neuer had proofe: See then their names and praise, 1. Chron. 11.26. The third ranke of Priests and Leuites are set downe in the same chapter, vers. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. So men of all estates were present in this godly worke. This is to be marked well of Princes, and of all those of any high calling or degree that hath to doe in Gods cause. Dauid doth nothing in matters ap­pertaining to God without the presence and speciall concurrence of Gods Ministers, appointed to be spirituall rulers in his Church: and at the first meant to conuey the same Arke to Ierusalem, finding their absence and want of their counsell hurtfull: now in this chapter, vers. 12, 13. he saith to them, Ye are the chiefe Fathers of the Leuites, sanctifie your selues and your brethren, and bring vp the Arke of the Lord God of Israel vnto the place that I haue prepared for it. For because ye were not there at the first, the Lord our God made a breach a­mong vs: for we sought him not in due order. And thus farre for the second part concerning persons: Wherein we may learne, first, that a godly king findes, as his heart wisheth, godly estates concurring with him. Next a god­ly king of his godly foresight in choosing good vnder-rulers, reapeth this profit and pleasure, that as hee goeth before, so they with zealous hearts doe follow.

THE THIRD PART.

THe summe of this ioyfull conuoy may be digested in three actions, The Arke is transported with ioy to Ierusalem. which are these: The transporting of the Arke; the harmony of musicall instruments; and Dauids dancing and reioycing before it. He built a Tabernacle for the Arke in mount Sion, & transported it therunto, to signify his thank­fulnes for the many victories God had put in his hands: and this transpor­ting was the occasion of all this solemnitie and reioycing that followed thereupon. The signifi­cation of the Arke of the Couenant. As to the Arke it selfe, we know it was built by Moyses at the cōmand of God, in the wildernes of Sinai. This Arke was made of Shittim wood, which admits no corruption: It was of most comely shape and forme, two cubits and a halfe in length, a cubit and a halfe in height, and a cubit and a halfe in breadth, ouerlaid within and without with pure beaten gold, and was not only a figure of Iesus Christ our perfect Sauiour, in whom [Page 85]all the promises of God, are yea and Amen, 2. Corinth. 1.20. and in whom as a sure Arke, all abundance of Gods blessings are placed, that out of his ful­nesse we may all receiue grace vpon grace, Iohn 1.16. seeing he is made vn­to vs of God, wisedome, righteousnesse, sanctification and redemption, 1. Corinth. 1.30. but also a sure pledge of Gods continuall presence in Christ with his people, to blesse them with all maner of blessings. And to signi­fie this purpose more particularly, within the Arke was placed the Tables of the Couenant, and Law written by God, (for which cause also it was cal­led the Arke of the Couenant) Rom. 10.4. to teach them in Christ pro­mised, the perfection of the whole Law to be found, for all that beleeue in him. Aboue the Arke was a couer or lid called The Mercie Seate, and a­boue the lid the figures of two Cherubins, couering with their wings the Mercie Seat: betwixt the which two, the liuing God did louingly speake to the instruction and comfort of his people, to assure them that all Gods mercifull dealings with man (either in communicating his knowledge to them: or in sending his Angels ministring Spirits for their comfort,) Heb. 1.14. Ioh. 1.4, 11. hath the ground and foundation in CHRIST IESVS eternally. This Arke then being a sure Sacrament of Gods fauour towards them, and a Coue­nant of IESVS CHRIST, wherein corporally Gods mercifull promises did insue; followes the third part, the forme of doing vsed therein by these persons. Generally, the action was to bring vp the Arke of the Co­uenant of the Lord, from the house of Obed Edom with ioy, and to be placed in the Tabernacle built for it by the King in Mount Sion. The forme of doing vsed by euery person, is: The Priests offer Bullocks and Rammes, because that God blessed the worke; The King clad in a linnen garment, dances and playes before the Arke: Chenaniah the chiefe of the singers with his fellowes, praises God with Psalmes, and all the estates in Israel, bring the Arke of the Couenant with showting, sound of Cornet, Trum­pet, cymbals, violes, and harpes, and place it in the citie of Dauid. Briefly then, Dauid vpon his victories doeth transport to his house the same, to te­stifie hereby his care to receiue Gods fauour towards him and his people: Not thinking it enough to haue once or twise proofe thereof; but also to procure a continuance by the presence of his holy Arke, esteeming this the worthiest trophee or triumph, he could make or erect for his notable victories: A triumph indeed farre surpassing the Egyptian Piramides, the Grecian trophees, or yet the Romane triumphall chariots. As to the har­monie and musicall instruments that accompanied this holy Arke, I trust no man is ignorant of the custome that was among the Iewes, in praising. God with all kind of instruments, as Dauids Psalmes innumerable times beare witnesse. But in case some would demand wherefore the Church of God should more extraordinarily reioyce at one time, then at another, seeing we are assured that all Gods actions towards vs, are for our weale, ei­ther spiritually or corporally, suppose wee cannot at euery time compre­hend it: I answere, that although I must confesse that sentence to bee most [Page 86]orthodoxe, yet must I also confesse, that whensoeuer it shall please God to manifest by outward signes to the world, as at one time more then ano­ther the great loue to his Church, by some notable worke for their deliue­rance; We are then of duty bound in the highest degree to praise God, as well for confirming of the weake ones amongst vs, as for stopping of the mouthes, and dashing of the proud wicked without vs, to make the glory of his Name, as farre as in vs lieth, to resound: The manifold examples of the Saints of God through the whole Scriptures prooue this more then e­uidently, besides the examples of the prayers of sundry of the godly, who for the glory of his Name, more then for their particular weale, haue pray­ed him to giue publike testimonie of his loue towards them: So did Moses, Ioshua, Dauid, Elias, Elizeus, and innumerable others of the Prophets and ser­uants of God. As to the dancing of Dauid: dancing, playing, and such like actions we know are of themselues indifferent, and good or euil accor­ding to their vse, and the intention of the vser; and therefore being vsed at this time with a comely zeale, for the setting foorth of Gods glory, are not onely to be borne with and excused, but euen most highly to be pray­sed and commended, although that Michal dispraysed the same. Moreouer, it is to be marked that Dauid in this doing, did nothing without the special motion of the spirit of God, as an extraordinarie worke, which so fully possessed his soule at this present, that forgetfull, as it were, of the actions of his bodie; hee gaue his whole person ouer to be gouerned as it pleased him, alwayes seeking in all, the honour and glorie of his God, without res­pect to himselfe: Christ is the ground of all true Religion. And thus farre for the third part: Whereof wee haue to note first in the Arke: The ground of all true and ancient religion, and the body of the whole seruice of God that brings saluation, is to bee situate in Iesus Christ onely, as is plainely set downe, Act. 4.12. Ioh. 14.6. 1. Cor. 2.11. 1. Ioh. 1.7. Next, that they which will be saued by this Arke, must beare this Arke in their heart by faith, in their mouth by open confession, Rom. 1. and in their actions confirming their whole doing in their calling to his will, Matth. 7.21, 22, 23. Thirdly, that they who are sincerely ioyned with Christ, reioyce in the bearing of Christ, and count it their highest ioy to be occu­pied continually in his bearing.

THE FOVRTH PART.

AS to the person of Michal, Michals hy­pocrisie. shee was Sauls daughter, and Da­uids wife, a woman appearandly euill brought vp by amost wicked father; which the Spirit of God will signifie, by cal­ling her Sauls daughter as she was in hypocrisie his daugh­ter in deed, as well as by nature: yet shee was ioyned with the body of the Church visible, which is signified by the stile giuen her, when she was called Dauids wife: And so she was outwardly a person ioy­ned by mariage in societie with the Church, yet in effect a lurking hypo­crite [Page 87]within the bowels of the same. Such kinde of folkes (hypocrites I meane) are a malum necessarium inseparably and continually ioyned with the trew Church, neuer to be sifted while the Master of the Haruest come with the fanne in his hand.

THE FIFT PART.

HEr doings are, being quiet in her lodging, Michals do­ings. al the time of her husbands great and publike reioycing with the people not comming out; for not being able, as appeareth, to counter­feit finely euough a dissimulate ioyfull countenance: And therefore looking out at a window, shee spies her husband dancing before the Arke, incontinent interprets shee this indifferent action in malam partem, as not being touched with a true feeling of the cause of his ioy, and so despises she his doing in her minde, as onely proceeding of a lasciuious wantonnesse. A marueilous case; shee that be­fore of naturall loue to her husband did preserue him, although to her owne great perill, from the hands of her owne father Saul, cannot now abide to see him vse aright that indifferent action, which she her selfe (I doubt not) did oft through licentiousnes abuse. By this we may note the nature of the hypocrites, and interiour enemies of the Church, who al­though in their particulars not concerning Religion, there will be none in shew more friendly to the godly then they; yet how soone matters of Re­ligion or concerning the honour of God, comes in hand, O then are they no longer able to containe or bridle their passions, euen as here Michal de­fended her husband, euen in the particulars betwixt him and her owne fa­ther; but his dancing before the Arke to the honour of God she could no wise abide.

Now thus farre being said for the methodicall opening vp of the Text; The applica­tion of the purpose to vs. It rests onely to examine how pertinently this place doeth appertaine to vs and our present estate: And first as to the persons, the people of God and the nations their enemies, together with their pridefull pursuite of Dauid, and Gods most notable deliuerance. Is there not now a sincere profession of the trewth amongst vs in this Isle, oppugned by the nations about, ha­ters of the holy word? And doe we not also as Israel, professe one onely God, and are ruled by his pure word onely? on the other part, are they not as Philistines, adorers of legions of gods, and ruled by the foolish traditi­ons of men? Haue they not as the Philistines, beene continually the pur­suers, and we as Israel the defenders of our natiue soile and countrey? next, haue they not now at the last euen like the Philistines, come out of their owne soiles to pursue vs, and spread themselues to that effect vpon the great valley of our seas, presumptuously threatning the destruction and wracke of vs? But thirdly, had not our victory beene farre more notable then that of Israel, and hath not the one beene as well wrought by the [Page 88]hand of God, as the other? For as God by shaking the tops of the mulbery trees with his mightie windes, put the Philistines to flight, hath hee not euen in like maner by brangling with his mightie windes their timber ca­stles, scattered and shaken them asunder to the wracke of a great part, and confusion of the whole? Now that we may resemble Israel as well in the rest of this action, what triumph rests vs to make for the crowning of this blessed comedy? Euen to bring amongst vs the Arke with all reioycing. What is the Arke of Christians vnder grace, but the Lord Iesus Christ, whom with ioy wee bring amongst vs, when as receiuing with sinceritie and gladnesse the new Testament in the blood of Christ our Sauiour, in our heart we beleeue his promises, and in word and deede wee beare wit­nesse thereto before the whole world, and walke so in the light as it be­comes the sonnes of the same? this is the worthiest triumph of our victo­ry that we can make. And although there will doubtlesse be many Michals amongst vs, let vs reioyce and praise God for the discouerie of them, assu­ring our selues they were neuer of vs, accounting all them to be against vs, that either reioyce at the prosperitie of our enemies, or reioyce not with vs at our miraculous deliuerance: For all they that gather not with vs, they scatter. And let vs also diligently and warily trie out these craftie Michals: for it is in that respect that Christ recommends vnto vs the wisedome of Serpents, not thereby to deceiue and betray others (no, God forbid) but to arme vs against the deceit and treason of hypocrites that goe about to trap vs. And lest that these great benefits which God hath bestowed vpon vs, be turned through our vnthankfulnesse into a greater curse, in seruing for testimonies at the latter day against vs, to the procuring of our double stripes; let vs now to conclude, bring in the Arke amongst vs in two re­spects before mentioned, seeing we haue already receiued the Gospel; first by constant remaining in the puritie of the trewth, which is our most cer­teine couenant of saluation in the only merits of our Sauior: And next, let vs so reforme our defiled liues, as becomes regenerate Christians, to the great glory of our God, the vtter defacing of our aduersaries the wicked, and our vnspeakeable comfort both here and also for euer. AMEN.

His Maiesties owne Sonnet.

THe nations banded gainst the Lord of might
Prepar'd a force, and set them to the way:
Mars drest himselfe in such an awfull plight,
The like whereof was neuerseene they say:
They forward came in monstrous aray,
Both Sea and land beset vs euery where:
Bragges threatned vs a ruinous decay,
What came of that? the issue did declare.
The windes began to tosse them here and there,
The Seas begun in foming waues to swell:
The number that escap'd, it fell them faire:
The rest were swallowed vp in gulfes of hell:
But how were all these things miraculous done?
God laught at them out of his heauenly throne.

Idem Latinè.

INS ANO tumidae gentes coiere tumultu,
Ausae, insigne nefas, bello vltro ciere tonantem,
Mars sese accinxit, metuenda tot agmina nunquam,
Visa ferunt, properare truces miro ordine turmae,
Nosque mari & terra saeuo clasere duello,
Exitium diraque minantes strage ruinam;
Irrita sed tristi lugent conamina fine:
Nam laceras iecit ventus ludibria puppes,
Et mersit rapidis turgescens montibus aequor.
Foelix communi qui euasit clade superstes,
Dum reliquos misero, deglutit abyssus hiatu.
Qui vis tanta cadit? quis totque stupenda peregit?
Vanos Ioua sacro conatus risit Olympo.

Per Metellanum Cancellarium.

DAEMONOLOGIE, IN FORME OF A DIALOGVE, Diuided into three Bookes,

WRITTEN BY THE HIGH AND MIGHTIE PRINCE, IAMES by the Grace of GOD King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c.

¶ THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

THe fearefull abounding at this time in this Countrey, of these detestable slaues of the Diuel, the Witches or en­chaunters, hath mooued mee (beloued Reader) to dispatch in post, this follow­ing Treatise of mine, not in any wise (as J protest) to serue for a shew of my learning and ingine, but onely (moued of conscience) to preasse thereby, so farre as I can, to resolue the doubting hearts of many; both that such assaults of Satan are most certainely practised, and that the instruments thereof, merits most seuerely to be punished: against the damnable opinions of two prin­cipally in our aage, whereof the one called Scot, an Englishman, is not ashamed in publike Print to deny, that there can be such a [Page 92]thing as Witch-craft: and so maintaines the old errour of the Sad­duces in denying of spirits; The other called Wierus, a German Physition, sets out a publike Apologie for all these crafts-folkes, whereby, procuring for their impunitie, he plainely bewrayes him­selfe to haue bene one of that profession. And for to make this Treatise the more pleasant and facill, J haue put it in forme of a Dialogue, which I haue diuided into three Bookes: The first speaking of Magie in generall, and Necromancie in speciall: The second, of Sorcerie and Witch-craft: and the third, containes a discourse of all these kinds of spirits, and Spectres that appeares and troubles persons, together with a conclusion of the whole worke. My intention in this labour, is onely to prooue two things, as I haue already said: The one, that such diuelish artes haue bene and are: The other, what exact triall and seuere pu­nishment they merit: and therefore reason I, What kinde of things are possible to be performed in these Arts, and by what naturall causes they may be, not that I touch euery particular thing of the Diuels power, for that were infinite: but onely to speake schola­stickely, (since this cannot be spoken in our language) J reason vp­on genus leauing species, and differentia to bee comprehended therein: As for example, speaking of the power of Magiciens, in the first booke and sixt Chapter, I say, that they can suddenly cause be brought vnto them, all kinds of daintie dishes, by their familiar spirit; since as a thiefe he delights to steale, and as a spi­rit he can subtilly and suddenly ynough transport the same. Now vnder this genus, may be comprehended all particulars, depen­ding thereupon; such as the bringing Wine out of a wall (as wee haue heard oft to haue bene practised) and such others; which particulars, are sufficiently prooued by the reasons of the generall. And such like in the second booke of Witch-craft in speciall, and fift Chapter, J say, and proue by diuers Arguments, that Witches can by the power of their master, cure or cast on diseases: Now by these same reasons, that proues their power by the Diuell of dis­eases in generall, is aswell proued their power in special; as of weak­ning the nature of some men, to make them vnable for women, and [Page 93]making it to abound in others, more then the ordinary course of na­ture would permit: And such like in all other particular sicknesses. But one thing I will pray thee to obserue in all these places, where I reason vpon the diuels power, which is the different ends and scopes, that God as the first cause, and the diuell as his instrument and second cause, shoots at in all these actions of the diuel, (as Gods hang-man:) For where the diuels intention in them is euer to pe­rish, either the soule, or the body, or both of them, that he is so per­mitted to deale with; God by the contrary, drawes euer out of that euill, glory to himselfe, either by the wracke of the wicked in his iu­stice, or by the triall of the patient, and amendment of the faithful, being wakened vp with that rod of correction. Hauing thus decla­red vnto thee then, my full intention in this Treatise, thou wilt ea­sily excuse, I doubt not, aswel my pretermitting, to declare the whole particular rites and secrets of these vnlawfull arts; as also their in­finit and wonderfull practises, as being neither of them pertinent to my purpose: the reason whereof, is giuen in the hinder end of the first Chapter of the third booke: and who likes to be curious in these things, he may reade, if he will heare of their practises, Bodinus Daemonomanie, collected with greater diligence, then written with iudgement, together with their confessions, that haue been at this time apprehended. If he would know what hath bene the opi­nion of the Ancients, concerning their power, he shall see it well de­scribed by Hyperius & Hemmingius, two late Germane wri­ters; Besides innumerable other neotericke Theologues, that write largely vpon that subject: And if he would know what are the particular rites, and curiosities of these blacke Arts (which is both vnnecessary and perillous) he will finde it in the fourth Booke of Cornelius Agrippa, and in Wierus, whom-of J spake. And so wishing my paines in this Treatise (beloued Reader) to be effe­ctuall, in arming all them that reade the same, against these a­boue mentioned errours, and recommending my good will to thy friendly acceptation, J bid thee heartily fare-well.

IAMES R. x.

DAEMONOLOGIE, IN FORME OF A DIALOGVE.
FIRST BOOKE.

ARGVMENT.

The exord of the whole. The description of Magie in speciall.

CHAP. I.

ARGVMENT.

Proued by the Scripture, that these vnlawfull arts in genere, haue bene and may be put in practise.

PHILOMATHES and EPISTEMON reason the matter.
PHILOMATHES.

IAm surely very glad to haue met with you this day: for I am of opinion, that ye can better resolue me of some thing, whereof I stand in great doubt, nor any other whom­with I could haue met.

EPI.

In what I can, that ye like to speir at me, I will willingly and freely tell my opi­nion, and if I proue it not sufficiently, I am heartily content that a better reason carry it away then.

PHI.

What thinke ye of these strange newes, which now onely fur­nishes purpose to all men at their meeting: I meane of these Witches?

EPI.

Surely they are wonderfull: And I thinke so cleare and plaine confessions in that purpose, haue neuer fallen out in any aage or countrey.

PHI.

No question if they be true, but thereof the Doctours doubts.

EPI.

What part of it doubt ye of?

PHI.
[Page 95]

Euen of all, for ought I can yet perceiue: and namely, that there is such a thing as Witch-craft or Witches, and I would pray you to resolue me thereof if ye may: for I haue reasoned with sundrie in that matter, and yet could neuer be satisfied therein.

EPI.

I shall with good will doe the best I can: But I thinke it the diffi­ciller, since ye deny the thing it selfe in generall: for as it is said in the Lo­gicke schooles, Contra negantem principia non est disputandum. Alwaies for that part, that Witch-craft, and Witches haue beene, and are, the former part is clearely prooued by the Scriptures, and the last by daily experience and confessions.

PHI.

I know ye wil alleadge me Sauls Pythonisse: but that as appeares will not make much for you.

EPI.

Not onely that place, but diuers others: But I maruell why that should not make much for me?

PHI.

The reasons are these, first yee may consider, that Saul beeing troubled in spirit, and hauing fasted long before, as the text testifieth, and being come to a woman that was bruted to haue such knowledge, and that to enquire so important newes, he hauing so guilty a conscience for his hai­nous offences, and specially, for that same vnlawfull curiositie, and horri­ble defection▪ and then the woman crying out vpon the suddaine in great admiration, for the vncouth sight that she alledged to haue seene, discoue­ring him to be the King, though disguised, and denied by him before: it was no wonder, I say, that his senses being thus distracted, hee could not perceaue her faining of her voice, he being himselfe in another chalmer, and seeing nothing. Next, what could be, or was raised? The spirit of Samuel? prophane, and against all Theologie: the deuill in his likenesse? as vnap­peirant, that either God would permit him to come in the shape of his Saints, (for then could neuer the Prophets in those dayes haue beene sure, what spirit spake to them in their visions) or then that he could fore-tell what was to come thereafter; for Prophecie proceedeth onely of GOD: and the diuell hath no knowledge of things to come.

EPI.

Yet if ye will marke the words of the text, yee will finde clearely, that Saul saw that apparition: for giuing you that Saul was in another chal­mer, at the making of the circles and coniurations, needfull for that pur­pose (as none of that craft wil permit any others to behold at that time) yet it is euident by the text, that how soone that once that vncleane spirit was fully risen, she called in vpon Saul: For it is said in the text, that Saul knew him to be Samuel, which could not haue beene, by the hearing tell onely of an olde man with a mantill, since there was many moe old men dead in Israel nor Samuel: And the common weid of that whole countrey was mantils. As to the next, that it was not the spirit of Samuel, I grant: In the prouing whereof ye need not to insist, since all Christians of whatsoeuer religion agrees vpon that: and none but either mere ignorants, or Necro­manciers, or Witches doubts thereof. And that the deuill is permitted at [Page 96]sometimes to put himselfe in the likenesse of the Saints, it is plaine in the Scriptures, 1. Cor. 11.14. where it is said, that Satan can transforme himselfe into an Angel of light. Neither could that bring any inconuenience with the visions of the Prophets, since it is most certaine, that God will not permit him so to de­ceiue his owne: but onely such, as first wilfully deceiue them-selues, by running vnto him, whom God then suffers to fall in their owne snares, and iustly permits them to be illuded with great efficacie of deceit, because they would not beleeue the trueth (as Paul sayth.) And as to the diuels foretel­ling of things to come, it is true that he knowes not all things future; but yet that hee knowes part, the tragicall euent of this historie declares it, (which the wit of woman could neuer haue fore-spoken) not that hee hath any prescience, which is onely proper to God; or yet knowes any thing by looking vpon God, as in a mirrour (as the good Angels doe) hee being for euer debarred from the fauourable presence and countenance of his Crea­tour, but onely by one of these two meanes: either, as being worldly wise, and taught by a continuall experience, euer since the Creation, iudges by likelyhood of things to come, according to the like that hath passed be­fore, and the naturall causes, in respect of the vicissitude of all things world­ly: or else by Gods imploying of him in a turne, and so foreseene thereof, as appeares to haue beene in this, 1. King. 22. whereof we finde the very like in Micheas propheticke discourse to king Achab. But to prooue this my first proposi­tion, that there can be such a thing as Witch-craft and Witches, there are many moe places in the Scriptures then this, as I said before. As first in the Lawe of GOD, Exod. 22. it is plainely prohibited: But certaine it is, that the Law of God speakes nothing in vaine, neither doeth it lay curses, or enioyne pu­nishments vpon shadowes, condemning that to be ill, which is not in es­sence or being, Exod. 7. & 2. as we call it. Secondly, it is plaine, where wicked Pharaobs Wise-men imitated a number of Moses miracles, to harden the tyrants heart thereby. Thirdly, said not Samuel to Saul, that disobedience is as the sinne of Witch-craft? 1 Sam. 15. To compare it to a thing that were not, it were too too ab­surd. Acts 8. Acts 16. Fourthly, was not Simon Magus a man of that craft? And fiftly, what was she that had the spirit of Python? beside innumerable other places that were irkesome to recite.

CHAP. II.

ARGV.

What kind of sinne the practisers of these vnlawfull arts commit. The diuision of these arts: And what are the meanes that allure any to practise them.

PHILOMATHES.

BVt I thinke it very strange, that God should permit any man-kind (since they beare his owne Image) to fall in so grosse and filthie a defection.

EPI.

Although man in his Creation was made to the i­mage of the Creator, Gene. 1. yet through his fall hauing once lost it, it is but restored againe in a part by grace onely to the elect: So all the rest falling away from God, are giuen ouer into the hands of the diuell that enemy, to beare his image; and being once so giuen ouer, the greatest and the grossest impretie is the pleasantest, and most delightfull vnto them.

PHI.

But may it not suffice him to haue indirectly the rule, and pro­cure the perdition of so many soules by alluring them to vices, and to the following of their owne appetites, suppose hee abuse not so many simple soules, in making them directly acknowledge him for their master?

EPI.

No surely, for he vses euery man, whom of he hath the rule, ac­cording to their complexion and knowledge: and so, whom hee findes most simple, he plaineliest discouers himselfe vnto them: For he being the enemie of mans saluation, vses all the meanes hee can to intrappe them so farre in his snares, as it may bee vnable to them thereafter (suppose they would) to rid themselues out of the same.

PHI.

Then this sinne is a sinne against the holy Ghost.

EPI.

It is in some, but not in all.

PHI.

How that? Are not all these that runne directly to the diuell in one Categorie?

EPI.

God forbid, for the sinne against the holy Ghost hath two bran­ches: The one, a falling backe from the whole seruice of God, and a refu­sall of all his precepts: The other is the doing of the first with knowledge, knowing that they doe wrong against their owne conscience, Hebr. 6.10. and the te­stimonie of the holy Spirit, hauing once had a taste of the sweetnes of Gods mercies: Now in the first of these two, all sorts of Necromancers, Enchan­ters or Witches, are compre hended, but in the last, none but such as erre with this knowledge that I haue spoken of.

PHI.

Then it appeares that there are more sorts nor one, that are di­rectly professours of his seruice [...] and if so be, I pray you tell me how many and what are they?

EPI.

There are principally two sorts, whereunto all the parts of that vnhappy Art are redacted; whereof the one is called Magie or Necromancie, the other Sorcerie or Witch-craft.

PHI.

What I pray you? and how many are the meanes, whereby the diuell allures persons in any of these snares?

EPI.
[Page 98]

Euen by these three passions that are within our selues: Curio­sitie in great ingines: thirst of reuenge, for some tortes deepely apprehen­ded: or greedy appetite of geare, caused through great pouertie. As to the first of these, Curiositie, it is onely the inticement of Magicians or Necro­manciers: and the other two are the allurers of the Sorcerers or Witches, for that old and craftie serpent being a Spirit, he easily spies our affections, and so conformes himselfe thereto, to deceiue vs to our wracke.

CHAP. III.

ARGV.

The significations and etymologies of the words of Magie and Necromancie. The difference betwixt Necromancie and Witchcraft: What are the en­tressis, and beginnings, that bring any to the knowledge thereof.

PHILOMATHES.

I Would gladly first heare, what thing it is that ye call Magie or Necromancie.

EPI.

This word Magi in the Persian tongue, imports as much as to be a contemplatour or Interpretour of Di­uine and heauenly sciences, which being first vsed among the Chaldees, through their ignorance of the true diuinitie, was esteemed and reputed amongst them, as a principall vertue: And therfore, was na­med vniustly with an honourable stile, which name the Greekes imitated, generally importing all these kindes of vnlawfull artes: And this word Necromancie is a Greeke word, compounded of [...], which is to say, the prophecie by the dead. This last name is giuen, to this blacke and vn­lawfull science, by the figure Synechdoche, because it is a principall part of that arte, to serue themselues with dead carcases in their diuinations.

PHI.

What difference is there betwixt this arte, and Witch-craft?

EPI.

Surely, the difference vulgare put betwixt them, is very merry, and in a maner true; for they say, that the Witches are seruants onely, and slaues to the diuel; but the Necromanciers are his Masters and com­manders.

PHI.

How can that be true, that any men being specially addicted to his seruice, can be his commanders?

EPI.

Yea they may be; but it is onely secundum quid: For it is not by any power that they can haue ouer him, but ex pacto allanerlie; whereby he obliges himselfe in some trifles to them, that he may on the other part obteine the fruition of their body and soule, which is the onely thing he huntes for.

PHI.

A very in-aequitable contract forsooth: But I pray you dis­course vnto me, what is the effect and secrets of that arte.

EPI.

That is an ouer large field ye giue me: yet I shall doe my good­will, the most summarly that I can, to runne through the principall points thereof. As there are two sorts of folkes, that may be entised to this art, to [Page 99]wit, learned or vnlearned: so is there two meanes, which are the first stee­rers vp and feeders of their curiositie, thereby to make them to giue them­selues ouer to the same: Which two meanes, I call the diuels schoole, and his rudiments. The learned haue their curiositie wakened vp, and fed by that which I cal his schole: this is the Astrologie iudiciar, For diuers men ha­uing attained to a great perfection in learning, and yet remayning ouer­bare (alas) of the Spirit of regeneration and fruits thereof, finding all na­turall things common, aswell to the stupide pedants, as vnto them, they as­say to vendicate vnto them a greater name, by not onely knowing the course of things heauenly, but likewise to clime to the knowledge of things to come thereby: Which, at the first face appearing lawfull vnto them, in respect the ground thereof seemeth to proceed of naturall causes onely, they are so allured thereby, that finding their practise to proue trew in sun­dry things, they study to know the cause thereof, and so mounting from degree to degree, vpon the slipperie and vncertaine scale of curiositie; they are at last entised, that where lawfull artes or sciences faile, to satisfie their restlesse minds, euen to seeke to that blacke and vnlawfull science of Magie: Where, finding at the first, that such diuers formes of circles and coniura­tions rightly ioyned thereunto, will raise such diuers formes of spirits, to resolue them of their doubts, and attributing the doing thereof, to the power inseparably tied, or inherent in the circles, and many wordes of God, confusedly wrapped in, they blindly glory of themselues, as if they had by their quicknesse of ingine, made a conquest of Plutoes dominion, and were become Emperours ouer the Stygian habitacles: Where, in the meane time (miserable wretches) they are become in very deed, bond­slaues to their mortall enemie: and their knowledge, for all that they pre­sume thereof, is nothing increased, except in knowing euill, and the hor­rors of hell for punishment thereof, Gene. 3. as Adams was by the eating of the forbidden tree.

CHAP. IIII.

ARGV.

The description of the rudiments and Schoole, which are the entresses to the arte of Magie: And in speciall the differences betwixt Astronomie and Astrolo­gie: Diuision of Astrologie in diuers parts.

PHILOMATHES.

BVt I pray you likewise forget not to tell what are the di­uels rudiments.

EPI.

His rudiments, I call first in generall, all that which is called vulgarly the vertue of word, herbe, and stone, which is vsed by vnlawfull charmes, without na­turall causes; as likewise all kinde of practicques, freites, or other like extraordinary actions, which cannot abide the trew touch of naturall reason.

PHI.
[Page 100]

I would haue you to make that plainer, by some particular ex­amples; for your proposition is very generall.

EPI.

I meane either by such kinde of Charmes as commonly daft wiues vse, for healing offorspoken goods, for preseruing them from euill eyes, by knitting roun trees, or sundriest kinde of hearbes, to the haire or tailes of the goods: by curing the worme, by stemming of blood, by hea­ling of Horse-crookes, by turning of the riddle, or doing of such like innu­merable things by words, without applying any thing, meete to the part offended, as Mediciners doe: Or else by staying married folkes, to haue naturally adoe with other (by knitting so many knots vpon a point at the time of their marriage,) And such like things, which men vse to practise in their merrinesse: For fra vnlearned men (being naturally curious, and lacking the trew knowledge of God) finde these practises to proue trew, as sundrie of them will doe, by the power of the diuell for deceiuing men, and not by any inherent vertue in these vaine words and freites; and being desirous to winne a reputation to themselues in such like turnes, they ei­ther (if they be of the shamefaster sort) seeke to be learned by some that are experimented in that Arte, (not knowing it to be euill at the first) or else being of the grosser sort, runne directly to the diuel for ambition or desire of gaine, and plainely contract with him thereupon.

PHI.

But me thinkes these meanes which ye call the Schoole and rudiments of the diuel, are things lawfull, and haue bene approued for such in all times and aages: as in speciall, this science of Astrologie, which is one of the speciall members of the Mathematiques.

EPI.

There are two things which the learned haue obserued from the beginning, in the science of the heauenly Creatures, the Planets, Starres, and such like: The one is their course and ordinarie motions, which for that cause is called Astronomia, Which word is a compound of [...], that is to say, the law of the Starres: And this Art indeed is one of the members of the Mathematiques, and not onely lawfull, but most necessary and com­mendable: The other is called Astrologia, being compounded of [...] and [...], which is to say, the word and preaching of the Starres: Which is diuided into two parts: The first, by knowing thereby the powers of simples, and sicknesses, the course of the seasons and the weather, being ruled by their influence; which part depending vpon the former, although it bee not of it selfe a part of Mathematiques: yet it is not vnlawfull, being moderately v­sed, suppose not so necessarie and commendable as the former. The se­cond part is to trust so much to their influences, as thereby to foretell what common-weales shall flourish or decay: what persons shall be fortunate or vnfortunate: what side shall winne in any battell: what man shal obtaine victorie at singular combate: what way, and of what aage shall men die: what horse shall winne at match-running: and diuers such like incredible things, wherein Cardanus, Cornelius Agrippa, and diuers others haue more curiously then profitably written at large. Of this roote last spoken of, [Page 101]springs innumerable branches; such as the knowledge by the natiuities; the Cheiromancie, Geomancie, Hydromancie, Arithmancie, Physiognomie, and a thousand others, which were much practised, and holden in great reue­rence by the Gentiles of old: And this last part of Astrologie whereof I haue spoken, which is the root of their branches, was called by them pars fortunae. This part now is vtterly vnlawfull to be trusted in, or practised amongst Christians, as leaning to no ground of naturall reason: and it is this part which I called before the Diuels schoole.

PHI.

But yet many of the learned are of the contrarie opinion.

EPI.

I grant, yet I could giue my reasons to fortifie and maintaine my opinion, if to enter into this disputation it would not draw me quite off the ground of our discourse, besides the mis-spending of the whole day thereupon: One word onely I will answere to them, and that in the Scrip­tures (which must be an infallible ground to all true Christians,) That in the Prophet Ieremie it is plainely forbidden, to beleeue or hearken vnto them that prophesie and fore-speake by the course of the Planets and Stars.

CHAP. V.

ARGV.

How farre the vsing of Charmes is lawfull or vnlawfull. The description of the formes of Circles and Coniurations: And what causeth the Magicians them­selues to be wearie thereof.

PHILOMATHES.

WEL, ye haue said farre inough in that argument. But how prooue yee now that these Charmes or vnnaturall pra­ctiques are vnlawfull: For so many honest and merry men and women haue publikely practised some of them, that I think if ye would accuse them all of Witch-craft, ye would affirme more nor ye will be beleeued in.

EPI.

I see if you had taken good tent (to the nature of that word, wher­by I named it,) ye would not haue beene in this doubt, nor mistaken mee so farre as ye haue done: For although, as none can be scholers in a schoole, and not be subiect to the master thereof: so none can studie and put in pra­ctise (for studie the alone, and knowledge, is more perillous nor offensiue; and it is the practise onely that makes the greatnesse of the offence;) the Circles and Art of Magie, without committing an horrible defection from God: And yet as they that reade and learne their rudiments, are not the more subiect to any schoole-master, if it please not their parents to put them to the schoole thereafter: So they who ignorantly prooue these pra­ctiques, which I call the Diuels rudiments, vnknowing them to be baits, cast out by him, for trapping such as God will permit to fall into his hands, this kinde of folkes I say, no doubt, are to be iudged the best of, in respect they vse no inuocation nor helpe of him (by their knowledge at least) in [Page 102]these turnes, and so haue neuer entred themselues into Satans seruice; Yet to speake trewly for mine owne part (I speake but for my selfe) I desire not to make so neere riding: For in my opinion our enemie is ouer craftie, and wee ouer weake (except the greater grace of God) to assay such hazards, wherein he preases to trap vs.

PHI.

Ye haue reason forsooth: for as the common prouerbe sayth; They that sup keile with the deuill, haue need of long spoones: But now I pray you goe forward in the describing of this arte of Magie.

EPI.

Fra they be come once vnto this perfection in euill, in hauing any knowledge (whether learned or vnlearned) of this blacke arte; they then begin to be wearie of the raising of their Maister, by coniured circles, be­ing both so difficile and perillous, and so come plainely to a contract with him, wherein is specially contained formes and effects.

PHI.

But I pray you or euer you goe further, discourse me somewhat of their circles and coniurations; and what should be the cause of their wea­rying thereof: For it should seeme that that forme should be lesse fearefull yet, then the direct haunting and societie, with that foule and vncleane Spirite.

EPI.

I thinke yee take me to be a Witch my selfe, or at the least would faine sweare your selfe prentise to that craft: Alwayes as I may, I shal short­ly satisfie you, in that kinde of coniurations, which are contained in such bookes, which I call the Deuils Schoole: There are foure principall parts: the persons of the coniurers; the action of the coniuration; the words and rites vsed to that effect; and the Spirits that are coniured. Ye must first re­member to lay the ground, that I tolde you before, which is, that it is no power inherent in the circles, or in the holinesse of the names of God blas­phemously vsed; nor in whatsoeuer rites or ceremonies at that time vsed, that either can raise any infernall spirit, or yet limitate him perforce with­in or without these circles. For it is he onely, the father of all lies, who ha­uing first of all prescribed that forme of doing, feining himselfe to be commanded and restrained thereby, will be loth to passe the boundes of these iniunctions; as wel thereby to make them glory in the impiring ouer him (as I said before:) as likewise to make himselfe so to be trusted in these little things, that he may haue the better commoditie thereafter, to deceiue them in the end with a tricke once for all; I meane the euerlasting perditi­on of their soule and body. Then laying this ground, as I haue said, these coniurations must haue fewe or moe in number of the persons coniurers (alwayes passing the singular number) according to the qualitie of the cir­cle, and forme of apparition. Two principall things cannot well in that errand be wanted: holy-water (whereby the deuill mockes the Papists) and some present of a liuing thing vnto him. There are likewise certaine seasons, dayes and houres, that they obserue in this purpose: These things being all ready and prepared, circles are made triangular, quadrangular, round, double or single, according to the forme of apparition that they [Page 103]craue. But to speake of the diuers formes of the circles, of the innumera­ble characters and crosses that are within and without, and out-through the same, of the diuers formes of apparitions, that that craftie spirit illudes them with, and of all such particulars in that action, I remit it to ouer­many that haue busied their heads in describing of the same; as being but curious, and altogether vnprofitable. And this farre onely I touch, that when the coniured Spirit appeares, which will not be while after many cir­cumstances, long prayers, and much muttring and murmuring of the con­iurers; like a Papist Priest, dispatching a hunting Masse: how soone I say, he appeares, if they haue missed one iote of all their rites; or if any of their feet once slyde ouer the circle through terrour of his fearefull apparition, hee payes himselfe at that time in his owne hand, of that due debt which they ought him; and otherwise would haue delayed longer to haue payed him: I meane, hee carries them with him body and soule. If this be not now a iust cause to make them weary of these formes of coniuration, I leaue it to you to iudge vpon, considering the long somnesse of the labour, the precise keeping of dayes and houres (as I haue said) the terriblenesse of apparition, and the present perill that they stand in, in missing the least cir­cumstance or freite, that they ought to obserue: And on the other part, the deuill is glad to mooue them to a plaine and square dealing with him, as I said before.

CHAP. VI.

ARGV.

The Deuils contract with the Magicians: The diuision there of in two parts: What is the difference betwixt Gods miracles and the Deuils.

PHILOMATHES.

INdeed there is cause enough, but rather to leaue him at all, then to runne more plainely to him, if they were wise hee dealt with: But goe forward now, I pray you, to these turnes, fra they become once deacons in this craft.

EPI.

From time that they once plainely begin to con­tract with him: The effect of their contract consists in two things: in formes and effects, as I began to tell already, were it not ye interrupted me: (for although the contract be mutual, I speake first of that part, wherein the diuel obliges himselfe to them) By formes, I meane in what shape or fashion he shall come vnto them, when they call vpon him; And by effects, I vn­derstand, in what speciall sorts or seruices he binds himselfe to bee subiect vnto them. The qualitie of these formes and effects, is lesse or greater, ac­cording to the skill and art of the Magician: For as to the formes, to some of the baser sort of them he obliges himselfe to appeare at their calling vpon him, by such a proper name which he shewes vnto them, either in likenes of a Dog, a Cat, an Ape, or such-like other beast; or else to answere by a [Page 104]voice onely. The effects, are to answere to such demands, as concerne cu­ring of diseases, their owne particular menagerie, or such other base things as they require of him. But to the most curious sort, in the formes hee will oblige himselfe, to enter into a dead bodie, and there out of to giue such answeres, of the euent of battels, of matters concerning the estate of com­monwealths, and such like other great questions: yea, to some he will bee a continuall attender, in forme of a Page: Hee will permit himselfe to bee coniured, for the space of so many yeeres, either in a tablet or a ring, or such like thing, which they may easily cary about with them: Hee giues them power to sell such wares to others, whereof some will be dearer, and some better cheape, according to the lying or true speaking of the Spirit that is coniured therein: Not but that in very deed, all deuils must be lyars; but so they abuse the simplicitie of these wretches, that become their scholers, that they make them beleeue, that at the fall of Lucifer, some Spirits fell in the aire, some in the fire, some in the water, some in the land, in which E­lements they still remaine. Whereupon they build, that such as fell in the fire, or in the aire, are trewer then they, who fell in the water, or in the land, which are all but meere trattles, and forged by the authour of all deceite. For they fell not by weight, as a solide substance, to sticke in any one part; but the principall part of their fall, consisting in qua­lity, by the falling from the grace of God, wherein they were created, they continued stil thereafter, and shall doe while the latter day, in wandring through the world, as Gods hang-men, to execute such turnes as hee employes them in: And when any of them are not occupied in that, re­turne they must to their prison in hell (as it is plaine in the miracle that CHRIST wrought at Gennezareth) therein at the latter day to be all en­closed for euer: Matth. 8. and as they deceiue their Schollers in this, so doe they, in imprinting in them the opinion, that there are so many Princes, Dukes, and Kings amongst them, euery one commanding fewer or moe Legions, and impiring in diuers artes, and quarters of the earth: For though that I will not deny that there be a forme of order amongst the Angels in Hea­uen, and consequently, was amongst them before their fall; yet, either that they bruike the same sensine; or that God will permit vs to know by dam­ned diuels, such heauenly mysteries of his, which he would not reueale to vs, neither by Scripture nor Prophets, I thinke no Christian will once thinke it. But by the contrary of all such mysteries, as he hath closed vp with his Seale of secrecie; it becommeth vs to be contented with an humble ignorance, they being things not necessary for our saluation. But to returne to the purpose, as these formes, wherein Satan obliges himselfe to the greatest of the Magicians, are wonderfull curious; so are the effects correspondent vnto the same: For he will oblige himselfe to teach them artes and sciences, which he may easily doe, being so learned a knaue as he is, to carry them newes from any part of the world, which the agilitie of a Spirit may easily performe: to reueale to them the secrets of any persons, [Page 105]so being they be once spoken, for the thought none knowes but GOD; except so farre as ye may ghesse by their countenance, as one who is doubt­lesly learned enough in the Physiognomie: Yea, hee will make his Schol­lers to creepe in credite with Princes, by fore-telling them many great things; part true, part false: For if all were false, hee would tyne credite at all handes; but alwayes doubtsome, as his Oracles were. And he will also make them to please Princes, by faire banquets and daintie dishes, car­ried in short space fra the farthest part of the world: For no man doubts but he is a thiefe, and his agilitie (as I spake before) makes him to come with such speed. Such like, he wil guard his Schollers with faire armies of horse­men and footmen in appearance, Castles and forts, Which all are but im­pressions in the aire, easily gathered by a Spirit, drawing so neere to that substance himselfe: As in like maner he will learne them many Iuglarie trickes at Cardes, dice, and such like, to deceiue mens senses thereby, and such innumerable false practiques, which are proued by ouer-many in this aage; as they who are acquainted with that Italian called SCOTO yet liuing, can report: And yet are all these things but deluding of the senses, and no wayes true in substance; as were the false miracles wrought by King Pharaos Magicians, for counterfeiting Moyses: For that is the diffe­rence betwixt GODS miracles and the diuels, GOD is a creatour, what he makes appeare in myracle, it is so in effect: As Moyses Rod being casten downe, was no doubt turned into a naturall Serpent: where as the diuel (as Gods Ape) counterfetting that by his Magicians, made their wandes to appeare so, onely to mens outward senses: as kythed in effect by their be­ing deuoured by the other; For it is no wonder, that the diuel may delude our senses, since we see by common proofe, that simple Iugglars wil make an hundreth things seeme both to our eyes and eares otherwayes then they are. Now as to the Magicians part of the contract, it is in a word that thing which I said before, the diuel hunts for in all men.

PHI.

Surely ye haue said much to mee in this art, if all that you haue said be as trew as wonderfull.

EPI.

For the trewth in these actions, it wil be easily confirmed, to any that pleases to take paine vpon the reading of diuers authenticke histories, and the enquiring of daily experiences. And as for the trewth of their pos­sibilitie, that they may be, and in what maner, I trust I haue alledged no­thing whereunto I haue not ioyned such probable reasons, as I leaue to your discretion, to weigh and consider: One word onely I omitted, con­cerning the forme of making of this contract, which is either written with the Magicians owne blood: or else being agreed vpon (in termes his schole­master) touches him in some part, though peraduenture no marke remain, as it doeth with all Witches.

CHAP. VII.

ARG.

The reason why the art of Magie is vnlawfull: What punishment they merit, And who may be accounted guilty of that crime.

PHILOMATHES.

SVrely, ye haue made this art to appeare very monstrous and detestable. But what I pray you shal be said to such as main­taine this arte to bee lawfull, for as euill as you haue made it?

EPI.

I say, they sauour of the panne themselues, or at least little better; and yet I would be glad to heare their reasons.

PHI.

There are two principally, that euer I heard vsed; beside that which is founded vpon the common Prouerbe (that the Necromancers command the deuill, which ye haue already refuted.) The one is grounded vpon a receiued custome: The other vpon an authoritie, which some think infallible. Vpon custome, we see that diuerse Christian Princes and Ma­gistrates seuere punishers of Witches, will not onely ouer-see Magicians to liue within their dominions; but euen sometimes delight to see them prooue some of their practicques. The other reason is, that Moyses beeing brought vp (as it is expresly said in the Scriptures) in all the sciences of the E­gyptians; whereof no doubt, this was one of the principals; and hee not­withstanding of this art, pleasing God, as he did, consequently that art pro­fessed by so godly a man, could not be vnlawfull.

EPI.

As to the first of your reasons, grounded vpon custome: I say, an euill custome can neuer be accepted for a good law, for the ouer great ig­norance of the word in some Princes and Magistrates, and the contempt thereof in others, mooues them to sinne heauily against their office in that point. As to the other reason, which seemes to be of greater weight, if it were formed in a Syllogisme; it behooued to be in many termes, and full of fallacies (to speake in termes of Logicque:) for first, that that generall propo­sition, affirming Moyses to be taught in all the sciences of the Egyptians, should conclude that he was taught in Magie, I see no necessitie: For we must vn­derstand, that the Spirit of God there, speaking of sciences, vnderstands them that are lawfull; for except they be lawfull, they are but abusiuè called sciences, and are but ignorances, indeed: Nam homo pictus, nonest homo. Se­condly, giuing that he had beene taught in it, there is great difference be­twixt knowledge and practising of a thing, as I said before: For God know­eth all things, being alwaies good, and of our sinne and our infirmitie pro­ceedeth our ignorance. Thirdly, giuing that he had both studied and pra­ctised the same (which is more then monstrous to bee beleeued by any Christian) yet we know well inough, that before that euer the Spirit of God began to call Moyses, he was fled out of Egypt, being fourtie yeeres of aage, for the slaughter of an Egyptian, and in his good father Iethroes land, [Page 107]first called at the fierie bush, hauing remained there other fourtie yeeres in exile: so that suppose hee had beene the wickeddest man in the world be­fore, he then became a changed and regenerate man, and very little of olde Moyses remained in him. Abraham was an Idolater in Vr of Chaldaea, before he was called: And Paul beeing called Saul, was a most sharpe persecutour of the Saints of God, while that name was changed.

PHI.

What punishment then thinke ye merit these Magicians and Ne­cromancers?

EPI.

The like no doubt, that Sorcerers and Witches merit; and rather so much greater, as their errour proceedes of the greater knowledge, and so drawes neerer to the sinne against the holy Ghost. And as I say of them, so say I the like of all such as consult, enquire, entertaine, and ouersee them, which is seene by the miserable ends of many that aske counsell of them: For the deuill hath neuer better tidings to tell to any, then hee told to Saul: neither is it lawfull to vse so vnlawful instruments, were it neuer for so good a purpose: Actes 3. For that axiome in Theologie is most certaine and infallible, Nunquam faciendum est malum, vt bonum inde eueniat.

THE SECOND BOOKE OF DAEMONOLOGIE.

ARGVMENT.

The description of Sorcerie and Witcheraft in speciall.

CHAP. I.

ARGVMENT.

Proued by the Scripture, that such a thing can be: And the reasons refuted of all such as would call it but an imagination and Melancholicque humour.

PHILOMATHES.

NOW, since ye haue satisfied mee now so fully, concerning Magie or Necromancie, I wil pray you to doe the like in Sorcerie or Witchcraft.

EPI.

That field is likewise very large, and although in the mouthes and pennes of many, yet few knowe the trewth thereof, so well as they beleeue themselues, as I shall so shortly as I can, make you (God willing) as easily to perceiue.

PHI.

But I pray you before ye goefurther, let mee interrupt you here with a short digres­sion, which is, that many can scarcely beleeue that there is such a thing as Witchcraft: Whose reasons I will shortly alleage vnto you, that yee may satisfie mee as well in that, as yee haue done in the rest. For first, whereas the Scripture seemes to prooue Witchcraft to bee, by diuers ex­amples, and specially by fundrie of the same, which ye haue alleaged; it is thought by some, that these places speake of Magicians and Necromancers onely, and not of Witches: As in speciall, these wise men of Pharaohs, that counterfeited Moyses myracles, were Magicians say they, and not Witches: As likewise that Pythonisse that Saul consulted with: And so was Simon Magus in the new Testament, as that very stile imports. Secondly, where ye would oppone the dayly practicque, and confession of so many, that is thought likewise to be but very Melancholicque imaginations of simple rauing creatures. Thirdly, if Witches had such power of Witching of folkes to death, (as they say they haue) there had bene none left aliue long since in the world but they; at the least, no good or godly person of whatsoeuer estate, could haue escaped their diuelrie.

EPI.
[Page 109]

Your three reasons, as I take, are grounded: the first of them nega­tiuè vpon the Scripture: The second affirmatiuè vpō Phisick: And the third vpon the certaine proofe of experience. As to your first, it is most trew indeede, that all these wise men of Pharaoh were Magicians of arte: As like­wise it appeares well, that the Pythonisse, with whom Saul consulted, was of that same profession: and so was Simon Magus. But ye omitted to speake of the Lawe of God, wherein are all Magicians, Diuiners, Enchanters, Sorcerers, Witches, and whatsoeuer of that kind that consult with the de­uill, plainely prohibited, and alike threatned against. And besides that, she who had the Spirit of Python, in the Actes, Acts 16. whose Spirit was put to silence by the Apostle, could be no other thing but a very Sorcerer or Witch, if ye admit the vulgar distinction, to be in a maner trew, whereof I spake in the beginning of our conference: For that spirit whereby she conquested such gaine to her Masters, was not at her raising or commanding, as shee pleased to appoint, but spake by her tongue, as well publikely as priuately: where­by she seemed to draw nearer to the sort of Demoniakes or possessed, if that coniunction betwixt them, had not beene of her owne consent; as it ap­peared by her, not being tormented therewith, and by her conquesting of such gaine to her Masters (as I haue alreadie said.) As to your second reason grounded vpon Physicke, in attributing their confessions or appre­hensions, to a naturall melancholique humour, any that please physically to consider vpon the naturall humour of melancholly, according to all the Physicians, that euer writ thereupon, they shall find that that will be ouer­short a cloake to couer their knauery with: For as the humour of Melan­cholly in the selfe is blacke, heauie and terrene, so are the symptomes there­of, in any persons that are subiect thereunto, leannesse, palenesse, desire of solitude, and if they come to the highest degree thereof, meere folly and Manie: whereas by the contrary, a great number of them that euer haue beene conuict or confessours of Witchcraft, as may be presently seene by many that haue at this time confessed; they are by the contrary, I say, some of them rich and worldly wise, some of them fat or corpulent in their bo­dies, and most part of them altogether giuen ouer to the pleasures of the flesh, continuall haunting of companie, and all kinde of merrinesse, both lawfull and vnlawful, which are things directly contrary to the symptomes of melancholly, whereof I spake; and further experience daily prooues, how loth they are to confesse without torture, which witnesseth their guiltinesse; where by the contrary, the Melancholiques neuer spare to be­wray themselues, by their continuall discourses, feeding thereby their hu­mor in that which they thinke no crime. As to your third reason, it scarse­ly merits an answere: for if the deuill their master were not bridled, as the Scriptures teach vs, suppose there were no men nor women to bee his instruments, he could finde wayes enough without any helpe of others to wracke all mankinde; whereunto he employes his whole study, and goeth about like a roaring Lyon (as Peter sayth) to that effect, but the limits of his [Page 110]power were set downe before the foundations of the world were laide, which he hath not power in the leastiote to transgresse. But beside all this, there is ouer great a certaintie to prooue that they are, by the daily experi­ence of the harmes that they doe, both to men, and whatsoeuer thing men possesse, whom God will permit them to be the instruments, so to trouble or visite, as in my discourse of that arte, ye shall heare clearely prooued.

CHAP. II.

ARGV.

The Etymologie and signification of that word Sorcerie: The first entresse and prentiship of them that giue themselues to that craft.

PHILOMATHES.

COme on then I pray you, and returne where ye left.

EPI.

This word of Sorcerie is a Latine word, which is taken from casting of the lot, and therefore he that vseth it, is called Sortiarius à sorte: As to the word of Witchcraft, it is nothing but a proper name giuen in our language: The cause wherefore they were called Sortiarij, proceeded of their practiques, seeming to come of lot or chance, such as the turning of the riddle, the knowing of the forme of prayers, or such like tokens, if a person diseased would liue or die: And in generall, that name was giuen them for vsing of such charmes, and freits, as that Craft teacheth them. Many points of their craft and practicques are common betwixt the Magi­cians and them: for they serue both one Master, although in diuers fashi­ons. And as I deuided the Necromancers into two sortes, learned and vn­learned; so must I deny them in other two, rich and of better accompt; poore and of baser degree. These two degrees now of persons, that practise this Craft, answere to the passions in them, which (I tolde you before) the Diuell vsed as meanes to entice them to his seruice: for such of them as are in great miserie and pouertie, he allures to follow him, by promising vnto them great riches, and worldly commoditie: Such as though rich, yet burne in a desperate desire of reuenge, he allures them by promises, to get their turne satisfied to their hearts contentment. It is to be noted now, that that olde and craftie enemie of ours, assailes none, though touched with any of these two extremities, except he first finde an entresse ready for him, either by the great ignorance of the person he deales with, ioyned with an euill life, or else by their carelesnesse and contempt of God: And finding them in an vtter despaire, for one of these two former causes that I haue spoken of, he prepares the way by feeding them craftely in their humour, and fil­ling them further and further with despaire, while hee finde the time pro­per to discouer himselfe vnto them: At which time, either vpon their wal­king solitarie in the fieldes, or else lying pansing in their bed, but alwaies without the company of any other, hee either by a voyce, or in likenesse [Page 111]of a man inquires of them, what troubles them, and promiseth them, a suddaine and certaine way of remedie, vpon condition on the other part, that they follow his aduise, and doe such things as he will require of them: Their mindes being prepared before-hand, as I haue alreadie spoken, they easily agreed vnto that demand of his, and syne sets an other tryist, where they may meete againe: At which time, before hee proceede any further with them, hee first perswades them to addict themselues to his seruice, which being easily obtained, he then discouers what he is vnto them, makes them to renounce their God and Baptisme directly, and giues them his marke vpon some secret place of their bodie, which remaines soare vnhea­led, while his next meeting with them, and thereafter euer insensible, how­soeuer it be nipped or pricked by any, as is daily prooued, to giue them a proofe thereby, that as in that doing, he could hurt and heale them; so all their ill and well doing thereafter, must depend vpon him: And besides that, the intolerable dolour that they feele in that place, where he hath mar­ked them, serues to waken them, and not to let them rest, while their next meeting againe: fearing lest otherwaies they might either forget him, be­ing as new Prentises, and not well enough founded yet, in that fiendly fol­lie: or else remembring of that horrible promise they made him at their last meeting, they might skunner at the same, and preasse to call it backe. At their third meeting, he makes a shew to be carefull to performe his promi­ses, either by teaching them waies how to get themselues reuenged, if they be of that sort: or else by teaching them lessons, how by most vile and vn­lawfull meanes, they may obtaine gaine, and wordly commoditie, if they be of the other sort.

CHAP. III.

ARGV.

The Witches actions diuided into two parts: The actions proper to their owne persons: Their actions toward others: The forme of their conuentions, and a­doring of their Master.

PHILOMATHES.

YEe haue said now enough of their initiating in that order, It rests then that yee discourse vpon their practises, fra they be passed Prentises: for I would faine heare what is possible to them to performe in very deed. Although they serue a com­mon Master with the Necromancers, (as I haue before said) yet serue they him in another forme: For as the meanes are diuers, which allure them to these vnlawful Arts of seruing the deuill; so by diuers waies vse they their practises, answering to these meanes, which first the deuill vsed as instruments in them, though all tending to one end, to wit, the en­larging of Satans tyrannie, and crossing of the propagation of the King­dome of CHRIST, so farre as lyeth in the possibilitie, either of the one or [Page 112]other sort, or of the deuill their master: For where the Magicians, as allured by curiositie, in the most part of their practises, seeke principally the satis­fying of the same, and to winne to themselues a popular honour and esti­mation; these Witches on the other part, being inticed, either for the desire of reuenge, or of worldly riches, their whole practises are either to hurt men and their goods, or what they possesse, for satisfying of their cruell mindes in the former, or else by the wracke in whatsoeuer sort, of any whom God will permit them to haue power of, to satisfie their greedie desire in the last point.

EPI.

In two parts their actions may be diuided; the actions of their owne persons, and the actions proceeding from them towards any other: And this diuision being well vnderstood, will easily resolue you, what is possible to them to doe: For although all that they confesse is no lie vp­on their part, yet doubtlesly, in my opinion, a part of it is not indeede, ac­cording as they take it to be: And in this I meane by the actions of their owne persons: For as I said before, speaking of Magie, that the diuell il­ludes the senses of these schollers of his, in many things, so say I the like of these Witches.

PHI.

Then I pray you first to speake of that part of their owne per­sons, and syne ye may come next to their actions towards others.

EPI.

To the effect that they may performe such seruices of their false Master, as he employes them in, the deuill as Gods Ape, counterfeits in his seruants this seruice and forme of adoration, that God prescribed and made his seruants to practise: For as the seruants of God publikely vse to con­veene for seruing of him, so makes he them in great numbers to conveene (though publikely they dare not) for his seruice. As none conveenes to the adoration and worshipping of God, except they be marked with his Seale, the Sacrament of Baptisme: So none serues Satan, and conveenes to the a­doring of him, that are not marked with that marke, whereof I alreadie spake. As the Minister sent by God teacheth plainely at the time of their publike conuentions, how to serue him in spirit and trewth; so that vnclean spirit, in his owne person teacheth his disciples at the time of their conuee­ning, how to worke all kind of mischiefe, and craues coumpt of all their horrible and detestable proceedings passed, for aduancement of his seruice: Yea that hee may the more vinely counterfeit and scorne God, he oft times makes his slaues to conueene in these very places, which are destinate and ordained for the conveening of the seruants of God (I meane by Churches) But this farre, which I haue yet said, I not onely take it to be trew in their opinions, but euen so to be indeed: For the forme that he vsed in counter­faiting God amongst the Gentiles, makes me so to thinke: As God spake by his Oracles, spake he not so by his? As God had aswell bloodie Sacrifices, as others without blood, had not he the like? As God had Churches san­ctified to his seruice, with Altars, Priests, Sacrifices, Ceremonies and Pray­ers; had he not the like polluted to his seruice? As God gaue responses by [Page 113] Vrim and Thummim, gaue he not his responses by the intralles of beasts, by the singing of fowles, and by their actions in the aire? As God by visions, dreames, and extasies reuealed what was to come, and what was his will vnto his seruants; vsed hee not the like meanes to forewarne his slaues of things to come? Yea euen as God loued cleanenesse, hated vice and impu­ritie, and appointed punishments therefore; vsed he not the like (though falsly I grant, and but in eschewing the lesse inconuenience, to draw them vpon a greater) yet dissimuled he not, I say, so farre as to appoint his priests to keepe their bodies cleane and vndefiled, before their asking responses of him? And fained he not God, to be a protectour of euery vertue, and a iust reuenger of the contrarie? This reason then mooues mee, that as he is that same diuell, and as crafty now as he was then, so will he not spare as pertly in these actions that I haue spoken of, concerning the Witches persons: but further, Witches of times confesse, not only his conueening in the Church with them, but his occupying of the Pulpit; Yea, their forme of adora­tion, to be the kissing of his hinder parts: Which though it seeme ridicu­lous, yet may it likewise be trew, seeing we reade that in Calicute, he appea­ring in forme of a Goat-bucke, hath publikely that vn-honest homage done vnto him, by euery one of the people: So ambitious is he, and greedy of honour (which procured his fall) that he will euen imitate God in that part, where it is said, that Moyses could see but the hinder parts of God, Exod. 33. for the brightnesse of his glory: And yet that speech is spoken but [...]

CHAP. IIII.

ARGV.

What are the wayes possible, whereby the Witches may transport themselues to places farre distant: And what are impossible and meere illusions of Satan: And the reasons thereof.

PHILOMATHES.

BVt by what way say they, or thinke yee it possible they can come to these vnlawfull conuentions?

EPI.

There is the thing which I esteeme their sen­ses to be deluded in, and though they lie not in confes­sing of it, because they thinke it to be trew, yet not to be so in substance or effect: for they say, that by diuers meanes they may conueene, either to the adoring of their Master, or to the putting in practise any seruice of his, committed vnto their charge: one way is naturall, which is naturall riding, going, or sailing, at what houre their master comes and aduertises them: and this way may be easily belee­ued; another way is some what more strange, and yet it is possible to bee trew: which is, by being caried by the force of the spirit which is their con­ducter, either aboue the earth, or aboue the Sea swiftly, to the place where they are to meete: which I am perswaded to bee likewise possible, in respect that as Habakkuk was carried by the Angel in that forme, to the den where Daniel lay; so thinke I, the diuell will be readie to imitate God, [Page 114]as well in that as in other things: Apocrypha of Bel and the Dragon. which is much more possible to him to doe, being a Spirit, then to a mighty wind, being but a naturall Meteore, to transport from one place to another, a solide body, as is commonly and daily seene in practise: But in this violent forme they cannot be caried, but a short bounds, agreeing with the space that they may retaine their breath: for if it were longer, their breath could not remaine vnextinguished, their body being caried in such a violent and forcible maner; as by example: If one fall off a small height, his life is but in perill, according to the hard or soft lighting: but if one fall from an high and stay rocke, his breath will be forcibly banished from the body, before he can win to the earth, as is oft seene by experience: And in this transporting they say themselues, that they are inuisible to any other, except amongst themselues, which may also be possible in my opinion: For if the deuill may forme what kinde of impressions he pleases in the aire, (as I haue said before, speaking of Magie) why may hee not farre easilier thicken and obscure so the aire, that is next about them, by contracting it straite together, that the beames of any o­ther mans eyes cannot pierce thorow the same, to see them? But the third way of their comming to their conuentions, is that, wherein I thinke them deluded: for some of them say, that being transformed in the likenesse of a little beast or foule, they will come and pierce through whatsoeuer house or Church, though all ordinarie passages be closed, by whatsoeuer open the aire may enter in at: And some say, that their bodies lying still, as in an extasie, their spirits will be rauished out of their bodies, and caried to such places; and for verifying thereof, will giue euident tokens, as well by witnesses that haue seene their body lying sencelesse in the meane time, as by naming persons whom-with they met, and giuing tokens what pur­pose was amongst them, whom otherwise they could not haue knowen: for this forme of iourneying, they affirme to vse most, when they are trans­ported from one countrey to another.

PHI.

Surely I long to heare your owne opinion of this: for they are like old wiues trattles about the fire. The reasons that mooue me to thinke that these are meere illusions, are these: First, for them that are transformed in likenesse of beasts or foules, can enter through so narrow passages, al­though I may easily beleeue that the diuell could by his workmanship vp­on the aire, make them appeare to be in such formes, either to themselues, or to others: yet how he can contract a solide body within so little roome, I thinke it is directly contrary to it selfe; for to be made so little, and yet not diminished; to be so straitly drawen together, and yet feele no paine, I thinke it is so contrary to the qualitie of a naturall bodie, and so like to the little transubstantiate god in the Papists Masse, that I can neuer beleeue it: So to haue a quantitie, is so proper to a solide body, that as all Philoso­phers conclude, it cannot be any more without one, then a spirit can haue one: Actes 12. For when Peter came out of the prison, and the doores all locked; it was not by any cōtracting of his body in so little roome, but by the giuing [Page 115]place of the doore, though vnespied by the Gaylors: And yet is there no comparison, when this is done, betwixt the power of God, and of the di­uel. As to their forme of extasie and spirituall transporting, it is certaine the soules going out of the body, is the onely definition of naturall death: and who are once dead, God forbid we should thinke that it should lie in the power of all the diuels in hell, to restore them to their life againe; although he can put his owne spirit in a dead body, which the Necromancers com­monly practise, as ye haue heard. For that is the office properly belonging to God; and besides that, the soule once parting from the body, cannot wander any longer in the world, but to the owne resting place must it goe immediately, abiding the coniunction of the body againe, at the latter day. And what Christ or the Prophets did miraculously in this case, it can in no Christian mans opinion, be made common with the diuel. As for a­ny tokens that they giue for prouing of this, it is very possible to the diuels craft, to perswade them to these meanes: for he being a spirit, may he not so rauish their thoughts, and dull their senses, that their body lying as dead, he may obiect to their spirits, as it were in a dreame, and (as the Poets write of Morpheus) represent such formes of persons, of places, and other circum­stances, as he pleases to illude them with? Yea, that he may deceiue them with the greater efficacie, may he not at that same instant by fellow angels of his, illude such other persons so in that same fashion, whom-with hee makes them to beleeue that they mette, that all their reports and tokens, though seuerally examined, may euery one agree with another? And that whatsoeuer actions, either in hurting men or beasts, or whatsoeuer other thing that they falsly imagine, at that time to haue done, may by himselfe or his marrowes, at that same time be done indeed; so as if they would giue for a token of their being rauished at the death of such a person with­in so short space thereafter, whom they beleeue to haue poisoned, or witch­ed at that instant, might he not at that same houre, haue smitten that same person, by the permission of GOD, to the farther deceiuing of them, and to mooue others to beleeue them? And this is surely the likelyest way, and most according to reason, which my iudgement can finde out in this, and whatsoeuer other vnnaturall points of their confession: And by these meanes shall we saile surely, betwixt Charybdis and Scylla, in eschewing the not beleeuing of them altogether on the one part, lest that draw vs to the errour, that there is no Witches: and on the other part in beleeuing of it, make vs to eschew the falling into innumerable absurdities, both mon­strously against all Theologie diuine, and Philosophie humane.

CHAP. V.

ARGV.

Witches actions towards others: Why there are more women of that craft then men: What things are possible to them to effectuate by the power of their ma­ster: The reasons thereof: What is the surest remedy of the harmes done by them.

PHILOMATHES.

FOrsooth your opinion in this, seemes to cary most reason with it; and since ye haue ended then the actions belong­ing properly to their owne persons, say forward now to their actions vsed towards others.

EPI.

In their actions vsed towards others, three things ought to be considered: First, the maner of their consulting thereupon: Next, their part as instruments: And last, their masters part, who puts the same in execution. As to their consultations thereupon, they vse them of­test in the Churches, where they conueene for adoring, at what time their master enquiring at them what they would be at, euery one of them pro­pones vnto him, what wicked turne they would haue done, either for ob­taining of riches, or for reuenging them vpon any whom they haue ma­lice at; who granting their demaund, as no doubt willingly he will, since it is to doe euill, hee teacheth them the meanes whereby they may doe the same: As for little trifling turnes that women haue adoe with, he causeth them to ioynt dead corpses, and to make powders thereof, mixing such o­ther things there amongst, as he giues vnto them.

PHI.

But before ye goe further, permit me, I pray you, to interrupt you one word, which ye haue put me in memorie of, by speaking of Wo­men; What can be the cause that there are twentie women giuen to that craft, where there is one man?

EPI.

The reason is easie, for as that sexe is frailer then man is, so is it easier to be intrapped in these grosse snares of the diuell, as was ouer-well prooued to be trew, by the Serpents deceiuing of Eua at the beginning, which makes him the homelier with that sexe sensine.

PHI.

Returne now where ye left.

EPI.

To some others at these times he teacheth, how to make pictures of waxe or clay, that by the roasting thereof, the persons that they beare the name of, may be continually melted or dried away by continuall sicke­nesse: To some he giues such stones or ponders, as will helpe to cure or cast on diseases: And to some hee teacheth kindes of vncouth poysons, which Mediciners vnderstand not (for he is farre cunninger then man, in the knowledge of all the occult proprieties of nature) not that any of these meanes which he teacheth them (except the poysons which are composed of things naturall,) can of themselues helpe any thing to these turnes, that they are employed in, but onely being GODS ape, as well in that, as in all other things; Euen as God by his Sacraments which are earthly of them­selues, [Page 117]workes a heauenly effect, though no wayes by any cooperation in them: And as Christ by clay and spettle wrought together, Iohn 9. opened the eyes of the blinde man, suppose there was no vertue in that which he outwardly ap­plied, so the diuel will haue his outward meanes to be shewes as it were of his doing, which hath no part or cooperation in his turnes with him, how farre that euer the ignorants be abused in the contrarie. And as to the ef­fects of these two former parts; to wit, the consultations and the outward meanes, they are so wonderfull, as I dare not alleadge any of them, without ioyning a sufficient reason of the possibilitie thereof; For leauing all the small trifles among wiues, and to speake of the principall points of their craft, for the common trifles thereof, they can doe without conuerting well enough by themselues, these principall points, I say, are these; They can make men or women to loue or hate other, which may be very pos­sible to the diuel to effectuate, seeing he being a subtile spirit, knowes well enough how to perswade the corrupted affection of them whom God wil permit him so to deale with: They can lay the sicknesse of one vpon an­other, which likewise is very possible vnto him: For since by Gods per­mission, he laide sickenesse vpon Iob, why may he not farre easilier lay it vpon any other; For as an old practitian, hee knowes well enough what humour domines most in any of vs, and as a spirit he can subtillie waken vp the same, making it peccant, or to abound, as hee thinkes meet for trou­bling of vs, when God will so permit him: And for the taking off of it, no doubt he will be glad to relieue such of present paine, as he may thinke by these meanes to perswade to be catched in his euerlasting snares and fet­ters. They can bewitch and take the life of men or women, by roasting of the Pictures, as I spake of before, which likewise is verie possible to their master to performe: for although (as I said before) that instrument of waxe haue no vertue in that turne doing, yet may he not very well, euen by the same measure, that his coniured slaues melts that waxe at the fire, may hee not, I say, at these same times, subtily, as a spirit, so weaken and scatter the spirits of life of the patient, as may make him on the one part, for faintnesse, to sweat out the humour of his bodie, and on the other part, for the not concurrence of these spirits, which causes his digestion, so debilitate his stomacke, that this humour radicall continually, sweating out on the one part, and no new good sucke being put in the place thereof, for lacke of di­gestion on the other, he at last shall vanish away, euen as his picture will doe at the fire? And that knauish and cunning workeman, by troubling him, onely at sometimes, makes a proportion, so neere betwixt the work­ing of the one and the other, that both shall end as it were at one time. They can raise stormes and tempests in the aire, either vpon Sea or land, though not vniuersally, but in such a particular place and prescribed bounds, as GOD will permit them so to trouble: Which likewise is very easie to be discerned from any other naturall tempests that are Meteores, in respect of the sudden and violent raising thereof, together with the [Page 118]short induring of the same. And this is likewise very possible to their ma­ster to doe, hee hauing such affinitie with the aire, as being a spirit, and ha­uing such power of the forming and moouing thereof, as yee haue heard me alreadie declare: Ephes. 2. For in the Scripture, that stile of the Prince of the aire, is giuen vnto him. They can make folkes to become Phrenticque or Ma­niacque, which likewise is very possible to their master to doe, since they are but naturall sicknesses: and so he may lay on these kindes, as well as any others. They can make spirits, either to follow and trouble persons, or haunt certaine houses, and affray oftentimes the inhabitants, as hath bene knowne to bee done by our Witches at this time. And likewise they can make some to bee possessed with spirits, and so to become very Daemo­niacques: and this last sort is very possible likewise to the diuel their master to doe, since he may easily send his owne angels to trouble in what forme he pleases, any whom God will permit him so to vse.

PHI.

But will God permit these wicked instruments by the power of the deuill their master, to trouble by any of these meanes, any that beleeue in him?

EPI.

No doubt, for there are three kindes of folkes whom God will permit so to be tempted or troubled; the wicked for their horrible sinnes, to punish them in the like measure; the godly that are sleeping in any great sinnes or infirmities, and weaknesse in faith, to waken them vp the faster by such an vncouth forme: and euen some of the best, that their patience may be tried before the world, as Iobs was: For why may not God vse any kinde of extraordinary punishment, when it pleases him; as well as the or­dinarie rods of sickenesse or other aduersities?

PHI.

Who then may be free from these deuilish practises?

EPI.

No man ought to presume so farre as to promise any impunitie to himselfe: for God hath before all beginnings, praeordinated, as well the particular sorts of plagues, as of benefites for euery man, which in the owne time he ordaines them to be visited with, and yet ought we not to be the more afraide for that, of any thing that the diuell and his wicked in­struments can doe against vs: for we daily fight against the diuell in a hun­dreth other wayes: And therefore, as a valiant captaine affraies no more being at the combate, nor stayes from his purpose for the rummishing shot of a Canon, nor the small clacke of a Pistolet, suppose he be not cer­taine what may light vpon him; Euen so ought we boldly to goe forward in fighting against the diuell without any greater terrour, for these his ra­rest weapons, nor for the ordinary whereof we haue daily the proofe.

PHI.

Is it not lawfull then, by the helpe of some other Witch, to cure the disease that is casten on by that craft?

EPI.

No wayes lawfull; for I gaue you the reason thereof in that axi­ome of Theologie, which was the last words I spake of Magie.

PHI.

How then may these diseases be lawfull cured?

EPI.

Only by earnest prayer vnto God, by amendment of their liues, [Page 119]and by sharpe pursuing euery one, according to his calling of these instru­ments of Satan, whose punishment to the death will be a salutarie sacrifice for the patient. And this is not onely the lawfull way, but likewise the most sure: For by the deuils meanes, can neuer the deuill be casten out, Marke 3. as Christ sayth. And when such a cure is vsed, it may well serue for a short time, but at the last, it will doubtlesly tend to the vtter perdition of the patient, both in body and soule.

CHAP. VI.

ARGV.

What sort of folkes are least or most subiect to receiue harme by Witchcraft: What power they haue to harme the Magistrate, and vpon what respects they haue any power in prison: And to what end may or will the deuill appeare to them therein: Vpon what respects the deuill appeares in sundry shapes to sundry of them at any time.

PHILOMATHES.

BVt who dare take vpon him to punish them, if no man can be sure to be free from their vnnaturall inuasions?

EPI.

Wee ought not the more of that restraine from vertue, that the way wherby we clime thereunto be straight and perillous: But besides that, as there is no kinde of per­sons so subiect to receiue harme of them, as these that are of infirme and weake faith (which is the best buckler against such inuasions:) so haue they so small power ouer none, as ouer such as zealously and earnestly pur­sue them, without sparing for any wordly respect.

PHI.

Then they are like the Pest, which smites these sickarest, that flies it farthest, and apprehends deepliest the perill thereof.

EPI.

It is euen so with them: for neither is it able to them to vse any false cure vpon a patient, except the patient first beleeue in their power, and so hazard the tinsell of his owne soule, nor yet can they haue lesse pow­er to hurt any, nor such as contemne most their doings, so being it comes of faith, and not of any vaine arrogancie in themselues.

PHI.

But what is their power against the Magistrate?

EPI.

Lesse or greater, according as he deales with them: for if hee be slothfull towards them, God is very able to make them instruments to wa­ken and punish his slouth: but if he be the contrary, hee according to the iust Law of God, and allowable law of all nations, will be diligent in exa­mining and punishing of them: God will not permit their master to trou­ble or hinder so good a worke.

PHI.

But fra they be once in hands and firmance, haue they any fur­ther power in their craft?

EPI.

That is according to the forme of their detention: If they be but apprehended and deteined by any priuate person, vpon other priuate respects, their power no doubt either in escaping, or in doing hurt, is no [Page 120]lesse nor euer it was before: But if on the other part, their apprehending and detention be by the lawfull Magistrate, vpon the iust respects of their guiltinesse in that craft, their power is then no greater then before that e­uer they medled with their master: For where God begins iustly to strike by his lawfull Lieutenants, it is not in the deuils power to defraud or be­reaue him of the office, or effect of his powerfull and reuenging Scepter.

PHI.

But will neuer their Master come to visite them, fra they be once apprehended and put in firmance?

EPI.

That is according to the estate that these miserable wretches are in: For if they be obstinate in still denying, he will not spare, when hee findes time to speake with them, either if he finde them in any comfort, to fill them more and more with the vaine hope of some manner of reliefe; or else if he finde them in a deepe despaire, by all meanes to augment the same, and to perswade them by some extraordinarie meanes to put them­selues downe, which very commonly they doe: But if they bee penitent and confesse, God will not permit him to trouble them any more with his presence and allurements.

PHI.

It is not good vsing his counsell I see then: But I would earnest­ly know when he appeares to them in prison, what formes vses hee then to take?

EPI.

Diuers formes, euen as hee vses to doe at other times vnto them: For as I told you, speaking of Magie, he appeares to that kind of craftes-men ordinarily in a forme, according as they agree vpon it among themselues; Or if they be but prentises, according to the qualitie of their circles or con­iurations: Yet to these capped creatures, he appeares as hee pleases, and as he findes meetest for their humors: For euen at their publicke conuenti­ons, hee appeares to diuers of them in diuers formes, as we haue found by the difference of their confessions in that point: For he deluding them with vaine impressions in the aire, makes himselfe to seeme more terrible to the grosser sort, that they may thereby be mooued to feare and reuerence him the more: and lesse monstrous and vncouth like againe to the craftier sort, lest otherwise they might sturre and skunner at his vglinesse.

PHI.

How can he then be felt, as they confesse they haue done him, if his body be but of aire?

EPI.

I heare little of that amongst their confessions, yet may hee make himselfe palpable, either by assuming any dead bodie, and vsing the mini­sterie thereof, or else by deluding as well their sence of feeling as seeing; which is not impossible to him to doe, since all our senses, as wee are so weake, and euen by ordinarie sicknesses will be oftentimes deluded.

PHI.

But I would speere one word further yet, concerning his appea­ring to them in prison, which is this: May any other that chances to be pre­sent at that time in the prison, see him as well as they?

EPI.

Sometimes they will, and sometimes not, as it pleases God.

CHAP. VII.

ARG.

Two formes of the diuels visible conuersing in the earth, with the reasons where­fore the one of them was commonest in the time of Papistrie, and the other sensine. Those that deny the power of the diuell, denie the power of God, and are guilty of the errour of the Sadduces.

PHILOMATHES.

HAth the Diuell then power to appeare to any other, except to such as are his sworne disciples; especially since all Ora­cles, and such like kinds of illusions were taken away and abolished by the comming of CHRIST?

EPI.

Although it be true indeede, that the brightnesse of the Gospel at his comming, scaled the cloudes of all these grosse errours in the Gentilisme; yet that these abusing spirits, cease not sensine at some­times to appeare, daily experience teaches vs. Indeed this difference is to be marked betwixt the formes of Satans conuersing visibly in the world: For of two different formes thereof, the one of them by the spreading of the Euangel, and conquest of the white horse, in the sixt Chapter of the Reue­lation, is much hindred and become rather there-through: This his appea­ring to any Christians, troubling of them outwardly, or possessing of them constrainedly: The other of them is become commoner and more vsed sensine, I meane by their vnlawfull artes, whereupon our whole purpose hath beene. This wee finde by experience in this Isle to be true: For as wee know, moe ghosts and spirits were seene, nor tongue can tell, in the time of blind Papistrie in these countries, where now by the contrarie, a man shall scarcely all his time heare once of such things; and yet were these vnlawful artes farre rarer at that time, and neuer were so much heard of, nor so rife as they are now.

PHI.

What should be the cause of that?

EPI.

The diuers nature of our sinnes procures at the Iustice of God, diuers sorts of punishments answering thereunto: and therefore as in the time of Papistrie, our fathers erring grossely, and through ignorance, that mist of errours ouershadowed the Diuell to walke the more familiarly a­mongst them, and as it were by barnely and affraying terrours, to mocke and accuse their barnely errours; by the contrarie, we now being sound of Religion, and in our life rebelling to our profession, God iustly by that sinne of rebellion, as Samuel calleth it, accuseth our life so wilfully fighting against our profession.

PHI.

Since ye are entred now to speake of the appearing of spirits, I would be glad to heare your opinion in that matter: for many denie that any such spirits can appeare in these daies, as I haue said.

EPI.

Doubtlesse who denieth the power of the Diuell, would like­wise [Page 122]denie the power of God, if they could for shame. For since the Diuel is the very contrarie opposite to God, there can bee no better way to know God, then by the contrarie; as by the ones power (though a creature) to admire the power of the great Creatour: by the falshood of the one to con­sider the trewth of the other: by the iniustice of the one, to consider the Iu­stice of the other: And by the cruelty of the one, to consider the merciful­nesse of the other: And so foorth in all the rest of the essence of God, and qualities of the Diuell. But I feare indeed, there bee ouer many Sadduces in this world, that denie all kindes of Spirits: For conuicting of whose errour, there is cause inough if there were no more, that God should permit at sometimes Spirits visibly to kyith.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF DAEMONOLOGIE.

ARGVMENT.

The description of all these kinds of Spirits that trouble men or women. The conclusion of the whole Dialogue.

CHAP. I.

ARGV.

The diuision of Spirits in foure principall kindes: The description of the first kinde of them, called Spectra & vmbrae mortuorum: What is the best way to be free of their trouble.

PHILOMATHES.

I Pray you now then goe forward in telling what ye thinke fabulous, or may be trowed in that case.

EPI.

That kind of the diuels cōuersing in the earth, may be diuided in foure different kindes, whereby he affraieth and troubleth the bodies of men: For of the abusing of the soule, I haue spo­ken alreadie. The first is, where spirits trouble some houses or solitarie places: The second, where Spirits follow vpon certaine persons, and at diuers houres trouble them: The third, when they enter within them, and possesse them: The fourth is these kinde of Spirits that are cal­led vulgarly the Fairie: Of the three former kinds, ye heard already, how they may artificially be made by Witchcraft to trouble folke; now it restes to speake of their naturall comming as it were, and not raised by Witch­craft. But generally I must forewarne you of one thing before I enter in this purpose: that is, that although in my discoursing of them, I deuide them in diuers kinds, ye must notwithstanding thereof note my phrase of speaking in that: For doubtleslie they are in effect, but all one kinde of Spi­rits, who for abusing the more of mankinde, take on these sundrie shapes, and vse diuers formes of outward actions, as if some were of nature better then other. Now I returne to my purpose: As to the first kinde of these spirits, that were called by the ancients by diuers names, according as their actions were: For if they were Spirits that haunted some houses, by appea­ring in diuers and horrible formes, and making great dinne, they were [Page 124]called Lemures or Spectra: If they appeared in likenesse of any defunct to some friends of his, they were called vmbraemortuorum: And so innume­rable stiles they got, according to their actions, as I haue said alreadie; as we see by experience, how many stiles they haue giuen them in our lan­guage in the like maner. Of the appearing of these Spirits, we are certified by the Scriptures, Esay 13. Iere. 50. where the Prophet Esay 13. and 34. Chap. threatning the destruction of Ierusalem, declares, that it shall not onely be wracked, but shall become so great a solitude, as it shall be the habitacle of Howlets, and of Zijm and Ijm, which are the proper Hebrew names for these Spi­rits. The cause why they haunt sollitarie places, it is by reason, that they may affray and brangle the more the faith of such as them alone hauntes such places: For our nature is such, as in companies we are not so soone moued to any such kind of feare, as being sollitarie, which the diuel know­ing well enough, he will not therefore assaile vs but when wee are weake: And besides that, God will not permit him so to dishonour the societies and companies of Christians, as in publicque times and places to walke vi­siblie amongst them: On the other part, when he troubles certaine houses that are dwelt in, it is a sure token either of grosse ignorance, or of some grosse and slanderous sinnes amongst the inhabitants thereof, which God by that extraordinarie rod punishes.

PHI.

But by what way or passage can these Spirits enter into these houses, seeing they alledge that they will enter, doore and window be­ing steiked?

EPI.

They will choose the passage for their entresse, according to the forme that they are in at that time: For if they haue assumed a dead bodie, whereinto they lodge themselues, they can easily enough open without dinne any doore or window, and enter in thereat; And if they enter as a Spirit onely, any place where the aire may come in at, is large enough an entrie for them: For as I said before, a Spirit can occupie no quantitie.

PHI.

And will God then permit these wicked Spirits to trouble the rest of a dead bodie, before the resurrection thereof? Or if hee will so, I thinke it should be of the reprobate onely.

EPI.

What more is the rest troubled of a dead bodie, when the diuell caries it out of the graue to serue his turne for a space, nor when the Witches take it vp and ioynts it, or when as Swine wortes vp the graues? The rest of them that the Scripture speakes of, is not meaned by a locall remaining continually in one place, but by their resting from their trauailes and mi­series of this world, while their latter coniunction againe with the soule at that time, to receiue full glorie in both: And that the diuel may vse as well the ministrie of the bodies of the faithfull in these cases, as of the vn­faithfull, there is no inconuenience; for his haunting with their bodies af­ter they are dead, can no-waies defile them, in respect of the soules absence: And for any dishonour it can be vnto them, by what reason can it be grea­ter, then the hanging, heading, or many such shamefull deaths, that good [Page 125]men will suffer? For there is nothing in the bodies of the faithfull, more worthie of honour, or freer from corruption by nature, nor in these of the vnfaithfull, while time they be purged and glorified in the latter Day, as is daily seene by the vilde diseases and corruptions, that the bodies of the faithfull are subiect vnto, as ye will see clearely proued, when I speake of the possessed and Daemoniacques.

PHI.

Yet there are sundry that affirme to haue haunted such places, where these spirits are alledged to be; and could neuer heare nor see any thing.

EPI.

I thinke well: for that is onely reserued to the secret knowledge of God, whom he will permit to see such things, and whom not.

PHI.

But where these spirits haunt and trouble any houses, what is the best way to banish them?

EPI.

By two meanes may onely the remeid of such things be procu­red: The one is ardent prayer to God, both of these persons that are trou­bled with them, and of that Church whereof they are: The other is the purging of themselues by amendment of life, from such sinnes, as haue procured that extraordinarie plague.

PHI.

And what meane then these kindes of spirits, when they ap­peare in the shadow of a person newly dead, or to die, to his friends?

EPI.

When they appeare vpon that occasion, they are called Wraithes in our language: Amongst the Gentiles the diuell vsed that much, to make them beleeue that it was some good spirit that appeared to them then, ei­ther to forewarne them of the death of their friend, or else to discouer vn­to them the will of the defunct, or what was the way of his slaughter, as it is written in the booke of the histories prodigious: and this way he easi­ly deceiued the Gentiles, because they knew not God: and to that same ef­fect is it, that he now appeares in that maner to some ignorant Christians: for hee dares not so illude any that knoweth that, neither can the spirit of the defunct returne to his friend, or yet an Angel vse such formes.

PHI.

And are not our war-woolfes one sort of these spirits also, that haunt and trouble some houses or dwelling places?

EPI.

There hath indeede beene an olde opinion of such like things; for by the Greekes they were called [...], which signifieth men-wolfes: But to tell you simply my opinion in this, if any such thing hath beene, I take it to haue proceeded but of a naturall super-abundance of Melancho­ly, which as we reade, that it hath made some thinke themselues pitchers, and some horses, and some one kinde of beast or other, so suppose I that it hath so viciat the imagination and memory of some, as per lucida interualla, it hath so highly occupied them, that they haue thought themselues very Woolfes indeed at these times and so haue counterfeited their actions in going on their hands and feete, preassing to deuoure women and barnes, fighting and snatching with all the towne dogges, and in vsing such like o­ther brutish actions, and so to become beasts by a strong apprehension, as [Page 126] Nebuchad-nezzar was seuen yeeres: Daniel 4. but as to their hauing and hiding of their hard and schelly sluiches, I take that to be but eiked, by vncertaine report, the author of all lies.

CHAP. II.

ARGV.

The description of the next two kinds of Spirits, whereof the one followes outward­ly, the other possesses inwardly the persons that they trouble: That since all prophe­cies and visions are now ceased, all spirits that appeare in these formes are euill.

PHILOMATHES.

COme forward now to the rest of these kinds of spirits.

EPI.

As to the next two kindes, that is, either these that outwardly trouble and follow some persons, or else in­wardly possesse them, I wil conioine them in one, because as well the causes are alike in the persons that they are permit­ted to trouble; as also the wayes whereby they may be remedied and cured.

PHI.

What kinde of persons are they that vse to be so troubled?

EPI.

Two kindes in speciall; either such as being guiltie of grieuous offences, God punishes by that horrible kinde of scourge; or else being persons of the best nature peraduenture, that ye shall finde in all the coun­trey about them, God permits them to be troubled in that sort, for the triall of their patience, and wakening vp of their zeale, for admonishing of the beholders, not to trust ouer-much in themselues, since they are made of no better stuffe, and peraduenture blotted with no smaller sinnes (as Christ said, Luke 13. speaking of them vpon whom the Tower of Sylo fell:) And for gi­uing likewise to the spectators, matter to praise God, that they meriting no better, are yet spared from being corrected in that fearefull forme.

PHI.

These are good reasons for the part of GOD, which apparantly moonues him so to permit the Diuell to trouble such persons: But since the Diuell hath euer a contrarie respect in all the actions that GOD imployes him in, which is I pray you the end and marke he shootes at in this turne?

EPI.

It is to obtaine one of two things thereby, if he may: The one is the tinsell of their life, by inducing them to such perillous places, at such time as he either followes or possesses them, which may procure the same, and such like, so farre as GOD will permit him, by tormenting them to weaken their bodie, and cast them into incurable diseases: The other thing that he preasses to obtaine by troubling of them, is the tinsell of their soule, by intising them to mistrust & blaspheme God, either for the intolerable­nesse of their torments, Iob 1. as hee assayed to haue done with Iob; or else for his promising vnto them to leaue the troubling of them, in case they would so doe, as is knowen by experience at this same time by the confession of a young one that was so troubled.

PHI.

Since ye haue spoken now of both these kinds of spirits compre­hending them in one, I must now goe backe againe in speering some que­stions [Page 127]of euery one of these kindes in speciall. And first for these that fol­low certaine persons, ye know that there are two sorts of them: One sorte that trouble and torment the persons that they haunt with: Another sort that are seruiceable vnto them in all kind of their necessaries, and omit ne­uer to forewarne them of any suddaine perill that they are to bee in: And so in this case, I would vnderstand whether both these sorts be but wicked and damned spirits, or if the last sort be rather Angels, (as should appeare by their actions) sent by God to assist such as hee specially fauours: For it is written in the Scriptures, Gene. 32. 1. Kings 6. Psal. 34. that God sends legions of Angels to guard and watch ouer his elect.

EPI.

I know well inough where fra that errour which ye alledge hath proceeded; For it was the ignorant Gentiles that were the fountaine there­of, Who for that they knew not God, they forged in their owne imagina­tions, euery man to be stil accompanied with two spirits, whereof they cal­led the one genius bonus, the other genius malus: the Greekes called them [...] and [...]: whereof the former they saide, perswaded him to all the good hee did; the other entised him to all the euill. But praised bee GOD, wee that are Christians, and walke not amongst the Cymmerian coniectures of man, know well inough, that it is the good Spirit of GOD onely, who is the fountaine of all goodnesse, that perswades vs to the thinking or doing of any good, and that it is our corrupted flesh and Satan, that intiseth vs to the contrarie: And yet the Diuell for confir­ming in the heades of ignorant Christians, that errour first maintained a­mong the Gentiles, he whiles among the first kind of spirits that I speake of, appeared in time of Papistrie and blindnesse, and haunted diuers hou­ses, without doing any euill, but doing as it were necessarie turnes vp and downe the house: and this spirit they called Brownie in our language, who appeared like a rough-man: yea, some were so blinded, as to beleeue that their house was all their sonsier, as they called it, that such spirits re­sorted there.

PHI.

But since the diuels intention in all his actions, is euer to doe e­uill, what euill was there in that forme of doing, since their actions out­wardly were good?

EPI.

Was it not euill inough to deceiue simple ignorants, in making them to take him for an Angel of light, and so to account of Gods enemy as of their particular friend? where by the contrary, all we that are Christi­ans, ought assuredly to know, that since the comming of Christ in the flesh, and establishing of his Church by the Apostles, al miracles, visions, prophe­cies, & appearances of Angels or good spirits, are ceased; which serued only for the first sowing of faith, and planting of the Church: Where now the Church being established, and the white Horse whereof I spake before, ha­uing made his conquest, the Law and Prophets are thought sufficient to serue vs, or make vs inexcusable, as Christ saith in his parable of Lazarus and the rich man.

CHAP. III.

ARGV.

The description of a particular sort of that kinde of following Spirits, called Incubi and Succubi: And what is the reason wherefore these kinds of Spirits haunt most the Northerne and barbarous parts of the world.

PHILOMATHES.

THe next question that I would speere, is likewise concer­ning this first of these two kinds of Spirits that ye haue conioyned; and it is this: ye know how it is commonly written and reported, that amongst the rest of the sorts of Spirits that follow certaine persons, there is one more monstrous nor all the rest, in respect as it is al­leaged, they conuerse naturally with them whom they trouble and haunt with: and therefore I would know in two things your opinion herein: First, if such a thing can be: and next if it be, whether there be a difference of sexes amongst these Spirits or not?

EPI.

That abhominable kinde of the diuels abusing of men or wo­men, was called of old, Incubi and Succubi, according to the difference of the sexes that they conuersed with. By two meanes this great kinde of abuse might possibly be performed: The one, when the diuel onely as a Spirit, and stealing out the sperme of a dead bodie, abuses them that way, they not graithly seeing any shape, or feeling any thing, but that which hee so conueyes in that part, as we reade of a Monasterie of Nunnes which were burnt for their being that way abused: The other meane is, when he borrowes a dead body and so visibly, and as it seemes vnto them naturally as a man conuerses with them. But it is to be noted, that in whatsoeuer way he vseth it, that sperme seemes intollerably cold to the person abused: For if he steale out the nature of a quicke person, it cannot be so quickly caried, but it will both tine the strength and heate by the way, which it could neuer haue had for lacke of agitation, which in the time of procrea­tion is the procurer and wakener vp of these two naturall qualities: And if he occupying the dead bodie as his lodging, expell the same out thereof in the due time, it must likewise be cold by the participation with the qua­lities of the dead body whereout of it comes. And whereas ye enquire if these Spirits be diuided in sexes or not, I thinke the rules of Philosophie may easily resolue a man of the contrary: For it is a sure principle of that Art, that nothing can be diuided in sexes, except such liuing bodies as must haue a naturall seed to genere by: But we know Spirits haue no seed pro­per to themselues, nor yet can they gender one with an other.

PHI.

How is it then, that they say sundrie monsters haue bene gotten by that way?

EPI.

These tales are nothing but Aniles fabulae: For that they haue no nature of their owne, I haue shewed you alreadie: And that the cold nature [Page 129]of a dead bodie, can worke nothing in generation, it is more nor plaine, as being alreadie dead of it selfe, as well as the rest of the bodie is, wanting the naturall heate, and such other naturall operation, as is necessarie for wor­king that effect, and in case such a thing were possible (which were vt­terly against all the rules of nature) it would breed no monster, but onely such a naturall off-spring, as would haue come betwixt that man or wo­man and that other abused person, in case they both being aliue had had a doe with other: For the Diuels part therein, is but the naked carrying or expelling of that substance; and so it could participate with no quality of the same. Indeede, it is possible to the craft of the Diuell to make a wo­mans belly to swell after he hath that way abused her, which hee may doe either by stirring vp her owne humour, or by hearbes, as wee see beggers daily doe: And when the time of her deliuery should come to make her thoil great dolours, like vnto that naturall course, and then subtilly to slip in the Mid-wiues hands, stocks, stones, or some monstrous barne brought from some other place: but this is more reported and guessed at by others, nor beleeued by me.

PHI.

But what is the cause that this kinde of abuse is thought to bee most common in such wilde parts of the world, as Lap-land, and Fin-land, or in our North Isles of Orknay and Schet-land?

EPI.

Because where the Diuell findes greatest ignorance and barbari­tie, there assailes he grosseliest, as I gaue you the reason wherfore there were moe Witches of women-kinde nor men.

PHI.

Can any be so vnhappie as to giue their willing consent to the Diuels vile abusing them in this forme?

EPI.

Yea, some of the Witches haue confessed, that he hath perswaded them to giue their willing consent thereunto, that hee may thereby haue them feltred the sikarer in his snares: but as the other compelled sort is to be pitied and prayed for, so is this most highly to be punished and detested.

PHI.

Is it not the thing which we call the Mare, which takes folkes sleeping in their beds, a kinde of these spirits, whereof ye are speaking?

EPI.

No, that is but a naturall sickenesse, which the Mediciners haue giuen that name of Incubus vnto, ab incubando, because it being a thicke fleume, falling into our breast vpon the heart, while we are sleeping, in­tercludes so our vitall spirits, and takes all powerfrom vs, as makes vs think that there were some vnnaturall burden or spirit, lying vpon vs, and hol­ding vs downe.

CHAP. IIII.

ARGV.

The description of the Daemoniackes and possessed: By what reason the Papists may haue power to cure them.

PHILOMATHES.

WEll, I haue tolde you now all my doubts, and ye haue satis­fied me therein, concerning the first of these two kindes of spirits that yee haue conioyned: now I am to enquire one­ly two things at you concerning the last kinde, I meane the Daemoniackes. The first is, whereby shall these possessed folkes be discerned fra them that are troubled with a naturall Phrensie or Manie: The next is, how can it be that they can be remedied by the Papists Church, whom we counting as Heretiques, it should appeare that one di­uell should not cast out another, Matth. 12. Marke 3. for then would his kingdome be diuided in it selfe, as Christ said.

EPI.

As to your first question; there are diuers symptomes, whereby that heauie trouble may be discerned from a naturall sickenesse, and speci­ally three, omitting the diuers vaine signes that the Papists attribute vnto it: Such as the raging at holy water, their fleeing abacke from the Crosse, their not abiding the hearing of God named, and innumerable such like vaine things that were alike fashious and feckles to recite: But to come to these three symptomes then, whereof I spake, I account the one of them to be the incredible strength of the possessed creature, which will farre ex­ceede the strength of sixe of the wightest and wodest of any other men that are not so troubled: The next is the boldening vp so farre of the pati­ents breast and belly, with such an vnnaturall sturring and vehement agi­tation within them, and such an ironie hardnesse of his sinewes so stiffely bended out, that it were not possible to pricke out as it were the skinne of any other person so farre; so mightily workes the diuell in all the members and senses of his body, hee being locally within the same, suppose of his soule and affections thereof, hee haue no more power then of any other mans: The last is, the speaking of sundry languages, which the patient is knowen, by them that were acquainted with him, neuer to haue learned, and that with an vncouth and hollow voice, and all the time of his spea­king, a greater motion being in his breast then in his mouth: But fra this last symptome is excepted such, as are altogether in the time of their posses­sing bereft of all their senses, being possessed with a dumbe and blind spi­rit, whereof Christ relieued one, in the 12. of Matthew. And as to your next demand, it is first to be doubted if the Papists, or any not professing the onely true Religion, can relieue any of that trouble: and next, in case they can, vpon what respect it is possible vnto them. As to the former, vp­on two reasons it is grounded: first that it is knowen so many of them to be counterfeit, which wyle the Clergie inuents for confirming of their [Page 131]rotten Religion: The next is, that by experience we finde, that few who are possessed indeed, are fully cured by them; but rather the diuell is con­tent to release the bodily hurting of them, for a short space, thereby to ob­taine the perpetuall hurt of the soules of so many that by these false mira­cles may be induced or confirmed in the profession of that erroneous Re­ligion; euen as I told you before that he doeth in the false cures or casting off of diseases by Witches. As to the other part of the argument in case they can, which rather (with reuerence of the learned thinking otherwise) I am induced to beleeue, by reason of the faithfull report that men sound of Religion, haue made according to their sight thereof, I thinke if so be I say these may be the respects, whereupon the Papists may haue that pow­er. Christ gaue a commission and power to his Apostles to cast out diuels, which they according thereunto put in execution: the rules he bade them obserue in that action, was fasting and prayer; and the action it selfe to be done in his name. This power of theirs proceeded not then of any vertue in them, but onely in him who directed them; as was clearely prooued by Iudas his hauing as great power in that commission, as any of the rest. It is easie then to be vnderstood that the casting out of diuels, is by the vertue of fasting and prayer, and in calling of the Name of God, suppose many imperfections be in the person that is the instrument, as Christ himselfe teacheth vs of the power that false prophets shall haue to cast out diuels. It is no wonder then, these respects of this action being considered, that it may be possible to the Papists, though erring in sundry points of Religion to accomplish this, if they vse the right forme prescribed by Christ herein: For what the worse is that action that they erre in other things; more then their Baptisme is the worse that they erre in the other Sacrament, and haue eiked many vaine freittes to the Baptisme it selfe.

PHI.

Surely it is no little wonder that God should permit the bodies of any of the faithfull to be so dishonoured, as to be adwelling place to that vncleane spirit.

EPI.

There is it which I told right now, would proue and strengthen my argument of the diuels entring into the dead bodies of the faithfull: For if he is permitted to enter into their liuing bodies, euen when they are ioyned with the soule; how much more will God permit him to enter into their dead carions, which is no more man, Marke 7. but the filthie and corrup­tible caise of man? For as Christ saith, It is not any thing that enters within man that defiles him, but onely that which proceedes and commeth out of him.

CHAP. V.

ARGV.

The description of the fourth kinde of Spirits, called the Phairie: What is possible therein, and what is but illusions. How farre this Dialogue entreates of all these things, and to what end.

PHILOMATHES.

NOw I pray you come on to that fourth kinde of Spirits.

EPI.

That fourth kinde of Spirits, which by the Gentiles was called Diana, and her wandering court, and amongst vs was called the Phairie (as I told you) or our good neighbours, was one of the sorts of illusions that was rifest in the time of Papistrie: for although it was holden odious to prophesie by the diuel, yet whom these kinde of Spirits caried away, and informed, they were thought to be sonsiest and of best life. To speake of the many vaine trattles founded vpon that illusion, How there was a King and Queene of Phairie, of such a iolly court and traine as they had, how they had a teynd, and duetie, as it were, of all goods, how they naturally rode and went, eate and dranke, and did all other actions like naturall men and women, I thinke it liker Virgils Campi Elysij, nor any thing that ought to be beleeued by Christians, except in generall, that as I spake sundrie times before, the diuell illuded the senses of sundrie simple creatures, in making them beleeue that they saw and heard such things as were nothing so indeed.

PHI.

But how can it be then, that sundrie Witches haue gone to death with that confession, that they haue bene transported with the Phairie to such a hill, which opening, they went in, and there saw a faire Queene, who being now lighter, gaue them a stone that had sundrie vertues, which at sundrie times hath bene produced in iudgement?

EPI.

I say that, euen as I said before of that imaginar rauishing of the Spirit foorth of the bodie: For may not the diuel obiect to their fantasie, their senses being dulled, and as it were asleepe, such hilles and houses within them, such glistering courtes and traines, and whatsoeuer such like wherewith he pleaseth to delude them, and in the meane time their bo­dies being senselesse, to conuey in their hand any stone or such like thing, which he makes them to imagine to haue receiued in such a place.

PHI.

But what say ye to their foretelling the death of sundrie per­sons, whom they alleage to haue seene in these places? that is, a sooth­dreame (as they say) since they see it walking.

EPI.

I thinke that either they haue not bene sharpely enough exa­mined, that gaue so blunt a reason for their prophesie, or otherwise, I thinke it likewise as possible that the diuel may prophesie to them when he de­ceiues their imaginations in that sort, as well as when hee plainely speakes vnto them at other times: for their prophesying, is but by a kind of vision, [Page 133]as it were, wherein he commonly counterfeites God among the Ethnicks, as I told you before.

PHI.

I would know now whether these kinds of Spirits may onely appeare to Witches, or if they may also appeare to any other.

EPI.

They may doe to both; to the innocent sort, either to affray them, or to seeme to be a better sort of folkes nor vncleane Spirits are; and to the Witches to be a colour of safetie for them, that ignorant Magistrates may not punish them for it, as I told euen now: But as the one sort, for be­ing perforce troubled with them ought to be pitied, so ought the other sort (who may be discerned by their taking vpon them to prophesie by them,) that sort, I say, ought as seuerely to be punished as any other Witches, and rather the more, that they goe dissemblingly to worke.

PHI.

And what makes the spirits haue so different names from others?

EPI.

Euen the knauerie of that same diuell; who as he illudes the Ne­cromancers with innumerable feined names for him and his angels, as in spe­ciall, making Satan, Beelzebub, and Lucifer, to bee three sundry spirits, where wee finde the two former, but diuers names giuen to the Prince of all the rebelling Angels by the Scripture; as by Christ, the Prince of all the diuels is called Beelzebub in that place, which I alleaged against the power of any hereticques to cast out diuels. By Iohn in the Reuelation, the old tempter is called Satan the Prince of all the euill Angels: And the last, to wit, Lucifer, is but by allegorie taken from the day Starre (so named in di­uers places of the Scriptures) because of his excellencie (I meane the Prince of them) in his creation before his fall; euen so I say hee deceiues the Witches, by attributing to himselfe diuers names; as if euery diuers shape that he transformes himselfe in, were a diuers kinde of spirit.

PHI.

But I haue heard many moe strange tales of this Phairie, nor ye haue yet told me.

EPI.

As well I doe in that, as I did in all the rest of my discourse: For because the ground of this conference of ours, proceeded of your speering at me at our meeting: if there was such a thing as Witches or spirits: and if they had any power: I therefore haue framed my whole discourse, onely to proue that such things are and may be, by such number of examples as I shew to be possible by reason, and keepe me from dipping any further in playing the part of a Dictionarie, to tell what euer I haue read or heard in that purpose, which both would exceede faith, and rather would seeme to teach such vnlawfull artes, nor to disallow and condemne them, as it is the duetie of all Christians to doe.

CHAP. VI.

ARG.

Of the tryall and punishment of Witches: What sort of accusation ought to be admit­ted against them: What is the cause of the increasing so farre of their number in this aage.

PHILOMATHES.

THen to make an end of our conference, since I see it drawes late, what forme of punishment thinke yee merite these Magicians and Witches? For I see that ye account them to be all alike guiltie.

EPI.

They ought to be put to death according to the Law of God, the ciuill and imperiall Law, and municipall Law of all Chri­stian nations.

PHI.

But what kinde of death I pray you?

EPI.

It is commonly vsed by fire, but that is an indifferent thing to be vsed in euery countrey, according to the Law or custome thereof.

PHI.

But ought no sexe, aage nor rancke to be exempted?

EPI.

None at all (being so vsed by the lawfull magistrate) for it is the highest point of Idolatry, wherein no exception is admitted by the law of God.

PHI.

Then barnes may not be spared.

EPI.

Yea; not a haire the lesse of my conclusion: For they are not that capable of reason as to pactise such things: And for any being in company and not reueiling thereof, their lesse and ignorant aage will no doubt ex­cuse them.

PHI.

I see ye condemne them all that are of the counsell of such craftes.

EPI.

No doubt, for as I said, speaking of Magie, the consulters, trusters in, ouer-seers, interteiners or stirrers vp of these craftes-folkes, are equally guiltie with themselues that are the practisers.

PHI.

Whether may the Prince then, or supreame Magistrate, spare or ouer-see any that are guilty of that craft, vpon some great respects knowen to him?

EPI.

The Prince or Magistrate for further trials cause, may continue the punishing of them such a certaine space as he thinkes conuenient: But in the end to spare the life, and not to strike when God bids strike, and so seuerely punish in so odious a fault and treason against God, it is not onely vnlawfull, but doubtlesse no lesse sinne in that Magistrate, nor it was in Saules sparing of Agag; 1. Sam. 15. and so comparable to the sinne of Witch-craft it selfe, as Samuel alledged at that time.

PHI.

Surely then, I thinke since this crime ought to be so seuerely pu­nished, Iudges ought to beware to condemne any, but such as they are sure are guiltie, neither should the clattering report of a carling serue in so weightie a case.

EPI.
[Page 135]

Iudges ought indeede to beware whom they condemne: for it is as great a crime (as Salomon saith,) To condemne the innocent, Prou. 17. as to let the guil­tie escape free; neither ought the report of any one infamous person, be ad­mitted for a sufficient proofe, which can stand of no law.

PHI.

And what may a number then of guilty persons confessions, worke against one that is accused?

EPI.

The Assise must serue for interpretour of our law in that respect: But in my opinion, since in a matter of treason against the Prince, barnes or wiues, or neuer so diffamed persons, may of our law serue for sufficient wit­nesses and proofes; I thinke surely that by a farre greater reason, such wit­nesses may be sufficient in matters of high treason against God: For who but Witches can be prooues, and so witnesses of the doings of Witches?

PHI.

Indeed, I trow they will be loath to put any honest man vpon their counsell: But what if they accuse folke to haue bene present at their Imaginar conuentions in the spirit, when their bodies lye sencelesse, as ye haue said?

EPI.

I thinke they are not a haire the lesse guiltie: For the Diuel durst neuer haue borrowed their shadow or similitude to that turne, if their con­sent had not beene at it: And the consent in these turnes is death of the lawe.

PHI.

Then Samuel was a Witch: For the diuell resembled his shape, and played his person in giuing response to Saul.

EPI.

Samuel was dead as well before that; and so none could slaunder him with medling in that vnlawful arte. For the cause why, as I take it, that God will not permit Satan to vse the shapes of similitudes of any innocent persons at such vnlawfull times, is, that God will not permit that any inno­cent persons shalbe slandered with that vile defection: for then the diuell would finde waies anew, to calumniate the best. And this wee haue in proofe by them that are carried with the Phairie, who neuer see the sha­dowes of any in that Court, but of them that thereafter are tryed to haue beene brethren and sisters of that craft: And this was likewise prooued by the confession of a young Lasse, troubled with spirits, laid on her by Witch­craft: that although she saw the shapes of diuers men and women trou­bling her, and naming the persons whom these shadowes represent: yet neuer one of them are found to be innocent, but all clearely tryed to bee most guiltie, and the most part of them confessing the same. And besides that, I thinke it hath beene seldome heard tell of, that any, whom persons guiltie of that crime accused, as hauing knowen them to be their marrowes by eye-sight, and not by heare-say, but such as were so accused of Witch­craft, could not be clearely tried vpon them, were at the least publikely knowen to be of a very euill life and reputation: so iealous is God I say, of the fame of them that are innocent in such causes. And besides that, there are two other good helps that may be vsed for their triall: The one is, the finding of their marke, and the trying the insensiblenes therof: The other [Page 136]is their fleeting on the water: for as in a secret murther, if the dead carkasse bee at any time thereafter handled by the murtherer, it will gush out of bloud, as if the bloud were crying to the heauen for reuenge of the mur­therer, God hauing appointed that secret supernaturall signe, for triall of that secret vnnaturall crime, so it appeares that God hath appointed (for a supernaturall signe of the monstrous impietie of Witches) that the water shall refuse to receiue them in her bosome, that haue shaken off them the sa­cred water of Baptisme, and wilfully refused the benefite thereof: No, not so much as their eyes are able to shed teares (threaten and torture them as ye please) while first they repent (God not permitting them to dissemble their obstinacie in so horrible a crime) albeit the women-kind especially, be able otherwayes to shed teares at euery light occasion when they will, yea, although it were dissemblingly like the Crocodiles.

PHI.

Well, wee haue made this conference to last as long as leisure would permit: and to conclude then, since I am to take my leaue of you, I pray God to purge this countrey of these diuellish practises: for they were neuer so rife in these parts, as they are now.

EPI.

I pray God that so be too. But the causes are ouer-manifest, that make them to be so rife: For the great wickednes of the people on the one part, procures this horrible defection, whereby God iustly punisheth sinne by a greater iniquitie: and on the other part, the consummation of the world, and our deliuerance drawing neere, makes Satan to rage the more in his instruments, knowing his king­dome to be so neere an end. And so fare­well for this time.

ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΟΝ ΔΩΡΟΝ. OR HIS MAIESTIES IN­STRVCTIONS TO HIS DEAREST SONNE, HENRY THE PRINCE.

THE ARGƲMENT.
SONNET.
GOD giues not Kings the stile of Gods in vaine,
For on his Throne his Scepter doe they swey:
And as their subiects ought them to obey,
So Kings should feare and serue their God againe:
If then ye would enioy a happie raigne,
Obserue the Statutes of your heauenly King,
And from his Law, make all your Lawes to spring:
Since his Lieutenant here ye should remaine,
Reward the iust, be stedfast, true, and plaine,
Represse the proud, maintayning aye the right,
Walke alwayes so, as euer in his sight,
Who guardes the godly, plaguing the prophane:
And so ye shall in Princely vertues shine,
Resembling right your mightie King Diuine.

TO HENRY MY DEAREST SONNE, AND NATVRAL SVCCESSOVR.

VVHom-to can so rightly appertaine this Booke of instructions to a Prince in all the points of his calling, aswell ge­nerall, as a Christian towards God; as particular, as a King towards his people? Whom-to, I say, can it so iust­ly appertaine, as vnto you my dearest Sonne? Since J the authour thereof, as your naturall Father, must be carefull for your godly and vertuous education, as my eldest Sonne, and the first fruits of Gods blessing towards mee in my posteritie: and as a King must ti­mously prouide for your trayning vp in all the points of a Kings Office; since yee are my naturall and lawfull successour therein: that being rightly informed hereby, of the waight of your burthen, ye may in time beginne to consider, that being borne to be a king, ye are rather borne to onus, then honos: not excelling all your people so farre in ranke and honour, as in daily care and hazardous paines-taking, for the dutifull administration of that great office, that God hath laide vpon your shoulders. Laying so a just sym­metrie and proportion, betwixt the height of your honourable place, and the heauie waight of your great charge: and con­sequently, [Page 139]in case of failing, which God forbid, of the sadnesse of your fall, according to the proportion of that height. J haue therefore for the greater ease to your memory, and that yee may at the first, cast vp any part that yee haue to doe with, deuided this Treatise in three parts. The first teacheth you your duetie to­wards God as a Christian: the next, your duetie in your Of­fice as a King: and the third informeth you how to behaue your selfe in indifferent things, which of them-selues are neither right nor wrong, but according as they are rightly or wrong vsed; and yet will serue according to your behauiour therein, to augment or empaire your fame and authoritie at the handes of your people. Receiue and welcome this Booke then, as a faithfull Praeceptour and counsellour vnto you: which, because my affaires will not permit mee euer to bee present with you, J ordaine to bee a resident faithfull admonisher of you: And because the houre of death is vncertaine to mee, as vnto all flesh, J leaue it as my Testament and latter will vnto you. Charge­ing you in the presence of GOD, and by the fatherly authori­tie J haue ouer you, that yee keepe it euer with you, as carefully, as Alexander did the Iliads of Homer. Yee will finde it a iust and impartiall counsellour; neither flattering you in any vice, nor importuning you at vnmeete times. Jt will not come vn-called, neither speake vnspeered at: and yet conferring with it when yee are at quiet, yee shall say with Scipio, that yee are nunquam minûs solus, quàm cum solus. To conclude then, J charge you, as euer yee thinke to deserue my Fatherly blessing, to follow and put in practise, as farre as lyeth in you, the praecepts hereafter following. And if yee follow the contrary course, I take the Great GOD to record, that this Booke shall one day bee a witnesse betwixt mee and you; and shall procure to bee ratified in Heauen, the curse that in that case here I giue vn­to you. For I protest before that Great GOD, I had rather not bee a Father, and childlesse, then bee a Father of wicked chil­dren. But hoping, yea, euen promising vnto my selfe, that GOD, who in his great blessing sent you vnto mee; shall in the [Page 140]same blessing, as hee hath giuen mee a Sonne; so make him a good and a godly Sonne; not repenting him of his Mercie shewed vnto mee, I end, with my earnest prayer to GOD, to worke effectually into you, the fruites of that blessing, which here from my heart I bestow vpon you.

Your louing Father I. R.

TO THE READER.

CHaritable Reader, it is one of the golden Sentences, which Christ our Sauiour vttered to his Apo­stles, that there is nothing so couered, Luk. 12. that shal not be reuealed, neither so hidde, that shall not be knowen: and whatsoeuer they haue spoken in darkenesse, should be heard in the light: and that which they had spoken in the eare in secret place, should be publikely preached on the tops of the houses: And since he hath said it, most trew must it be, fince the authour thereof is the fountaine and very being of trewth: which should mooue all godly and honest men, to be very warie in all their secretest actions, and whatsoeuer middesses they vse for attaining to their most wished ends; lest other­wise how auowable soeuer the marke be, whereat they aime, the middesses being dis­couered to be shamefull whereby they climbe, it may turne to the disgrace both of the good worke it selfe, and of the authour thereof; since the deepest of our secrets, can­not be hidde from that all-seeing eye and penetrant light, piercing through the bowels of very darkenesse it selfe.

But as this is generally trew in the actions of all men, so is it more specially trew in the affaires of Kings: for Kings being publike persons, by reason of their office and authority, are as it were set (as it was said of old) vpon a publike stage, in the sight of all the people; where all the beholders eyes are attentiuely bent to looke and pry in the least circumstance of their secretest drifts: Which should make Kings the more carefull not to harbour the secretest thought in their minde, but such as in the owne time they shall not be ashamed openly to auouch; assuring themselues that Time the mother of Veritie, will in the due season bring her owne daughter to perfection.

The trew practise hereof, I haue as a King oft found in my owne person, though I thanke God, neuer to my shame, hauing laide my count, euer to walke as in the eyes of the Almightie, examining euer so the secretest of my drifts, before I gaue them course, as how they might some day bide the touchstone of a publike triall. And a­mongst therest of my secret actions, which haue (vnlooked for of me) come to pub­like knowledge, it hath so fared with my [...], directed to my eldest son; which I wrote for exercise of mine owne ingyne, and instruction of him, who is ap­pointed by God (I hope) to sit on my Throne after me: For the purpose and matter thereof being onely fit for a King, as teaching him his office; and the person whom­for it was ordained, a Kings heire, whose secret counsellor and faithfull admonisher it must be, I thought it no wayes conuenient nor comely, that either it should to all be [Page 142]proclaimed, which to one onely appertained (and specially being a messenger betwixt two so coniunct persons) or yet that the mould whereupon he should frame his future behauiour, when hee comes both vnto the perfection of his yeeres, and possession of his inheritance, should before the hand be made common to the people, the subiect of his future happy gouernment. And therefore for the more secret and close keeping of them, I onely permitted seuen of them to be printed, the Printer being first sworne for secrecie: and these seuen I dispersed amongst some of my trustiest seruants, to be keeped closely by them, lest in case by the iniquitie or wearing of time, any of them might haue beene lost, yet some of them might haue remained after me, as witnesses to my Sonne, both of the honest integritie of my heart, and of my fatherly affection and naturall care towards him. But since contrary to my intention and expectation, as I haue alreadie said, this Booke is now vented, and set foorth to the publike view of the world, and consequently subiect to euery mans censure, as the current of his af­fection leades him, I am now forced, as well for resisting to the malice of the chil­dren of enuie, who like waspes sucke venome out of euery wholsome herbe; as for the satisfaction of the godly honest sort, in any thing that they may mistake therein, both to publish and spread the true copies thereof, for defacing of the false copies that are alreadie spread, as I am enformed; as likewise by this Preface, to cleare such parts thereof, as in respect of the concised shortnesse of my Style, may be mis-interpre­ted therein.

To come then particularly to the matter of my Booke, there are two speciall great points, which (as I am informed) the malicious sort of men haue detracted therein; and some of the honest sort haue seemed a little to mistake: whereof the first and greatest is, that some sentences therein should seeme to furnish grounds to men, to doubt of my sinceritie in that Religion, which I haue euer constantly professed: the other is, that in some parts thereof I should seeme to nourish in my minde, a vindi­ctiue resolution against England, or at the least, some principals there, for the Queene my mothers quarrell.

The first calumnie (most grieuous indeed) is grounded vpon the sharpe and bit­ter wordes, that therein are vsed in the description of the humors of Puritanes, and rash-headie Preachers, that thinke it their honour to contend with Kings, and per­turbe whole kingdomes. The other point is onely grounded vpon the strait charge. I giue my Sonne, not to heare nor suffer any vnreuerent speeches or bookes against any of his parents or progenitors: wherein I doe alledge my owne experience anent the Queene my mother; affirming, that I neuer found any that were of perfit aage the time of her reigne here, so stedfastly trew to me in all my troubles, as these that con­stantly kept their allegiance to her in her time. But if the charitable Reader will ad­uisedly consider, both the methode and matter of my Treatise, he will easily iudge, what wrong I haue sustained by the carping at both: For my Booke, suppose very small, being diuided in three seuerall parts; the first part thereof onely treats of a Kings duety towards God in Religion, wherein I haue so clearely made profession of my Re­ligion, calling it the Religion wherein I was brought vp, and euer made profession of, and wishing him euer to continue in the same, as the onely trew forme of Gods worship; that I would haue thought my sincere plainnesse in that first part vpon that subiect, should haue ditted the mouth of the most enuious Momus, that euer [Page 143]hell did hatch, from barking at any other part of my booke vpon that ground, except they would alledge me to be contrarie to my selfe, which in so small a volume would smell of too great weakenesse, and sliprinesse of memory. And the second part of my booke, teaches my Sonne how to vse his Office, in the administration of Iustice and Politicke Gouernment: The third onely containing a Kings outward behauiour in indifferent things; what agreeance and conformitie hee ought to keepe betwixt his outward behauiour in these things, and the vertuous qualities of his minde; and how they should serue for trunsh-men, to interprete the inward disposition of the minde, to the eyes of them that cannot see farther within him, and therefore must onely iudge of him by the outward appearance: So as if there were no more to be looked into, but the very methode and order of the booke, it will sufficiently cleare me of that first and grieuousest imputation, in the point of Religion: since in the first part, where Religi­on is onely treated of, I speake so plainely. And what in other parts I speake of Pu­ritanes, it is onely of their morall faults, in that part where I speake of Policie: de­claring when they contemne the Law and souereigne authoritie, what exemplare pu­nishment they deserue for the same. And now as to the matter it selfe whereupon this scandall is taken, that I may sufficiently satisfie all honest men, and by a iust Apologie raise vp a brasen wall or bulwarke against all the darts of the enuious, I will the more narrowly rip vp the words, whereat they seeme to be somewhat stomacked.

First then, as to the name of Puritanes, I am not ignorant that the style thereof doeth properly belong onely to that vile sect amongst the Anabaptists, called the Fa­mily of loue; because they thinke themselues onely pure, and in a maner without sinne, the onely trwe Church, and onely worthy to be participant of the Sacraments, and all the rest of the world to be but abomination in the sight of God. Of this speciall sect I principally meane, when I speake of Puritans; diuers of them, as Browne, Penry and others, hauing at sundrie times come into Scotland, to sow their popple amongst vs (and from my heart I wish, that they had left no schollers behinde them, who by their fruits will in the owne time be manifested) and partly indeede, I giue this style to such brain-sicke and headie Preachers their disciples and followers, as refusing to be called of that sect, yet participate too much with their humours, in maintaining the aboue mentioned errours; not onely agreeing with the generall rule of all Ana­baptists, in the contempt of the ciuill Magistrate, and in leaning to their owne dreams and reuelations; but particularly with this sect, in accounting all men profane that sweare not to all their fantasies, in making for euery particular question of the policie of the Church, as great commotion, as if the article of the Trinitie were called in controuersie, in making the scriptures to be ruled by their conscience, and not their con­science by the Scripture; and he that denies the least iote of their grounds, sit tibi tan­quam ethnicus & publicanus; not worthy to enioy the benefite of breathing, much lesse to participate with them of the Sacraments: and before that any of their grounds be impugned, let King, people, Law and all be trode vnder foote: Such holy warres are to be preferred to an vngodly peace: no, in such cases Christian Prin­ces are not onely to be resisted vnto, but not to be prayed for, for prayer must come of Faith; and it is reuealed to their consciences, that GOD will heare no prayer for such a Prince. Iudge then, Christian Reader, if I wrong this sort of people, in giuing them the stile of that sect, whose errours they imitate: and since they are contented [Page 144]to weare their liuerie let them not be ashamed to borrow also their name. It is onely of this kinde of men, that in this booke I write so sharply; and whom I wish my Sonne to punish, in-case they refuse to obey the Law, and will not cease to sturre vp a re­bellion: Whom against I haue written the more bitterly, in respect of diuers famous libels, and iniurious speaches spred by some of them, not onely dishonourably inuectiue against all Christian Princes, but euen reprochfull to our profession and Religion, in respect they are come out vnder coulour thereof: and yet were neuer answered but by Papists, who generally medle aswell against them, as the religion it selfe; whereby the skandale was rather doubled, then taken away. But on the other part, I protest vpon mine honour, I meane it not generally of all Preachers, or others, that like bet­ter of the single forme of policie in our Church, then of the many Ceremonies in the Church of England: that are perswaded, that their Bishops smell of a Papall supre­macie, that the Surplise, the cornerd cap, and such like, are the outward badges of Po­pish errours. No, I am so farre from being contentious in these things (which for my owne part I euer esteemed as indifferent) as I doe equally loue and honour the learned and graue men of either of these opinions. It can no wayes become me to pro­nounce so lightly a sentence, in so old a controuersie. Wee all (God be praised) doe agree in the grounds; and the bitternesse of men vpon such questions, doeth but trouble the peace of the Church; and giues aduantage and entry to the Papists by our diuision: But towards them, I onely vse this prouision, that where the Law is other­wayes, they may content themselues soberly and quietly with their owne opinions, not resisting to the authoritie, nor breaking the Law of the Countrey; neither aboue all, sturring any rebellion or schisme: but possessing their soules in peace, let them preasse by patience, and well grounded reasons, either to perswade all the rest to like of their iudgements; or where they see better grounds on the other part, not to bee ashamed peaceably to incline thereunto, laying aside all praeoccupied opinions.

And that this is the onely meaning of my Booke, and not any coldnesse or cracke in Religion, that place doeth plainely witnesse, where, after I haue spoken of the faults in our Ecclesiasticall estate I exhort my sonne to be beneficiall vnto the good-men of the Ministrie; praising God there, that there is presently a sufficient number of good men of them in this kingdome: and yet are they all knowne to be against the forme of the English Church. Yea, so farre I am in that place from admitting corruption in Religion, as I wish him in promoouing them, to vse such caution, as may preserue their estate from creeping to corruption; euer vsing that forme through the whole Booke, where euer I speake of bad Preachers, terming them some of the Ministers, and not Ministers or Ministrie in generall. And to conclude this point of Religion, what indifferencie of Religion can Momus call that in mee, where, speaking of my sonnes marriage (in case it pleased God before that time to cut the threed of my life) I plainly forewarne him of the inconuenients that were like to ensew, incase he should marry any that be of a different profession in Religion from him: notwithstanding that the number of Princes professing our Religion be so small, as it is hard to foresee, how he can be that way, meetly matched according to his ranke.

And as for the other point, that by some parts in this booke, it should appeare, that I doe nourish in my minde, a vindictiue resolution against England, or some princi­pals there; it is surely more then wonderfull vnto me, vpon what grounds they can [Page 145]haue gathered such conclusions. For as vpon the one part, Ineither by name nor de­scription poynt out England in that part of my discourse; so vpon the other, I plainly bewray my meaning to be of Scottish-men, where I conclude that purpose in these termes: ‘That the loue I beare to my Sonne, hath mooued me to be so plaine in this ar­gument: for so that I discharge my conscience to him in vttering the verity, I care not what any traitour or treason-allower doe thinke of it.’ And English-men could not thereby be meant, since they could be no traitours, where they ought no alleageance. I am not ignorant of a wise and princely apophthegme, which the same Queene of En­gland vttered about the time of her owne Coronation. But the drift of that discourse doth fully cleare my intention, being onely grounded vpon that precept to my Sonne, that he should not permit any vnreuerent detracting of his praedecessours; bringing in that purpose of my mother onely for an example of my experience anent Scottish­men, without vsing any perswasion to him of reuenge. For a Kings giuing of any fault the dew stile, inferres no reduction of the faulters pardon. No, I am by a degree nearer of kinne vnto my mother then he is, neither thinke I my selfe, either that vn­worthie, or that neere my end, that I neede to make such a Dauidicall testament; since I haue euer thought it the dewtie of a worthie Prince, rather with a pike, then a penne, to write his iust reuenge: But in this matter I haue no delite to be large, wishing all men to iudge of my future proiects, according to my by-past actions.

Thus hauing as much insisted in the clearing of these two points, as will (I hope) giue sufficient satisfaction to all honest men, and leauing the enuious to the foode of their owne venome; I will heartily pray thee, louing Reader, charitably to conceiue of my honest intention in this Booke. I know the greatest part of the people of this whole Isle, haue beene very curious for a sight thereof: some for the loue they beare me, either being particularly acquainted with me, or by a good report that perhappes they haue heard of me; and therefore longed to see any thing, that proceeded from that authour whom they so loued and honoured; since bookes are viue Idees of the authours minde. Some onely for meere curiositie, that thinke it their honour to know all new things, were curious to glut their eyes therewith, onely that they might vaunt them to haue seene it: and some fraughted with causlesse enuie at the Authour, did gree­dily search out the booke, thinking their stomacke jit ynough, for turning neuer so wholesome foode into noysome and infectiue bumours: So as this their great concur­rence in curiofitie (though proceeding from farre different complexions) hath enfor­ced the vn-timous divulgating of this Booke, farre contrarie to my intention, as I haue alreadie said. To which Hydra of diuersly-enclined spectatours, I haue no targe to oppone but plainenesse, patience, and sinceritie: plainenesse, for resoluing and satis­fying of the first sort; patience, for to beare with the shallownesse of the next; and sin­ceritie, to defie the malice of the third with-all. Though I cannot please all men there­in, I am contented, so that Ionely please the vertuous sort: and though they also finde not euery thing therein, so fully to answere their expectation, as the argument would seeme to require; although I would wish them modestly to remember, that God hes not bestowed all his gifts vpon one, but parted them by a iustice distributiue; and that many eyes see more then one; and that the varietie of mens mindes is such, that tot capita totsensus; yea, and that euen the very faces, that God hath by nature brought foorth in the world, doe euery one in some of their particular lineaments, differ from [Page 146]any other: yet in trewth it was not my intention in handling of this purpose (as it is easie to perceiue) fully to set downe heere all such grounds, as might out of the best wri­ters haue beene alledged, and out of my owne inuention and experience added, for the perfite institution of a King: but onely to giue some such precepts to my owne Sonne, for the gouernement of this kingdome, as was meetest for him to be instructed in, and best became me to be the informer of.

If I in this Booke haue beene too particularly plaine, impute it to the necessitie of the subiect, not so much being ordained for the institution of a Prince in generall, as I haue said, as containing particular precepts to my Sonne in speciall: whereof he could haue made but a generall vse, if they had not contained the particular diseases of this kingdome, with the best remedies for the same, which it became me best as a King, ha­uing learned both the theoricke and practicke thereof, more plainely to expresse, then any simple schoole man, that onely knowes matters of kingdomes by contemplation.

But if in some places it seeme too obscure, impute it to the shortnesse thereof, being both for the respect of my selfe, and of my Sonne, constrained there-unto: my owne re­spect, for fault of leasure, being so continually occupied in the affaires of my office, as my great burthen, and restlesse fashery is more then knowen, to all that knowes or beares of me: for my Sonnes respect, because I know by my self, that a Prince so long as he is young, wil be so caried away with some sort of delight or other, that he cannot pa­tiently abide the reading of any large volume: and when he comes to a ful maturity of aage, he must be so busied in the actiue part of his charge, as he will not be permitted to bestow many houres vpon the cōtemplatiue part therof: So as it was neither fit for him, nor possible for me, to haue made this Treatise any more ample then it is. Indeed I am li­tle beholden to the curiositie of some, who thinking it too large alreadie (as appears) for lacke of leisure to copy it, drew some notes out of it, for speeds sake; putting in the one halfe of the purpose, and leauing out the other: not vnlike the man that alledged that part of the Psalme, non est Deus, but left out the praeceeding words, Dixit insipi­ens in corde suo. And of these notes, making a little pamphlet (lacking both my methode and halfe of my matter) entituled it, forsooth, the Kings Testament, as if I had eiked a third Testament of my owne to the two that are in the holy Scriptures. It is trew that in a place thereof, for affirmation of the purpose I am speaking of to my Sonne, I bring my selfe in there, as speaking vpon my Testament: for in that sense, euery record in write of a mans opinion in anything (in respect that papers out-liue their authours) is as it were a Testament of that mans will in that case: and in that sense it is, that in that place I call this Treatise a Testament. But from any particu­lar sentence in a booke, to giue the booke it selfe a title, is as ridiculous, as to style the booke of the Psalmes, the booke of Dixit insipiens, because with these wordes one of them doeth begin.

Well, leauing these new baptizers and blockers of other mens books, to their owne follies, Ireturne to my purpose, anent the shortnesse of this booke, suspecting that all my excuses for the shortnesse thereof, shall not satisfie some, especially in our neigh­bour countrey: who thought, that as I haue so narrowly in this Treatise touched all the principall sicknesses in our kingdome, with ouertures for the remedies thereof, as I said before: so looked they to haue found something therein, that should haue touched the sicknesses of their state, in the like sort. But they will easily excuse me thereof, if they [Page 147]will consider the forme I haue vsed in this Treatise; wherein I onely teach my Son, out of my owne experience, what forme of gouernment is fittest for this kingdome: and in one part thereof speaking of the borders, I plainely there doe excuse my selfe, that I will speake nothing of the state of England, as a matter wherein I neuer had experience. I know indeed, no kingdome lackes her owne diseases, and likewise what interest I haue in the prosperitie of that state: for although I would be silent, my blood and discent doeth sufficiently proclaime it. But notwithstanding, since there is a law­full Queene there presently reigning, who hath so long with so great wisedome and fe­licitie gouerned her kingdomes, as (I must in trew sinceritie confesse) the like hath not beene read nor heard of, either in our time, or since the dayes of the Romane Empe­rour Augustus; it could no wayes become me, farre inferiour to her in knowledge and experience, to be a busie-body in other princes matters, and to fish in other folkes waters, as the prouerbe is: No, I hope by the contrary (with Gods grace) euer to keepe that Christian rule, To doe as I would be done to: and I doubt nothing, yea euen in her name I dare promise, by the bypast experience of her happy gouernment, as I haue already said, that no good subiect shall be more carefull to enforme her of any corruptions stollen in in her state, then shee shall be zealous for the discharge of her conscience and honour, to see the same purged, and restored to the ancient integritie; and further during her time, becomes me least of any to meddle in.

And thus hauing resolued all the doubts, so farre as I can imagine, may be moued against this Treatise; it onely rests to pray thee (charitable Reader) to interprete fauourably this birth of mine, according to the integritie of the author, and not looking for perfection in the worke it selfe. As for my part, I onely glory thereof in this point, that I trust no sort of vertue is condemned, nor any degree of vice allowed in it: and that (though it be not perhaps so gorgeously decked, and richly attired as it ought to be) it is at the least rightly proportioned in all the members, without any menstrous deformitie in any of them: and specially that since it was first written in secret, and is now published, not of ambition, but of a kinde of necessitie; it must be taken of all men, for the trew image of my very minde, and forme of the rule, which I haue pre­scribed to my selfe and mine; Which as in all my actions I haue bitherto preassed to expresse, so farre as the nature of my charge, and the condition of time would permit me: so beareth it a discouery of that which may be looked for at my hand, and where­to euen in my secret thoughts, I haue engaged my selfe for the time to come. And thus in a firme trust, that it shall please God, who with my being and Crowne, gaue me this minde, to maintaine and augment the same in me and my posteritie, to the dis­charge of our conscience, the maintenance of our Honour, and weale of our people, I bid thee heartily farewell.

OF A KINGS CHRISTIAN DVETIE TO WARDS GOD.
THE FIRST BOOKE.

AS he cannot be thought worthy to rule and command others, that cannot rule and dan­tone his owne proper affections and vnrea­sonable appetites, so can hee not be thought worthie to gouerne a Christian people, The trew ground of good gouern­ment. knowing and fearing God, that in his owne person and heart, feareth not and loueth not the Diuine Maiestie. Neither can any thing in his gouernment succeed well with him, (deuise and labour as he list) as comming from a filthie spring, if his person be vnsanctified: for (as that royal Prophet saith) Except the Lord build the house, Psal. 127 1. they labour in vaine that build it: except the Lord keepe the City, the keepers watch it in vaine: in respect the blessing of God hath onely power to giue the successe thereunto: and as Paul saith, he planteth, 1. Cor. 3.6. Apollos watereth; but it is God onely that giueth the increase. There­fore (my Sonne) first of all things, learne to know and loue that God, whom-to ye haue a double obligation; Double bond of a Prince to God. first, for that he made you a man; and next, for that he made you a little GOD to sit on his Throne, and rule ouer other men. Remember, that as in dignitie hee hath erected you a­boue others, so ought ye in thankfulnesse towards him, goe as farre beyond all others. A moate in anothers eye, is a beame into yours: a blemish in another, is a leprouse byle into you: and a veniall sinne (as the Papists call it) in another, is a great crime into you. Thinke not therefore, that the highnesse of your dignitie, The great­nesse of the fault of a Prince. dimmisheth your faults (much lesse giueth you a licence to sinne) but by the contrary your fault shall be aggrauated, ac­cording to the height of your dignitie; any sinne that ye commit, not be­ing a single sinne procuring but the fall of one; but being an exemplare [Page 149]sinne, and therefore drawing with it the whole multitude to be guiltie of the same. Remember then, that this glistering worldly glorie of Kings, The trew glo­rie of Kings. is giuen them by God, to teach them to preasse so to glister and shine before their people, in all workes of sanctification and righteousnesse, that their persons as bright lampes of godlinesse and vertue, may, going in and out before their people, giue light to all their steps. Remember also, that by the right knowledge, and feare of God (which is the beginning of Wisedome, Prou 9.10. as Salomon saith) ye shall know all the things necessarie for the discharge of your duetie, both as a Christian, and as a King; seeing in him, as in a mir­rour, the course of all earthly things, whereof hee is the spring and onely moouer.

Now, the onely way to bring you to this knowledge, The meanes to know God. is diligently to reade his word, and earnestly to pray for the right vnderstanding thereof. Search the Scriptures, sayth Christ, for they beare testimonie of me: and, Iohn 5.39. the whole Scripture, saith Paul, is giuen by inspiration of God, and is profitable to teach, 2. Tim. 3.16.17. to conuince, to correct, and to instruct in righteousnesse; that the man of God may be absolute, being made perfite vnto all good workes. And most properly of any o­ther, belongeth the reading thereof vnto Kings, Deut. 17. since in that part of Scrip­ture, where the godly Kings are first made mention of, that were ordained to rule ouer the people of God, there is an expresse and most notable ex­hortation and commandement giuen them, to reade and meditate in the Law of God. I ioyne to this, the carefull hearing of the doctrine with at­tendance and reuerence: for, faith commeth by hearing, Rom. 10.17. sayth the same Apo­stle. But aboue all, beware ye wrest not the word to your owne appe­tite, as ouer many doe, making it like a bell to sound as ye please to inter­prete: but by the contrary, frame all your affections, to follow precisely the rule there set downe.

The whole Scripture chiefly containeth two things: a command, Wherein chiefely the whole Scrip­ture consi­steth. and a prohibition, to doe such things, and to abstaine from the contrary. Obey in both; neither thinke it enough to abstaine from euill, and do no good; nor thinke not that if yee doe many good things, it may serue you for a cloake to mixe euill turnes therewith. And as in these two points, the whole Scripture principally consisteth, Two degrees of the seruice of God. so in two degrees standeth the whole seruice of God by man: interiour, or vpward; exteriour, or down­ward: the first, by prayer in faith towards God; the next, by workes flow­ing therefra before the world: which is nothing else, but the exercise of Religion towards God, and of equitie towards your neighbour.

As for the particular points of Religion, I need not to dilate them; I am no hypocrite, follow my footsteps, A regardable paterne. and your owne present education therein. I thanke God, I was neuer ashamed to giue account of my pro­fession, howsoeuer the malicious lying tongues of some haue traduced me: and if my conscience had not resolued me, that all my Religion pre­sently professed by me and my kingdome, was grounded vpon the plaine wordes of the Scripture, without the which all points of Religion are [Page 150]superfluous, as any thing contrary to the same is abomination, I had neuer outwardly auowed it, for pleasure or awe of any flesh.

And as for the points of equitie towards your neigbour (because that will fall in properly, vpon the second part concerning a Kings office) I leaue it to the owne roume.

For the first part then of mans seruice to his God, Religion. which is Religion, that is, the worship of God according to his reuealed will, it is wholly grounded vpon the Scripture, as I haue alreadie said, quickened by faith, and conserued by conscience: For the Scripture, I haue now spoken of it in generall, but that yee may the more readily make choice of any part thereof, for your instruction or comfort, remember shortly this me­thode.

The whole Scripture is dyted by Gods Spirit, The methode of Scripture. thereby, as by his liuely word, to instruct and rule the whole Church militant to the end of the word: It is composed of two parts, the Olde and New Testament: The ground of the former is the Lawe, which sheweth our sinne, and contai­neth iustice: the ground of the other is Christ, who pardoning sinne con­taineth grace. The summe of the Law is the tenne Commandements, more largely delated in the bookes of Moses, Of the Law. interpreted and applied by the Pro­phets; and by the histories, are the examples shewed of obedience or diso­bedience thereto, and what praemium or poena was accordingly giuen by God: But because no man was able to keepe the Law, nor any part thereof, it pleased God of his infinite wisedome and goodnesse, to incarnate his on­ly Sonne in our nature, for satisfaction of his iustice in his suffering for vs; that since we could not be saued by doing, we might at least, bee saued by beleeuing.

The ground therefore of the word of grace, Of Grace. is contained in the foure hi­stories of the birth, life, death, resurrection and ascention of Christ: The larger interpretation and vse thereof, is contained in the Epistles of the A­postles: and the practise in the faithfull or vnfaithfull, with the historie of the infancie and first progresse of the Church is contained in their Actes.

Would ye then know your sinne by the Lawe? Vse of the Law. reade the bookes of Mo­ses containing it. Would ye haue a commentarie thereupon? Reade the Prophets, and likewise the bookes of the Prouerbes and Ecclesiastes, written by that great patterne of wisedome Salomon; which will not only serue you for instruction, how to walke in the obedience of the Lawe of God, but is also so full of golden sentences, and morall precepts, in all things that can concerne your conuersation in the world, as among all the prophane Phi­losophers and Poets, ye shall not finde so rich a storehouse of precepts of naturall wisedome, agreeing with the will and diuine wisedome of God. Would ye see how good men are rewarded, and wicked punished? looke the historicall parts of these same bookes of Moses, together with the histo­ries of Ioshua, the Iudges, Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther, and Iob: but especially the bookes of the Kings and Chronicles, wherewith ye ought to bee familiarly [Page 151]acquainted: for there shall yee see your selfe, as in a myrrour, in the cata­logue either of the good or the euill Kings.

Would yee know the doctrine, life, and death of our Sauiour Christ? Vse of the Gospel. reade the Euangelists. Would ye bee more particularly trained vp in his Schoole? meditate vpon the Epistles of the Apostles. And would ye be ac­quainted with the practises of that doctrine in the persons of the primitiue Church? Cast vp the Apostles Actes. And as to the Apocryphe bookes, I omit them, because I am no Papist, as I said before; and indeed some of them are no wayes like the dytement of the Spirit of God.

But when ye reade the Scripture, How to reade the Scripture. reade it with a sanctified and chaste heart: admire reuerently such obscure places as ye vnderstand not, blaming onely your owne capacitie: read with delight the plaine places, and studie carefully to vnderstand those that are somewhat difficile: preasse to bee a good textuarie; for the Scripture is euer the best interpreter of it selfe; but preasse not curiously to seeke out farther then is contained therein; for that were ouer vnmannerly a presumption, to striue to bee further vpon Gods secrets, then he hath will ye be; for what hee thought needfull for vs to know, that hath he reuealed there: And delyte most in reading such parts of the Scripture, as may best serue for your instruction in your calling; re­iecting foolish curiosities vpon genealogies and contentions, Tit. 3.9. which are but vaine, and profite not, as Paul saith.

Now, as to Faith, which is the nourisher and quickner of Religion, Faith the nou­risher of Reli­gion. as I haue alreadie said, It is a sure perswasion and apprehension of the promises of God, applying them to your soule: and therefore may it iustly be called, the golden chaine that linketh the faithfull soule to Christ: And because it groweth not in our garden, but is the free gift of God, Philip. 1.29. as the same Apostle saith, it must be nourished by prayer, Which is nothing else, but a friendly talking with God.

As for teaching you the forme of your prayers, Prayer, and whence to learne the best forme thereof. the Psalmes of Dauid are the meetest schoole-master that ye can be acquainted with (next the prayer of our Sauiour, which is the onely rule of prayer) whereout of, as of most rich and pure fountaines, ye may learne all forme of prayer necessarie for your comfort at all occasions: And so much the fitter are they for you, then for the common sort, in respect the composer thereof was a King: and therefore best behoued to know a Kings wants, and what things were meetest to be required by a King at Gods hand for remedie thereof.

Vse often to pray when ye are quietest, Seuerall ex­ercise of pray­er. especially forget it not in your bed how oft soeuer ye doe it at other times: for publike prayer serueth as much for example, as for any particular comfort to the supplicant.

In your prayer, bee neither ouer strange with God, What rule or regard to be vsed in prayer. like the ignorant common sort, that prayeth nothing but out of bookes, nor yet ouer home­ly with him, like some of the vaine Pharisaicall puritanes, that thinke they rule him vpon their fingers: The former way will breede an vncouth coldnesse in you towards him, the other will breede in you a contempt of [Page 152]him. But in your prayer to God speake with all reuerence: for if a subiect will not speake but reuerently to a King, much lesse should any flesh pre­sume to talke with God as with his companion.

Craue in your prayer, not onely things spirituall, but also things tempo­rall, What to craue of God. sometimes of greater, and sometimes of lesse consequence; that yee may lay vp in store his grant of these things, for confirmation of your faith, and to be an arles-peny vnto you of his loue. Pray, as yee finde your heart moueth you, pro re nata: but see that yee sute no vnlawfull things, as re­uenge, Rom. 14.23. lust, or such like: for that prayer can not come of faith: and whatsoe­uer is done without faith, is sinne, as the Apostle saith.

When ye obtaine your prayer, How to inter­pret the issue of prayer. thanke him ioyfully therefore: if other­waies, beare patiently, preassing to winne him with importunitie, as the widow did the vnrighteous Iudge: and if notwithstanding thereof yee be not heard, assure your selfe, God foreseeth that which yee aske is not for your weale: and learne in time, so to interprete all the aduersities that God shall send vnto you; so shall yee in the middest of them, not onely be armed with patience, but ioyfully lift vp your eyes from the present trouble, to the happie end that God will turne it to. And when ye finde it once so fall out by proofe, arme your selfe with the experience thereof against the next trouble, assuring your selfe, though yee cannot in time of the showre see through the cloude, yet in the end shall ye find, God sent it for your weale, as ye found in the former.

And as for conscience, Conscience the conseruer of Religion. which I called the conseruer of Religion, It is nothing else, but the light of knowledge that God hath planted in man, which euer watching ouer all his actions, as it beareth him a ioyfull testi­monie when he does right, so choppeth it him with a feeling that hee hath done wrong, when euer he committeth any sinne. And surely, although this conscience be a great torture to the wicked, yet is it as great a comfort to the godly, if we will consider it rightly. For haue wee not a great ad­uantage, that haue within our selues while wee liue here, a Count-booke and Inuentarie of all the crimes that wee shall bee accused of, The inuenta­rie of our life. either at the houre of our death, or at the Great day of Iudgement; which when wee please (yea though we forget) will chop, and remember vs to looke vpon it; that while we haue leasure and are here, we may remember to amend; and so at the day of our triall, compeare with new and white garments washed in the blood of the Lambe, Reu 7.14. as S. Iohn saith. Aboue all then, my Sonne, labour to keepe sound this conscience, which many prattle of, but ouer few feele: especially be carefull to keepe it free from two diseases, wherewith it vseth oft to be infected; The diseases of conscience. to wit, Leaprosie, and Superstition: the former is the mother of Atheisme, the other of Heresies. By a leaprouse conscience, I meane a cauterized conscience, 1. Tim. 4.2. as Paul calleth it, being become senselesse of sinne, through sleeping in a carelesse securitie, as King Dauids was after his murther and adulterie, euer til he was wakened by the Prophet Nathans si­militude. And by superstition, I meane, when one restraines himselfe to any [Page 153]other rule in the seruice of God, then is warranted by the word, the onely trew square of Gods serucie.

As for a preseruatiue against this Leaprosie, Preseruatiue against lepro­sie of consci­ence. remember euer once in the foure and twentie houres, either in the night, or when yee are at greatest quiet, to call your selfe to account of all your last dayes actions, either wherein ye haue committed things yee should not, or omitted the things ye should doe, either in your Christian or Kingly calling: and in that ac­count, let not your selfe be smoothed ouer with that flattering [...], which is ouerkindly a sicknesse to all mankind: but censure your selfe as sharply, as if ye were your owne enemie: For if ye iudge your selfe, ye shall not be iudged, 1. Cor. 11.31. as the Apostle saith: and then according to your censure, reforme your actions as farre as yee may, eschewing euer wilfully and wittingly to con­trare your conscience: For a small sinne wilfully committed, with a deliberate resolution to breake the bridle of conscience therein, is farre more grieuous before God, then a greater sinne committed in a suddaine passion, when conscience is asleepe. Last account. Remember therefore in all your acti­ons, of the great account that yee are one day to make: in all the dayes of your life, euer learning to die, and liuing euery day as it were your last; ‘Omnem crede diem tibi diluxisse supremum.’ Horat. lib. 1. Epist.

And therefore, I would not haue you to pray with the Papists, to be pre­serued from suddaine death, but that God would giue you grace so to liue, as ye may euery houre of your life be ready for death: so shall ye attaine to the vertue of trew fortitude, neuer being afraid for the horrour of death, Trew forti­tude. come when he list: And especially, beware to offend your conscience with vse of swearing or lying, suppose but in iest; for others are but an vse, Foolish vse of oathes. and a sinne cloathed with no delight nor gaine, and therefore the more inexcu­sable euen in the sight of men: and lying commeth also much of a vile vse, which banisheth shame: Therfore beware euen to deny the trewth, which is a sort of lie, that may best be eschewed by a person of your ranke. For if any thing be asked at you that yee thinke not meete to reueale, if yee say, that question is not pertinent for them to aske, who dare examine you further? and vsing sometimes this answere both in trew and false things that shall be asked at you, such vnmanerly people will neuer be the wiser thereof.

And for keeping your conscience sound from that sickenesse of super­stition, Against super­stition. yee must neither lay the safetie of your conscience vpon the credit of your owne conceits, nor yet of other mens humors, how great doctors of Diuinitie that euer they be; but yee must onely ground it vpon the ex­presse Scripture: for conscience not grounded vpon sure knowledge, is ei­ther an ignorant fantasie, or an arrogant vanitie. Beware therefore in this case with two extremities: the one, to beleeue with the Papists, the Chur­ches authority, better then your owne knowledge; the other, to leane with the Anabaptists, to your owne conceits and dreamed reuelations.

But learne wisely to discerne betwixt points of saluation and indifferent [Page 154]things, Difference of internall and externall things. betwixt substance and ceremonies; and betwixt the expresse com­mandement and will of God in his word, and the inuention or ordinance of man; since all that is necessarie for saluation is contained in the Scrip­ture: For in any thing that is expressely commanded or prohibited in the booke of God, ye cannot be ouer precise, euen in the least thing; counting euery sinne, not according to the light estimation and common vse of it in the world, but as the booke of God counteth of it. But as for all other things not contained in the Scripture, spare not to vse or alter them, as the necessitie of the time shall require. Account of things exter­nall. And when any of the spirituall office­bearers in the Church, speake vnto you any thing that is well warranted by the word, reuerence and obey them as the heraulds of the most high God: but, if passing that bounds, they vrge you to embrace any of their fantasies in the place of Gods word, or would colour their particulars with a pretended zeale, acknowledge them for no other then vaine men, excee­ding the bounds of their calling; and according to your office, grauely and with authoritie redact them in order againe.

To conclude then, Conclusion. both this purpose of conscience, and the first part of this booke, keepe God more sparingly in your mouth, but abundantly in your heart: be precise in effect, but sociall in shew: kythe more by your deedes then by your wordes, the loue of vertue and hatred of vice: and delight more to be godly and vertuous indeed, then to be thought and cal­led so; expecting more for your praise and reward in heauen, then heere: and apply to all your outward actions Christs command, to pray and giue your almes secretly: So shal ye on the one part be inwardly garnished with trew Christian humilitie, not outwardly (with the proud Pharisie) glory­ing in your godlinesse; but saying, as Christ commandeth vs all, when we haue done all that we can, Luke 10.17. Inutiles serui sumus: And on the other part, yee shall eschew outwardly before the world, the suspition of filthie proude hypocrisie, and deceit­full dissimulation.

OF A KINGS DVETIE IN HIS OFFICE.
THE SECOND BOOKE.

BVT as ye are clothed with two callings, so must ye be alike careful for the discharge of them both: that as yee are a good Christian, so yee may be a good King, discharging your Office (as I shewed before) in the points of Iustice and Equitie: The Office of a King. which in two sundrie waies ye must doe: the one, in establishing and executing, Plato in Polit. (which is the life of the Law) good Lawes among your people: Isocr, in Sym. the other, by your behauiour in your owne person, and with your seruants, to teach your people by your example: for people are naturally inclined to counterfaite (like apes) their Princes maners, Plate in Polis. ac­cording to the notable saying of Plato, expressed by the Poet —

— Componitur orbis
Regis ad exemplum, nec sic inflectere sensus
Humanos edicta valent, quàm vitaregentis.

Claudian in 4. cons. Hon.

For the part of making, and executing of Lawes, consider first the trew difference betwixt a lawfull good King, and an vsurping Tyran, and yee shall the more easily vnderstand your duetie herein: Difference of a King and a Tyran. for contraria iuxta se po­sita magis elucescunt. The one acknowledgeth himselfe ordained for his people, hauing receiued from God a burthen of gouernment, Plato in Polit. whereof he must be countable: the other thinketh his people ordined for him, Arist. 5. Polit. a prey to his passions and inordinate appetites, as the fruites of his magnanimitie: And therefore, as their ends are directly contrarie, so are their whole acti­ons, as meanes, whereby they preasse to attaine to their endes. A good King, thinking his highest honour to consist in the due discharge of his calling, emploieth all his studie and paines, to procure and maintaine, Xen. 8. Cyr. by the making and execution of good Lawes, the well-fare and peace of his people; and as their naturall father and kindly Master, Cic. lib. 5. de Rep. thinketh his grea­test contentment standeth in their prosperitie, and his greatest suretie in ha­uing their hearts, subiecting his owne priuate affections and appetites to the weale and standing of his Subiects, euer thinking the common in­teresse his chiefest particular: where by the contrarie, an vsurping Tyran, [Page 156]thinking his greatest honour and felicitie to consist in attaining per fas, vel nefas, Arist. 5. Polit. Tacit. 4. hist. to his ambitious pretences, thinketh neuer himselfe sure, but by the dissention and factions among his people, and counterfaiting the Saint while he once creepe in credite, will then (by inuerting all good Lawes to serue onely for his vnrulie priuate affections) frame the common-weale euer to aduance his particular: building his suretie vpon his peoples mise­rie: and in the end (as a step-father and an vncouth hireling) make vp his owne hand vpon the ruines of the Republicke. And according to their actions, The issue and rewards of a good King. so receiue they their reward: For a good King (after a happie and famous reigne) dieth in peace, lamented by his subiects, and admired by his neighbours; and leauing a reuerent renowne behinde him in earth, ob­taineth the Crowne of eternall felicitie in heauen. Cic. 6. de Rep. And although some of them (which falleth out very rarelie) may be cut off by the treason of some vnnaturall subiects, yet liueth their fame after them, and some notable plague faileth neuer to ouertake the committers in this life, besides their infamie to all posterities hereafter: The issue of Tyrans, Arist. 5. Polit. Where by the contrarie, a Tyrannes mi­serable and infamous life, armeth in end his owne Subiects to become his burreaux: Isocr in Sym. and although that rebellion be euer vnlawfull on their part, yet is the world so wearied of him, that his fall is little meaned by the rest of his Subiects, and but smiled at by his neighbours. And besides the infa­mous memorie he leaueth behind him here, and the endlesse paine hee su­staineth hereafter, it oft falleth out, that the committers not onely escape vnpunished, but farther, the fact will remaine as allowed by the Law in di­uers aages thereafter. It is easie then for you (my Sonne) to make a choise of one of these two sorts of rulers, by following the way of vertue to esta­blish your standing; yea, incase ye fell in the high way, yet should it be with the honourable report, and iust regrate of all honest men.

And therefore to returne to my purpose anent the gouernement of your Subiects, Anent the making of Lawes. by making and putting good Lawes to execution; I remit the making of them to your owne discretion, as ye shall finde the necessi­tie of new-rising corruptions to require them: for, ex malis moribus bonae leges natae sunt: besides, that in this countrey, wee haue alreadie moe good Lawes then are well execute, and am onely to insist in your forme of go­uernment anent their execution. Onely remember, that as Parliaments haue bene ordained for making of Lawes, so ye abuse not their institution, in holding them for any mens particulars: The autho­ritie and trew vse of Parlia­ments. For as a Parliament is the ho­nourablest and highest iudgement in the land (as being the Kings head Court) if it be well vsed, which is by making of good Lawes in it; so is it the in-iustest Iudgement-seat that may be, L. 12. Tab. being abused to mens particu­lars: irreuocable decreits against particular parties, being giuen therein vn­der colour of generall Lawes, and oft-times th'Estates not knowing them­selues whom thereby they hurt. And therefore hold no Parliaments, but for necessitie of new Lawes, which would be but seldome: for few Lawes and well put in execution, are best in a well ruled common-weale. As for [Page 157]the matter of fore-faltures, which also are done in Parliament, it is not good tigging with these things; but my aduice is, Cic. 3 de leg. pro D. s. & pro Sest. ye fore-fault none but for such odious crimes as may make them vnworthie euer to be restored a­gaine: And for smaller offences, ye haue other penalties sharpe enough to be vsed against them.

And as for the execution of good Lawes, whereat I left, Anent the ex­ecution of Lawes. remember that among the differences that I put betwixt the formes of the gouernment of a good King, and an vsurping Tyran; I shew how a Tyran would enter like a Saint while he found himselfe fast vnder-foot, and then would suffer his vnrulie affections to burst foorth. A iust seneri­tic to be vsed at the first. Sen. de cl. Ar. 7. pol. Therefore be yee contrare at your first entrie to your Kingdome, to that Quinquennium Neronis, with his ten­der hearted wish, Vellem nescirem literas, in giuing the Law full execution a­gainst all breakers thereof but exception. For since ye come not to your reigne precariò, nor by conquest, but by right and due discent; feare no vp­roares for doing of iustice, since ye may assure your selfe, Plato 2. & 10 de Repub. Cic. ad Q. fr. the most part of your people will euer naturally fauour Iustice: prouiding alwaies, that ye doe it onely for loue to Iustice, and not for satisfying any particular pas­sions of yours, vnder colour thereof: otherwise, how iustly that euer the offender deserue it, ye are guiltie of murther before God: For ye must con­sider, that God euer looketh to your inward intention in all your actions.

And when yee haue by the seueritie of Iustice once setled your coun­tries, and made them know that ye can strike, A good mix­ture. Plato in Pol. & 9. de L. Sal. orat. ad Caesar. then may ye thereafter all the daies of your life mixe Iustice with Mercie, punishing or sparing, as ye shall finde the crime to haue bene wilfully or rashly committed, and according to the by-past behauiour of the committer. For if otherwise ye kyth your clemencie at the first, the offences would soone come to such heapes, and the contempt of you grow so great, that when ye would fall to punish, the number of them to be punished, would exceed the innocent; and yee would be troubled to resolue whom-at to begin: and against your nature would be compelled then to wracke many, whom the chastisement of few in the beginning might haue preserued. But in this, A deare pre­sident. But in this, my ouer-deare bought experience may serue you for a sufficient lesson: For I confesse, where I thought (by being gracious at the beginning) to win all mens hearts to a louing and willing obedience, I by the contrary found, the dis­order of the countrie, and the losse of my thankes to be all my reward.

But as this seuere Iustice of yours vpon all offences would bee but for a time, (as I haue alreadie said) so is there some horrible crimes that yee are bound in conscience neuer to forgiue: such as Witch-craft, Crimes vn­pardonable. wilfull mur­ther, Incest, (especially within the degrees of consanguinitie) Sodomie, poi­soning, and false coine. Treason a­gainst the Prince his person, or au­thoritie. As for offences against your owne person and au­thoritie, since the fault concerneth your selfe, I remit to your owne choise to punish or pardon therein, as your heart serueth you, and according to the circumstances of the turne, and the qualitie of the committer.

Here would I also eike another crime to bee vnpardonable, if I should [Page 158]not be thought partiall: but the fatherly loue I beare you, will make mee breake the bounds of shame in opening it vnto you. Stayning of the blood. It is then, the false and vnreuerent writing or speaking of malicious men against your Parents and Predecessors: Exod. 20.12. ye know the command in Gods lawe, Honour your Father and Mother: and consequently, sen ye are the lawful magistrate, suffer not both your Princes and your Parents to be dishonoured by any; especially, sith the example also toucheth your selfe, Plat. 4. de Legib. in leauing thereby to your successors, the measure of that which they shal mete out againe to you in your like be­halfe. I graunt wee haue all our faults, which, priuately betwixt you and God, should serue you for examples to meditate vpon, and mend in your person; but should not be a matter of discourse to others whatsoeuer. And sith yeare come of as honourable Predecessours as any Prince liuing, re­presse the insolence of such, as vnder pretence to taxe a vice in the person, seeke craftily to staine the race, and to steale the affection of the people from their posteritie: For how can they loue you, that hated them whom­of ye are come? Wherefore destroy men innocent young sucking Wolues and Foxes, but for the hatred they beare to their race? and why wil a coult of a Courser of Naples, giue a greater price in a market, then an Asse-colt, but for loue of the race? It is therefore a thing monstrous, to see a man loue the childe, and hate the Parents: as on the other part, the infaming and making odious of the parent, is the readiest way to bring the sonne in con­tempt. And for conclusion of this point, I may also alledge my owne ex­perience: For besides the iudgments of God, that with my eyes I haue seene fall vpon all them that were chiefe traitours to my parents, I may iustly af­firme, I neuer found yet a constant biding by me in all my straites, by any that were of perfite aage in my parents dayes, but onely by such as con­stantly bode by them; I meane specially by them that serued the Queene my mother for so that I discharge my conscience to you, my Sonne, in re­uealing to you the trewth, I care not, what any traitour or treason-allower thinke of it.

And although the crime of oppression be not in this ranke of vnpardo­nable crimes, Of oppres­sion. yet the ouer-common vse of it in this nation, as if it were a vertue, especially by the greatest ranke of subiects in the land, requireth the King to be a sharpe censurer thereof. Arist. 5. polit. Isocr. de reg. Cic. in Of. & ad Q. fr. Be diligent therefore to trie, and aw­full to beate downe the hornes of proud oppressours: embrace the quar­rell of the poore and distressed, as your owne particular, thinking it your greatest honour to represse the oppressours: The trew glo­rie of Kings. care for the pleasure of none, neither spare ye anie paines in your owne person, to see their wrongs re­dressed: and remember of the honourable stile giuen to my grand-father of worthie memorie, A memorable and worthie patterne. in being called the poore mans King. And as the most part of a Kings office, standeth in deciding that question of Meum and Tuum, among his subiects; so remember when ye sit in iudgement, that the Throne ye sit on is Gods, Deut. 1. as Moyses saith, and sway neither to the right hand nor to the left; either louing the rich, or pittying the poore. Iustice should [Page 159]be blinde and friendlesse: it is not there ye should reward your friends, Plat. in polit. C [...]a. Q. frat. Arist. 1. Ret. Plat. in Is. or seeke to crosse your enemies.

Here now speaking of oppressours and of iustice, the purpose leadeth me to speake of Hie-land and Border oppressions. As for the Hie-lands, Of the Hie­lands. I shortly comprehend them all in two sorts of people: the one, that dwel­leth in our maine land, that are barbarous for the most part, and yet mixed with some shewe of ciuilitie: the other, that dwelleth in the Iles, and are alluterly barbares, without any sort or shew of ciuilitie. For the first sort, put straitly to execution the Lawes made alreadie by me against their O­uer-lords, and the chiefes of their Clannes, and it will be no difficultie to danton them. As for the other sort, follow forth the course that I haue in­tended, in planting Colonies among them of answerable In-lands subiects, that within short time may reforme and ciuilize the best inclined among them; rooting out or transporting the barbarous and stubborne sort, and planting ciuilitie in their roomes.

But as for the Borders, because I know, if ye enioy not this whole Ile, Of the Bor­ders. ac­cording to Gods right and your lineall discent, yee will neuer get leaue to brooke this North and barrennest part thereof; no, not your owne head whereon the Crowne should stand; I neede not in that case trouble you with them: for then they will be the middest of the Ile, and so as easily ru­led as any part thereof.

And that yee may the readier with wisedome and Iustice gouerne your subiects, by knowing what vices they are naturallie most inclined to, A necesiarie point in a good gouern­ment. Plato in polis. as a good Physician, who must first know what peccant humours his Patient naturallie is most subiect vnto, before he can begin his cure: I shall there­fore shortly note vnto you, the principall faults that euery ranke of the peo­ple of this countrey is most affected vnto. And as for England, I will not speake be-gesse of them, neuer hauing been among them, although I hope in that God, who euer fauoureth the right, before I die, to be as well ac­quainted with their fashions.

As the whole Subiects of our countrey (by the ancient and fundamen­tall policie of our Kingdome) are diuided into three estates, A considera­tion of the three estates. so is euerie estate hereof generally subiect to some speciall vices; which in a maner by long habitude, are thought rather vertue then vice among them: not that euerie particular man in any of these rankes of men, is subiect vnto them, for there is good and euill of all sorts; but that I meane, I haue found by experience, these vices to haue taken greatest holde with these rankes of men.

And first, that I prejudge not the Church of her ancient priuiledges, reason would shee should haue the first place for orders sake, in this ca­talogue.

The naturall sickenesse that hath euer troubled, The diseases of the church. and beene the decay of all the Churches, since the beginning of the world, changing the candle­sticke from one to another, as Iohn saith, hath beene Pride, Ambition, and [Page 160]Auarice: and now last, these same infirmities wrought the ouerthrow of the Popish Church, in this countrey and diuers others. But the reforma­tion of Religion in Scotland, being extraordinarily wrought by God, wher­in many things were inordinately done by a popular tumult and rebelli­on, The occasion of the Tribu­nat of some Puritanes. of such as blindly were doing the worke of God, but clogged with their owne passions and particular respects, as well appeared by the destru­ction of our policie, and not proceeding from the Princes order, as it did in our neighbour countrey of England, as likewise in Denmarke, and sundry parts of Germanie; some fierie spirited men in the ministerie, got such a guiding of the people at that time of confusion, as finding the gust of go­uernment sweete, they begouth to fantasie to themselues a Democraticke forme of gouernment: and hauing (by the iniquitie of time) beene ouer­well baited vpon the wracke, first of my Grandmother, and next of mine owne mother, and after vsurping the libertie of the time in my long mino­ritie, Such were the Demagog [...] at Athens. setled themselues so fast vpon that imagined Democracie, as they fed themselues with the hope to become Tribuni plebis: and so in a popular go­uernment by leading the people by the nose, to beare the sway of all the rule. And for this cause, there neuer rose faction in the time of my mino­ritie, Their formes in the State. nor trouble sen-syne, but they that were vpon that factious part, were euer carefull to perswade and allure these vnruly spirits among the mini­sterie, to spouse that quarrell as their owne: where-through I was oft­times calumniated in their populare Sermons, not for any euill or vice in me, but because I was a King, which they thought the highest euill. And because they were ashamed to professe this quarrel, they were busie to look narrowly in all my actions; and I warrant you a mote in my eye, yea a false report, was matter enough for them to worke vpon: and yet for all their cunning, whereby they pretended to distinguish the lawfulnesse of the of­fice, from the vice of the person, some of them would sometimes snapper out well grossely with the trewth of their intentions, informing the peo­ple, Their razing the ground of the princely rule. that all Kings and Princes were naturally enemies to the libertie of the Church, and could neuer patiently beare the yoke of Christ: with such sound doctrine fed they their flockes. And because the learned, graue, and honest men of the ministerie, were euer ashamed and offended with their temeritie and presumption, preassing by all good meanes by their autho­ritie and example, to reduce them to a greater moderation; there could be no way found out so meete in their conceit, that were turbulent spirits a­mong them, for maintaining their plots, as paritie in the Church: where­by the ignorants were emboldened (as bairdes) to crie the learned, Their pre­tence of pa­ratie. godly, and modest out of it: paritie the mother of confusion, and enemie to Vni­tie, which is the mother of order: For if by the example thereof, once established in the Ecclesiasticall gouernment, the Politicke and ciuill estate should be drawen to the like, the great confusion that thereupon would arise may easily be discerned. Take heede therefore (my Sonne) to such Puritanes, verie pestes in the Church and Common-weale, whom no de­serts [Page 161]can oblige, neither oathes or promises binde, An cuill sort of seed-men in the State. breathing nothing but sedition and calumnies, aspiring without measure, railing without reason, and making their owne imaginations (without any warrant of the word) the square of their conscience. I protest before the great God, and since I am here as vpon my Testament, it is no place for me to lie in, that ye shall neuer finde with any Hie-land or Border-theeues greater ingratitude, and moe lies and vile periuries, then with these phanaticke spirits: And suffer not the principals of them to brooke your land, if ye like to sit at rest; ex­cept yee would keepe them for trying your patience, Xantippe. as Socrates did an e­uill wife.

And for preseruatiue against their poison, Preseruatiue against such poison. entertaine and aduance the godly, learned, and modest men of the ministerie, whom-of (God be prai­sed) there lacketh not a sufficient number: and by their prouision to Bisho­prickes and Benefices (annulling that vile acte of Annexation, if ye finde it not done to your hand) yee shall not onely banish their conceited paritie, whereof I haue spoken, and their other imaginarie grounds; Parity incom­patible with a Monarchie. which can neither stand with the order of the Church, nor the peace of a Common­weale and well ruled Monarchie: but ye shall also re-establish the olde in­stitution of three Estates in Parliament, which can no otherwise be done. But in this I hope (if God spare me dayes) to make you a faire entrie, al­wayes where I leaue, follow ye my steps.

And to end my aduice anent the Church estate, Generall ad­uice in be­halfe of the Church. cherish no man more then a good Pastor, hate no man more then a proude Puritane; thinking it one of your fairest styles, to be called a louing nourish-father to the Church, seeing all the Churches within your dominions planted with good Pastors, the Schooles (the seminarie of the Church) maintained, the doctrine and discipline preserued in puritie, according to Gods word, a sufficient prouision for their sustentation, a comely order in their policie, pride punished, humilitie aduanced, and they so to reuerence their supe­riours, and their flockes them, as the flourishing of your Church in pie­tie, peace, and learning, may be one of the chiefe points of your earthly glory, being euer alike ware with both the extremities; as well as yee re­presse the vaine Puritane, so not to suffer proude Papall Bishops: but as some for their qualities will deserue to bee preferred before others, so chaine them with such bondes as may preserue that estate from creeping to corruption.

The next estate now that by order commeth in purpose, according to their rankes in Parliament, is the Nobilitie, although second in ranke, Of the Nobi­litie and their formes. yet ouer farre first in greatnesse and power, either to doe good or euill, as they are inclined.

The naturall sickenesse that I haue perceiued this estate subiect to in my time, hath beene, a fectlesse arrogant conceit of their greatnes and power; drinking in with their very nourish-milke, that their honor stood in com­mitting three points of iniquitie: to thrall by oppression, the meaner sort [Page 162]that dwelleth neere them, to their seruice and following, although they holde nothing of them: to maintaine their seruants and dependers in any wrong, although they be not answerable to the lawes (for any body will maintaine his man in a right cause) and for anie displeasure, that they ap­prehend to be done vnto them by their neighbour, to take vp a plaine feide against him; and (without respect to God, King, or common-weale) to bang it out brauely, hee and all his kinne, against him and all his: yea they will thinke the King farre in their common, in-case they agree to grant an assurance to a short day, for keeping of the peace: where, by their na­turall dewtie, they are oblished to obey the lawe, and keepe the peace all the daies of their life, vpon the perill of their verie craigges.

For remeid to these euils in their estate, Remedie of such euils. Arist. 5. Polit. teach your Nobilitie to keepe your lawes as precisely as the meanest: feare not their orping or beeing discontented, as long as yee rule well; for their pretended reformation of Princes taketh neuer effect, but where euill gouernement precedeth. Ac­quaint your selfe so with all the honest men of your Barrons and Gentle­men, Zeno in Cyr. Iso. in En. Cic. ad Q. fra. and be in your giuing accesse so open and affable to euery ranke of honest persons, as may make them peart without scarring at you, to make their owne suites to you themselues, and not to employ the great Lordes their intercessours; for intercession to Saints is Papistrie: so shall ye bring to a measure their monstrous backes. And for their barbarous feides, put the lawes to due execution made by mee there-anent; beginning euer rathest at him that yee loue best, and is most oblished vnto you; to make him an example to the rest. For yee shall make all your reformations to beginne at your elbow, and so by degrees to flow to the extremities of the land. And rest not, vntill yee roote out these barbarous feides; that their ef­fects may bee as well smoared downe, as their barbarous name is vn­knowen to anie other nation: For if this Treatise were written either in French or Latine, I could not get them named vnto you but by circumlo­cution. And for your easier abolishing of them, put sharpelie to executi­on my lawes made against Gunnes and traiterous Pistolets; thinking in your heart, tearming in your speech, and vsing by your punishments, all such as weare and vse them, as brigands and cut-throates.

On the other part, eschew the other extremitie, in lightlying and con­temning your Nobilitie. Remember howe that errour brake the King my grand-fathers heart. Plat. in 1. Al. in pol. & 5. del. Arist. 2. oecom. But consider that vertue followeth oftest noble blood: the worthinesse of their antecessors craueth a reuerent regard to be had vnto them: honour them therfore that are obedient to the law among them, as Peeres and Fathers of your land: the more frequently that your Court can bee garnished with them; Zen [...] in Cyr. thinke it the more your honour; ac­quainting and employing them in all your greatest affaires; sen it is, they must be your armes and executers of your lawes: and so vse your selfe lo­uinglie to the obedient, and rigorously to the stubborne, as may make the greatest of them to thinke, that the chiefest point of their honour, stan­deth [Page 163]in striuing with the meanest of the land in humilitie towards you, and obedience to your Lawes: beating euer in their eares, that one of the prin­cipall points of seruice that ye craue of them, is, in their persons to practise, and by their power to procure due obedience to the Law, without the which, no seruice they can make, can be agreeable vnto you.

But the greatest hinderance to the execution of our Lawes in this coun­trie, are these heritable Shirefdomes and Regalities, Of Shiref­domes and Regalities. which being in the hands of the great men, do wracke the whole countrie: For which I know no present remedie, but by taking the sharper account of them in their Offices; vsing all punishment against the slouthfull, that the Law will per­mit: and euer as they vaike, for any offences committed by them, Ar. 2. pol. dispone them neuer heritably againe: preassing, with time, Laudable cu­stome of England. to draw it to the lau­dable custome of England: which ye may the easilier doe, being King of both, as I hope in God ye shall.

And as to the third and last estate, The third estate. which is our Burghes (for the small Barrones are but an inferiour part of the Nobilitie and of their estate) they are composed of two sorts of men; Merchants and Craftes-men: either of these sorts being subiect to their owne infirmities.

The Merchants thinke the whole common-weale ordeined for making them vp; and accounting it their lawfull gaine and trade, The formes of Merchants. to enrich them­selues vpon the losse of all the rest of the people, they transport from vs things necessarie; bringing backe sometimes vnnecessary things, and at o­ther times nothing at all. They buy for vs the worst wares, and sell them at the dearest prices: and albeit the victuals fall or rise of their prices, ac­cording to the aboundance or skantnesse thereof; yet the prices of their wares euer rise, but neuerfall: being as constant in that their euill custome, as if it were a setled Law for them. They are also the speciall cause of the corruption of the coyne, transporting all our owne, and bringing in for­raine, vpon what price they please to set on it: For order putting to them, put the good Lawes in execution that are already made anent these abuses; but especially doe three things: Establish honest, diligent, but few Search­ers, for many hands make slight worke; and haue an honest and diligent Thesaurer to take count of them: Pl. 2. de Rep. 8. & 11. de leg. Permit and allure forraine Merchants to trade here: so shall ye haue best and best cheape wares, not buying them at the third hand: And set euery yeere downe a certaine price of all things; considering first, how it is in other countries: and the price being set rea­sonably downe, if the Merchants will not bring them home on the price, cry forrainers free to bring them.

And because I haue made mention here of the coyne, A duice anent the coyne. make your money of fine Gold and Siluer; causing the people be payed with substance, and not abused with number: so shall ye enrich the common-weale, and haue a great treasure laid vp in store, if ye fall in warres or in any straites: For the making it baser, will breed your commoditie; but it is not to bee vsed, but at a great necessitie.

[Page 164]And the Craftes-men thinke, Of craftsmen. Plat. 11. de leg. we should be content with their worke, how bad and deare soeuer it be: and if they in any thing be controlled, vp goeth the blew-blanket: A good poli­cie of En­gland. But for their part, take example by ENGLAND, how it hath flourished both in wealth and policie, since the strangers Craftes-men came in among them: Plat. 9. de leg. Therefore not onely permit, but allure strangers to come heere also; taking as strait order for repressing the mu­tining of ours at them, as was done in ENGLAND, at their first in-brin­ging there.

But vnto one fault is all the common people of this Kingdome sub­iect, A generall fault in the people. as well burgh as land; which is, to iudge and speake rashly of their Prince, Sal. in Iug. setting the Common-weale vpon foure props, as wee call it; euer wearying of the present estate, and desirous of nouelties. For remedie whereof (besides the execution of Lawes that are to be vsed against vnre­uerent speakers) I know no better meane, then so to rule, as may iustly stop their mouthes from all such idle and vnreuerent speeches; and so to prop the weale of your people, with prouident care for their good go­uernment, that iustly, Momus himselfe may haue no ground to grudge at: and yet so to temper and mixe your seueritie with mildnes, that as the vn­iust railers may be restrained with a reuerentawe; so the good and louing Subiects, may not onely liue in suretie and wealth, but be stirred vp and inuited by your benigne courtesies, to open their mouthes in the iust praise of your so well moderated regiment. Arist. 5. pol. Isoc. in paneg. In respect whereof, and therewith also the more to allure them to a common amitie among them­selues, certaine dayes in the yeere would be appointed, for delighting the people with publicke spectacles of all honest games, and exercise of armes: as also for conueening of neighbours, for entertaining friendship and heartlinesse, by honest feasting and merrinesse: For I cannot see what greater superstition can be in making playes and lawfull games in Maie, and good cheere at Christmas, then in eating fish in Lent, and vpon Fri­dayes, the Papists as well vsing the one as the other: so that alwayes the Sabboths be kept holy, and no vnlawfull pastime be vsed: And as this forme of contenting the peoples mindes, hath beene vsed in all well go­uerned Republicks so will it make you to performe in your gouernment that olde good sentence, ‘Omne tulit punctum, Hor. de art. poet. qui miscuit vtile dulci.’

Ye see now (my Sonne) how for the zeale I beare to acquaint you with the plaine and single veritie of all things, I haue not spared to be something Satyricke, in touching well quickly the faults in all the estates of my king­dome: But I protest before God, I doe it with the fatherly loue that I owe to them all; onely hating their vices, whereof there is a good number of honest men free in euery estate.

And because, for the better reformation of all these abuses among your estates, it will be a great helpe vnto you, to be well acquainted with the nature and humours of all your Subiects, and to know particularly the [Page 165]estate of euery part of your dominions; I would therefore counsell you, Plat. in pol. & Min. Tacit. 7. an. Mart. once in the yeere to visite the principall parts of the countrey, ye shal be in for the time: and because I hope ye shall be King of moe countries then this; once in the three yeeres to visite all your Kingdomes; not lipening to Vice-royes, but hearing your selfe their complaints; and hauing ordinarie Councels and iustice-seates in euerie Kingdome, of their owne countrie­men: and the principall matters euer to be decided by your selfe when ye come in those parts.

Ye haue also to consider, Protection from forraine miuries. Xeno. 8. Cyr. Arist. 5 pol. Polib. 6. Dion. Hal. de Romul. that yee must not onely bee carefull to keepe your subiects, from receiuing anie wrong of others within; but also yee must be careful to keepe them from the wrong of any forraine Prince with­out: sen the sword is giuen you by God not onely to reuenge vpon your owne subiects, the wrongs committed amongst themselues; but further, to reuenge and free them of forraine iniuries done vnto them: And therefore warres vpon iust quarrels are lawful: but about all, let not the wrong cause be on your side.

Vse all other Princes, as your brethren, honestly and kindely: What formes to be vsed with other Princes. Isoc. in Plat. & Parag. Keepe precisely your promise vnto them, although to your hurt. Striue with eu [...]r [...]e one of them in courtesie and thankefulnesse: and as with all men, so especially with them, bee plaine and trewthfull; keeping euer that Chri­stian rule, to doe as yee would be done to: especially in counting rebellion a­gainst any other Prince, a crime against your owne selfe, because of the preparatiue. Supplie not therefore, nor trust not other Princes rebels; but pittie and succour all lawfull Princes in their troubles. Arist. ad A. Verr. 11. de V. p. R. Cu. 2. Of. Liu. lib. 4. But if any of them will not abstaine, notwithstanding what-soeuer your good deserts, to wrong you or your subiects, craue redresse at leasure; heare and doe all reason: and if no offer that is lawfull or honourable, can make him to ab­staine, nor repaire his wrong doing; then for last refuge, Liu. lib. 1. Cic. cod. commit the iust­nesse of your cause to God, giuing first honestly vp with him, and in a pub­licke and honourable forme.

But omitting now to teach you the forme of making warres, Of warre. because that arte is largely treated of by many, Prop. 4. Eleg. Lucan. 7. Varro 11. de V. P. R. and is better learned by practise then speculation; I will onely set downe to you heere a few precepts therein. Let first the iustnesse of your cause be your greatest strength; and then omitte not to vse all lawfull meanes for backing of the same. Consult therefore with no Necromancier nor false Prophet, vpon the successe of your warres, remembring on king Saules miserable end: 1. Sam. 31. but keepe your land cleane of all South-sayers, Deut. 18. according to the commaund in the Law of God, dilated by Ieremie. Neither commit your quarrell to bee tried by a Duell: for beside that generally all Duell appeareth to bee vnlawful, committing the quarrell, as it were, to a lot; whereof there is no warrant in the Scripture, since the abrogating of the olde Lawe: it is specially moste vn-lawfull in the person of a King; Plutat. in Sect. & Ant. who being a publicke person hath no power therefore to dispose of himselfe, in respect, that to his pre­seruation [Page 166]or fall, the safetie or wracke of the whole common-weale is ne­cessarily coupled, as the body is to the head.

Before ye take on warre, Luke 14. play the wise Kings part described by Christ; fore-seeing how ye may beare it out with all necessarie prouision: especi­ally remember, Thuc. 2. Sal in lug. Cic. prol. Man. Demost. olyn. 2. Liu. li. 30. Veger 1. Caes. 1. & 3. de [...], ciuil [...]. Proh. in Thras. that money is Neruus belli. Choose old experimented Cap­taines, and yong able souldiers. Be extreamely strait and seuere in martiall Discipline, as well for keeping of order, which is as requisite as hardinesse in the warres, and punishing of slouth, which at a time may put the whole armie in hazard; as likewise for repressing of mutinies, which in warres are wonderfull dangerous. And looke to the Spaniard, whose great successe in all his warres, hath onely come through straitnesse of Discipline and or­der: for such errours may be committed in the warres, as cannot be gotten mended againe.

Be in your owne person walkrife, Caes. 1. de bello ciu. Liu. l. 7. Xen. 1. & 5. C [...]r. & de dis­cip. mi. Xen. in Ages. diligent and painefull; vsing the ad­uice of such as are skilfullest in the craft, as ye must also doe in all other. Be homely with your souldiers as your companions, for winning their hearts; and extreamly liberall, for then is no time of sparing. Be cold and foresee­ing in deuising, constant in your resolutions, and forward and quicke in your executions. Pol. l 5. Fortifie well your Campe, and assaile not rashly without an aduantage: X [...]n. 1. Cyr. Thuc. 5. neither feare not lightly your enemie. Be curious in deui­sing stratagems, but alwayes honestly: for of any thing they worke grea­test effects in the warres, Isoc. ad Phil. Pla. 9. de leg. Liu. l. 22. & 31. Tac. 2. his. Plut. de fort. if secrecie be ioyned to inuention. And once or twise in your owne person hazard your selfe fairely; but, hauing acquired so the fame of courage and magnanimitie, make not a daily souldier of your selfe, exposing rashly your person to euery perill: but conserue your selfe thereafter for the weale of your people, for whose sake yee must more care for your selfe, then for your owne.

And as I haue counselled you to be slow in taking on a warre, Of Peace. so aduise I you to be slow in peace-making. Isocr in Arch. Before ye agree, looke that the ground of your warres be satisfied in your peace; Polib. 3. Cit. 1. Of. & 7. Phil. Tat. 4. his. and that ye see a good suretie for you and your people: otherwaies a honourable and iust warre is more tol­lerable, then a dishonourable and dis-aduantageous peace.

But it is not enough to a good King, by the scepter of good Lawes well execute to gouerne, and by force of armes to protect his people; if he ioyne not therewith his vertuous life in his owne person, and in the person of his Court and company; by good example alluring his Subiects to the loue of vertue, A Kings life must be ex­emplare. Plan pol. & 4. de leg. and hatred of vice. And therefore (my Sonne) sith all people are naturally inclined to follow their Princes example (as I shewed you before) let it not be said, that ye command others to keepe the contrary course to that, which in your owne person ye practise, making so your wordes and deedes to fight together: but by the contrary, let your owne life be a law­booke and a mirrour to your people; that therein they may read the pra­ctise of their owne Lawes; and therein they may see, by your image, what life they should leade.

[Page 167]And this example in your owne life and person, I likewise diuide in two parts: The first, in the gouernment of your Court and followers, in all godlinesse and vertue: the next, in hauing your owne minde decked and enriched so with all vertuous qualities, that therewith yee may wor­thily rule your people: Plat. in Thee. & Euth. For it is not ynough that ye haue and retaine (as prisoners) within your selfe neuer so many good qualities and vertues, ex­cept ye employ them, and set them on worke, Arist. 1. Eth. Cic. in Offic. for the weale of them that are committed to your charge: Virtutis enim laus omnis in actione consistit.

First then, as to the gouernment of your Court and followers, Of the Court. Psal. 101. King Dauid sets downe the best precepts, that any wise and Christian King can practise in that point: For as yee ought to haue a great care for the ruling well of all your Subiects, so ought yee to haue a double care for the ruling well of your owne seruants; since vnto them yee are both a Politicke and Oeconomicke gouernour. Cic. ad Q frat. And as euery one of the people will delite to follow the example of any of the Courteours, as well in euill as in good: so what crime so horrible can there be committed and ouer-seene in a Cour­teour, that will not be an exemplare excuse for any other boldly to com­mit the like? And therfore in two points haue ye to take good heed anent your Court and houshold: first, in choosing them wisely; next, in careful­ly ruling them whom ye haue chosen.

It is an olde and trew saying, That a kindly Auer will neuer become a good horse: Plat. 5. de Leg. for albeit good education and company be great helpes to Nature, and education be therefore most iustly called altera natura, Arist. 2. oecon. yet is it euill to get out of the flesh, that is bred in the bone, as the olde prouerbe sayth. Be very ware then in making choice of your seruants and companie;

— Nam
Turpius eiicitur, quàm non admittitur hospes:
Ouid. 5. de Trist.

and many respects may lawfully let an admission, that will not be sufficient causes of depriuation.

All your seruants and Court must be composed partly of minors, Of the choise of scruants. such as young Lords, to be brought vp in your company, or Pages and such like; and partly of men of perfit aage, for seruing you in such roumes, as ought to be filled with men of wisedome and discretion. For the first sort, ye can doe no more, but choose them within aage, Arist 1. & 5. p [...]lit. that are come of a good and vertuous kinde, In fide parentum, as Baptisme is vsed: For though anima non venit ex traduce, but is immediatly created by God, Cic. ad Q frat. and infu­sed from aboue; yet it is most certaine, that vertue or vice will oftentimes, with the heritage, be transferred from the parents to the posteritie, Witnesse the experience of the late house of Gowree. Plat. 6. de Leg. Arist 2. oecon. & 1. pol. and runne on a blood (as the Prouerbe is) the sickenesse of the minde becom­ming as kindly to some races, as these sickenesses of the body, that infect in the seede: Especially choose such minors as are come of a trew and ho­nest race, and haue not had the house whereof they are descended, infected with falshood.

And as for the other sort of your companie and seruants, that ought [Page 168]to be of perfit aage; Plat. 6. de leg. Isocr. in pan. Arist 5. pol. first see that they be of a good fame and without ble­mish, otherwise, what can the people thinke, but that yee haue chosen a company vnto you, according to your owne humour, and so haue prefer­red these men, for the loue of their vices and crimes, that ye knew them to beguiltie of? Dem. 2. ph. For the people that see you not within, cannot iudge of you, but according to the outward appearance of your actions and companie, which onely is subiect to their sight: Plat. 7. de Rep. 3. et 12. de Leg. Arist. 5. et 6. pobit. And next, see that they be indued with such honest qualities, as are meete for such offices, as ye ordaine them to serue in; that your iudgement may be knowen in imploying euery man according to his giftes: Psal. 101. And shortly, follow good king Dauids counsell in the choise of your seruants, by setting your eyes vpon the faithfull and vp­right of the land to dwell with you.

But here I must not forget to remember, A transmissi­on of heredi­tarie kindnes. and according to my fatherly authoritie, to charge you to preferre specially to your seruice, so many as haue trewly serued me, and are able for it: the rest, honourably to reward them, preferring their posteritie before others, as kindliest: so shall ye not onely be best serued, (for if the haters of your parents cannot loue you, as I shewed before, it followeth of necessitie their louers must loue you) but further, ye shall kyth your thankefull memorie of your father, and procure the blessing of these olde seruants, in not missing their olde master in you; which otherwise would be turned in a prayer for me, and a curse for you. Vse them therefore when God shall call me, as the testimonies of your affe­ction towards me; trusting and aduancing those farthest, whom I found faithfullest: which ye must not discerne by their rewards at my hand (for rewards, as they are called Bona fortunae, so are they subiect vnto fortune) but according to the trust I gaue them; hauing oft-times had better heart then hap to the rewarding of sundry: And on the other part, as I wish you to kyth your constant loue towards them that I loued, so desire I you to kyth in the same measure, your constant hatred to them that I hated: I meane, bring not home, nor restore not such, as ye finde standing bani­shed or fore-faulted by me. The contrary would kyth in you ouer great a contempt of me, and lightnesse in your owne nature: for how can they be trew to the Sonne, that were false to the Father?

But to returne to the purpose anent the choise of your seruants, yee shall by this wise forme of doing, eschew the inconuenients, that in my mi­noritie I fell in, anent the choise of my seruants: For by them that had the command where I was brought vp, were my seruants put vnto mee; not choosing them that were meetest to serue me, but whom they thought meetest to serue their turne about me, A domesticke and neere ex­ample. as kythed well in many of them at the first rebellion raised against mee, which compelled mee to make a great alteration among my seruants. And yet the example of that corrup­tion made mee to be long troubled there-after with solliciters, recom­mending seruants vnto me, more for seruing in effect, their friends that put them in, then their master that admitted them. Let my example then [Page 169]teach you to follow the rules here set downe, Arist. 2. pol. choosing your seruants for your owne vse, and not for the vse of others: And since ye must bee com­munis parens to all your people, so choose your seruants indifferently out of all quarters; not respecting other mens appetites, but their owne qualities: For as ye must command all, so reason would, ye should be serued out of al, as ye please to make choice.

But specially take good heed to the choice of your seruants, Of the offi­cers of the Crowne Plat. de repub. Cic. ad Q. frat Isoc. in Panath. ad Nic. & de pace. Thuc 6. Piutar. in pol. that ye pre­ferre to the offices of the Crowne and estate: for in other offices yee haue onely to take heede to your owne weale; but these concerne likewise the weale of your people, for the which yee must bee answerable to God. Choose then for all these Offices, men of knowen wisedome, honestie, and good conscience; well practised in the points of the craft, that yee ordaine them for, and free of all factions and partialities; but specially free of that filthie vice of Flatterie, the pest of all Princes, and wracke of Republicks: Plat. in Phedr. & Menex. Arist. 5 pol. Isoc. in Sym. Tacit. 3. hist. Curt. 8. For since in the first part of this Treatise, I fore-warned you to be at warre with your owne inward flatterer [...], how much more should ye be at war with outward flatterers, who are nothing so sib to you, as your selfe is; by the selling of such counterfeit wares, onely preassing to ground their great­nesse vpon your ruines? And therefore bee carefull to preferre none, as yee will bee answerable to God but onely for their worthinesse: Of publicke receiuers. But spe­cially choose honest, diligent, meane, but responsall men, to bee your re­ceiuers in money matters: meane I say, that ye may when yee please, take a sharpe account of their intromission, without perill of their breeding any trouble to your estate: for this ouersight hath beene the greatest cause of my mis-thriuing in money matters. Especially, put neuer a forrainer, A speciall principle in policie. Arist. 5. pol. Cic. ad Q. frat. in any principall office of estate: for that will neuer faile to stirre vp sedition and enuie in the countrey-mens hearts, both against you and him: But (as I saide before) if God prouide you with moe countries then this; choose the borne-men of euery countrey, to bee your chiefe counsellers therein.

And for conclusion of my aduice anent the choice of your seruants, Plat. in 1. Al. in pol. & 5. de legib. Arist. 2. oecon. de­light to be serued with men of the noblest blood that may bee had: for be­sides that their seruice shall breed you great good-will and least enuie, con­trarie to that of start-vps; ye shall oft finde vertue follow noble races, as I haue said before speaking of the Nobilitie.

Now, as to the other point, Gouernment of the Court. Isocr. in Arcop. anent your gouerning of your seruants when yee haue chosen them; make your Court and companie to bee a patterne of godlinesse and all honest vertues, to all the rest of the people. Idem in Pa­nath. Bee a daily watch-man ouer your seruants, that they obey your lawes pre­cisely: For how can your lawes bee kept in the countrey, if they be broken at your eare? Punishing the breach thereof in a Courteour, more seuerely, then in the person of any other of your subiects: and aboue all, suffer none of them (by abusing their credite with you) to oppresse or wrong any of your subiects. Be homely or strange with them, Arist. 2. pol. as ye thinke [Page 170]their behauiour deserueth, Tacit. 1. hist. and their nature may beare with. Thinke a quarrellous man a pest in your companie. Val. lib. 2. Curt. 4. Bee carefull euer to preferre the gentilest natured and trustiest, to the inwardest Offices about you, especi­ally in your chalmer. Suffer none about you to meddle in any mens parti­culars, Demost. 8. phil. Sal. in Cat. Lin. 22. but like the Turkes Ianisares, let them know no father but you, nor particular but yours. And if any wil meddle in their kinne or friends quar­rels, giue them their leaue: for since ye must be of no surname nor kinne, but equall to all honest men; it becommeth you not to bee followed with partiall or factious seruants. Tacit. eod. & 1. An. Teach obedience to your seruants, and not to thinke themselues ouer-wise: and, as when any of them deserueth it, ye must not spare to put them away, so, without a seene cause, change none of them. The ground­stone of good gouernment. At. 5. polit. Tacit. in Ag. Dion li. 52. Xent. in Ages. Isoc. in Sym. et ad Ph. Id. de permu­tat. Cic. ad Q. frat. Pay them, as all others your subiects, with praemium or poena as they deserue, which is the very ground-stone of good gouernement. Em­ploy euery man as ye thinke him qualified, but vse not one in all things, lest he waxe proude, and be enuied of his fellowes. Loue them best, that are plainnest with you, and disguise not the trewth for all their kinne: suf­fer none to be euill tongued, nor backbiters of them they hate: command a hartly and brotherly loue among all them that serue you. And shortly, maintaine peace in your Court, bannish enuie, cherish modestie, bannish deboshed insolence, foster humilitie, and represse pride: setting downe such a comely and honourable order in all the points of your seruice; that when strangers shall visite your Court, 1. King. 10. they may with the Queene of Sheba, admire your wisedome in the glorie of your house, and comely order a­mong your seruants.

But the principall blessing that yee can get of good companie, Of Mariage. will stand in your marrying of a godly and vertuous wife: for shee must bee nearer vnto you, Gen. 2.23. then any other companie, being Flesh of your flesh, and bone of your bone, as Adam saide of Heuah. And because I know not but God may call mee, before ye be readie for Mariage; I will shortly set downe to you heere my aduice therein.

First of all consider, that Mariage is the greatest earthly felicitie or mi­serie, that can come to a man, according as it pleaseth God to blesse or curse the same. Since then without the blessing of GOD, yee cannot looke for a happie successe in Mariage, yee must bee carefull both in your preparation for it, Preparation to mariage. and in the choice and vsage of your wife, to procure the same. By your preparation, I meane, that yee must keepe your bodie cleane and vnpolluted, till yee giue it to your wife, whom-to onely it belongeth. For how can ye iustly craue to bee ioyned with a pure vir­gine, if your bodie be polluted? why should the one halfe bee cleane, and the other defiled? And although I know, fornication is thought but a light and a veniall sinne, by the most part of the world, yet remember well what I said to you in my first Booke anent conscience, and count euery sinne and breach of Gods law, not according as the vaine world esteemeth of it, but as God the Iudge and maker of the lawe accounteth of the same [Page 171]Heare God commanding by the mouth of Paul, to abstaine from fornication, 1. Cor. 6.10. declaring that the fornicator shall not inherite the Kingdome of heauen: and by the mouth of Iohn, reckoning out fornication amongst other grieuous sinnes, that debarre the committers amongst dogs and swine, Reuel. 22.25. from entry in that spirituall and heauenly Ierusalem. And consider, if a man shall once take vpon him, to count that light, which God calleth heauie; and veniall that, which God calleth grieuous; The dange­rous effects of lust. beginning first to measure any one sinne by the rule of his lust and appetites, and not of his conscience; what shall let him to doe so with the next, that his affections shall stirre him to, the like reason seruing for all: and so to goe forward till he place his whole cor­rupted affections in Gods roome? And then what shall come of him; but, as a man giuen ouer to his owne filthy affections, shall perish into them? And because wee are all of that nature, that sibbest examples touch vs neerest, consider the difference of successe that God granted in the Ma­riages of the King my grand-father, and me your owne father: A domesticke example. the reward of his incontinencie, (proceeding from his euill education) being the sud­daine death at one time of two pleasant yong Princes; and a daughter onely borne to succeed to him, whom hee had neuer the hap, so much as once to see or blesse before his death: leauing a double curse behinde him to the land, both a Woman of sexe, and a new borne babe of aage to raigne ouer them. And as for the blessing God hath bestowed on mee, in gran­ting me both a greater continencie, and the fruits following there-upon, your selfe, and sib folkes to you, are (praise be to God) sufficient witnesses: which, I hope the same God of his infinite mercie, shall continue and in­crease, without repentance to me and my posteritie. Be not ashamed then, to keepe cleane your body, which is the Temple of the holy Spirit, 1. Cor. 6.19. not­withstanding all vaine allurements to the contrary, discerning trewly and wisely of euery vertue and vice, according to the trew qualities therof, and not according to the vaine conceits of men.

As for your choise in Mariage, respect chiefly the three causes, where­fore Mariage was first ordeined by God; and then ioyne three accessories, so farre as they may be obtained, not derogating to the principalles.

The three causes it was ordeined for, are, for staying of lust, Mariage or­dained for three causes. Arist. 7. pol. for procre­ation of children, and that man should by his Wife, get a helper like him­selfe. Deferre not then to Marie till your aage: for it is ordeined for quench­ing the lust of your youth: Especially a King must tymouslie Marie for the weale of his people. Neither Marie yee, Id. cod. for any accessory cause or worldly respects, a woman vnable, either through aage, nature, or accident, for procreation of children: for in a King that were a double fault, aswell against his owne weale, as against the weale of his people. Neither also Marie one of knowne euill conditions, or vicious education: for the wo­man is ordeined to be a helper, and not a hinderer to man. Accessory causes of ma­riage. AEg. Ro. 2. de reg. pr.

The three accessories, which as I haue said, ought also to be respected, without derogating to the principall causes, are beautie, riches, and friend­ship [Page 172]by alliance, which are all blessings of God. For beautie increaseth your loue to your Wife, contenting you the better with her, without caring for others: and riches and great alliance, doe both make her the abler to be a helper vnto you. But if ouer great respect being had to these accessories, the principall causes bee ouer-seene (which is ouer oft practised in the world) as of themselues they are a blessing being well vsed; so the abuse of them will turne them in a curse. For what can all these worldly respects auaile, when a man shall finde himselfe coupled with a diuel, to be one flesh with him, and the halfe marrow in his bed? Then (though too late) shall he finde that beautie without bountie, wealth without wisdome, and great friendship without grace and honestie; are but faire shewes, and the de­ceitfull masques of infinite miseries.

But haue ye respect, my Sonne, to these three speciall causes in your Ma­riage, Matth. 13. A special cau­tion in ma­riage. which flow from the first institution thereof, & caetera omnia adijcien­tur vobis. And therefore I would rathest haue you to Marie one that were fully of your owne Religion; her ranke and other qualities being agree­able to your estate. For although that to my great regrate, the number of any Princes of power and account, professing our Religion, bee but very small; and that therefore this aduice seemes to be the more strait and diffi­cile: yet ye haue deeply to weigh, and consider vpon these doubts, how ye and your wife can bee of one flesh, and keepe vnitie betwixt you, being members of two opposite Churches: disagreement in Religion bringeth euer with it, disagreement in maners; and the dissention betwixt your Preachers and hers, wil breed and foster a dissention among your subiects, taking their example from your family; besides the perill of the euill edu­cation of your children. Neither pride you that ye wil be able to frame and make her as ye please: that deceiued Salomon the wisest King that euer was; the grace of Perseuerance, not being a flowre that groweth in our garden.

Remember also that Mariage is one of the greatest actions that a man doeth in all his time, especially in taking of his first Wife: and if hee Marie first basely beneath his ranke, he will euer be the lesse accounted of there­after. For keeping the blood pure. Pla. 5. de Rep. Cic. 2. de Din. Arist. de gen. An. Lucr. 4. And lastly, remember to choose your Wife as I aduised you to choose your seruants: that she be of a whole and cleane race, not subiect to the he­reditary sicknesses, either of the soule or the body: For if a man wil be care­ful to breed horses and dogs of good kinds, how much more careful should he be, for the breed of his owne loines? So shal ye in your Mariage haue re­spect to your conscience, honour, and naturall weale in your successours.

When yee are Maried, keepe inuiolably your promise made to God in your Mariage; which standeth all in doing of one thing, and abstayning from another: to treat her in all things as your wife, and the halfe of your selfe; and to make your body (which then is no more yours, but properly hers) common with none other. Pl. 11. de leg. Is. in Sym. I trust I need not to insist here to dis­swade you from the filthy vice of adulterie: remember onely what so­lemne promise yee make to God at your Mariage: and since it is onely by [Page 173]the force of that promise that your children succeed to you, which other­wayes they could not doe; aequitie and reason would, ye should keepe your part thereof. God is euer a seuere auenger of all periuries; Cic. 2. de leg. and it is no oath made in iest, that giueth power to children to succeed to great kingdomes. Haue the King my grand-fathers example before your eyes, who by his adulterie, bred the wracke of his lawfull daughter and heire; in begetting that bastard, who vnnaturally rebelled, and procured the ruine of his owne Souerane and sister. And what good her posteritie hath gotten sensyne, of some of that vnlawfull generation, Bothuell his treacherous attempts can beare witnesse. Keepe praecisely then your promise made at Mariage, as ye would wish to be partaker of the blessing therein.

And for your behauiour to your Wife, the Scripture can best giue you counsell therein: Treat her as your owne flesh, command her as her Lord, cherish her as your helper, rule her as your pupill, and please her in all things reasonable; Arist. 8. Aeth. & 1 Pel. Xen. & Arist. in oeco. but teach her not to be curious in things that belong her not: Ye are the head, shee is your body; It is your office to command, and hers to obey; but yet with such a sweet harmonie, as shee should be as ready to obey, as ye to command; as willing to follow, as ye to go before; your loue being wholly knit vnto her, and all her affections louingly bent to follow your will.

And to conclude, keepe specially three rules with your Wife: first, Arist. 1 rhet. Plu. in Meron. Aegid R. de reg pr. Plu. 5. de Re [...] & 7. de leg. suffer her neuer to meddle with the Politicke gouernment of the Common­weale, but holde her at the Oeconomicke rule of the house; and yet all to be subiect to your direction: keepe carefully good and chaste company a­bout her, for women are the frailest sexe; and be neuer both angry at once, but when ye see her in passion, ye should with reason danton yours: for both when yee are setled, ye are meetest to iudge of her errours; and when she is come to her selfe, she may be best made to apprehend her of­fence, and reuerence your rebuke.

If God send you succession, be carefull for their vertuous education: A Kings be­hauiour to­wards his children. Plu. in Thes. 4. & 5 de Rep. & 6. & 7. de l. Arist. 7. pol. A caution foreshewing future diui­sion. loue them as ye ought, but let them know as much of it, as the gentlenesse of their nature will deserue; contayning them euer in a reuerent loue and feare of you. And in case it please God to prouide you to all these three Kingdomes, make your eldest sonne Isaac, leauing him all your king­domes; and prouide the rest with priuate possessions: Otherwayes by deuiding your kingdomes, yee shall leaue the seed of diuision and discord among your posteritie; as befell to this Ile, by the diuision and assigne­ment thereof, to the three sonnes of Brutus, Locrine, Albanact, and Camber. Polid. 1. Crownes come not in commerce. But if God giue you not succession, defraud neuer the nearest by right, what-soeuer conceit yee haue of the person: For Kingdomes are euer at Gods disposition, and in that case we are but liue-rentars, lying no more in the Kings, nor peoples hands to dispossesse the righteous heire.

And as your company should be a paterne to the rest of the people, Plu. in Pol. Cic. ad Q. frat. so should your person be a lampe and mirrour to your company giuing light [Page 174]to your seruants to walke in the path of vertue, and representing vnto them such worthie qualities, as they should preasse to imitate.

I need not to trouble you with the particular discourse of the foure Cardinall vertues, The right vse of tempe­rance. Arist. 5. pol. Pol. 6. Cic. 1. off. 2. de inuen. & in Par. it is so troden a path: but I will shortly say vnto you; make one of them, which is Temperance, Queene of all the rest within you. I meane not by the vulgar interpretation of Temperance, which one­ly consists in gustu & tactu, by the moderating of these two senses: but, I meane of that wise moderation, that first commaunding your selfe, shall as a Queene, command all the affections and passions of your minde, and as a Phisician, wisely mixe all your actions according thereto. Therefore, not onely in all your affections and passions, In holinesse. but euen in your most vertu­ous actions, make euer moderation to be the chiefe ruler: For although holinesse be the first and most requisite qualitie of a Christian, as procee­ding from a feeling feare and trew knowledge of God: yet yee remember how in the conclusion of my first booke, I aduised you to moderateal your outward actions flowing there-fra. The like say I now of Iustice, which is the greatest vertue that properly belongeth to a Kings office.

Vse Iustice, In iustice. Pla. 4 de Leg. Arist. 1. mag. mor. Cic. 1. off. pro Rab. & ad Q. frat. Seneca de cl. but with such moderation, as it turne not in Tyrannie: o­therwaies summum Ius, is summa iniuria. As for example: if a man of a knowen honest life, be inuaded by brigands or theeues for his purse, and in his owne defence slay one of them, they beeing both moe in number, and also knowen to bee deboshed and insolent liuers; where by the con­trarie, hee was single alone, beeing a man of sound reputation: yet because they were not at the horne, or there was no eye-witnesse present that could verifie their first inuading of him, shall hee therefore lose his head? And likewise, by the law-burrowes in our lawes, men are prohibited vnder great pecuniall paines, from any wayes inuading or molesting their neigh­bours person or bounds: if then his horse breake the halter, and pastour in his neighbours medow, shall he pay two or three thousand pounds for the wantonnesse of his horse, Arist. 5. aeth. & 1 rhet. Cicer. pro Caec. or the weaknesse of his halter? Surely no: for lawes are ordained as rules of vertuous and sociall liuing, and not to bee snares to trap your good subiects: and therefore the lawe must be interpre­ted according to the meaning, and not to the literall sense thereof: Nam ra­tio est anima legis.

And as I said of Iustice, so say I of Clemencie, Magnanimitie, Liberali­tie, Constancie, Humilitie, and all other Princely vertues; Nam in medio stat virtus. The false sem­blance of ex­tremities. And it is but the craft of the Diuell that falsly coloureth the two vices that are on either side thereof, with the borrowed titles of it, albeit in very deede they haue no affinitie therewith and the two ex­tremities themselues, although they seeme contrarie, yet growing to the height, Their co­incidence. runne euer both in one: For in infinitis omnia concurrunt; and what difference is betwixt extreame tyrannie, delighting to destroy all mankinde; and extreame slackenesse of punishment, permitting euery man to tyrannize ouer his companion? Or what differeth extreame [Page 175]prodigalitie, by wasting of all to possesse nothing; from extreame nig­gardnesse, by hoarding vp all to enioy nothing; like the Asse that carying victuall on her backe, is like to starue for hunger, and will bee glad of thrissels for her part? And what is betwixt the pride of a glorious Nebu­chadnezzar, and the preposterous humilitie of one of the proud Puritanes, claiming to their Paritie, and crying, Wee are all but vile wormes, and yet will iudge and giue Law to their King, but will be iudged nor control­led by none? Surely there is more pride vnder such a ones blacke bonnet, then vnder Alexander the great his Diademe, as was said of Diogenes in the like case.

But aboue all vertues, study to know well your owne craft, The right ex­tention of a kings craft. which is to rule your people. And when I say this, I bid you know all crafts: For except ye know euery one, how can yee controll euery one, Plat. in pol. 5. de Rep. & E­pist. 7. Cic. ad Q. frat. & de or. which is your proper office? Therefore besides your education, it is necessarie yee delight in reading, and seeking the knowledge of all lawfull things; but with these two restrictions: first, that yee choose idle houres for it, not interrupting therewith the discharge of your office: and next, that yee studie not for knowledge nakedly, but that your principall ende be, Id. 1. de fin. to make you able thereby to vse your office; practising according to your knowledge in all the points of your calling: Id. 1. Offic. not like these vaine Astrolo­gians, that studie night and day on the course of the starres, onely that they may, for satisfying their curiositie, know their course. But since all Artes and sciences are linked euery one with other, their greatest prin­ciples agreeing in one (which mooued the Poets to faine the nine Muses to be all sisters) studie them, that out of their harmonie, ye may sucke the knowledge of all faculties; and consequently be on the counsell of all crafts, that yee may be able to containe them all in order, as I haue alreadie said: For knowledge and learning is a light burthen, the weight whereof will neuer presse your shoulders.

First of all then, study to be well seene in the Scriptures, The Scrip­ture. Deut. 17. as I remem­bred you in the first booke; as well for the knowledge of your owne sal­uation, as that ye may be able to containe your Church in their calling, as Custos vtriusque Tabulae. For the ruling them well, is no small point of your office; taking specially heede, that they vague not from their text in the Pulpit: and if euer ye would haue peace in your land, suffer them not to meddle in that place with the estate or policie; but punish seuerely the first that presumeth to it. Doe nothing towards them without a good ground and warrant, but reason not much with them: for I haue ouer­much surfeited them with that, and it is not their fashion to yeeld. And suf­fer no conuentions nor meetings among Church-men, but by your know­ledge and permission.

Next the Scriptures, studie well your owne Lawes: Of the Lawes municipall. for how can ye dis­cerne by the thing yee know not? But preasse to draw all your Lawes and processes, to be as short and plaine as ye can: assure your selfe the long­somnesse [Page 176]both of rights and processes, Plat. 4. de Rep. & 6. de Leg. Arist 1. rhet. breedeth their vnsure loosenesse and obscuritie, the shortest being euer both the surest and plainest forme, and the longsomnesse seruing onely for the enriching of the Aduocates and Clerkes, Cic 1. de Orat. Sen in Lud Resort to the Session. with the spoile of the whole countrey: And therefore delite to haunt your Session, and spie carefully their proceedings; taking good heede, if any briberie may be tried among them, which cannot ouer se­uerely be punished. Spare not to goe there, for gracing that farre any that yee fauour, by your presence to procure them expedition of Iustice; al­though that should be specially done, for the poore that cannot waite on, or are debarred by mightier parties. Plat. in pol. Arist. 1. Rhet. Cic. ad Q. frat. Plut. in Is. But when yee are there, remember the throne is Gods and not yours, that ye sit in, and let no fauour, nor whatsoeuer respects mooue you from the right. Ye sit not there, as I shewe before, for rewarding of friends or seruants, nor for crossing of contem­ners, but onely for doing of Iustice. Learne also wisely to discerne betwixt Iustice and equitie; and for pitie of the poore, rob not the rich, because he may better spare it, but giue the little man the larger coat if it be his; es­chewing the errour of young Cyrus therein: Xen. 1. Cyr. For Iustice, by the Law, gi­ueth euery man his owne; and equitie in things arbitrall, giueth euery one that which is meetest for him.

Be an ordinarie sitter in your secret Counsell: But specially to the secret Counsell. that iudicature is onely ordained for matters of estate, and repressing of insolent oppressions. Make that iudgement as compendious and plaine as ye can; and suffer no Aduocates to be heard there with their dilatours, Cic. ad Q frat. Tac. 1. hist. Plut. in Demet. but let euery partie tell his owne tale himselfe: and wearie not to heare the complaints of the op­pressed, aut ne Rex sis. Remit euery thing to the ordinary iudicature, for eschewing of confusion: but let it be your owne craft, to take a sharpe ac­count of euery man in his office.

And next the Lawes, Reading of histories. I would haue you to be well versed in authentick histories, and in the Chronicles of all nations, but specially in our owne histories (Ne sis peregrinus domi) the example whereof most neerely con­cernes you: I meane not of such infamous inuectiues, as Buchanans or Knoxes Chronicles: and if any of these infamous libels remaine vntill your dayes, vse the Law vpon the keepers thereof: For in that point I would haue you a Pythagorist, Plat. in Menon. to thinke that the very spirits of these archibel­louses of rebellion, haue made transition in them that hoardes their bookes, Arist. 1 Rhet. Polit. 1. Plut. in Timo. Cic. 2. de Or. or maintaines their opinions; punishing them, euen as it were their authours risen againe. But by reading of authenticke histories and Chronicles, yee shall learne experience by Theoricke, applying the by­past things to the present estate, Eccles. 1. quia nihil nouum sub sole: such is the conti­nuall volubilitie of things earthly, according to the roundnesse of the world, and reuolution of the heauenly circles: which is expressed by the wheeles in Ezechiels visions, Ezech. 1. and counterfeited by the Poets in rota Fortunae. And likewise by the knowledge of histories, yee shall knowe how to behaue your selfe to all Embassadours and strangers; being able [Page 177]to discourse with them vpon the estate of their owne countrey. And a­mong al prophane histories, I must not omit most specially to recommend vnto you, the Commentaries of Caesar; both for the sweete flowing of the stile, as also for the worthinesse of the matter it selfe: For I haue euer beene of that opinion, that of all the Ethnick Emperors, or great Captaines that euer were, he hath farthest excelled, both in his practise, and in his pre­cepts in martiall affaires.

As for the studie of other liberall artes and sciences, Of the arts liberall. Sen. ep. 84. I would haue you reasonably versed in them, but not preassing to bee a passe-master in any of them: for that cannot but distract you from the points of your calling, as I shewed you before: and when, by the enemie winning the towne, yee shall bee interrupted in your demonstration, as Archimedes was; Liu. I 24. Plut. in Mart. your peo­ple (I thinke) will looke very bluntly vpon it. I graunt it is meete yee haue some entrance, specially in the Mathematickes; Of Mathema­tickes. Pl. 7. de leg. Arist. 2. Meta. Iam. 2.17. for the knowledge of the arte militarie, in situation of Campes, ordering of battels, making Forti­fications, placing of batteries, or such like. And let not this your know­ledge be dead without fruites, as Saint Iames speaketh of Faith: but let it ap­peare in your daily conuersation, and in all the actions of your life.

Embrace trew magnanimitie, not in beeing vindictiue, Of magna­nimitie. Arist. 4. eth. Sen. de cl. which the cor­rupted iudgements of the world thinke to be trew Magnanimitie; but by the contrarie, in thinking your offendour not worthie of your wrath, Cic. 1. off. Virg. 6. Aen. empyring ouer your owne passion, and triumphing in the commaunding your selfe to forgiue: husbanding the effects of your courage and wrath, to be rightly employed vpon repelling of iniuries within, by reuenge ta­king vpon the oppressours; and in reuenging iniuries without, by iust warres vpon forraine enemies. And so, where ye finde a notable iniurie, spare not to giue course to the torrents of your wrath. The wrath of a King, Prou. 20. is like to the roaring of a Lyon.

Foster trew Humilitie, in bannishing pride, Of humilitie. not onely towards God (considering yee differ not in stuffe, but in vse, and that onely by his ordi­nance, from the basest of your people) but also towards your Parents. Plat. 4. de Leg. Xen. 2. de dict. & fact. Soc. And if it fall out that my Wife shall out-liue me, as euer ye thinke to purchase my blessing, honour your mother: set Beersheba in a throne on your right hand: offend her for nothing, much lesse wrong her: remember her ‘Quae longa decem tulerit fastidia menses;’ and that your flesh and blood is made of hers: and beginne not, like the young lordes and lairdes, your first warres vpon your Mother; but preasse earnestly to deserue her blessing. Neither deceiue your selfe with many that say, they care not for their Parents curse, so they deserue it not. O inuert not the order of nature, by iudging your superiours, chiefly in your owne particular! But assure your selfe, the blessing or curse of the Parents, hath almost euer a Propheticke power ioyned with it: and if there were no more, honour your Parents, Exod. 20. for the lengthning of your owne [Page 178]dayes, Exod. 20. Xen. 1. & 3. Cyr. as GOD in his Law promiseth. Honour also them that are in loco Parentum vnto you, such as your gouernours, vp-bringers, and Praecep­tours: be thankefull vnto them and reward them, which is your dewtie and honour.

But on the other part, let not this trew humilitie stay your high indig­nation to appeare, Cic. ad Q frat. when any great oppressours shall praesume to come in your presence; then frowne as ye ought: And in-case they vse a colour of Law in oppressing their poore ones, as ouer-many doe; that which ye can­not mend by Law, Arist. 5 pol. mend by the withdrawing of your countenance from them: and once in the yeere crosse them, when their erands come in your way, Matth. 18. recompencing the oppressour, according to Christs parable of the two debtours.

Keepe trew Constancie, Of Constan­cie. Arist. 4. aeth. Thuc. 3.6. Cic. 1. Of. & ad Qf. Brut. ad Cic. not onely in your kindenesse towards honest men; but being also inuicti animi against all aduersities: not with that Stoicke insensible stupiditie, wherewith many in our dayes, preassing to winne honour, in imitating that ancient sect, by their inconstant behaui­our in their owne liues, belie their profession. But although ye are not a stocke, not to feele calamities; yet let not the feeling of them, so ouer-rule and doazen your reason, as may stay you from taking and vsing the best re­solution for remedie, that can be found out.

Vse trew Liberalitie in rewarding the good, and bestowing frankly for your honour and weale: Of Libera­litie. Cic. 1. & 2. Of. Sal. in Iug. Sen. 4. de ben. but with that proportionall discretion, that eue­ry man may be serued according to his measure, wherein respect must be had to his ranke, deserts, and necessitie: And prouide how to haue, but cast not away without cause. In speciall, empaire not by your Liberalitie the ordinarie rents of your crowne; whereby the estate Royall of you, and your successours, must be maintained, ne exhaurias fontem liberalitatis: for that would euer be kept sacrosanctum & extra commercium: otherwaies, your Liberalitie would decline to Prodigalitie, in helping others with your, and your successours hurt. Isoc epist. 7. Xen. 8. Cyr. Phil. Com. 10. And aboue all, enrich not your selfe with ex­actions vpon your subiects; but thinke the riches of your people your best treasure, by the sinnes of offenders, where no praeuention can auaile, making iustly your commoditie. And in-case necessitie of warres, or o­ther extraordinaries compell you to lift Subsidies, doe it as rarely as ye can: employing it onely to the vse it was ordained for; Arist. 5. pol. and vsing your selfe in that case, as fidus depositarius to your people.

And principally, Anent repor­ters. Isocr. ad Ph. in Panath. & de per. Cic. ad Q. fr. Plut. de curios. exercise trew Wisedome; in discerning wisely be­twixt trew and false reports: First, considering the nature of the person reporter; Next, what entresse he can haue in the weale or euill of him, of whom hee maketh the report; Thirdly, the likely-hood of the purpose it selfe; And last, the nature and by-past life of the dilated person: and where yee finde a tratler, away with him. And although it bee true, that a Prince can neuer without secrecie doe great things, yet it is better oft­times to try reports, then by credulitie to foster suspicion vpon an honest [Page 179]man. For since suspition is the Tyrants sickenesse, Isoc. de pac. Cic. 3. Os. as the fruites of an e­uill Conscience, potiùs in alteram partem peccato: I meane, in not mistrusting one, whom-to no such vnhonestie was knowne before. But as for such as haue slipped before, former experience may iustly breed praeuention by fore-sight.

And to conclude my aduice anent your behauiour in your person; consider that GOD is the authour of all vertue, hauing imprinted in mens mindes by the very light of nature, the loue of all morall vertues; Cicer. 3. Tusc. as was seene by the vertuous liues of the old Romanes: and preasse then to shine as farre before your people, in all vertue and honestie; as in great­nesse of ranke: that the vse therof in all your actions, may turne, with time, to a naturall habitude in you; and as by their hearing of your Lawes, so by their sight of your person, both their eyes and their eares, may leade and allure them to the loue of vertue, and ha­tred of vice.

OF A KINGS BEHAVI­OVR IN INDIFFERENT THINGS.
THE THIRD BOOKE.

IT is a trew old saying, C ph. 8.3. de leg. Ouid. ad Liu. Quin. 4. decl. That a King is as one set on a stage, whose smallest actions and gestures, all the people gazingly doe behold: and there­fore although a King be neuer so praecise in the discharging of his Office, the people, who seeth but the outward part, will euer iudge of the sub­stance, by the circumstances; and according to the outward appearance, if his behauiour bee light or dissolute, will conceiue prae-occupied conceits of the Kings inward intention: which although with time, (the trier of all trewth,) it will euanish, by the euidence of the contrary effects, yet interim patitur iustus; Arist. 5. pol. In different actions and their depen­dancie. Plato in Phil. & 9. de leg. and praeiudged conceits will, in the meane time, breed contempt, the mother of rebellion and disorder. And besides that, it is certaine, that all the indifferent actions and behauiour of a man, haue a certaine holding and dependance, either vpon vertue or vice, accor­ding as they are vsed or ruled: for there is not a middes betwixt them, no more then betwixt their rewards, heauen and hell.

Be carefull then, my Sonne, so to frame all your indifferent actions and outward behauiour, as they may serue for the furtherance and forth-set­ting of your inward vertuous disposition.

The whole indifferent actions of a man, Two sorts of them. I deuide in two sorts: in his be­hauiour in things necessary, as food, sleeping, raiment, speaking, writing, and gesture; and in things not necessary, though conuenient and lawfull, as pastimes or exercises, and vsing of company for recreation.

As to the indifferent things necessary, First sort, and how they be indifferent. although that of themselues they cannot bee wanted, and so in that case are not indifferent; as likewise in­case they bee not vsed with moderation, declining so to the extremitie, which is vice; yet the qualitie and forme of vsing them, may smell of ver­tue or vice, and be great furtherers to any of them.

To beginne then at the things necessarie; one of the publickest indif­ferent actions of a King, and that maniest, especially strangers, will nar­rowly [Page 181]take heed to; is his maner of refection at his Table, and his beha­uiour thereat. Therefore, as Kings vse oft to eate publickly, Formes at the Table. Xen. in Cyr. it is meete and honourable that ye also doe so, as well to eschew the opinion that yee loue not to haunt companie, which is one of the markes of a Tyrant; as likewise, that your delight to eate priuatlie, be not thought to be for pri­uate satisfying of your gluttonie; which ye would be ashamed should bee publicklie seene. Let your Table bee honourably serued; but serue your appetite with few dishes, as yong Cyrus did: which both is holesommest, Xen. 1. Cyr. and freest from the vice of delicacie, which is a degree of gluttonie. Plut. in Apoth. And vse most to eate of reasonablie-groffe, and common-meates; aswell for making your bodie strong and durable for trauell at all occasions, either in peace or in warre: as that yee may bee the heartlier receiued by your meane Subiects in their houses, when their cheare may suffice you: which otherwayes would be imputed to you for pride and daintinesse, and breed coldnesse and disdaine in them. Let all your food bee simple, Sen. ep. 96. with­out composition or sauces; which are more like medecines then meate. The vsing of them was counted amongst the ancient Romanes a filthie vice of delicacie; because they serue onely for pleasing of the taste, and not for satisfying of the necessitie of nature; Sen. de consol. ad Alb. Iuuen. sat. 2. abhorring Apicius their owne citizen, for his vice of delicacie and monsterous gluttonie. Like as both the Grecians and Romanes had in detestation the very name of Philoxenus, Arist. 4 eth. for his filthie wish of a Crane-craig. And therefore was that sentence vsed amongst them, against these artificiall false appetites, Xen. de dict. & fact. Socr. Laert. in Socr. Cic. 5. Tus. Plat. 6. de Leg. Plin. l. 14. optimum condimen­tum fames. But beware with vsing excesse of meat and drinke; and chief­ly, beware of drunkennesse, which is a beastlie vice, namely in a King: but specially beware with it, because it is one of those vices that increa­seth with aage. In the forme of your meate-eating, bee neither vnciuill, like a grosse Cynicke; nor affectatlie mignarde, like a daintie dame; but eate in a manlie, round, and honest fashion. Cic. 1. Off. It is no wayes comely to dispatch affaires, or to be pensiue at meate: but keepe then an open and cheerefull countenance, causing to reade pleasant histories vnto you, that profite may be mixed with pleasure: and when ye are not disposed, enter­taine pleasant, quicke, but honest discourses.

And because meat prouoketh sleeping, be also moderate in your sleepe; Of sleepe. Pla. 7. de leg. for it goeth much by vse: and remember that if your whole life were de­uided in foure parts, three of them would be found to be consumed on meat, drinke, sleepe, and vnnecessarie occupations.

But albeit ordinarie times would commonly bee kept in meate and sleepe; yet vse your selfe some-times so, Best forme of diet. Pla. 6. de leg. that any time in the foure and twen­tie houres may bee alike to you for any of them; that thereby your diet may be accommodate to your affaires, and not your affaires to your diet: not therefore vsing your selfe to ouer great-softnesse and delicacie in your sleepe, more then in your meate; and specially in-case yee haue adoe with the warres.

[Page 182]Let not your Chalmer be throng and common in the time of your rest, Formes in the Chalmer. aswell for comelinesse as for eschewing of carrying reports out of the same. Let them that haue the credite to serue in your Chalmer, Val. 2. Cur. 4. be trustie and se­cret; for a King will haue need to vse secrecie in many things: but yet be­haue your selfe so in your greatest secrets, as yee neede not bee ashamed, suppose they were all proclaimed at the mercate crosse: Pla. 6. de leg. But specially see that those of your Chalmer be of a sound fame, and without blemish.

Take no heede to any of your dreames, Dreames not to be taken heede to. for all prophecies, visions, and propheticke dreames are accomplished and ceased in Christ: And there­fore take no heede to freets either in dreames, or any other things; for that errour proceedeth of ignorance, and is vnworthy of a Christian, who should be assured, Rom. 14. Titus 1. Omnia esse pura puris, as Paul sayth; all dayes and meates being alike to Christians.

Next followeth to speake of raiment, Of apparell. the on-putting whereof is the ordinarie action that followeth next to sleepe. Isocr. de reg. Be also moderate in your raiment, neither ouer superfluous, like a deboshed waster; nor yet ouer base, like a miserable wretch; not artificially trimmed and decked, like a Courtizane, nor yet ouer sluggishly clothed, like a countrey clowne; not ouer lightly like a Candie souldier, or a vaine young Courtier; nor yet o­uer grauely, Cic. 1. Offic. like a Minister: but in your garments be proper, cleanely, comely and honest, wearing your clothes in a carelesse, yet comely forme: keeping in them a midde forme, inter Togatos & Paludatos, betwixt the grauitie of the one, and lightnesse of the other: thereby to signifie, that by your calling yee are mixed of both the professions; Plat. de rege. Togatus, as a Iudge making and pronouncing the Law; Paludatus, by the power of the sword: as your office is likewise mixed, betwixt the Ecclesiasticall and ciuill e­state: For a King is not merè laicus, as both the Papists and Anabaptists would haue him, to the which error also the Puritanes incline ouer farre. But to returne to the purpose of garments, they ought to be vsed accor­ding to their first institution by God, which was for three causes: first to hide our nakednesse and shame; next and consequently, to make vs more comely; and thirdly, to preserue vs from the iniuries of heate and colde. If to hide our nakednesse and shamefull parts, then these naturall parts or­dained to be hid, should not be represented by any vndecent formes in the cloathes: and if they should helpe our comelinesse, they should not then by their painted preened fashion, serue for baites to filthie lecherie, as false haire and fairding does amongst vnchast women: and if they should preserue vs from the iniuries of heat and colde, men should not, like sense­lesse stones, contemne God, in lightlying the seasons, glorying to con­quere honour on heate and colde. And although it be praise-worthy and necessarie in a Prince, to be patiens algoris & aestus, when he shall haue adoe with warres vpon the fields; yet I thinke it meeter that ye goe both cloa­thed and armed, then naked to the battell, except you would make you light for away-running: and yet for cowards, metus addit alas. And shortly, [Page 183]in your cloathes keepe a proportion, aswell with the seasons of the yeere, as of your aage: in the fashions of them being carelesse, vsing them accor­ding to the common forme of the time, some-times richlier, Cic. 1. Off. some-times meanlier cloathed, as occasion serueth, without keeping any precise rule therein: For if your mind be found occupied vpon them, Ar. ad. Alex. it wil be thought idle otherwaies, and ye shall bee accounted in the number of one of these compti iuuenes; which wil make your spirit and iudgment to be lesse thought of. But specially eschew to be effeminate in your cloathes, in perfu­ming, preening, or such like: and faile neuer in time of warres to bee galli­ardest and brauest, both in cloathes and countenance. And make not a foole of your selfe in disguising or wearing long haire or nailes, which are but excrements of nature, and bewray such misusers of them, to bee either of a vindictiue, or a vaine light naturall. Especially, make no vowes in such vaine and outward things, as concerne either meate or cloathes.

Let your selfe and all your Court weare no ordinarie armour with your cloathes, but such as is knightly and honourable; What ordina­rie armour to be worne at Court. I meane rapier­swordes, and daggers: For tuilyesome weapons in the Court, betokens confusion in the countrey. And therefore bannish not onely from your Court, all traiterous offensiue weapons, forbidden by the Lawes, as guns and such like (whereof I spake alreadie) but also all traiterous defensiue armes, as secrets, plate-sleeues, and such like vnseene armour: For, besides that the wearers thereof, may be presupposed to haue a secret euill inten­tion, they want both the vses that defensiue armour is ordained for; which is, to be able to holde out violence, and by their outward glaun­sing in their enemies eyes, to strike a terrour in their hearts: Where by the contrary, they can serue for neither, being not onely vnable to re­sist, but dangerous for shots, and giuing no outward showe against the enemie; beeing onely ordained, for betraying vnder trust, where­of honest men should be ashamed to beare the outward badge, not re­sembling the thing they are not. And for answere against these argu­ments, I know none but the olde Scots fashion; which if it be wrong, is no more to be allowed for ancientnesse, then the olde Masse is, which al­so our forefathers vsed.

The next thing that yee haue to take heed to, Of language and gesture. Arist. 3. ad Theod. Cic. in orat. ad Q. frat. & ad Bren. is your speaking and lan­guage; whereunto I ioyne your gesture, since action is one of the chiefest qualities, that is required in an oratour: for as the tongue speaketh to the eares, so doeth the gesture speake to the eyes of the auditour. In both your speaking and your gesture, vse a naturall and plaine forme, Cic. 1. Offic. not fairded with artifice: for (as the French-men say) Rien contre-faict fin: but eschew all af­fectate formes in both.

In your language be plaine, honest, naturall, comely, cleane, short, Id. cod. and sententious, eschewing both the extremities, aswell in not vsing any ru­sticall corrupt leide, as booke-language, and pen and inke-horne termes: [Page 184]and least of all mignard and effoeminate tearmes. But let the greatest part of your eloquence consist in a naturall, cleare, and sensible forme of the deliuerie of your minde, Cic. ad Q. frat. & ad Brut. builded euer vpon certaine and good grounds; tempering it with grauitie, quickenesse, or merinesse, according to the subiect, and occasion of the time; not taunting in Theologie, nor al­leadging and prophaning the Scripture in drinking purposes, as ouer ma­ny doe.

Vse also the like forme in your gesture; Idem. 1. Off. neither looking sillily, like a stu­pide pedant; nor vnsetledly, with an vncouth morgue, like a new-come­ouer Cavalier: but let your behauiour be naturall, graue, and according to the fashion of the countrey. Phil. ad Alex. Cic. 2. Off. Be not ouer-sparing in your courtesies, for that will be imputed to inciuilitie and arrogancie: nor yet ouer prodigall in iowking or nodding at euery step: for that forme of being popular, be­commeth better aspiring Absalons, Arist. 4. eth. Cic. ad At. then lawfull Kings: framing euer your gesture according to your present actions: looking grauely and with a maiestie when yee sit in iudgement, or giue audience to Embassadours; homely, when ye are in priuate with your owne seruants; merily, when ye are at any pastime or merrie discourse; and let your countenance smell of courage and magnanimitie when ye are at the warres. And remember (I say ouer againe) to be plaine and sensible in your language: Isoc. de reg. & in Euagr. for besides that it is the tongues office, to be the messenger of the mind, it may be thought a point of imbecillitie of spirit in a King, to speake obscurely, much more vntrewly; Cic. 3. Off. as if he stood in awe of any in vttering his thoughts.

Remember also, Id. 1. Off. Formes in reasoning. to put a difference betwixt your forme of language in reasoning, and your pronouncing of sentences, or declaratour of your wil in iudgement, or any other waies in the points of your office: For in the former case, yee must reason pleasantly and patiently, not like a king, but like a priuate man and a scholer; otherwaies, your impatience of contradi­ction will be interpreted to be for lacke of reason on your part. Where in the points of your office, ye should ripely aduise indeede, before yee giue foorth your sentence: but fra it be giuen foorth, the suffering of any con­tradiction diminisheth the maiestie of your authoritie, In iudgment. Isoc. ad Nic. Cic. ad Q. frat. and maketh the processes endlesse. The like forme would also bee obserued by all your in­feriour Iudges and Magistrates.

Now as to your writing, Of writing, and what stile fitteth a Prince. which is nothing else, but a forme of en-regi­strate speech; vse a plaine, short, but stately stile, both in your Proclama­tions and missiues, especially to forraine Princes. And if your engine spur you to write any workes, either in verse or in prose, I cannot but allow you to practise it: but take no longsome workes in hand, for distracting you from your calling.

Flatter not your selfe in your labours, Cic. 1. Off. but before they bee set foorth, let them first bee priuily censured by some of the best skilled men in that craft, that in these workes yee meddle with. And because your writes will remaine as true pictures of your minde, to all posterities; let them bee free [Page 185]of all vncomelinesse and vn-honestie: and according to Horace his counsell ‘— Nonum (que) premantur in annum. De arte Poe­tica.’ I meane both your verse and your prose; letting first that furie and heate, wherewith they were written, coole at leasure; and then as an vncouth iudge and censour, reuising them ouer againe, before they bee published, ‘— quia nescit vox missa reuerti. Idem eod.’

If yee would write worthily, choose subiects worthie of you, that bee not full of vanitie, but of vertue; eschewing obscuritie, and delighting euer to bee plaine and sensible. And if yee write in verse, remember that it is not the principall part of a Poeme to rime right, and flowe well with many pretie wordes: but the chiefe commendation of a Poeme is, that when the verse shall bee shaken sundrie in prose, Ar. de art. Poet. it shall bee found so rich in quicke inuentions, and poeticke flowers, and in faire and perti­nent comparisons; as it shall retaine the lustre of a Poeme, although in prose. And I would also aduise you to write in your owne language: for there is nothing left to be saide in Greeke and Latine alreadie; and ynew of poore schollers would match you in these languages; and besides that, it best becommeth a King to purifie and make famous his owne tongue; wherein he may goe before all his subiects; as it setteth him well to doe in all honest and lawfull things.

And amongst all vnnecessarie things that are lawfull and expedient, Of the exer­cise of the bo­die. Xen. 1. Cyr. I thinke exercises of the bodie most commendable to be vsed by a young Prince, in such honest games or pastimes, as may further abilitie and maintaine health: For albeit I graunt it to be most requisite for a King to exercise his engine, which surely with idlenesse will ruste and become blunt; yet certainely bodily exercises and games are very commendable; Plat. 6. de leg. Ar. 7. & 8. pol. Cic. 1. Off. as well for bannishing of idlenesse (the mother of all vice) as for making his bodie able and durable for trauell, which is very necessarie for a King. But from this count I debarre all rough and violent exercises, as the foote­ball; meeter for laming, then making able the vsers thereof: as likewise such tumbling trickes as only serue for Comoedians and Balladines, to win their bread with. Pl. eod. But the exercises that I would haue you to vse (although but moderately, not making a craft of them) are running, leaping, wra­stling, fencing, dancing, and playing at the caitch or tennise, archerie, palle maille, and such like other faire and pleasant field-games. Xen. in Cyr. Is. deiug. And the honou­rablest and most commendable games that yee can vse, are on horse­backe: for it becommeth a Prince best of any man, to be a faire and good horse-man. Vse therefore to ride and danton great and couragious horses; that I may say of you, as Philip said of great Alexander his sonne, [...]. Plut. in Alex. And specially vse such games on horse-backe, as may teach you to handle your armes thereon; such as the tilt, the ring, and low-riding for handling of your sword.

I cannot omit heere the hunting, namely with running hounds; Of hunting. which is the most honourable and noblest sorte thereof: for it is a theeuish forme [Page 186]of hunting to shoote with gunnes and bowes; and grey hound hunting is not so martiall a game: But because I would not be thought a partiall praiser of this sport, In Cyn. 1. Cyr. & de rep. Lac. Cic. 1. Offic. I remit you to Xenophon, an olde and famous writer, who had no minde of flattering you or me in this purpose: and who also setteth downe a faire paterne, Cyropoedia. for the education of a yong king, vnder the supposed name of Cyrus.

As for hawking I condemne it not, but I must praise it more sparing­ly, Of hawking. because it neither resembleth the warres so neere as hunting doeth, in making a man hardie, and skilfully ridden in all grounds, and is more vn­certaine and subiect to mischances; and (which is worst of all) is there-through an extreme stirrer vp of passions: But in vsing either of these games, Arist. 10. Eth. obserue that moderation, that ye slip not therewith the houres ap­pointed for your affaires, which ye ought euer precisely to keepe; remem­bring that these games are but ordained for you, in enabling you for your office, for the which ye are ordained.

And as for sitting house-pastimes, Of house-games. wherewith men by driuing time, spurre a free and fast ynough running horse (as the prouerbe is) although they are not profitable for the exercise either of minde or body, Arist. 8. pol. yet can I not vtterly condemne them; since they may at times supply the roome, which being emptie, would be patent to pernicious idlenesse, quia nihil potest esse vacuum. Dan. de lus. al. I will not therefore agree with the curiositie of some learned men in our aage, in forbidding cardes, dice, and other such like games of hazard; although otherwayes surely I reuerence them as nota­ble and godly men: For they are deceiued therein, in founding their argu­ment vpon a mistaken ground, which is, that the playing at such games, is a kind of casting of lot, and therefore vnlawfull; wherein they deceiue themselues: For the casting of lot was vsed for triall of the trewth in any obscure thing, that otherwayes could not be gotten cleared; and therefore was a sort of prophecie: whereby the contrary, no man goeth to any of these playes, to cleare any obscure trewth, but onely to gage so much of his owne money, as hee pleaseth, vpon the hazard of the running of the cardes or dice, aswell as he would doe vpon the speede of a horse or a dog, or any such like gaigeour: And so, if they be vnlawfull, all gaigeours vp­on vncertainties must likewayes be condemned: Not that thereby I take the defence of vaine carders and dicers, that waste their moyen, and their time (whereof fewe consider the pretiousnesse) vpon prodigall and conti­nuall playing: Cic. 1. Offic. no, I would rather allow it to be discharged, where such corruption cannot be eschewed. But only I cannot condemne you at some times, when ye haue no other thing adoe (as a good King will be seldome) and are wearie of reading, or euill disposed in your person, and when it is foule and stormie weather; then, I say, may ye lawfully play at the cardes or tables: For as to dicing, I thinke it becommeth best deboshed souldiers to play at, on the head of their drums, being onely ruled by hazard, and subiect to knauish cogging. And as for the chesse, I thinke it ouer fond, [Page 187]because it is ouer-wise and Philosophicke a folly: For where all such light playes, are ordained to free mens heades for a time, from the fashions thoughts on their affaires; it by the contrarie filleth and troubleth mens heades, with as many fashious toyes of the play, as before it was filled with thoughts on his affaires.

But in your playing, I would haue you to keepe three rules: first, Rules in playing. or ye play, consider yee doe it onely for your recreation, and resolue to ha­zard the losse of all that ye play: and next, for that cause play no more then yee care to cast among Pages: and last, play alwaies faire play precisely, that ye come not in vse of tricking and lying in ieast: otherwise, if yee can­not keepe these rules, my counsell is that yee allutterly abstaine from these playes: For neither a madde passion for losse, nor falshood vsed for desire of gaine, can be called a play.

Now, it is not onely lawfull, but necessarie, What choise of companie. that yee haue companie meete for euery thing yee take on hand, aswell in your games and exercises, as in your graue and earnest affaires: Isoc. de reg. Cic. 1. Off. But learne to distinguish time accor­ding to the occasion, choosing your companie accordingly. Conferre not with hunters at your counsell, nor in your counsell affaires: nor dis­patch not affaires at hunting or other games. And haue the like respect to the seasons of your aage, vsing your sortes of recreation and companie therefore, agreeing thereunto: For it becommeth best, as kindliest, euery aage to smell of their owne qualitie, Ar. 2. ad Theod. insolence and vnlawful things beeing alwaies eschewed: and not that a colt should draw the plough, and an olde horse run away with the harrowes. But take heede specially, that your com­panie for recreation, be chosen of honest persons, not defamed or vicious, mixing filthie talke with merrinesse, ‘Corrumpunt bonos mores colloquia praua.’ And chiefly abstaine from haunting before your mariage, Men. the idle com­panie of dames, which are nothing else, but irritamenta libidinis. Bee warre likewaies to abuse your selfe, in making your sporters your counsellers: and delight not to keepe ordinarily in your companie, Comoedians or Bal­ladines: for the Tyrans delighted most in them, Pl. 3. de rep. Ar. 7. & 8. pol. Sen. 1. ep. Dyon. glorying to bee both au­thors and actors of Comoedies and Tragedies themselues: Wherupon the answere that the poet Philoxenus disdainefully gaue to the Tyran of Syra­cuse there-anent, is now come in a prouerbe, reduc me in latomias. Suidas. And all the ruse that Nero made of himselfe when he died, was Qualis artifexpereo? Suet. in Ner. meaning of his skill in menstrally, and playing of Tragoedies: as indeede his whole life and death, was all but one Tragoedie.

Delight not also to bee in your owne person a player vpon instru­ments; especially on such as commonly men winne their liuing with: nor yet to be fine of any mechanicke craft: 1. Sep. Leur esprit s'en fuit au bout des doigts, saith Du Bartas: whose workes, as they are all most worthie to bee read by any Prince, or other good Christian; so would I especially wish you to bee well versed in them. But spare not some-times by merie company, [Page 188]to be free from importunitie; for ye should be euer mooued with reason, which is the onely qualitie whereby men differ from beasts; and not with importunitie: Curt. 8. For the which cause (as also for augmenting your Maiestie) ye shall not be so facile of accesse-giuing at all times, as I haue beene; Liu. 35. Xen. in. Ages. Cit. ad Q frat. and yet not altogether retired or locked vp, like the Kings of Persia: appoin­ting also certaine houres for publicke audience.

And since my trust is, that God hath ordained you for moe Kingdomes then this (as I haue oft alreadie said) preasse by the outward behauiour as well of your owne person, A speciall good rule in gouernment. as of your court, in all indifferent things, to al­lure piece and piece, the rest of your kingdomes, to follow the fashions of that kingdome of yours, that yee finde most ciuill, easiest to be ruled, and most obedient to the Lawes: for these outward and indifferent things will serue greatly for allurements to the people, to embrace and follow vertue. But beware of thrawing or constraining them thereto; letting it bee brought on with time, and at leisure; specially by so mixing through alli­ance and daily conuersation, the inhabitants of euery kingdom with other, as may with time make them to grow and welde all in one: Which may ea­sily be done betwixt these two nations, being both but one Ile of Britaine, and alreadie ioyned in vnitie of Religion and language. The fruitfull effects of the vnion. So that euen as in the times of our ancestours, the long warres and many bloodie battels be­twixt these two countreys, bred a naturall and hereditarie hatred in euery of them, against the other: the vniting and welding of them hereafter in one, by all sort of friendship, commerce, and alliance, will by the contrary produce and maintaine a naturall and inseparable vnitie of loue amongst them. Alreadie ky­thing in the happy amitie. As we haue already (praise be to God) a great experience of the good beginning hereof, and of the quenching of the olde hate in the hearts of both the people; procured by the meanes of this long and happy amitie, betweene the Queene my dearest sister and me; which during the whole time of both our Reignes, hath euer beene inuiolably obserued.

And for conclusion of this my whole Treatise, Conclusion in forme of abridge of the whole Trea­tise. remember my Sonne, by your trew and constant depending vpon God, to looke for a blessing to all your actions in your office: by the outward vsing thereof, to testifie the inward vprightnesse of your heart; and by your behauiour in all in­different things, to set foorth the viue image of your vertuous disposition; and in respect of the greatnesse and weight of your burthen, to be patient in hearing, keeping your heart free from praeoccupation, ripe in conclu­ding, Thuc. 6. Dion. 52. and constant in your resolution: For better it is to bide at your re­solution, although there were some defect in it, then by daily changing, to effectuate nothing: taking the paterne thereof from the microcosme of your owne body; wherein ye haue two eyes, signifying great foresight and prouidence, with a narrow looking in all things; and also two eares, signifying patient hearing, and that of both the parties: but ye haue but one tongue, for pronouncing a plaine, sensible, and vniforme sentence; and but one head, and one heart, for keeping a constant & vniforme resolution, [Page 189]according to your apprehension: hauing two hands and two feete, with many fingers and toes for quicke execution, in employing all instruments meet for effectuating your deliberations.

But forget not to digest euer your passion, before ye determine vpon a­ny thing, since Ira furor breuis est: Hir. lib. 1. epist. vttering onely your anger according to the Apostles rule, Irascimini, sed ne peccetis: taking pleasure, not only to reward, Ephes. 4. but to aduance the good, which is a chiefe point of a Kings glory (but make none ouer-great, Arist. 5. pol. Dion. 52. but according as the power of the countrey may beare) and punishing the euill; but euery man according to his owne of­fence: not punishing nor blaming the father for the sonne, Plat. 9. de leg. nor the brother for the brother; much lesse generally to hate a whole race for the fault of one: for noxa caput sequitur.

And aboue all, let the measure of your loue to euery one, be according to the measure of his vertue; letting your fauour to be no longer tyed to any, then the continuance of his vertuous disposition shall deserue: not admit­ting the excuse vpon a iust reuenge, to procure ouersight to an iniurie: For the first iniurie is committed against the partie; but the parties reuenging thereof at his owne hand, is a wrong committed against you, in vsurping your office, whom to onely the sword belongeth, for reuenging of all the iniuries committed against any of your people.

Thus hoping in the goodnes of God, that your naturall inclination shall haue a happy sympathie with these pręcepts, making the wise-mans schole­master, which is the example of others, to bee your teacher, according to that old verse, Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum; eschewing so the ouer-late repentance by your owne experience, which is the schoole-master of fooles; I wil for end of all, require you my Sonne, as euer ye thinke to deserue my fatherly blessing, to keepe continually before the eyes of your minde, the greatnesse of your charge: Plat. in pol. Cic. 5. d [...] re [...]. making the faithfull and due discharge thereof, the principal butt ye shoot at in all your actions: counting it euer the principall, and all your other actions but as accessories, to be emploied as middesses for the furthering of that principall. And be­ing content to let others excell in other things, let it be your chiefest earth­ly glory, to excell in your owne craft: according to the worthy counsel and charge of Anchises to his posteritie, in that sublime and heroicall Poet, wherein also my dicton is included; Virg 6. Aeu.

Excudent alij spirantia molliùs aera,
Credo equidem, & viuos ducent de marmore vultus,
Orabunt causas meliùs, coelique meatus
Describent radio, & surgentia sydera dicent.
Tu, regere imperio populos, Romane, memento
(Hae tibi erunt artes) pacique imponere morem,
"Parcere subiectis, & debellare superbos.

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES: OR THE RECIPROCK AND MVTVALL DVETIE BETWIXT A FREE KING, AND HIS naturall Subiects.

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER.

ACcept, J pray you (my deare countrey­men) as thankefully this Pamphlet that J offer vnto you, as louingly it is written for your weale. J would be loath both to be faschious, and fectlesse: And therefore, if it be not senten­tious, at least it is short. Jt may be yee misse many things that yee looke for in it: But for excuse thereof, consider rightly that I onely lay downe herein the trew grounds, to teach you the right-way, without wasting time vpon refuting the aduersaries. And yet I trust, if ye will take narrow tent, ye shall finde most of their great gunnes payed home againe, either with contrary conclusions, or tacite ob­iections, suppose in a dairned forme, and indirectly: For my in­tention [Page 192]is to instruct, and not irritat, if J may eschew it. The profite I would wish you to make of it, is, as well so to frame all your actions according to these grounds, as may confirme you in the course of honest and obedient Subiects to your King in all times comming, as also, when ye shall fall in purpose with any that shall praise or excuse the by-past rebellions that brake foorth either in this countrey, or in any other, ye shall herewith bee armed against their Sirene songs, laying their particular examples to the square of these grounds. Whereby yee shall soundly keepe the course of righteous Judgement, decerning wisely of euery action onely ac­cording to the qualitie thereof, and not according to your pre­iudged conceits of the committers: So shall ye, by reaping profit to your selues, turne my paine into pleasure. But least the whole Pamphlet runne out at the gaping mouth of this Preface, if it were any more enlarged; I end, with committing you to God, and me to your charitable censures.

C. [...]

THE TREW LAW OF FREE MONARCHIES: OR The Reciprock and mutuall duetie betwixt a free King and his naturall Subiects.

AS there is not a thing so necessarie to be knowne by the people of any land, next the knowledge of their God, as the right knowledge of their allea­geance, according to the forme of gouernement established among them, especially in a Monarchie (which forme of gouernment, as resembling the Diuinitie, approacheth nearest to perfection, as all the learned and wise men from the beginning haue agreed vpon; Vnitie being the perfection of all things,) So hath the ignorance, and (which is worse) the seduced opi­nion of the multitude blinded by them, who thinke themselues able to teach and instruct the ignorants, procured the wracke and ouerthrow of sundry flourishing Common-wealths; and heaped heauy calamities, threat­ning vtter destruction vpon others. And the smiling successe, that vnlaw­full rebellions haue oftentimes had against Princes in aages past (such hath bene the misery, and iniquitie of the time) hath by way of practise strength­ned many in their errour: albeit there cannot be a more deceiueable argu­ment; then to iudge ay the iustnesse of the cause by the euent thereof; as hereafter shalbe proued more at length. And among others, no Common-wealth, that euer hath bene since the beginning, hath had greater need of the trew knowledge of this ground, then this our so long disordered, and distracted Common-wealth hath: the misknowledge hereof being the onely spring, from whence haue flowed so many endlesse calamities, mise­ries, and confusions, as is better felt by many, then the cause thereof well knowne, and deepely considered. The naturall zeale therefore, that I beare to this my natiue countrie, with the great pittie I haue to see the so-long di­sturbance thereof for lacke of the trew knowledge of this ground (as I haue said before) hath compelled me at last to breake silence, to discharge my [Page 194]conscience to you my deare country men herein, that knowing the ground from whence these your many endlesse troubles haue proceeded, as well as ye haue already too-long tasted the bitter fruites thereof, ye may by know­ledge, and eschewing of the cause escape, and diuert the lamentable effects that euer necessarily follow thereupon. I haue chosen then onely to set downe in this short Treatise, the trew grounds of the mutuall duetie, and alleageance betwixt a free and absolute Monarche, and his people; not to trouble your patience with answering the contrary propositions, which some haue not bene ashamed to set downe in writ, to the poysoning of in­finite number of simple soules, and their owne perpetuall, and well deser­ued infamie: For by answering them, I could not haue eschewed whiles to pick, and byte wel saltly their persons; which would rather haue bred con­tentiousnesse among the readers (as they had liked or misliked) then sound instruction of the trewth: Which I protest to him that is the searcher of all hearts, is the onely marke that I shoot at herein.

First then, I will set downe the trew grounds, whereupon I am to build, out of the Scriptures, since Monarchie is the trew paterne of Diuinitie, as I haue already said: next, from the fundamental Lawes of our owne King­dome, which nearest must concerne vs: thirdly, from the law of Nature, by diuers similitudes drawne out of the same: and will conclude syne by answering the most waighty and appearing incommodities that can be obiected.

The Princes duetie to his Subiects is so clearely set downe in many pla­ces of the Scriptures, and so openly confessed by all the good Princes, ac­cording to their oath in their Coronation, as not needing to be long there­in, I shall as shortly as I can runne through it.

Kings are called Gods by the propheticall King Dauid, I sal. 82.6. because they sit vpon GOD his Throne in the earth, and haue the count of their admini­stration to giue vnto him. Psal. 101. Psal. 101. 2. King. 18. 2. Chron. 29. 2. King. 22. and 23.2. chro. 34. & 35. Psal. 72. 1. King 3. Their office is, To minister Iustice and Iudgement to the people, as the same Dauid saith: To aduance the good, and punish the euill, as he likewise saith: To establish good Lawes to his people, and procure obedience to the same, as diuers good Kings of Iudah did: To procure the peace of the people, as the same Dauid saith: To decide all controuersies that can arise among them, as Salomon did: To be the Minister of God for the weale of them that doe well, and as the minister of God, Rom. 13. to take vengeance vpon them that doe euill, as S. Paul saith. And finally, 1. Sam. 8. As a good Pastour, to goe out and in before his people as is said in the first of Samuel: Ierem. 29. That through the Princes prosperitie, the peoples peace may be pro­cured, as Ieremie saith.

And therefore in the Coronation of our owne Kings, as well as of eue­ry Christian Monarche they giue their Oath, first to maintaine the Religion presently professed within their countrie, according to their lawes, where­by it is established, and to punish all those that should presse to alter, or di­sturbe the profession thereof; And next to maintaine all the lowable and good Lawes made by their predecessours: to see them put in execution, [Page 195]and the breakers and violaters thereof, to be punished, according to the te­nour of the same: And lastly, to maintaine the whole countrey, and euery state therein, in all their ancient Priuiledges and Liberties, as well against all forreine enemies, as among themselues: And shortly to procure the weale and flourishing of his people, not onely in maintaining and putting to execution the olde lowable lawes of the countrey, and by establishing of new (as necessitie and euill maners will require) but by all other meanes possible to fore-see and preuent all dangers, that are likely to fall vpon them, and to maintaine concord, wealth, and ciuilitie among them, as a louing Father, and careful watchman, caring for them more then for him­selfe, knowing himselfe to be ordained for them, and they not for him; and therefore countable to that great God, who placed him as his lieute­nant ouer them, vpon the perill of his soule to procure the weale of both soules and bodies, as farre as in him lieth, of all them that are committed to his charge. And this oath in the Coronation is the clearest, ciuill, and fun­damentall Law, whereby the Kings office is properly defined.

By the Law of Nature the King becomes a naturall Father to all his Lie­ges at his Coronation: And as the Father of his fatherly duty is bound to care for the nourishing, education, and vertuous gouernment of his chil­dren; euen so is the king bound to care for all his subiects. As all the toile and paine that the father can take for his children, will be thought light and well bestowed by him, so that the effect thereof redound to their pro­fite and weale; so ought the Prince to doe towards his people. As the kind­ly father ought to foresee all inconuenients and dangers that may arise to­wards his children, and though with the hazard of his owne person presse to preuent the same; so ought the King towards his people. As the fathers wrath and correction vpon any of his children that offendeth, ought to be by a fatherly chastisement seasoned with pitie, as long as there is any hope of amendment in them; so ought the King towards any of his Lieges that offend in that measure. And shortly, as the Fathers chiefe ioy ought to be in procuring his childrens welfare, reioycing at their weale, sorrowing and pitying at their euill, to hazard for their safetie, trauell for their rest, wake for their sleepe; and in a word, to thinke that his earthly felicitie and life standeth and liueth more in them, nor in himselfe; so ought a good Prince thinke of his people.

As to the other branch of this mutuall and reciprock band, is the due­ty and alleageance that the Lieges owe to their King: the ground where­of, I take out of the words of Samuel, dited by Gods Spirit, when God had giuen him commandement to heare the peoples voice in choosing and annointing them a King. And because that place of Scripture being well vnderstood, is so pertinent for our purpose, I haue insert herein the very words of the Text.

  • [Page 196]9 NOw therefore hearken to their voice: howbeit yet testifie vnto them, and shew them the maner of the King, that shall raigne ouer them.
  • 10 So Samuel tolde all the wordes of the Lord vnto the people that asked a King of him.
  • 11 And he said, This shall be the maner of the King that shall raigne ouer you: he will take your sonnes, and appoint them to his Charets, and to be his horsemen, and some shall runne before his Charet.
  • 12 Also, hee will make them his captaines ouer thousands, and captaines ouer fif­ties, and to eare his ground, and to reape his haruest, and to make instruments of warre, and the things that serue for his charets:
  • 13 Hee will also take your daughters, and make them Apothicaries, and Cookes, and Bakers.
  • 14 And hee will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your best Oliue trees, and giue them to his seruants.
  • 15 And he will take the tenth of your seed, and of your Vineyards, and giue it to his Eunuches, and to his seruants.
  • 16 And he will take your men seruants, and your maid seruants, and the chiefe of your yong men, and your asses, and put them to his worke.
  • 17 He will take the tenth of your sheepe: and ye shall be his seruants.
  • 18 And ye shall cry out at that day, because of your King, whom ye haue chosen you: and the Lord God will not beare you at that day.
  • 19 But the people would not heare the voice of Samuel, but did say: Nay, but there shalbe a King ouer vs.
  • 20 And we also will be like all other Nations, and our King shall iudge vs, and goe out before vs, and fight our battels.

That these words, and discourses of Samuel were dited by Gods Spirit, it needs no further probation, but that it is a place of Scripture; since the whole Scripture is dited by that inspiration, as Paul saith: which ground no good Christian will, or dare denie. Whereupon it must necessarily fol­low, that these speeches proceeded not from any ambition in Samuel, as one loath to quite the reines that he so long had ruled, and therefore desirous, by making odious the gouernment of a King, to disswade the people from their farther importunate crauing of one: For, as the text proueth it plain­ly, he then conueened them to giue them a resolute grant of their demand, as God by his owne mouth commanded him, saying, ‘Hearken to the voice of the people.’ And to presse to disswade them frō that, which he then came to grant vnto them, were a thing very impertinent in a wise man; much more in the Pro­phet of the most high God. And likewise, it well appeared in all the course of his life after, that his so long refusing of their sute before came not of any ambition in him: which he well proued in praying, & as it were importu­ning God for the weale of Saul. Yea, after God had declared his reprobation vnto him, yet he desisted not, while God himselfe was wrath at his pray­ing, [Page 197]and discharged his fathers suit in that errand. And that these words of Samuel were not vttered as a prophecie of Saul their first Kings defection, it well appeareth, as well because we heare no mention made in the Scrip­ture of any his tyrannie and oppression, (which, if it had beene, would not haue been left vnpainted out therein, as well as his other faults were, as in a trew mirrour of all the Kings behauiours, whom it describeth) as likewise in respect that Saul was chosen by God for his vertue, and meet qualities to gouerne his people: whereas his defection sprung after-hand from the corruption of his owne nature, & not through any default in God, whom they that thinke so, would make as a step-father to his people, in making wilfully a choise of the vnmeetest for gouerning them, since the election of that King lay absolutely and immediatly in Gods hand. But by the contra­ry it is plaine, and euident, that this speech of Samuel to the people, was to prepare their hearts before the hand to the due obedience of that King, which God was to giue vnto them; and therefore opened vp vnto them, what might be the intollerable qualities that might fall in some of their kings, thereby preparing them to patience, not to resist to Gods ordinance: but as he would haue said; Since God hath granted your importunate suit in giuing you a king, as yee haue else committed an errour in shaking off Gods yoke, and ouer-hastie seeking of a King; so beware yee fall not into the next, in casting off also rashly that yoke, which God at your earnest suite hath laid vpon you, how hard that euer it seeme to be: For as ye could not haue obtained one without the permission and ordinance of God, so may yee no more, fro hee be once set ouer you, shake him off without the same warrant. And therefore in time arme yourselues with patience and humi­litie, since he that hath the only power to make him, hath the onely power to vnmake him, and ye onely to obey, bearing with these straits that I now foreshew you, as with the finger of God, which lieth not in you to take off.

And will ye consider the very wordes of the text in order, as they are set downe, it shall plainely declare the obedience that the people owe to their King in all respects.

First, God commandeth Samuel to doe two things: the one, to grant the people their suit in giuing them a king; the other, to forewarne them, what some kings will doe vnto them, that they may not thereafter in their grud­ging and murmuring say, when they shal feele the snares here fore-spoken; We would neuer haue had a king of God, in case when we craued him, hee had let vs know how wee would haue beene vsed by him, as now we finde but ouer-late. And this is meant by these words:

Now therefore hearken vnto their voice: howbeit yet testifie vnto them, and shew them the maner of the King that shall rule ouer them.

And next, Samuel in execution of this commandement of God, hee like­wise doeth two things.

First, hee declares vnto them, what points of iustice and equitie their king will breake in his behauiour vnto them: And next he putteth them [Page 198]out of hope, that wearie as they will, they shall not haue leaue to shake off that yoke, which God through their importunitie hath laide vpon them. The points of equitie that the King shall breake vnto them, are expressed in these words:

  • 11 He will take your sonnes, and appoint them to his Charets, and to be his horse­men, and some shall run before his Charet.
  • 12 Also he will make them his captaines ouer thousands, and captaines ouer fifties, and to eare his ground, and to reape his haruest, and to make instruments of warre, and the things that serue for his charets.
  • 13 He will also take your daughters, and make them Apothecaries, and Cookes, and Bakers.

The points of Iustice, that hee shall breake vnto them, are expressed in these wordes:

  • 14 Hee will take your fields, and your vineyards, and your best Oliue trees, and giue them to his seruants.
  • 15 And he will take the tenth of your seede, and of your vineyards, and giue it to his Eunuches and to his seruants: and also the tenth of your sheepe.

As if he would say; The best and noblest of your blood shall be com­pelled in slauish and seruile offices to serue him: And not content of his owne patrimonie, will make vp a rent to his owne vse out of your best lands, vineyards, orchards, and store of cattell: So as inuerting the Law of nature, and office of a King, your persons and the persons of your poste­ritie, together with your lands, and all that ye possesse shal serue his priuate vse, and inordinate appetite.

And as vnto the next point (which is his fore-warning them, that, weary as they will, they shall not haue leaue to shake off the yoke, which God tho­row their importunity hath laid vpon them) it is expressed in these words:

  • 18 And yee shall crie out at that day, because of your King whom yee haue chosen you: and the Lord will not heare you at that day.

As he would say; When ye shall finde these things in proofe that now I fore-warne you of, although you shall grudge and murmure, yet it shal not be lawful to you to cast it off, in respect it is not only the ordinance of God, but also your selues haue chosen him vnto you, thereby renouncing for e­uer all priuiledges, by your willing consent out of your hands, whereby in any time hereafter ye would claime, and call backe vnto your selues againe that power, which God shall not permit you to doe. And for further taking away of all excuse, and retraction of this their contract, after their consent to vnder-lie this yoke with all the burthens that hee hath declared vnto them, he craues their answere, and consent to his proposition: which ap­peareth by their answere, as it is expressed in these words:

  • 19 Nay, but there shalbe a King ouer vs.
  • 20 And we also will be like all other nations: and our king shall iudge vs, and goe out before vs and fight our battels.

As if they would haue said; All your speeches and hard conditions shall not skarre vs, but we will take the good and euill of it vpon vs, and we will [Page 199]be content to beare whatsoeuer burthen it shal please our King to lay vpon vs, aswell as other nations doe. And for the good we will get of him in fighting our battels, we will more patiently beare any burthen that shall please him to lay on vs.

Now then, since the erection of this Kingdome and Monarchie among the Iewes, and the law thereof may, and ought to bee a paterne to all Chri­stian and well founded Monarchies, as beeing founded by God himselfe, who by his Oracle, and out of his owne mouth gaue the law thereof: what liberty can broiling spirits, and rebellious minds claime iustly to against any Christian Monarchie; since they can claime to no greater libertie on their part, nor the people of God might haue done, and no greater tyranny was euer executed by any Prince or tyrant, whom they can obiect, nor was here fore-warned to the people of God, (and yet all rebellion counterman­ded vnto them) if tyrannizing ouer mens persons, sonnes, daughters and seruants; redacting noble houses, and men, and women of noble blood, to slauish and scruile offices; and extortion, and spoile of their lands and goods to the princes owne priuate vse and commoditie, and of his courteours, and seruants, may be called a tyrannie?

And that this proposition grounded vpon the Scripture, may the more clearely appeare to be trew by the practise often prooued in the same booke, we neuer reade, that euer the Prophets perswaded the people to rebell a­gainst the Prince, how wicked soeuer he was.

When Samuel by Gods command pronounced to the same king Saul, 1. Sam. 15. that his kingdome was rent from him, and giuen to another (which in ef­fect was a degrading of him) yet his next action following that, was peace­ably to turne home, and with floods of teares to pray to God to haue some compassion vpon him.

And Dauid, notwithstanding hee was inaugurate in that same degraded Kings roome, not onely (when he was cruelly persecuted, for no offence; but good seruice done vnto him) would not presume, hauing him in his power, skantly, but with great reuerence, to touch the garment of the an­noynted of the Lord, and in his words blessed him: but likewise, 1. Sam. 2 4. 2. Sam. 1. when one came to him vanting himselfe vntrewly to haue slaine Saul, hee, without forme of proces, or triall of his guilt, caused onely for guiltinesse of his tongue, put him to sodaine death.

And although there was neuer a more monstrous persecutor, and tyrant nor Achab was: yet all the rebellion, that Elias euer raised against him, was to flie to the wildernes: where for fault of sustentation, he was fed with the Corbies. And I thinke no man will doubt but Samuel, Dauid, and Elias, had as great power to perswade the people, if they had liked to haue employed their credite to vproares & rebellions against these wicked kings, as any of our seditious preachers in these daies of whatsoeuer religion, either in this countrey or in France, had, that busied themselues most to stir vp rebellion vnder cloake of religion. This farre the only loue of veritie, I protest, with­out [Page 200]hatred at their persons, haue mooued me to be somewhat satyricke.

And if any will leane to the extraordinarie examples of degrading or killing of kings in the Scriptures, thereby to cloake the peoples rebellion, as by the deed of Iehu, and such like extraordinaries: I answere, besides that they want the like warrant that they had, if extraordinarie examples of the Scripture shall bee drawne in daily practise; murther vnder traist as in the persons of Ahud, and Iael; theft, as in the persons of the Israelites comming out of Egypt; lying to their parents to the hurt of their brother, as in the person of Iacob, shall all be counted as lawfull and allowable vertues, as re­bellion against Princes. And to conclude, the practise through the whole Scripture prooueth the peoples obedience giuen to that sentence in the law of God: ‘Thou shalt not rayle vpon the Iudges, neither speake euill of the ruler of thy people.’

To end then the ground of my proposition taken out of the Scripture, let two speciall, and notable examples, one vnder the law, another vnder the Euangel, Ier. 27. conclude this part of my alleageance. Vnder the lawe, Ieremie threatneth the people of God with vtter destruction for rebellion to Na­buchadnezar the king of Babel: who although he was an idolatrous persecu­ter, a forraine King, a Tyrant, and vsurper of their liberties; yet in respect they had once receiued and acknowledged him for their king, he not only commandeth them to obey him, Iere. 29. but euen to pray for his prosperitie, adioy­ning the reason to it; because in his prosperitie stood their peace.

And vnder the Euangel, that king, whom Paul bids the Romanes obey and serue for conscience sake, Iere. 13. was Nero that bloody tyrant, an infamie to his aage, and a monster to the world, being also an idolatrous persecuter, as the King of Babel was. If then Idolatrie and defection from God, tyranny o­uer their people, and persecution of the Saints, for their profession sake, hin­dred not the Spirit of God to command his people vnder all highest paine to giue them all due and heartie obedience for conscience sake, giuing to Caesar that which was Caesars, and to God that which was Gods, as Christ saith; and that this practise throughout the booke of God agreeth with this lawe, which he made in the erection of that Monarchie (as is at length be­fore deduced) what shamelesse presumption is it to any Christian people now adayes to claime to that vnlawfull libertie, which God refused to his owne peculiar and chosen people? Shortly then to take vp in two or three sentences, grounded vpon all these arguments, out of the lawe of God, the duetie, and alleageance of the people to their lawfull king, their obedience, I say, ought to be to him, as to Gods Lieutenant in earth, obeying his com­mands in all things, except directly against God, as the commands of Gods Minister, acknowledging him a Iudge set by GOD ouer them, hauing po­wer to iudge them, but to be iudged onely by GOD, whom to onely hee must giue count of his iudgement; fearing him as their Iudge; louing him as their father; praying for him as their protectour; for his continuance, if [Page 201]he be good; for his amendement, if he be wicked; following and obeying his lawfull commaunds, eschewing and flying his fury in his vnlawfull, without resistance, but by sobbes and teares to God, according to that sen­tence vsed in the primitiue Church in the time of the persecution.

Preces, & Lachrymae sunt arma Ecclesiae.

Now, as for the describing the alleageance, that the lieges owe to their natiue King, out of the fundamentall and ciuill Lawe, especially of this countrey, as I promised, the ground must first be set downe of the first ma­ner of establishing the Lawes and forme of gouernement among vs; that the ground being first right laide, we may thereafter build rightly thereup­on. Although it be trew (according to the affirmation of those that pryde themselues to be the scourges of Tyrants) that in the first beginning of Kings rising among Gentiles, in the time of the first aage, diuers common­wealths and societies of men choosed out one among themselues, who for his vertues and valour, being more eminent then the rest, was chosen out by them, and set vp in that roome, to maintaine the weakest in their right, to throw downe oppressours, and to foster and continue the societie a­mong men; which could not otherwise, but by vertue of that vnitie be wel done: yet these examples are nothing pertinent to vs; because our King­dome and diuers other Monarchies are not in that case, but had their be­ginning in a farre contrary fashion.

For as our Chronicles beare witnesse, this Ile, and especially our part of it, being scantly inhabited, but by very few, and they as barbarous and scant of ciuilitie, as number, there comes our first King Fergus, with a great number with him, out of Ireland, which was long inhabited before vs, and making himselfe master of the countrey, by his owne friendship, and force, as well of the Ireland-men that came with him, as of the countrey-men that willingly fell to him, hee made himselfe King and Lord, as well of the whole landes, as of the whole inhabitants within the same. Thereafter he and his successours, a long while after their being Kinges, made and esta­blished their lawes from time to time, and as the occasion required. So the trewth is directly contrarie in our state to the false affirmation of such sedi­tious writers, as would perswade vs, that the Lawes and state of our coun­trey were established before the admitting of a king: where by the contra­rie ye see it plainely prooued, that a wise king comming in among barbares, first established the estate and forme of gouernement, and thereafter made lawes by himselfe, and his successours according thereto.

The kings therefore in Scotland were before any estates or rankes of men within the same, before any Parliaments were holden, or lawes made: and by them was the land distributed (which at the first was whole theirs) states erected and decerned, and formes of gouernement deuised and e­stablished: And so it followes of necessitie, that the kings were the authors and makers of the Lawes, and not the Lawes of the kings. And to prooue this my assertion more clearly, it is euident by the rolles of our Chancellery [Page 202](which containe our eldest and fundamentall Lawes) that the King is Do­minus omnium bonorum, and Dominus directus totius Dominij, the whole sub­iects being but his vassals, and from him holding all their lands as their o­uer-lord, who according to good seruices done vnto him, chaungeth their holdings from tacke to few, from ward to blanch, erecteth new Baronies, and vniteth olde, without aduice or authoritie of either Parliament, or any other subalterin iudiciall seate: So as if wrong might bee admitted in play (albeit I grant wrong should be wrong in all persons) the King might haue a better colour for his pleasure, without further reason, to take the land from his lieges, as ouer-lord of the whole, and doe with it as pleaseth him, since all that they hold is of him, then, as foolish writers say, the people might vnmake the king, and put an other in his roome: But either of them as vnlawful, and against the ordinance of God, ought to be alike odious to be thought, much lesse put in practise.

And according to these fundamentall Lawes already alledged, we daily see that in the Parliament (which is nothing else but the head Court of the king and his vassals) the lawes are but craued by his subiects, and onely made by him at their rogation, and with their aduice: For albeit the king make daily statutes and ordinances, enioyning such paines thereto as hee thinkes meet, without any aduice of Parliament or estates; yet it lies in the power of no Parliament, to make any kinde of Lawe or Statute, without his Scepter be to it, for giuing it the force of a Law: And although diuers changes haue beene in other countries of the blood Royall, and kingly house, the kingdome being reft by conquest from one to another, as in our neighbour countrey in England, (which was neuer in ours) yet the same ground of the kings right ouer all the land, and subiects thereof remaineth alike in all other free Monarchies, as well as in this: For when the Bastard of Normandie came into England, and made himselfe king, was it not by force, and with a mighty army? Where he gaue the Law, and tooke none, changed the Lawes, inuerted the order of gouernement, set downe the strangers his followers in many of the old possessours roomes, as at this day well appeareth a great part of the Gentlemen in England, beeing come of the Norman blood, and their old Lawes, which to this day they are ruled by, are written in his language, and not in theirs: And yet his successours haue with great happinesse enioyed the Crowne to this day; Whereof the like was also done by all them that conquested them before.

And for conclusion of this point, that the king is ouer-lord ouer the whole lands, it is likewise daily proued by the Law of our hoordes, of want of Heires, and of Bastardies: For if a hoord be found vnder the earth, be­cause it is no more in the keeping or vse of any person, it of the law pertains to the king. If a person, inheritour of any lands or goods, dye without any sort of heires, all his landes and goods returne to the king. And if a bastard die vnrehabled without heires of his bodie (which rehabling one­ly lyes in the kings hands) all that hee hath likewise returnes to the king. [Page 203]And as ye see it manifest, that the King is ouer-Lord of the whole land: so is he Master ouer euery person that inhabiteth the same, hauing power ouer the life and death of euery one of them: For although a iust Prince will not take the life of any of his subiects without a cleare law; yet the same lawes whereby he taketh them, are made by himselfe, or his predecessours; and so the power flowes alwaies from him selfe; as by daily experience we see, good and iust Princes will from time to time make new lawes and statutes, adioyning the penalties to the breakers thereof, which before the law was made, had beene no crime to the subiect to haue committed. Not that I de­ny the old definition of a King, and of a law; which makes the king to bee a speaking law, and the Law a dumbe king: for certainely a king that go­uernes not by his lawe, can neither be countable to God for his admini­stration, nor haue a happy and established raigne: For albeit it be trew that I haue at length prooued, that the King is aboue the law, as both the author and giuer of strength thereto; yet a good king will not onely delight to rule his subiects by the lawe, but euen will conforme himselfe in his owne actions thereuneto, alwaies keeping that ground, that the health of the common-wealth be his chiefe lawe: And where he sees the lawe doubt­some or rigorous, hee may interpret or mitigate the same, lest otherwise Summum ius bee summa iniuria: And therefore generall lawes, made publikely in Parliament, may vpon knowen respects to the King by his authoritie bee mitigated, and suspended vpon causes onely knowen to him.

As likewise, although I haue said, a good king will frame all his actions to be according to the Law; yet is hee not bound thereto but of his good will, and for good example-giuing to his subiects: For as in the law of ab­staining from eating of flesh in Lenton, the king will, for examples sake, make his owne house to obserue the Law; yet no man will thinke he needs to take a licence to eate flesh. And although by our Lawes, the bearing and wearing of hag-buts, and pistolets be forbidden, yet no man can find any fault in the King, for causing his traine vse them in any raide vpon the Bor­derers, or other malefactours or rebellious subiects. So as I haue alreadie said, a good King, although hee be aboue the Law, will subiect and frame his actions thereto, for examples sake to his subiects, and of his owne free­will, but not as subiect or bound thereto.

Since I haue so clearely prooued then out of the fundamentall lawes and practise of this country, what right & power a king hath ouer his land and subiects, it is easie to be vnderstood, what allegeance & obedience his lieges owe vnto him; I meane alwaies of such free Monarchies as our king is, and not of electiue kings, and much lesse of such sort of gouernors, as the dukes of Venice are, whose Aristocratick and limited gouernment, is nothing like to free Monarchies; although the malice of some writers hath not beene ashamed to mis-know any difference to be betwixt them. And if it be not lawfull to any particular Lordes tenants or vassals, vpon whatsoeuer [Page 204]pretext, to controll and displace their Master, and ouer-lord (as is clearer nor the Sunne by all Lawes of the world) how much lesse may the subiects and vassals of the great ouer-lord the KING controll or displace him? And since in all inferiour iudgements in the land, the people may not vpon any respects displace their Magistrates, although but subaltern: for the people of a borough, cannot displace their Prouost before the time of their ele­ction: nor in Ecclesiasticall policie the flocke can vpon any pretence dis­place the Pastor, nor iudge of him: yea euen the poore Schoolemaster can­not be displaced by his schollers: If these, I say (whereof some are but infe­riour, subaltern, and temporall Magistrates, and none of them equall in any sort to the dignitie of a King) cannot be displaced for any occasion or pre­text by them that are ruled by them: how much lesse is it lawfull vpon any pretext to controll or displace the great Prouost, and great Schoole-master of the whole land: except by inuerting the order of all Law and reason, the commanded may be made to command their commander, the iudged to iudge their Iudge, and they that are gouerned, to gouerne their time about their Lord and gouernour.

And the agreement of the Law of nature in this our ground with the Lawes and constitutions of God, and man, already alledged, will by two similitudes easily appeare. The King towards his people is rightly compa­red to a father of children, and to a head of a body composed of diuers members: For as fathers, the good Princes, and Magistrates of the people of God acknowledged themselues to their subiects. And for all other well ruled Common-wealths, the stile of Pater patriae was euer, and is common­ly vsed to Kings. And the proper office of a King towards his Subiects, agrees very wel with the office of the head towards the body, and all mem­bers thereof: For from the head, being the seate of Iudgement, proceedeth the care and foresight of guiding, and preuenting all euill that may come to the body or any part thereof. The head cares for the body, so doeth the King for his people. As the discourse and direction flowes from the head, and the execution according thereunto belongs to the rest of the mem­bers, euery one according to their office: so is it betwixt a wise Prince, and his people. As the iudgement comming from the head may not onely im­ploy the members, euery one in their owne office, as long as they are able for it; but likewise in case any of them be affected with any infirmitie must care and prouide for their remedy, in-case it be curable, and if otherwise, gar cut them off for feare of infecting of the rest: euen so is it betwixt the Prince, and his people. And as there is euer hope of curing any diseased member by the direction of the head, as long as it is whole; but by the con­trary, if it be troubled, all the members are partakers of that paine, so is it be­twixt the Prince and his people.

And now first for the fathers part (whose naturall loue to his children I described in the first part of this my discourse, speaking of the dutie that Kings owe to their Subiects) consider, I pray you what duetie his children [Page 205]owe to him, & whether vpō any pretext whatsoeuer, it wil not be thought monstrous and vnnaturall to his sons, to rise vp against him, to control him at their appetite, and when they thinke good to sley him, or to cut him off, and adopt to themselues any other they please in his roome: Or can any pretence of wickednes or rigor on his part be a iust excuse for his children to put hand into him? And although wee see by the course of nature, that loue vseth to descend more then to ascend, in case it were trew, that the fa­ther hated and wronged the children neuer so much, will any man, endued with the least sponke of reason, thinke it lawfull for them to meet him with the line? Yea, suppose the father were furiously following his sonnes with a drawen sword, is it lawfull for them to turne and strike againe, or make any resistance but by flight? I thinke surely, if there were no more but the example of bruit beasts & vnreasonable creatures, it may serue well enough to qualifie and proue this my argnment. We reade often the pietie that the Storkes haue to their olde and decayed parents: And generally wee know, that there are many sorts of beasts and fowles, that with violence and many bloody strokes will beat and banish their yong ones from them, how soone they perceiue them to be able to fend themselues; but wee neuer read or heard of any resistance on their part, except among the vipers; which prooues such persons, as ought to be reasonable creatures, and yet vnnatu­rally follow this example, to be endued with their viperous nature.

And for the similitude of the head and the body, it may very well fall out that the head will be forced to garre cut off some rotten member (as I haue already said) to keepe the rest of the body in integritie: but what state the body can be in, if the head, for any infirmitie that can fall to it, be cut off, I leaue it to the readers iudgement.

So as (to conclude this part) if the children may vpon any pretext that can be imagined, lawfully rise vp against their Father, cut him off, & choose any other whom they please in his roome; and if the body for the weale of it, may for any infirmitie that can be in the head, strike it off, then I cannot deny that the people may rebell, controll, and displace, or cut off their king at their owne pleasure, and vpon respects moouing them. And whether these similitudes represent better the office of a King, or the offices of Ma­sters or Deacons of crafts, or Doctors in Physicke (which iolly compari­sons are vsed by such writers as maintaine the contrary proposition) I leaue it also to the readers discretion.

And in case any doubts might arise in any part of this treatise, I wil (ac­cording to my promise) with the solution of foure principall and most weightie doubts, that the aduersaries may obiect, conclude this discourse. And first it is casten vp by diuers, that employ their pennes vpon Apolo­gies for rebellions and treasons that euery man is borne to carry such a na­turall zeale and duety to his common-wealth, as to his mother; that seeing it so rent and deadly wounded, as whiles it will be by wicked and tyran­nous Kings, good Citizens will be forced, for the naturall zeale and duety [Page 206]they owe to their owne natiue countrey, to put their hand to worke for freeing their common-wealth from such a pest.

Whereunto I giue two answeres: First, it is a sure Axiome in Theologie, that euill should not be done, that good may come of it: The wickednesse therefore of the King can neuer make them that are ordained to be iudged by him, to become his Iudges. And if it be not lawfull to a priuate man to reuenge his priuate iniury vpon his priuate aduersary (since God hath one­ly giuen the sword to the Magistrate) how much lesse is it lawfull to the people, or any part of them (who all are but priuate men, the authoritie being alwayes with the Magistrate, as I haue already proued) to take vpon them the vse of the sword, whom to it belongs not, against the publicke Magistrate, whom to onely it belongeth.

Next, in place of relieuing the common-wealth out of distresse (which is their onely excuse and colour) they shall heape double distresse and desola­tion vpon it; and so their rebellion shall procure the contrary effects that they pretend it for: For a king cannot be imagined to be so vnruly and ty­rannous, but the common-wealth will be kept in better order, notwith­standing thereof, by him, then it can be by his way-taking. For first, all sudden mutations are perillous in common-wealths, hope being thereby giuen to all bare men to set vp themselues, and flie with other mens fea­thers, the reines being loosed to all the insolencies that disordered people can commit by hope of impunitie, because of the loosenesse of all things.

And next, it is certaine that a king can neuer be so monstrously vicious, but hee will generally fauour iustice, and maintaine some order, except in the particulars, wherein his inordinate lustes and passions cary him away; where by the contrary, no King being, nothing is vnlawfull to none: And so the olde opinion of the Philosophers prooues trew, That better it is to liue in a Common-wealth, where nothing is lawfull, then where all things are lawfull to all men; the Common-wealth at that time resembling an vndanted young horse that hath casten his rider: For as the diuine Poet DV BARTAS sayth, Better it were to suffer some disorder in the estate, and some spots in the Common-wealth, then in pretending to reforme, vtterly to ouer­throw the Republicke.

The second obiection they ground vpon the curse that hangs ouer the common-wealth, where a wicked king reigneth: and, say they, there can­not be a more acceptable deed in the sight of God, nor more dutiful to their common-weale, then to free the countrey of such a curse, and vindicate to them their libertie, which is naturall to all creatures to craue.

Whereunto for answere, I grant indeed, that a wicked king is sent by God for a curse to his people, and a plague for their sinnes: but that it is lawfull to them to shake off that curse at their owne hand, which God hath laid on them, that I deny, and may so do iustly. Will any deny that the king of Babel was a curse to the people of God, as was plainly fore-spoken and threatned vnto them in the prophecie of their captiuitie? And what was Nero to [Page 207]the Christian Church in his time? And yet Ieremy and Paul (as yee haue else heard) commanded them not onely to obey them, but heartily to pray for their welfare.

It is certaine then (as I haue already by the Law of God sufficiently pro­ued) that patience, earnest prayers to God, and amendment of their liues, are the onely lawful meanes to moue God to relieue them of that heauie curse. As for vindicating to themselues their owne libertie, what lawfull power haue they to reuoke to themselues againe those priuiledges, which by their owne consent before were so fully put out of their hands? for if a Prince cannot iustly bring backe againe to himself the priuiledges once bestowed by him or his predecessors vpon any state or ranke of his subiects; how much lesse may the subiects reaue out of the princes hand that superioritie, which he and his Predecessors haue so long brooked ouer them?

But the vnhappy iniquitie of the time, which hath oft times giuen ouer good successe to their treasonable attempts, furnisheth them the ground of their third obiection: For, say they, the fortunate successe that God hath so oft giuen to such enterprises, prooueth plainely by the practise, that God fauoured the iustnesse of their quarrell.

To the which I answere, that it is trew indeed, that all the successe of bat­tels, as well as other worldly things, lyeth onely in Gods hand: And there­fore it is that in the Scripture he takes to himselfe the style of God of Hosts. But vpon that generall to conclude, that hee euer giues victory to the iust quarrell, would prooue the Philistims, and diuers other neighbour enemies of the people of God to haue oft times had the iust quarrel against the peo­ple of God, in respect of the many victories they obtained against them. And by that same argument they had also iust quarrell against the Arke of God: For they wan it in the field, and kept it long prisoner in their coun­trey. As likewise by all good Writers, as well Theologues, as other, the Duels and singular combats are disallowed; which are onely made vpon pretence, that GOD will kith thereby the iustice of the quarrell: For wee must consider that the innocent partie is not innocent before God: And therefore God will make oft times them that haue the wrong side reuenge iustly his quarrell; and when he hath done, cast his scourge in the fire; as he oft times did to his owne people, stirring vp and strengthening their enemies, while they were humbled in his sight, and then deliuered them in their hands. So God, as the great Iudge may iustly punish his Deputie, and for his rebellion against him, stir vp his rebels to meet him with the like: And when it is done, the part of the instrument is no better then the diuels part is in tempting and torturing such as God committeth to him as his hangman to doe: Therefore, as I said in the beginning, it is oft times a very deceiueable argument, to iudge of the cause by the euent.

And the last obiection is grounded vpon the mutuall paction and ad­stipulation (as they call it) betwixt the King and his people, at the time of his coronation: For there, say they, there is a mutuall paction, and contract [Page 208]bound vp, and sworne betwixt the king, and the people: Whereupon it fol­loweth, that if the one part of the contract or the Indent bee broken vpon the Kings side, the people are no longer bound to keepe their part of it, but are thereby freed of their oath: For (say they) a contract betwixt two par­ties, of all Law frees the one partie, if the other breake vnto him.

As to this contract alledged made at the coronation of a King, although I deny any such contract to bee made then, especially containing such a clause irritant as they alledge; yet I confesse, that a king at his coronation, or at the entry to his kingdome, willingly promiseth to his people, to dis­charge honorably and trewly the office giuen him by God ouer them: But presuming that thereafter he breake his promise vnto them neuer so inex­cusable; the question is, who should bee iudge of the breake, giuing vnto them, this contractwere made vnto them neuer so sicker, according to their alleageance. I thinke no man that hath but the smallest entrance into the ci­uill Law, will doubt that of all Law, either ciuil or municipal of any nation, a contract cannot be thought broken by the one partie, and so the other likewise to be freed therefro, except that first a lawfull triall and cognition be had by the ordinary Iudge of the breakers thereof: Or else euery man may be both party and Iudge in his owne cause; which is absurd once to be thought. Now in this contract (I say) betwixt the king and his people, God is doubtles the only Iudge, both because to him onely the king must make count of his administration (as is oft said before) as likewise by the oath in the coronation, God is made iudge and reuenger of the breakers: For in his presence, as only iudge of oaths, all oaths ought to be made. Then since God is the onely Iudge betwixt the two parties contractors, the cognition and reuenge must onely appertaine to him: It followes therefore of necessitie, that God must first giue sentence vpon the King that breaketh, before the people can thinke themselues freed of their oath. What iustice then is it, that the partie shall be both iudge and partie, vsurping vpon himselfe the office of God, may by this argument easily appeare: And shall it lie in the hands of headlesse multitude, when they please to weary off subiection, to cast off the yoake of gouernement that God hath laid vpon them; to iudge and punish him, whom-by they should be iudged and punished; and in that case, wherein by their violence they kythe themselues to be most pas­sionate parties, to vse the office of an vngracious Iudge or Arbiter? Nay, to speake trewly of that case, as it stands betwixt the king and his people, none of them ought to iudge of the others breake: For considering rightly the two parties at the time of their mutuall promise, the king is the one party, and the whole people in one body are the other party. And therfore since it is certaine, that a king, in case so it should fal out, that his people in one body had rebelled against him, hee should not in that case, as thinking himselfe free of his promise and oath; become an vtter enemy, and practise the wreake of his whole people and natiue country: although he ought iustly to punish the principall authours and bellowes of that vniuersall rebel­lion: [Page 209]how much lesse then ought the people (that are alwaies subiect vnto him, and naked of all authoritie on their part) presse to iudge and ouer­throw him? otherwise the people, as the one partie contracters, shall no sooner challenge the king as breaker, but hee assoone shall iudge them as breakers: so as the victors making the tyners the traitors (as our prouerbe is) the partie shall aye become both iudge and partie in his owne particu­lar, as I haue alreadie said.

And it is here likewise to be noted, that the duty and alleageance, which the people sweareth to their prince, is not only bound to themselues, but likewise to their lawfull heires and posterity, the lineall successiō of crowns being begun among the people of God, and happily continued in diuers christian common-wealths: So as no obiection either of heresie, or what­soeuer priuate statute or law may free the people from their oath-giuing to their king, and his succession, established by the old fundamentall lawes of the kingdome: For, as hee is their heritable ouer-lord, and so by birth, not by any right in the coronation, commeth to his crowne, it is a like vnlaw­ful (the crowne euer standing full) to displace him that succeedeth thereto, as to eiect the former: For at the very moment of the expiring of the king reigning, the nearest and lawful heire entreth in his place: And so to refuse him, or intrude another, is not to holde out vncomming in, but to expell and put out their righteous King. And I trust at this time whole France ac­knowledgeth the superstitious rebellion of the liguers, who vpon pretence of heresie, by force of armes held so long out, to the great desolation of their whole countrey, their natiue and righteous king from possessing of his owne crowne and naturall kingdome.

Not that by all this former discourse of mine, and Apologie for kings, I meane that whatsoeuer errors and intollerable abominations a souereigne prince commit, hee ought to escape all punishment, as if thereby the world were only ordained for kings, & they without controlment to turne it vp­side down at their pleasure: but by the contrary, by remitting them to God (who is their onely ordinary Iudge) I remit them to the soreit and sharpest schoolemaster that can be deuised for them: for the further a king is prefer­red by God aboue all other ranks & degrees of men, and the higher that his seat is aboue theirs, the greater is his obligation to his maker. And therfore in case he forget himselfe (his vnthankfulnes being in the same measure of height) the sadder and sharper will his correction be; and according to the greatnes of the height he is in, the weight of his fall wil recōpense the same: for the further that any person is obliged to God, his offence becomes and growes so much the greater, then it would be in any other. Ioues thunder­claps light oftner and sorer vpon the high & stately oakes, then on the low and supple willow trees: and the highest bench is sliddriest to sit vpon. Neither is it euer heard that any king forgets himselfe towards God, or in his vocation; but God with the greatnesse of the plague reuengeth the greatnes of his ingratitude: Neither thinke I by the force and argument [Page 210]of this my discourse so to perswade the people, that none will hereafter be raised vp, and rebell against wicked Princes. But remitting to the iustice and prouidence of God to stirre vp such scourges as pleaseth him, for pu­nishment of wicked kings (who made the very vermine and filthy dust of the earth to bridle the insolencie of proud Pharaoh) my onely purpose and intention in this treatise is to perswade, as farre as lieth in me, by these sure and infallible grounds, all such good Christian readers, as beare not onely the naked name of a Christian, but kith the fruites thereof in their daily forme of life, to keepe their hearts and hands free from such monstrous and vnnaturall rebellions, whensoeuer the wickednesse of a Prince shall procure the same at Gods hands: that, when it shall please God to cast such scourges of princes, and instruments of his fury in the fire, ye may stand vp with cleane handes, and vnspotted consciences, hauing prooued your selues in all your actions trew Christians toward God, and dutifull subiects towards your King, hauing remitted the iudgement and punishment of all his wrongs to him, whom to onely of right it appertaineth.

But crauing at God, and hoping that God shall continue his blessing with vs, in not sending such fearefull desolation, I heartily wish our kings behauiour so to be, and continue among vs, as our God in earth, and louing Father, endued with such properties as I described a King in the first part of this Treatise. And that ye (my deare countreymen, and charitable rea­ders) may presse by all meanes to procure the prosperitie and welfare of your King; that as hee must on the one part thinke all his earthly felicitie and happinesse grounded vpon your weale, caring more for himselfe for your sake then for his owne, thinking himselfe onely ordained for your weale; such holy and happy emulation may arise betwixt him and you, as his care for your quietnes, and your care for his honour and preseruation, may in all your actions daily striue together, that the Land may thinke themselues blessed with such a King, and the king may thinke himselfe most happy in ruling ouer so louing and obedient subiects.

FINIS.

A COVNTERBLASTE TO TOBACCO.

TO THE READER.

AS euery humane body (deare Countrey men) how wholesome soeuer, is not­withstanding subiect, or at least natu­rally inclined to some sorts of diseases, or infirmities: so is there no Common-wealth, or Body-politicke, how well go­uerned, or peaceable soeuer it be, that lackes the owne popular errors, and na­turally inclined corruptions: and therefore is it no wonder, although this our Countrey and Common-wealth, though peaceable, though wealthy, though long flourishing in both, be amongst the rest, sub­iect to the owne naturall infirmities. We are of all Nations the people most louing, and most reuerently obedient to our Prince, yet are we (as time hath often borne witnesse) too easie to be seduced to make Rebellion vpon very slight grounds. Our fortunate and oft proued valour in warres abroad, our heartie and reuerent obe­dience to our Princes at home, hath bred vs a long, and a thrice happie peace: Our peace hath bread wealth: And peace and wealth hath brought forth a generall sluggishnesse, which makes vs wallow in all sorts of idle delights, and soft delicacies, the first [Page 212]seeds of the subuersion of all great Monarchies. Our Cleargie are become negligent and lazie, Our Nobilitie and Gentrie pro­digall, and sold to their priuate delights, Our Lawyers couetous, Our Common people prodigall and curious; and generally all sorts of people more carefull for their priuate ends, then for their mother the Common-wealth.

For remedie whereof, it is the Kings part (as the proper Phi­sician of his Politicke-bodie) to purge it of all those diseases, by Medicines meete for the same: as by a certaine milde, and yet iust forme of gouernment, to maintaine the Publicke quiet­nesse, and preuent all occasions of Commotion: by the example of his owne Person and Court, to make vs all ashamed of our slug­gish delicacie, and to stirre vs vp to the practise againe of all ho­nest exercises, and Martiall shadowes of Warre; As like­wise by his, and his Courts moderatenesse in Apparell, to make vs ashamed of our prodigalitie: By his quicke admonitions and carefull ouerseeing of the Cleargie, to waken them vp againe, to be more diligent in their Offices: By the sharpe triall, and se­uere punishment of the partiall, couetous and bribing Lawyers, to reforme their corruptions: And generally by the example of his owne Person, and by the due execution of good Lawes, to reforme and abolish, piece and piece, these olde and euill grounded abuses: For this will not be Opus vnius diei, but as euery one of these dis­eases, must from the King receiue the owne cure proper for it, so are there some sorts of abuses in Common-wealths, that though they bee of so base and contemptible a condition, as they are too low for the Law to looke on, and to meane for a King to interpone his authoritie, or bend his eye vpon; yet are they corruptions, as­well as the greatest of them. So is an Ant an Animal, aswell as an Elephant: so is a Wrenne Auis, aswell as a Swanne, and so is a small dint of the Tooth-ake, a disease aswell as the feare­full Plague is. But for these base sorts of corruption in Com­mon-wealths, not onely the King, or any inferiour Magistrate, but Quilibet è populo may serue to be a Phisician, by discouering and impugning the error, and by perswading reformation thereof.

[Page 213]And surely in my opinion, there cannot bee a more base, and yet hurtfull, corruption in a Countrey, then is the vile vse (or rather abuse) of taking Tobacco in this Kingdome, which hath mooued mee, shortly to discouer the abuses thereof in this following little Pamphlet.

Jf any thinke it a light Argument, so is it but a toy that is be­stowed vpon it. And since the Subiect is but of Smoke, J thinke the fume of an idle braine, may serue for a sufficient batterie a­gainst so fumous and feeble an enemie. Jf my grounds bee found trew, it is all J looke for; but if they cary the force of per­swasion with them, it is all J can wish, and more then I can ex­pect. My onely care is, that you, my deare Countrey-men, may rightly conceiue euen by this smallest trifle, of the since­ritie of my meaning in greater matters, neuer to spare any paine, that may tend to the procuring of your weale and prosperitie.

A COVNTERBLASTE TO TOBACCO.

THat the manifold abuses of this vile cu­stome of Tobacco taking, may the better be espied, it is fit, that first you enter into con­sideration both of the first originall thereof, and likewise of the reasons of the first entry thereof into this Countrey. For certainely as such customes, that haue their first insti­tution either from a godly, necessary, or ho­nourable ground, and are first brought in, by the meanes of some worthy, vertuous, and great Personage, are euer, and most iustly, holden in great and reuerent estimation and account, by all wise, vertuous, and temperate spirits: So should it by the contrary, iustly bring a great disgrace into that sort of cu­stomes, which hauing their originall from base corruption and barbaritie, doe in like sort, make their first entry into a Countrey, by an inconsiderate and childish affectation of Noueltie, as is the trew case of the first inuenti­on of Tobacco taking, and of the first entry thereof among vs. For Tobacco be­ing a common herbe, which (though vnder diuers names) growes almost euery where, was first found out by some of the barbarous Indians, to be a Preseruatiue or Antidote against the Pocks, a filthy disease, wherunto these barbarous people are (as all men know) very much subiect, what through the vncleanely and adust constitution of their bodies, and what through the intemperate heate of their Climate: so that as from them was first brought into Christendome, that most detestable disease; so from them likewise was brought this vse of Tobacco, as a stinking and vnsauourie An­tidote, for so corrupted and execrable a maladie, the stinking suffumigati­on whereof they yet vse against that disease, making so one canker or ve­nime to eate out another.

And now good Countrey-men, let vs (I pray you) consider, what ho­nour or policy can mooue vs to imitate the barbarous and beastly maners of the wilde, godlesse, and slauish Indians, especially in so vile and stinking a custome? Shall we that disdaine to imitate the maners of our neighbour [Page 215] France (hauing the stile of the first Christian Kingdome) and that cannot endure the spirit of the Spaniards (their King being now comparable in largenesse of Dominions, to the great Emperour of Turkie) Shall wee, I say, that haue bene so long ciuill and wealthy in Peace, famous and inuin­cible in Warre, fortunate in both, we that haue bene euer able to aide any of our neighbours (but neuer deafed any of their eares with any of our supplications for assistance) shall wee, I say, without blushing abase our selues so farre, as to imitate these beastly Indians, slaues to the Spaniards, re­fuse to the world, and as yet aliens from the holy Couenant of God? Why doe we not as well imitate them in walking naked as they doe? in prefer­ring glasses, feathers, and such toyes, to gold and precious stones, as they doe? yea why doe we not denie God and adore the diuel, as they doe?

Now to the corrupted basenesse of the first vse of this Tobacco, doeth ve­ry well agree the foolish and groundlesse first entry thereof into this King­dome. It is not so long since the first entry of this abuse amongst vs here, as this present aage cannot yet very well remember, both the first Authour, and the forme of the first introduction of it amongst vs. It was neither brought in by King, great Conquerour, nor learned doctour of Phisicke.

With the report of a great discouery for a Conquest, some two or three Sauage men, were brought in, together with this Sauage custome. But the pitie is, the poore wilde barbarous men died, but that vile barbarous cu­stome is yet aliue, yea in fresh vigor: so as it seemes a miracle to me, how a custome springing from so vile a ground, and brought in by a father so generally hated, should be welcomed vpon so slender a warrant. For if they that first put it in practise here, had remembred for what respect it was vsed by them from whence it came, I am sure they would haue bene loath, to haue taken so farre the imputation of that disease vpon them as they did, by vsing the cure thereof: For Sanis non est opus medico, and counterpoisons are neuer vsed, but where poison is thought to precede.

But since it is trew, that diuers customes slightly grounded, and with no better warrant entred in a Common-wealth, may yet in the vse of them thereafter, prooue both necessary and profitable; it is therefore next to bee examined, if there be not a full Sympathie and true Proportion, betweene the base ground and foolish entrie, and the loathsome and hurtfull vse of this stinking Antidote.

I am now therefore heartily to pray you to consider, first vpon what false and erroneous grounds you haue first built the generall good liking thereof; and next, what sinnes towards God, and foolish vanities before the world you commit, in the detestable vse of it.

As for these deceitfull grounds, that haue specially moued you to take a good and great conceit thereof, I shall content my selfe to examine here onely foure of the principals of them; two founded vpon the Theoricke of a deceiueable apparance of reason, and two of them vpon the mistaken practicke of generall experience.

[Page 216]First, it is thought by you a sure Aphorisme in the Physickes, That the braines of all men, beeing naturally cold and wet, all drie and hote things should be good for them; of which nature this stinking suffumigation is, and therefore of good vse to them. Of this argument, both the proposi­tion and assumption are false, and so the conclusion cannot but be voyd of it selfe. For as to the Proposition, That because the braines are colde and moist, therefore things that are hote and dry are best for them, it is an inept consequence: For man beeing compounded of the foure Complexions, (whose fathers are the foure Elements) although there be a mixture of them all in all the parts of his body, yet must the diuers parts of our Microcosme or little world within our selues, be diuersly more inclined, some to one, some to another complexion, according to the diuersitie of their vses, that of these discords a perfect harmonie may be made vp for the maintenance of the whole body.

The application then of a thing of a contrary nature, to any of these parts, is to interrupt them of their due function, and by consequence hurt­full to the health of the whole bodie. As if a man, because the Liuer is hote (as the fountaine of blood) and as it were an ouen to the stomacke, would therefore apply and weare close vpon his Liuer and stomacke a cake of lead; he might within a very short time (I hope) bee susteined very good cheape at an Ordinarie, beside the clearing of his conscience from that deadly sinne of gluttonie. And as if, because the Heart is full of vitall spirits, and in perpetuall motion, a man would therefore lay a heauie pound stone on his breast, for staying and holding downe that wanton palpitation, I doubt not but his breast would be more bruised with the weight therof, then the heart would be comforted with such a disagreeable and contrarious cure. And euen so is it with the braines: For if a man, because the braines are cold and humide, would therefore vse inwardly by smells, or outwardly by ap­plication, things of hot and dry qualitie, all the gaine that he could make thereof would onely be to put himselfe in a great forwardnes for running mad, by ouerwatching himselfe, the coldnesse and moistnesse of our braine being the onely ordinary meanes that procure our sleepe and rest. Indeed I doe not deny, but when it falls out that any of these, or any part of our bo­die growes to be distempered, and to tend to an extremitie, beyond the compasse of Natures temperate mixture, that in that case cures of contrary qualities, to the intemperate inclination of that part, being wisely prepared and discreetly ministred, may be both necessary and helpfull for strength­ning and assisting Nature in the expulsion of her enemies: for this is the trew definition of all profitable Phisicke.

But first these Cures ought not to be vsed, but where there is need of them, the contrary whereof, is daily practised in this generall vse of Tobacco by all sorts and complexions of people.

And next, I denie the Minor of this argument, as I haue already said, in regard that this Tobacco, is not simply of a dry and hote qualitie; but rather [Page 217]hath a certain venemous facultie ioyned with the heat therof, which makes it haue an Antipathy against nature, as by the hateful smel therof doth well appeare. For the nose being the proper Organ and conuoy of the sense of smelling to the braines, which are the only fountaine of that sense, doth euer serue vs for an infallible witnesse, whether that odour which we smell, be healthfull or hurtfull to the braine, (except when it fals out that the senseit selfe is corrupted and abused through some infirmitie, and distemper in the braine.) And that the suffumigation thereof cannot haue a drying quality, it needs no further probation, then that it is a smoke, all smoke and vapour, being of it selfe humide, as drawing neere to the nature of the aire, and easie to be resolued againe into water, whereof there needs no other proofe but the Meteors, which being bred of nothing else but of the vapors and exha­lations sucked vp by the Sun out of the earth, the sea, and waters, yet are the same smoakie vapors turned and transformed into raines, snowes, deawes, hoare frosts, and such like waterie Meteors, as by the contrary the rainie cloudes are often transformed and euaporated in blustering windes.

The second Argument grounded on a shew of reason is, That this filthy smoake, aswell through the heat and strength thereof, as by a naturall force and quality, is able and fit to purge both the head and stomack of rhewmes and distillations, as experience teacheth, by the spitting & auoiding fleame, immediatly after the taking of it. But the fallacie of this Argument may ea­sily appeare, by my late preceding description of the Meteors. For euen as the smoakie vapours sucked vp by the Sunne, and stayed in the lowest and cold Region of the aire, are there contracted into clouds, and turned into raine and such other watery Meteors: So this stinking smoake being suc­ked vp by the nose, & imprisoned in the cold and moyst braines, is by their cold and wet facultie, turned and cast forth againe in waterie distillations, and so are you made free and purged of nothing, but that wherewith you wilfully burdened your selues: and therefore are you no wiser in taking To­bacco for purging you of distillations, then if for preuenting the Cholicke you would take all kind of windie meats and drinkes; and for preuenting of the Stone, you would take all kinde of meates and drinkes that would breed grauell in the kidneys, and then when you were forced to auoide much winde out of your stomacke, and much grauell in your Vrine, that you should attribute the thanke therof to such nourishments, as bred those within you, that behooued either to be expelled by the force of Nature, or you to haue burst at the broad side, as the Prouerbe is.

As for the other two reasons founded vpon experience, the first of which is, That the whole people would not haue taken so generall a good liking thereof, if they had not by experience found it very soueraigne and good for them: For answere thereunto, how easily the mindes of any people, wherewith God hath replenished this world may be drawen to the foolish affectation of any noueltie, I leaue it to the discreet iudgement of any man that is reasonable.

[Page 218]Doe we not daily see, that a man can no sooner bring ouer from beyond the seas any new forme of apparell, but that he cannot be thought a man of spirit, that would not presently imitate the same? And so from hand to hand it spreads, till it be practised by all, not for any commodity that is in it, but only because it is come to be the fashion. For such is the force of that natu­rall selfe-loue in euery one of vs, and such is the corruption of enuy bred in the brest of euery one, as we cannot be content vnlesse wee imitate euery thing that our fellowes doe, and so prooue our selues capable of euery thing whereof they are capable, like Apes, counterfeiting the maners of others, to our owne destruction. For let one or two of the greatest Masters of Mathe­maticks in any of the two famous Vniuersities, but constantly affirme any cleare day, that they seesome strange apparition in the skies; they wil I war­rant you be seconded by the greatest part of the students in that profession: So loth will they be, to be thought inferior to their fellowes, either in depth of knowledge or sharpnes of sight: And therfore the generall good liking and imbracing of this foolish custome, doth but only proceed from that af­fectation of noueltie, and popular errour, whereof I haue already spoken.

The other argument drawn from a mistaken experience, is but the more particular probation of this generall, because it is alledged to be found trew by proofe, that by the taking of Tobacco diuers and very many doe finde themselues cured of diuers diseases; as on the other part, no man euer recei­ued harme thereby. In this argument there is first a great mistaking, and next a monstrous absurditie: For is it not a very great mistaking, to take non causam pro causa, as they say in the Logickes? because peraduenture when a sicke man hath had his disease at the height, hee hath at that instant taken Tobacco, and afterward his disease taking the naturall course of declining, and consequently the Patient of recouering his health, O then the Tobacco forsooth, was the worker of that miracle. Beside that, it is a thing wel known to all Physicians, that the apprehension and conceit of the patient, hath by wakening and vniting the vitall spirits, and so strengthening nature, a great power and vertue to cure diuers diseases. For an euident proofe of mista­king in the like case, I pray you what foolish boy, what silly wench, what olde doting wife, or ignorant countrey clowne, is not a Physician for the toothach, for the cholicke, and diuers such common diseases? Yea, will not euery man you meet withall, teach you a sundry curefor the same, & sweare by that meane either himselfe, or some of his neerest kinsemen and friends was cured? And yet I hope no man is so foolish as to beleeue them. And all these toyes do only proceed fro the mistaking Non causam pro causa, as I haue already said, and so if a man chance to recouer one of any disease, after hee hath taken Tobacco, that must haue the thanks of all. But by the contrary, if a man smoke himselfe to death with it (and many haue done) O then some other disease must beare the blame for that fault. So doe old harlots thanke their harlotrie for their many yeeres, that custome being healthfull (say they) ad purgandos Renes, but neuer haue mind how many die of the Pockes [Page 219]in the flower of their youth. And so doe olde drunkards thinke they pro­long their dayes, by their swinelike diet, but neuer remember how many die drowned in drinke before they be halfe olde.

And what greater absurditie can therebe, then to say that one cure shall serue for diuers, nay, cōtrarious sorts of diseases? It is an vndoubted ground among all Physicians, that there is almost no sort either of nourishment or medicine, that hath not some thing in it disagreeable to some part of mans bodie, because as I haue alreadie said, the nature of the temperature of euery part, is so different from another, that according to the olde pro­uerbe, That which is good for the head, is euill for the necke and the shoul­ders: For euen as a strong enemy, that inuades a town or fortresse, although in his siege thereof, he do belay and compasse it round about, yet he makes his breach and entry, at some one or fewe speciall parts thereof, which hee hath tried and found to be weakest and least able to resist; so sickenes doth make her particular assault, vpon such part or parts of our body, as are wea­kest and easiest to be ouercome by that sort of disease, which then doth as­saile vs, although all the rest of the body by Sympathie feele it selfe to be as it were belayed, and besieged by the affliction of that speciall part, the griefe and smart thereof being by the sense of feeling dispersed through all the rest of our members. And therefore the skilfull Physician presses by such cures to purge and strengthen that part which is afflicted, as are only fit for that sort of disease, and doe best agree with the nature of that infirme part; which being abused to a disease of another nature, would proue as hurtfull for the one, as helpfull for the other. Yea, not onely will a skilfull and wary Physician becarefull to vse no cure but that which is fit for that sort of dis­ease, but he will also consider all other circumstances, & make the remedies sutable therunto; as the temperature of the clime where the Patient is, the constitution of the Planets, the time of the Moone, the season of the yeere, the aage and complexion of the Patient, and the present state of his body, in strength or weaknes: For one cure must not euer be vsed for the selfesame disease, but according to the varying of any of the foresaid circumstances, that sort of remedy must be vsed which is fittest for the same. Where by the contrary in this case, such is the miraculous omnipotencie of our strong ta­sted Tobacco, as it cures al sorts of diseases (which neuer any drugge could do before) in all persons, and at all times. It cures all maner of distillations, ei­ther in the head or stomacke (if you beleeue their Axiomes) although in very deed it doe both corrupt the braine, and by causing ouer quicke dige­stion, fill the stomacke full of crudities. It cures the gowt in the feet, and (which is miraculous) in that very instant when the smoke thereof, as light, flies vp into the head, the vertue therof, as heauy, runs down to the litle toe. It helps all sorts of agues. It makes a man sober that was drunk. It refreshes a weary man, and yet makes a man hungry. Being taken when they goe to bed, it makes one sleepe soundly, and yet being taken when a man is sleepie and drowsie, it will, as they say, awake his braine, and quicken his vnder­standing. [Page 220]As for curing of the Pockes, it serues for that vse but among the pockie Indian slaues. Here in England it is refined, and will not deigne to cure here any other then cleanly and gentlemanly diseases. O omnipotent power of Tobacco! And if it could by the smoake thereof chase out deuils, as the smoake of Tobias fish did (which I am sure could smell no stronglier) it would serue for a precious Relicke, both for the superstitious Priests, and the insolent Puritanes, to cast out deuils withall.

Admitting then, and not confessing, that the vse thereof were healthful for some sorts of diseases; should it be vsed for all sicknesses? should it be v­sed by all men? should it be vsed at all times? yea should it be vsed by able, yong, strong, healthful men? Medicine hath that vertue, that it neuer leaues a man in that state wherein it finds him: it makes a sicke man whole, but a whole man sicke: And as Medicine helps nature being taken at times of ne­cessitie, so being euer and continually vsed, it doeth but weaken, weary, and weare nature. What speake I of Medicine? Nay let a man euery houre of the day, or as oft as many in this countrey vse to take Tobacco, let a man I say, but take as oft the best sorts of nourishments in meate and drinke that can be deuised, he shall with the continuall vse thereof weaken both his head and his stomacke: all his members shall becomefeeble, his spirits dull, and in the end, as a drowsie lazie belly-god, he shall euanish in a Lethargie.

And from this weakenesse it proceeds, that many in this kingdome haue had such a continuall vse of taking this vnsauorie smoake, as now they are not able to forbeare the same, no more then an old drunkard can abide to be long sober, without falling into an incurable weaknesse and euill constitu­tion: for their continuall custome hath made to them, habitum, alteram na­turam: so to those that from their birth haue beene continually nourished vpon poison and things venemous, wholsome meats are only poisonable.

Thus hauing, as I trust, sufficiently answered the most principall argu­ments that are vsed in defence of this vile custome, it rests only to informe you what sinnes and vanities you commit in the filthy abuse thereof. First, are you not guiltie of sinnefull and shamefull lust? (for lust may be as well in any of the senses as in feeling) that although you be troubled with no dis­ease, but in perfect health, yet can you neither be merry at an Ordinary, nor lasciuious in the Stewes, if you lacke Tobacco to prouoke your appetite to a­ny of those sorts of recreation, lusting after it as the children of Israel did in the wildernesse after Quailes? Secondly it is, as you vse or rather abuse it, a branch of the sinne of drunkennes, which is the root of all sinnes: for as the only delight that drunkards take in wine is in the strength of the taste, and the force of the fume therof that mounts vp to the braine: for no drunkards loue any weake, or sweet drinke: so are not those (I meane the strong heate and the fume) the onely qualities that make Tobacco so delectable to all the louers of it? And as no man likes strong heady drinke the first day (because nemo repentè fit turpissimus) but by custome is piece and piece allured, while in the ende, a drunkard will haue as great a thirst to be drunke, as a sober [Page 221]man to quench his thirst with a draught when he hath need of it: So is not this the very case of all the great takers of Tobacco? which therefore they themselues doe attribute to a bewitching qualitie in it. Thirdly, is it not the greatest sinne of all, that you the people of all sorts of this kingdome, who are created and ordeined by God, to bestow both your persons and goods, for the maintenance both of the honour and safety of your King and Common wealth, should disable your selues in both? In your persons ha­uing by this continuall vile custome brought your selues to this shamefull imbecilitie, that you are not able to ride or walke the iourney of a Iewes Sabboth, but you must haue a reekie cole brought you from the next poore house to kindle your Tobacco with? whereas he cannot be thought able for any seruice in the warres, that cannot endure oftentimes the want of meat, drinke, and sleepe, much more then must he endure the want of Tobacco. In the times of the many glorious and victorious battailes fought by this Nation, there was no word of Tobacco: but now if it were time of warres, and that you were to make some sudden Caualcado vpon your enemies, if a­ny of you should seeke leisure to stay behinde his fellow for taking of To­bacco, for my part I should neuer be sory for any euill chance that might be­fall him. To take a custome in any thing that cannot be left againe, is most harmeful to the people of any land. Mollicies and delicacie were the wracke and ouerthrow, first of the Persian, and next of the Romane Empire. And this very custome of taking Tobacco (whereof our present purpose is) is euen at this day accounted so effeminate among the Indians themselues, as in the market they will offer no price for a slaue to be sold, whom they find to be a great Tobacco taker.

Now how you are by this custome disabled in your goods, let the Gen­try of this land beare witnesse, some of them bestowing three, some foure hundred pounds a yeere vpon this precious stinke, which I am sure might be bestowed vpon many farre better vses. I read indeed of a knauish Cour­tier, who for abusing the fauour of the Emperor Alexander Seuerus his ma­ster, by taking bribes to intercede, for sundry persons in his masters eare, (for whō he neuer once opened his mouth) was iustly choked with smoke, with this doome, Fumo pereat, qui fumum vendidit: but of so many smoke­buyers, as are at this present in this kingdome, I neuer read nor heard.

And for the vanities committed in this filthy custome, is it not both great vanitie and vncleannesse, that at the table, a place of respect, of clean­linesse, of modestie, men should not be ashamed, to sit tossing of Tobacco pipes, and puffing of the smoke of Tobacco one to another, making the filthy smoke and stinke thereof, to exhale athwart the dishes, and infect the aire, when very often, men that abhorre it are at their repast? Surely smoke be­comes a kitchin farre better then a dining chamber, and yet it makes a kit­chin also oftentimes in the inward parts of men, soyling and infecting them, with an vnctuous and oily kind of soote, as hath bene found in some great Tobacco takers, that after their death were opened. And not onely [Page 222]meat time, but no other time nor action is exempted from the publike vse of this vnciuill tricke: so as if the wiues of Diepe list to contest with this Nation for good maners, their worst maners would in all reason be found at least not so dishonest (as ours are) in this point. The publike vse where­of, at all times, and in all places, hath now so farre preuailed, as diuers men very sound both in iudgement and complexion, haue beene at last forced to take it also without desire, partly because they were ashamed to seeme singular, (like the two Philosophers that were forced to ducke themselues in that raine water, and so become fooles as well as the rest of the people) and partly to be as one that was content to eate Garlick (which he did not loue) that he might not be troubled with the smell of it, in the breath of his fellowes. And is it not a great vanitie, that a man cannot heartily welcome his friend now, but straight they must be in hand with Tobacco: No it is become in place of a eure, a point of good fellowship, and hee that will re­fuse to take a pipe of Tobacco among his fellowes, (though by his owne e­lection hee would rather feele the sauour of a Sinke) is accounted peeuish and no good company, euen as they doe with tipling in the colde Easterne countreys. Yea the Mistresse cannot in a more manerly kind, entertaine her seruant, then by giuing him out of her faire hand a pipe of Tobacco. But here­in is not only a great vanity, but a great contempt of Gods good giftes, that the sweetnesse of mans breath, being a good gift of God, should be wilfully corrupted by this stinking smoke, wherin I must cōfesse, it hath too strong a vertue; and so that which is an ornament of nature, & can neither by any artifice be at the first acquired, nor once lost be recouered againe, shalbe fil­thily corrupted with an incurable stinke, which vile qualitie is as directly contrary to that wrong opinion which is holden of the wholesomnesse therof, as the venime of putrifaction is contrary to the vertue Preseruatiue.

Moreouer, which is a great iniquitie, and against all humanitie, the hus­band shal not be ashamed, to reduce therby his delicate, wholsom, & cleane complexioned wife to that extremity, that either she must also corrupt her sweet breath therwith, or els resolue to liue in a perpetual stinking torment.

Haue you not reason then to be ashamed, and to forbeare this filthie no­ueltie, so basely grounded, so foolishly receiued, and so grossely mistaken in the right vse thereof? In your abuse thereof sinning against God, harming your selues both in persons and goods, and raking also thereby the markes and notes of vanitie vpon you; by the custome thereof making your selues to be wondered at by all forreine ciuill Nations, and by all strangers that come among you, to be scorned and contemned: A custome loathsome to the eye, hatefull to the nose, harmefull to the braine, dangerous to the lungs, and in the blacke stinking fume thereof, neerest re­sembling the horrible Stigian smoake of the pit that is bottomlesse.

A DISCOVRSE OF THE MANER OF THE DISCO­VERIE OF THE POWDER­TREASON, JOYNED WITH THE EXAMINATION OF SOME OF THE PRISONERS.

THere is a time when no man ought to keepe silence. For it hath euer bene held as a generall rule, and vndoubted Maxime, in all well gouerned Common-wealthes (whether Christian, and so gui­ded by the diuine light of Gods word; or Ethnicke, and so led by the glimmering twi-light of Nature) yet howsoeuer their profession was, vpon this ground haue they all agreed, That when either their Religion, their King, or their countrey was in any extreme hazard, no good countreyman ought then to withhold either his tongue or his hand, according to his calling and facultie, from ayding to repell the iniurie, re­presse the violence, and auenge the guilt vpon the authors thereof. But if euer any people had such an occasion ministred vnto them, It is surely this people now, nay this whole Isle, and all the rest belonging to this great and glorious Monarchie. For if in any heathenish republique, no priuate man could thinke his life more happily and gloriously bestowed, then in the defence of any one of these three, That is, either pro Aris, pro Focis, or pro Patre patriae; And that the endangering of any one of these, would at once stirre the whole body of the Common-wealth, not any more as diui­ded members, but as a solide and indiuiduall lumpe: How much more ought we the trewly Christian people that inhabite this vnited and trewly [Page 224]happy Isle, Insula fortu­nata. vnder the wings of our gracious and religious Monarch? Nay, how infinitely greater cause haue we to feele and ressent our selues of the smart of that wound, not onely intended and execrated (not consecrated) for the vtter extinguishing of our trew Christian profession, nor ioyntly therwith onely for the cutting off of our Head and father Politike, Sed vt nefas istud & sacrilegiosum parricidium omnibus modis absolutum reddi possit? And that nothing might be wanting for making this sacrilegious parricide a patterne of mischiefe, and a crime (nay, a mother or storehouse of all crimes) without example, they should haue ioyned the destruction of the bodie to the head, so as Grex cum Rege, Arae cum focis, Lares cum Penatibus, should all at one thunderclap haue beene sent to heauen together: The King our head, the Queene our fertile mother, and those young and hopefull Oliue plants, not theirs but ours: Our reuerend Clergie, our honourable Nobili­tie, the faithfull Councellors, the graue Iudges, the greatest part of the wor­thy Knights and Gentry, aswell as of the wisest Burgesses; The whole Clerkes of the Crowne, Counsaile, Signet, Seales, or of any other principall Iudgement seate. All the learned Lawyers, together with an infinite num­ber of the Common people: Nay, their furious rage should not onely haue lighted vpon reasonable and sensible creatures without distinction either of degree, sexe or aage; But euen the insensible stockes and stones should not haue bin free of their fury. The hal of Iustice; The house of Parliament, The Church vsed for the Coronation of our Kings; The Monuments of our former Princes; The Crowne and other markes of Royaltie; Al the Re­cords, aswell of Parliament, as of euery particular mans right, with a great number of Charters and such like, should all haue bene comprehended vn­der that fearefull Chaos. And so the earth as it were opened, should haue sent foorth of the bottome of the Stygian lake such sulphured smoke, furious flames, and fearefull thunder, as should haue by their diabolicall Domesday destroyed and defaced, in the twinkling of an eye, not onely our present li­uing Princes and people, but euen our insensible Monuments reserued for future aages. So as not only our selues that are mortall, but the immortall Monuments of our ancient Princes and Nobility, that haue beene so preci­ously preserued from aage to aage, as the remaining Trophees of their eternal glory, and haue so long triumphed ouer enuious time, should now haue beene all consumed together; and so not onely we, but the memory of vs and ours, should haue beene thus extinguished in an instant. The trew hor­ror therefore of this detestable deuice, hath stirred mee vp to bethinke my selfe, wherein I may best discharge my conscience in a cause so generall and common, if it were to bring but one stone to the building, or rather with the Widow one mite to the common boxe. But since to so hatefull and vn­heard-of inuention, there can be no greater enemy then the selfe, the simple trewth thereof being once publikely knowen; and that there needes no stronger argument to bring such a plot in vniuersal detestatiō, then the cer­tainty that so monstrous a thing could once be deuised, nay cōcluded vpon, [Page 225]wrought in, in full readinesse, and within twelue houres of the execution: My threefold zeale to those blessings, whereof they would haue so violent­ly made vs all widowes, hath made me resolue to set downe here the trew Narration of that monstrous and vnnaturall intended Tragedie, hauing better occasion by the meanes of my seruice and continuall attendance in Court, to know the trewth thereof, then others that peraduenture haue it onely by relation at the third or fourth hand. So that whereas those worse then Catilines, thought to haue extirped vs and our memories; Their infa­mous memory shall by these meanes remaine to the end of the world, vp­on the one part: and vpon the other, Gods great and merciful deliuerance of his Anoynted and vs all, shall remaine in neuer-dying Records. And God graunt that it may be in marble tables of Thankefulnesse engrauen in our hearts.

WHile this Land and whole Monarchie flourished in a most happie and plentifull PEACE, as well at home as abroad, su­stained and conducted by these two maine Pillars of all good Gouernement, PIETIE and IVSTICE, no forreine grudge, nor inward whispering of discontentment any way appearing; The King being vpon his returne from his hunting exercise at Royston, vpon occasion of the drawing neere of the Parliament time, which had beene twise prorogued already, partly in regard of the season of the yeere, and partly of the Terme; As the winds are euer stillest immediatly before a storme; and as the Sunne blenks often hottest to foretell a following showre: So at that time of grea­test calme did this secretly-hatched thunder beginne to cast foorth the first flashes, and flaming lightnings of the approching tempest. For the Satur­day of the weeke immediatly preceding the Kings returne, which was vp­on a Thursday (being but tenne dayes before the Parliament) The Lord Mountegle, sonne and heire to the Lord Morley, A letter deli­uered to the Lord Mount­egle. being in his owne lodging ready to goe to supper at suen of the clocke at night, one of his foot-men (whom he had sent of an errand ouer the street) was met by an vnknowen man of a reasonable tall personage, who deliuered him a Letter, charging him to put it in my Lord his masters hands: which my Lord no sooner re­ceiued, but that hauing broken it vp, and perceiuing the same to bee of an vnknowen and somewhat vnlegible hand, and without either date or sub­scription; did call one of his men vnto him for helping him to reade it. But no sooner did he conceiue the strange contents thereof, although hee was somewhat perplexed what construction to make of it (as whether of a mat­ter of consequence, as indeed it was, or whether some foolish deuised Pas­quil by some of his enemies, to skarre him from his attendance at the Parlia­ment) yet did he as a most dutifull and loyall Subiect, conclude not to con­ceale it, what euer might come of it. Whereupon, notwithstauding the latenesse and darknesse of the night in that season of the yeere, he presently repaired to his Maiesties Pallace at Whitehall, and there deliuered the same [Page 226]to the Earle of Salisbury his Maiesties principall Secretarie. Reuealed to the Earle of Salisbury. Whereupon the said Earle of Salisbury hauing read the Letter, and heard the maner of the comming of it to his hands, did greatly encourage and commend my Lord for his discretion, telling him plainly, that whatsoeuer the purpose of the Letter might proue hereafter, yet did this accident put him in mind of diuers aduertisements he had receiued from beyond the Seas, wherewith he had acquainted aswell the King himselfe, as diuers of his Priuie Coun­sellors, concerning some businesse the Papists were in, both at home and abroad, making preparations for some combination amongst them against this Parliament time, for enabling them to deliuer at that time to the King some petition for toleration of Religion: Purpose of the Papists for de­liuering a pe­tition to his Maiestie, to craue tolera­tion of Reli­gion. which should bee deliuered in some such order and so well backed, as the King should be loth to refuse their requests; like the sturdie beggars crauing almes with one open hand, but carying a stone in the other, in case of refusall. And therefore did the Earle of Salisbury conclude with the Lord Mountegle, that he would in re­gard of the Kings absence impart the same Letter to some more of his Ma­iesties Councell; whereof my L. Mountegle liked well: onely adding this request by way of protestation, That whatsoeuer the euent hereof might proue, it should not be imputed to him, as proceeding from too light and too suddaine an apprehension, that he deliuered this Letter, being onely mooued thereunto for demonstration of his ready deuotion, and care for preseruation of his Maiestie and the State. And thus did the Earle of Sa­lisbury presently acquaint the Lord Chamberlaine with the said letter: The Lord Chamberlaine made priuie to the Letter by the Earle of Salubury. Where­upon they two in presence of the Lord Mountegle, calling to mind the for­mer intelligence already mentioned, which seemed to haue some relation with this Letter; The tender care which they euer caried to the preserua­tion of his Maiesties person, made them apprehend, that some perillous at­tempt did thereby appeare to be intended against the same, which did the more neerly concerne the said L. Chamberlaine to haue a care of, in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his Office to ouersee as well all places of As­sembly where his Maiesty is to repaire, as his Highnesse owne priuate hou­ses. And therfore did the said two Counsailors conclude, That they should ioyne vnto themselues three more of the Councell, to wit, the Lord Admi­ral, the Earles of Worcester and Northampton, to be also particularly acquain­ted with this accident, who hauing all of them concurred together to the re-examination of the Contents of the said Letter, they did conclude, That how slight a matter it might at the first appeare to bee, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it behooued them to haue of the preseruation of his Maiesties person: But yet resolued for two reasons, Thought meet by the Councellors to acquaint the King with the Letter. first to acquaint the King himselfe with the same before they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter, aswell for the expecta­tion and experience they had of his Maiesties fortunate Iudgement in clea­ring and soluing of obscure riddles and doubtful mysteries; as also because the more time would in the meane while be giuen for the Practise to ripen, [Page 227]if any was, whereby the Discouery might be the more cleere and euident, and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe, iust, and easie. And so according to their determination did the sayd Earle of Salisbury repaire to the King in his Gallery vpon Friday, being Athallow day, in the afternoone, Vpon Alhal­low day the Earle of Sasu­burie shewed the Letter to the King. which was the day after his Maiesties arriuall, and none but himselfe being present with his Highnesse at that time, where without any other speach or iudgement giuing of the Letter, but onely relating simply the forme of the deliuery thereof, he presented it to his Maiestie. The contents whereof follow.

MY Lord, Out of the loue I beare to some of your friends, I haue a care of your preseruation. Therefore I would aduise you, as you tender your life, to de­uise some excuse to shift off your attendance at this Parliament. For God and man haue concurred to punish the wickednesse of this Time. And thinke not slightly of this Aduertisement, but retire your selfe into your Countrey, where you may expect the euent in safety. For though there be no apparance of any stirre, yet I say, they shal receiue a terrible Blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who burts them. This counsell is not to be contemned, because it may doe you good, and can doe you no harme; for the danger is past so soone as you haue burnt the Letter. And I hope God will giue you the grace to make good vse of it: To whose holy protection I com­mend you.

The King no sooner read the Letter, but after a little pause, His Maiesties iudgement of the Letter. and then reading it ouer againe, he deliuered his iudgement of it in such sort, as hee thought it was not to be contemned, for that the Style of it seemed to bee more quicke and pithie, then is vsuall to be in any Pasquil or libel (the su­perfluities of idle braines:) But the Earle of Salisbury perceiuing the King to apprehend it deepelier then he looked for, knowing his nature, told him that he thought by one sentence in it, that it was like to be written by some foole or madman, reading to him this sentence in it, For the danger is past as soone as you haue burnt the Letter; which hee said, was likely to bee the saying of a foole: for if the danger was past so soone as the Letter was burnt, then the warning behooued to bee of little auayle, when the burning of the Letter might make the danger to be eschewed. But the King by the contra­ry considering the former sentence in the Letter, That they should receiue a terrible Blow at this Parliament, and yet should not see who hurt them, Ioyning it to the sentence immediatly following, already alledged, did therupon con­iecture, That the danger mentioned, should bee some suddaine danger by blowing vp of Powder: For no other Insurrection, Rebellion, or what­soeuer other priuate and desperate Attempt could bee committed or at­tempted in time of Parliament, and the Authours thereof vnseene, except onely it were by a blowing vp of Powder, which might bee performed by one base knaue in a darke corner; whereupon he was moued to inter­prete and construe the latter Sentence in the Letter (alledged by the Earle of Salisburie) against all ordinarie sence and construction in Grammar, [Page 228]as if by these words, For the danger is past as soone as you haue burned the Let­ter, should be closely vnderstood the suddaintie and quickenesse of the danger, which should be as quickly perfourmed and at an end, as that pa­per should be of bleasing vp in the fire; turning that word of as soone, to the sense of, as quickly: And therefore wished, that before his going to the Par­liament, His Maiesties opinion for searching of the vnder roume: of the Parliament House. the vnder roumes of the Parliament house might be well and nar­rowly searched. But the Earle of Salisbury wondering at this his Maiesties Commentary, which he knew to be so farre contrary to his ordinary and naturall disposition, who did rather euer sinne vpon the other side; in not apprehending nor trusting due Aduertisements of Practises and Perils when hee was trewly enformed of them, whereby hee had many times drawen himselfe into many desperate dangers: and interpreting rightly this extraordinary Caution at this time to proceede from the vigilant care hee had of the whole State, more then of his owne Person, which could not but haue all perished together, if this designement had succeeded: Hee thought good to dissemble still vnto the King, that there had beene any iust cause of such apprehension: And ending the purpose with some mer­rie ieast vpon this Subiect, as his custome is, tooke his leaue for that time.

But though he seemed so to neglect it to his Maiestie; yet his customable and watchfull care of the King and the State still boyling within him, And hauing with the blessed Virgine Marie laid vp in his heart the Kings so strange iudgement and construction of it; He could not be at rest til he ac­quainted the foresaid Lords what had passed betweene the King and him in priuat: Wherupon they were all so earnest to renew againe the memory of the same purpose to his Maiestie, as it was agreed that he should the next day, being Saturday, repaire to his Highnesse: which hee did in the same priuie Gallery, and renewed the memory thereof, the L. Chamberlaine then being present with the King. The determi­nation to search the Parliament house and the roumes vnder it. At what time it was determined, that the said Lord Chamberlaine should, according to his custome and Office, view all the Parliament Houses, both aboue and below, and consider what likeli­hood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them: But yet, as well for staying of idle rumours, as for beeing the more able to discerne any mysterie, the nearer that things were in readinesse, his iourney thither was ordeined to bee deferred till the afternoone before the sitting downe of the Parliament, which was vp­on the Munday following. At what time hee (according to this conclu­sion) went to the Parliament house accompanied with my Lord Mountegle, beeing in zeale to the Kings seruice earnest and curious to see the euent of that accident whereof hee had the fortune to be the first discouerer: where, hauing viewed all the lower roumes, Wood and Coale found by the Lord Chamberlaine in the Vault. hee found in the Vault vnder the vp­per House great store and prouision of Billets, Faggots, and Coales: And enquiring of Whyneard Keeper of the Wardrobe, to what vse hee had put those lower roumes and cellars: he told him, That Thomas Percie had hi­red [Page 229]both the House, and part of the Cellar or Vault vnder the same, and that the Wood and Coale therein was the said Gentlemansowne pro­uision: Whereupon the Lord Chamberlaine, casting his eye aside, percei­ued a fellow standing in a corner there, calling himself the said Percies man, and keeper of that house for him, but indeed was Guido Fawkes, Guido Fawkes bearing the name of Per­cies man. the owner of that hand which should haue acted that monstrous Tragedie.

The Lord Chamberlaine looking vpon all things with a heedfull indeed, yet in outward appearance with but a carelesse and racklesse eye (as became so wise and diligent a minister) hee presently addressed himselfe to the King in the said priuie Gallery, wherein the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admirall, the Earles of Worcester, Northampton, and Salisbury, The Lord Chamberlaines report and iudgement of what he had obserued in the search. hee made his report, what hee had seene and obserued there; noting that Mountegle had told him, That he no sooner heard Thomas Percy named to be the possessour of that house, but considering both his backwardnes in Religion, and the old dearenesse in friendship betweene himselfe and the said Percy, hee did greatly suspect the matter, and that the Letter should come from him. The said Lord Chamberlaine also tolde, That he did not wonder a little at the extraordinary great prouision of wood and coale in that house, where Thomas Percie had so seldome occasion to remaine; As likewise it gaue him in his minde that his man looked like a very tall and desperate fellow.

This could not but encrease the Kings former apprehension and iea­lousie: whereupon hee insisted (as before) that the House was narrowly to bee searched, and that those Billets and Coales would be searched to the bottome, it beeing most suspicious that they were layed there onely for co­uering of the powder. Of this same minde also were all the Counsailours then present: Disputation about the ma­ner of the fur­ther search. But vpon the fashion of making of the search was it long debated: For vpon the one side they were all so iealous of the Kings safety, that they all agreed, that there could not be too much caution vsed for pre­uenting his danger. And yet vpon the other part they were all extreme loath and daintie, that in case this Letter should proue to bee nothing but the euaporation of an idle braine; then a curious search beeing made, and nothing found, should not onely turne to the generall scandall of the King and the State, as being so suspicious of euery light and friuolous toy, but likewise lay an ill fauoured imputation vpon the Earle of Northumberland one of his Maiesties greatest Subiects and Counsailors, this Tho. Percie be­ing his kinsman, and most confident familiar. And the rather were they cu­rious vpon this point, knowing how far the King detested to be thought suspitious or iealous of any of his good Subiects, though of the mea­nest degree. And therefore though they all agreed vpon the maine ground, which was to prouide for the securitie of the Kings Person, yet did they much differ in the circumstances, by which this action might be best caried with least dinne and occasion of slaunder. But the King him­selfe still persisting that there were diuers shrewd appearances, and that [Page 230]a narrow search of those places could preiudge no man that was innocent, hee at last plainely resolued them, That either must all the partes of those roumes bee narrowly searched, and no possibilitie of danger left vnexami­ned, or else hee and they all must resolue not to meddle in it at all, but plain­ly to goe the next day to the Parliament, and leaue the successe to Fortune, which he beleeued they would be loth to take vpon their consciences: for in such a case as this, Agreed that the search should be vn­der colour of seeking for Wardrobe stuffe missed by Whynniard. an halfe doing was worse then no doing at all. Where­upon it was at last concluded, That nothing should bee left vnsearched in those Houses: And yet for the better colour and stay of rumour, in case no­thing were found, it was thought meet, that vpon a pretence of Whyneards missing some of the Kings stuffe or Hangings which he had in keeping, all those roumes should be narrowly ripped for them. And to this purpose was Sir Thomas Kneuet (a Gentleman of his Maiesties priuie Chamber) em­ployed, being a Iustice of Peace in Westminster, and one, of whose ancient fidelitie both the late Queene and our now Soueraigne haue had large proofe: who according to the trust committed vnto him, went about the midnight next after, to the Parliament-house, accompanied with such a small number as was fit for that errand. But before his entry in the house, Fawkes found at midnight without the house. finding Thomas Percies alleaged man standing without the doores, his cloathes and bootes on at so dead a time of the night, he resol­ued to apprehend him, as hee did, and thereafter went forward to the sear­ching of the house, where after he had caused to be ouerturned some of the Billets and Coales, he first found one of the small Barrels of Powder, and after all the rest, to the number of thirty sixe Barrels, great and small: And thereafter searching the fellow, whom he had taken, found three matches, and all other instruments fit for blowing vp the Powder, readie vpon him, which made him instantly confesse his owne guiltinesse, declaring also vn­to him, That if hee had happened to be within the house when hee tooke him, as he was immediatly before (at the ending of his worke) hee would not haue failed to haue blowen him vp, house and all.

Thus after Sir Thomas had caused the wretch to bee surely bound, and well guarded by the company hee had brought with him, hee himselfe re­turned backe to the Kings Palace, and gaue warning of his successe to the Lord Chamberlaine, and Earle of Salisburie, who immediatly warning the rest of the Councell that lay in the house, as soone as they could get themselues ready, came, with their fellow Counsellers, to the Kings Bed­chamber, being at that time neere foure of the clocke in the morning. And at the first entry of the Kings Chamber doore, Vpon Sir Tho­mas Kneuets returne the Councel war­ned. the Lord Chamberlaine, be­ing not any longer able to conceale his ioy for the preuenting of so great a danger, told the King in a confused haste, that all was found and discoue­red, and the Traitor in hands and fast bound.

Then, order beeing first taken for sending for the rest of the Councell that lay in the Towne, The prisoner himselfe was brought into the house, where in respect of the strangenes of the accident, no man was stayed from [Page 231]the sight or speaking with him. And within a while after, the Council did examine him; Who seeming to put on a Romane resolution, did both to the Councill, and to euery other person that spake with him that day, ap­peare so constant and setled vpon his grounds, as wee all thought wee had found some new Mutius Scaeuola borne in England. For notwithstan­ding the horrour of the fact, the guilt of his conscience, his sudden surpri­sing, the terrour which should haue bene stroken in him by comming in­to the presence of so graue a Councill, and the restlesse and confused que­stions that euery man all that day did vexe him with; Yet was his counte­nance so farre from being deiected, as he often smiled in scornefull maner, not onely auowing the Fact, but repenting onely, with the said Scaeuola, his failing in the execution thereof, whereof (he said) the diuel and not God, was the discouerer: Answering quickly to euery mans obiection, scoffing at any idle questions which were propounded vnto him, and iesting with such as he thought had no authoritie to examine him. All that day could the Councill get nothing out of him touching his Complices, refusing to answere to any such questions which hee thought might discouer the plot, and laying all the blame vpon himselfe; Whereunto he said hee was mooued onely for Religion and conscience sake, denying the King to be his lawfull Soueraigne, or the Anoynted of God, in respect he was an here­ticke, and giuing himselfe no other name then Iohn Iohnson, seruant to Tho­mas Percie. But the next morning being caried to the Tower, hee did not there remaine aboue two or three dayes, being twise or thrise in that space reexamined, and the Racke onely offered and shewed vnto him, when the maske of his Romane fortitude did visibly beginne to weare and slide off his face; And then did hee beginne to confesse part of the trewth, and thereafter to open the whole matter, as doeth appeare by his depositions immediatly following.

THE TREW COPIE OF THE DECLARATION OF GVIDO FAWKES, TAKEN IN THE PRESENCE OF THE Counsellers, whose names are vnder written.

I Confesse, that a practise in generall was first broken vnto me, against his Maiestie for reliefe of the Catholique cause, and not inuented or propounded by my selfe. And this was first propounded vnto mee about Easter last was twelue moneth beyond the Seas, in the Low-Countreys of the Archdukes obeisance, by Thomas Winter, who came thereupon with mee [Page 232]into England, and there wee imparted our purpose to three other Gentle­men more, namely, Robert Catesby, Thomas Percie, and Iohn Wright; who all fiue consulting together of the meanes how to execute the same, and ta­king a vow among our selues for secrecie; Catesby propounded to haue it performed by Gunpowder, and by making a Myne vnder the vpper House of Parliament: which place wee made choice of the rather, because Reli­gion hauing bene vniustly suppressed there, it was fittest that Iustice and punishment should be executed there.

This being resolued amongst vs, Thomas Percy hired an house at West­minster for that purpose, neere adioyning to the Parliament House, and there we begun to make our Myne about the 11. of December 1604.

The fiue that first entred into the worke, were Thomas Percy, Robert Ca­tesby, Thomas Winter, Iohn Wright, and my selfe: and soone after wee tooke an­other vnto vs, Christopher Wright, hauing sworne him also, and taken the Sa­crament for secrecie.

When we came to the very foundation of the wall of the House, which was about three yards thicke, and found it a matter of great difficultie, wee tooke vnto vs another Gentleman, Robert Winter, in like maner with oath and Sacrament as aforesaid.

It was about Christmas when we brought our Myne vnto the Wal, and about Candlemas we had wrought the Wall halfe through: And whilest they were in working, I stood as Sentinell to descrie any man that came neere, whereof I gaue them warning, and so they ceased vntill I gaue notice againe to proceed.

All we seuen lay in the House, and had shot and powder, being resolued to die in that place before we should yeeld or be taken.

As they were working vpon the wall, they heard a rushing in a cellar of remoouing of coales, whereupon we feared wee had bene discouered: and they sent mee to goe to the cellar, who finding that the coales were a selling, and that the cellar was to be let, viewing the commoditie thereof for our purpose, Percy went and hired the same for yeerely rent.

Wee had before this prouided and brought into the House twentie bar­rels of powder, which we remooued into the cellar, and couered the same with billets and faggots, which were prouided for that purpose.

About Easter, the Parliament being prorogued till October next, wee dispersed our selues, and I retired into the Low countreys by aduice and di­rection of the rest, aswell to acquaint Owen with the particulars of the plot, as also lest by my longer stay I might haue growne suspicious, and so haue come in question.

In the meane time Percy hauing the key of the cellar, layd in more pow­der and wood into it. I returned about the beginning of September next, and then receiuing the key againe of Percy, wee brought in more powder and billets to couer the same againe, and so I went for a time into the coun­trey till the 30. of October.

[Page 233]It was further resolued amongst vs, that the same day that this acte should haue bene performed, some other of our confederates should haue surprised the person of the Lady ELIZABETH the Kings eldest daugh­ter, who was kept in Warwickshire at the Lord Haringtons house, and pre­sently haue proclaimed her Queene, hauing a proiect of a Proclamation ready for that purpose, wherein wee made no mention of altering of Re­ligion, nor would haue auowed the deed to be ours, vntill we should haue had power ynough to make our partie good, and then wee would haue auowed both.

Concerning duke CHARLES the Kings second sonne, we had sun­dry consultations how to seize on his person: But because wee found no meanes how to compasse it (the duke being kept neere London, where we had not forces ynough) wee resolued to serue our turne with the Lady ELIZABETH.

THE NAMES OF OTHER PRINCIPALL PERSONS, THAT WERE MADE PRIVIE AFTER­wards to this horrible conspiracie.
  • Euerard Digby knight.
  • Ambrose Rookwood.
  • Francis Tresham.
  • John Grant.
  • Robert Keyes.
Commiss.
  • Notingham.
  • Worcester.
  • Suffolke. Deuonshire.
  • Northampton. Salisbury.
  • Marre. Dunbar.
  • Popham.
  • Edw. Cooke.
  • William Waad.

ANd in regard that before this discourse could be ready to goe to the Presse, Thomas Winter being apprehended, and brought to the Tower, made a confession in substance agreeing with this former of Fawkes, onely larger in some circumstances: I haue thought good to in­sert the same likewise in this place, for the further clearing of the matter, and greater benefit of the Reader.

[Page 234]

THOMAS WINTERS CON­FESSION, TAKEN THE XXIII. OF NO­VEMBER 1605. IN THE PRESENCE OF the Counsellors, whose names are vnder-written.

My most Honourable Lords,

NOt out of hope to obtaine pardon: for, speaking of my temporall part, I may say, The fault is greater then can bee forgiuen; nor affecting hereby the title of a good Subiect; for I must redeeme my countrey from as great a danger, as I haue hazarded the bringing of her into, before I can pur­chase any such opinion, Onely at your Honours command I will briefly set downe mine owne accusation, and how farre I haue proceeded in this businesse; which I shall the faithfullier doe, since I see such courses are not pleasing to Almightie God, and that all, or the most materiall parts haue bene already confessed.

I remained with my brother in the countrey, from Alhallontyde vntill the beginning of Lent, in the yeere of our Lord 1603. the first yeere of the Kings reigne: about which time master Catesby sent thither, intreating me to come to London, where hee and other my friends would be glad to see me. I desired him to excuse me: for I found my selfe not very well dispo­sed; and (which had happened neuer to mee before) returned the messen­ger without my company. Shortly I receiued another letter, in any wise to come. At the second summons I presently came vp, and found him with master Iohn Wright at Lambeth, where he brake with me, how necessary it was not to forsake our countrey (for he knew I had then a resolution to goe ouer) but to deliuer her from the seruitude in which shee remained, or at least to assist her with our vttermost endeuours. I answered, That I had of­ten hazarded my life vpon farre lighter termes, and now would not refuse any good occasion, wherein I might doe seruice to the Catholicke cause; but for my selfe I knew no meane probable to succeed. He said that he had bethought him of a way at one instant to deliuer vs from all our bonds, and without any forraine helpe to replant againe the Catholicke Religion; and with all told mee in a word, It was to blow vp the Parliament house with Gunpowder; for, said he, in that place haue they done vs all the mis­chiefe, and perchance God hath desseigned that place for their punish­ment. I wondered at the strangenesse of the conceipt, and told him that trew it was, this strake at the root, and would breed a confusion fit to beget new alterations; But if it should not take effect (as most of this nature mis­caried) [Page 235]the scandall would be so great which Catholicke Religion might hereby sustaine, as not onely our enemies, but our friends also would with good reason condemne vs. He told me, The nature of the disease required so sharpe a remedie, and asked me if I would giue my consent. I told him, yes, in this or what els soeuer; if he resolued vpon it, I would venture my life. But I proposed many difficulties, As want of an house, and of one to cary the Myne, noyse in the working, and such like. His answere was, Let vs giue an attempt, and where it faileth, passe no further. But first, quoth hee, Because wee will leaue no peaceable and quiet way vntryed, you shall goe ouer, and informe the Constable of the state of the Catho­lickes here in England, intreating him to sollicite his Maiestie at his com­ming hither, that the penall Lawes may be recalled, and wee admitted in­to the rancke of his other Subiects; withall, you may bring ouer some con­fident Gentleman, such as you shall vnderstand best able for this businesse, and named vnto mee master Fawkes. Shortly after, I passed the Sea, and found the Constable at Bergen neere Dunkirke, where, by helpe of master O­wen I deliuered my message; Whose answere was, that hee had strict com­mand from his Master, to doe all good Offices for the Catholickes, and for his owne part hee thought himselfe bound in conscience so to doe, and that no good occasion should be omitted, but spake to him nothing of this matter.

Returning to Dunkirck with master Owen, wee had speach whether hee thought the Constable would faithfully helpe vs, or no. He said he belee­ued nothing lesse, and that they sought onely their owne ends, holding small account of Catholicks. I told him that there were many Gentlemen in England, who would not forsake their countrey vntill they had tried the vttermost, & rather venture their liues, then forsake her in this miserie. And to adde one more to our number, as a fit man both for counsel and executi­on of whatsoeuer we should resolue, wished for master Fawkes, whom I had heard good commendations of: hee told mee the Gentleman deserued no lesse, but was at Brussels, and that if he came not, as happily he might, before my departure, he would send him shortly after into England. I went soone after to Ostend, where sir William Stanley as then was not, but came two daies after. I remained with him three or foure daies, in which time I asked him, if the Catholicks in England should do any thing to helpe themselues, whe­ther he thought the Archduke would second them? He answered, No, for all those parts were so desirous of peace with England, as they would en­dure no speach of other enterprise: neither were it fit, said hee, to set any proiect afoot, now the Peace is vpon concluding. I told him there was no such resolution, and so fell to discourse of other matters, vntill I came to speake of master Fawkes, whose company I wished ouer into England. I asked of his sufficiencie in the warres, and told him wee should need such as hee, if occasion required; hee gaue very good commendations of him. And as wee were thus discoursing, and I ready to depart for New­port, [Page 236]and taking my leaue of Sir William, Master Fawkes came into our com­panie, newly returned, and saluted vs. This is the Gentleman, said Sir William, that you wished for, and so we embraced againe. I told him some good friends of his wished his companie in England, and that if hee plea­sed to come to Dunkircke, wee would haue further conference, whither I was then going: so taking my leaue of them both, I departed. About two dayes after came Master Fawkes to Dunkirck, where I told him that we were vpon a resolution to doe somewhat in England, if the Peace with Spaine helped vs not, but had as yet resolued vpon nothing; such or the like talke wee passed at Graueling, where I lay for a winde, and when it serued came both in one Passage to Greenwich, neere which place wee tooke a paire of Oares, and so came vp to London, and came to Master Catesby whom wee found in his lodging; hee welcommed vs into England, and asked mee what newes from the Constable. I told him, good words, but I feared the deedes would not answere: This was the beginning of Easter Terme, and about the middest of the same Terme, (whether sent for by Master Catesby, or vpon some businesse of his owne) vp came Master Thomas Percy. The first word hee spake (after hee came into our company) was, Shall we alwayes (Gentlemen) talke, and neuer doe any thing? Master Catesby took him aside, and had speach about somewhat to be done, so as first we might all take an oath of secrecie, which wee resolued within two or three dayes to doe: so as there we met behind S. Clements, Master Catesby, Master Percy, Master Wright, Master Guy Fawkes, and my selfe; and hauing vpon a Primer giuen each other the oath of secrecie, in a chamber where no other bodie was, wee went after into the next roome and heard Masse, and receiued the blessed Sacrament vpon the same. Then did Master Catesby disclose to Master Percy, and I together with Iacke Wright, tell to Master Fawkes the businesse for which wee tooke this oath, which they both approued. And then was M. Percy sent to take the house, which M. Catesby in mine ab­sence, had learned did belong to one Ferris, which with some difficultie in the end he obtained, and became, as Ferris before was, Tenant to Whynniard. M. Fawkes vnderwent the name of M. Percies man, calling himselfe Iohnson, because his face was the most vnknowen, and receiued the keyes of the house, vntill wee heard that the Parliament was adiourned to the seuenth of Februarie: At which time we all departed seuerall wayes into the coun­trey, to meete againe at the beginning of Michaelmas Terme. Before this time also it was thought conuenient to haue a house that might answere to M. Percies, where we might make prouision of powder and wood for the Mine, which beeing there made ready, should in a night be conueyed by boate to the house by the Parliament, because wee were loath to foile that with often going in and out. There was none that we could deuise so fit as Lambeth, where Master Catesby often lay, and to bee keeper thereof (by M. Catesbies choice) we receiued into the number, Keyes, as a trustie honest man: this was about a moneth before Michaelmas.

[Page 237]Some fortnight after towards the beginning of the Terme, M. Fawkes and I came to M. Catesby at Morecrofts, where we agreed that now was time to beginne and set things in order for the Mine. So as Master Fawkes went to London, and the next day sent for me to come ouer to him: when I came, the cause was, for that the Scottish Lords were appointed to sit in conference of the Vnion in Master Percies house. This hindered our be­ginning vntill a fortnight before Christmas, by which time both Master Percie and Master Wright were come to London, and wee against their com­ming had prouided a good part of the powder: so as wee all fiue entred with tooles fit to beginne our worke, hauing prouided our selues of Ba­ked-meates, the lesse to need sending abroad. We entred late in the night, and were neuer seene saue onely Master Percies man, vntill Christmas Eue, In which time we wrought vnder a little Entry to the wall of the Parlia­ment house, and vnderpropped it, as we went, with wood.

Whilest we were together, we began to fashion our businesse, and dis­coursed what we should doe after this deed was done. The first question was how we might surprize the next heire, the Prince haply would bee at the Parliament with the King his Father, how should wee then bee able to seaze on the Duke? This burthen Master Percie vndertooke, that by his acquaintance, hee, with another Gentleman would enter the Chamber without suspition, and hauing some doozen others at seuerall doores to ex­pect his comming, and two or three on horsebacke at the Court gate to receiue him, hee would vndertake (the blow beeing giuen, vntill which hee would attend in the Dukes Chamber) to carrie him safe away: for hee supposed most of the Court would bee absent, and such as were there not suspecting, or vnprouided for any such matter. For the Lady ELIZA­BETH, it were easie to surprize her in the Countrey, by drawing friends together at an hunting neere the Lord Haringtons, and Ashbie, M. Catesbies house, being not farre off was a fit place for preparation.

The next was for money and horses, which if wee could prouide in any reasonable measure (hauing the Heire apparant) and the first knowledge by foure or fiue dayes, was oddes sufficient.

Then what Lords we should saue from the Parliament, which was first agreed in generall as many as we could that were Catholickes, or so dispo­sed: but after we descended to speake of particulars.

Next, what forraine Princes wee should acquaint with this before, or ioyne with after. For this point wee agreed, that first wee could not enioyne Princes to that secrecie, nor oblige them by oath, so to be secure of their promise: besides, we knew not whether they will approue the pro­iect or dislike it: And if they doe allow thereof, to prepare before, might beget suspition, and not to prouide vntill the businesse were acted, the same letter that caried newes of the thing done, might as well intreate their helpe and furtherance. Spaine is too slow in his preparations to hope any good from in the first extremities, and France too neere and too dange­rous, [Page 238]who with the shipping of Holland, we feared of all the world might make away with vs.

But while we were in the middle of these discourses, we heard that the Parliament should bee anew adiourned vntill after Michaelmas, vpon which tidings we broke off both discourse and working vntill after Christ­mas. About Candlemas we brought ouer in a boate the powder, which we had prouided at Lambeth, and laide it in M. Percies house, because wee were willing to haue all our danger in one place.

We wrought also another fortnight in the Mine against the stone wall, which was very hard to beate thorow; at which time we called in Kit Wright, and neare to Easter, as we wrought the third time, opportunitie was giuen to hire the Cellar, in which we resolued to lay the powder, and leaue the Mine.

Now by reason that the charge of maintaining vs all so long together, besides the number of seuerall houses, which for seuerall vses had beene hi­red, and buying of powder &c. had layen heauie on M. Catesby alone to support; it was necessarie for him to call in some others to ease his charge, and to that ende desired leaue, that hee, with M. Percy, and a third, whom they should call, might acquaint whom they thought fit and willing to the businesse: for many, said hee, may be content that I should know, who would not therefore that all the company should be acquainted with their names: to this we all agreed.

After this Master Fawkes laid into the Cellar (which hee had newly ta­ken) a thousand of Billets, and fiue hundred of Faggots, and with that co­uered the Powder, because we might haue the House free, to suffer any one to enter that would. Master Catesby wished vs to consider, whether it were not now necessary to send M. Fawkes ouer, both to absent himselfe for a time, as also to acquaint Sir William Stanley and M. Owen with this matter. Wee agreed that he should (prouided that hee gaue it them with the same othe that wee had taken it before) videlicet, to keepe it secret from all the world. The reason why we desired Sir William Stanley should be acquain­ted herewith was, to haue him with vs so soone as he could: And for M. Owen, hee might holde good correspondencie after with forreine Princes. So M. Fawkes departed about Easter for Flanders, and returned the latter end of August. He tolde me that when he arriued at Brussels, Sir William Stanley was not returned from Spaine, so as hee vttered the matter onely to Owen, who seemed well pleased with the businesse, but tolde him that fure­ly Sir William would not be acquainted with any plot, as hauing businesse now afoot in the Court of England; but he himselfe would be alwayes rea­die to tell it him, and send him away so soone as it were done.

About this time did M. Percy and M. Catesby meete at the Bathe, where they agreed that the company being yet but few, M. Catesby should haue the others authoritie to call in whom hee thought best; By which autho­ritie hee called in after, Sir Euerard Digby, though at what time I know not, [Page 239]and last of all M. Francis Tresham. The first promised, as I heard M. Catesby say, fifteene hundred pounds; the second two thousand pounds; M. Percy himselfe promised all that hee could get of the Earle of Northumberlands rents, which was about foure thousand pounds, and to prouide many gal­loping horses to the number of ten.

Meane while M. Fawkes and my selfe alone bought some new Powder, as suspecting the first to be danke, and conueyed it into the Cellar, and set it in order, as wee resolued it should stand. Then was the Parliament anew prorogued vntill the fift of Nouember, so as we all went downe vntil some ten dayes before, when M. Catesby came vp with M. Fawkes to an house by Enfield Chace called White-webbes, whither I came to them, and M. Catesby willed me to enquire whether the yong Prince came to the Parliament: I tolde him that I heard that his Grace thought not to be there. Then must wee haue our Horses said M. Catesby beyond the water, and prouision of more company to surprise the Prince, and leaue the Duke alone.

Two dayes after being Sunday at night, in came one to my chamber, and told me that a letter had beene giuen to my L. Mountegle to this effect, That he wished his Lordships absence from the Parliament, because a blow would there be giuen; which letter he presently caried to my L. of Salisbury.

On the morrow I went to White-webbes, and told it M. Catesby, assuring him withall that the matter was disclosed; and wishing him in any case to forsake his Countrey. He told me he would see further as yet, and resolued to send M. Fawkes to trie the vttermost, protesting if the part belonged to himselfe, he would trie the same aduenture.

On Wednesday Master Fawkes went and returned at night, of which we were very glad.

Thursday I came to London, and Friday Master Catesby, Master Tresham and I met at Barnet, where wee questioned how this Letter should be sent to my L. Mountegle, but could not conceiue, for Master Tresham forsware it, whom we onely suspected.

On Saturday night I met M. Tresham againe in Lincolnes Inne walkes: wherein he tolde such speeches, that my Lord of Salisbury should vse to the King, as I gaue it lost the second time, and repeated the same to M. Catesby, who hereupon was resolued to be gone, but stayed to haue M. Percy come vp, whose consent herein wee wanted. On Sunday M. Percy being dealt with to that end, would needs abide the vttermost triall.

This suspicion of all hands put vs into such confusion, as M. Catesby re­solued to goe downe into the countrey the Munday that M. Percy went to Syon, and M. Percy resolued to follow the same night, or early the next mor­ning. About fiue of the clocke being Tuesday, came the yonger Wright to my Chamber, and tolde me that a Nobleman called the L. Mountegle, say­ing, Arise, and come along to Essex house, for I am going to call vp my L. of Northumberland, saying withall, The matter is discouered Goe backe M. Wright (quoth I) and learne what you can about Essex gate. Shortly hee [Page 240]returned and said, Surely all is lost: for Lepton is got on horsebacke at Essex doore, and as he parted, he asked if their Lordships would haue any more with him: and being answered No, is rode fast vp Fleetstreete as hee can ride. Goe you then (quoth I) to M. Percy, for sure it is for him they seeke, and bid him be gone, I will stay and see the vttermost. Then I went to the Court gates, and found them straitly guarded, so as no body could enter. From thence I went downe towards the Parliament house, and in the mid­dle of Kings-street, found the Guard standing that would not let me passe. And as I returned I heard one say, There is a Treason discouered, in which the King and the Lords should haue beene blowen vp. So then I was fully satisfied that all was knowen, and went to the Stable where my gelding stood, and rode into the countrey. Master Catesby had appointed our mee­ting at Dunchurch, but I could not ouertake them vntill I came to my bro­thers, which was Wednesday night. On Thursday wee tooke the Armour at my Lord Windsores, and went that night to one Stephen Littletons house, where the next day (being Friday) as I was early abroad to discouer, my man came to me, and said, that an heauie mischance had seuered all the company, for that M. Catesby, M. Rookwood, and M. Grant, were burned with Gunpowder vpon which sight the rest dispersed. Master Littleton wi­shed me to flie, and so would hee. I told him I would first see the body of my friend and bury him, whatsoeuer befell me. When I came, I found M. Catesby reasonable well, Master Percy, both the Wrights, M. Rookwood, and Master Grant. I asked them what they resolued to doe: they answered, We meane here to die. I said againe, I would take such part as they did. About eleuen of the clocke came the company to beset the house, and as I walked into the court, I was shot into the shoulder, which lost me the vse of mine arme: the next shot was the elder Wright stricken dead, after him the yon­ger M. Wright, and fourthly Ambrose Rookwood shot. Then said M. Catesby to me, (standing before the doore they were to enter) Stand by me Tom, and we will die together. Sir (quoth I) I haue lost the vse of my right arme, and I feare that will cause me to be taken. So as wee stood close together, M. Catesby, M. Percy, and my selfe, they two were shot (as farre as I could guesse with one Bullet) and then the company entred vpon me, hurt me in the Belly with a Pike, and gaue me other wounds, vntill one came be­hinde, and caught holde of both mine armes.

And so I remaine yours, &c.
Commiss.
  • Notingham, Suffolke, Worcester,
  • Deuonshire, Northampton, Salisburie,
  • Marr, Dunbar,
  • Popham.
  • Ed. Coke.
  • W. Waad.
[Page 241]The names of those that were first in the Treason, and laboured in the Mine.
  • Esquires.
    • Robert Catesby.
    • Robert Winter.
  • Gentlemen.
    • Thomas Percy.
    • Thomas Winter.
    • John Wright.
    • Christopher Wright.
    • Guido Fawkes.
  • And Bates, Catesbyes man.
Those that were made acquainted with it, though not personally labouring in the Mine, nor in the Cellar.
  • Euerard Digby. Knight.
  • Esquires.
    • Ambrose Rookewood.
    • Francis Tresham.
  • John Grant. Gent.
  • Robert Keyes.

BVt here let vs leaue Fawkes in a lodging fit for such a guest, and taking time to aduise vpon his conscience; and turne our selues to that part of the Historie, which concernes the for­tune of the rest of his partakers in that abominable Treason. The newes was no sooner spred abroad that morning, which was vpon a Tuesday, the 5. of Nouember, and the first day designed for that Session of Parliament; The newes (I say) of this so strange and vnlooked for accident, was no sooner diuulged, but some of those Conspiratours, namely Winter, and the two brothers of Wrights thought it high time for them to hasten out of the towne (for Catesby was gone the night before, and Percy at foure of the clocke in the morning the same day of the Discouerie) and all of them held their course, with more haste then good speed to Warwick Shire toward Couentry, where the next day morning being Wednesday, and about the same houre that Fawks was taken in Westminster, one Graunt a gentleman hauing associated vnto him some others of his opinion, all violent Papists and strong Recusants, came to a Stable of one Benocke a rider of great [Page 242]Horses, The taking of the horses out of the stable at Warwicke by Granut and o­thers. and hauing violently broken vp the same, caried along with them all the great Horses that were therein, to the number of seuen or eight, be­longing to diuers Noblemen and Gentlemen of that Countrey, who had put them into the Riders hands to be made fit for ther seruice. And so both that company of them which fledde out of London, as also Graunt and his complices met all together at Dunchurch at Sir Euerard Digby his lodging the Tuesday at night, after the discouerie of this treacherous Attempt: The which Digby had likewise for his part appointed a match of hunting to haue beene hunted the next day, The hunting match ap­pointed by Sir Euerard Digby. which was Wednesday, though his mind was Nimrod-like vpon a farre other maner of hunting, more bent vp­on the blood of reasonable men then bruite beasts.

This company and hellish societie thus conuened, finding their purpose discouered, Their going into armes af­ter the Plot discouered. and their treacherie preuented, did resolue to runne a desperate course, and since they could not preuaile by so priuate a Blow, to practise by a publike rebellion, either to attaine to their Intents, or at least to saue themselues in the throng of others. And therefore gathering all the com­pany they could vnto them, and pretending the quarrell of Religion, ha­uing intercepted such prouision of Armour, Horses, and Powder, as the time could permit, thought by running vp and downe the Countrey both to augment peece and peece their number (dreaming to themselues that they had the vertue of a Snow-ball, which being little at the first, and tum­bling downe from a great hill groweth to a great quantitie, by encreasing it selfe with the Snow that it meeteth by the way) and also that they begin­ning first this braue shewe in one part of the Countrey, should by their Sympathy and example stirre vp and encourage the rest of their Religion in other parts of England to rise, as they had done there. But when they had gathered their force to the greatest, Their number neuer aboue fourescore. they came not to the number of fourescore, and yet were they troubled all the houres of the day to keepe and containe their own seruants from stealing from them; who (notwith­standing of all their care) daily left them, being farre inferiour to Gedeons hoste in number, but farre more in faith or iustnesse of quarrell.

And so after that this Catholicke troupe had wandered a while through Warwicke-shire to Worcester-shire, and from thence to the edge and bor­ders of Stafford-shire, this gallantly armed band had not the honour at the last to be beaten with a Kings Lieutenant or extraordinary Commissioner sent downe for the purpose, Their flight. but onely by the ordinary Shiriffe of Worce­ster-shire were they all beaten, killed, taken and dispersed. Wherein yee haue to note this following circumstance so admirable, and so liuely dis­playing the greatnesse of Gods iustice, as it could not be concealed without betraying in a maner the glory due to the Almighty for the same.

Although diuers of the Kings Proclamations were posted downe after these Traitors with all the speed possible, declaring the odiousnesse of that bloodie attempt, the necessitie to haue had Percie preserued aliue, if it had beene possible, and the assembly together of that rightly-damned crew, [Page 243]now no more darned Conspirators, but open and auowed Rebels: yet the farre distance of the way (which was aboue an hundred miles) together with the extreme deepenesse thereof, ioyned also with the shortnesse of the day, was the cause that the heartie and louing affections of the Kings good Subiects in those partes preuented the speed of his Proclamations: For vp­on the third day after the flying downe of these Rebels, Ouertaken at Holbeech, in Stafford shire, Stephen Little­tons house. which was vpon the Friday next after the discouerie of their Plot, they were most of them all surprized by the Shiriffe of Worcester-shire at Holbeach, about the noone of the day, and that in manner following.

Graunt, of whom I haue made mention before for taking the great hor­ses, who had not all the preceding time stirred from his owne house till the next morning after the attempt should haue bene put in execution, he then laying his accompt without his Host (as the prouerbe is) that their Plot had, without failing, receiued the day before their hoped-for successe; Tooke, or rather stole out those horses (as I said before) for enabling him, and so many of that soule-lesse society that had still remained in the Coun­trey neere about him, to make a sudden surprize vpon the Kings elder daughter, the Lady ELIZABETH, hauing her residence nere by that place, Grant at­tempt to sur­prize the La­dy Elizabeth. whom they thought to haue vsed for the colour of their treacherous des­signe (His Maiestie her father, her mother, and male children being all de­stroyed aboue.) And to this purpose also had that Nimrod, Digby, prouided his hunting match against that same time, that numbers of people beeing flocked together vpon the pretence thereof, they might the easilier haue brought to passe the sudden surprise of her person.

Now the violent taking away of those horses long before day, did seeme to bee so great a ryot in the eyes of the Common-people, that knew of no greater mystery: And the bold attempting thereof did ingender such a suspition of some following Rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort, as both great and small beganne to stirre and arme themselues, vpon this vn­looked-for accident: Among whom Sir Fulke Greuill the Elder, Knight, as became one both so ancient in yeeres and good reputation, and by his Of­fice, beeing Deputie Lieutenant of Warwicke-shire, though vnable in his bodie, yet by the zeale and trew feruencie of his mind, did first apprehend this foresaid Ryot to be nothing but the sparkles and sure indices of a fol­lowing Rebellion; whereupon both stoutly and honestly hee tooke order to get into his owne hands, the Munition and Armour of all such Gentle­men about him, as were either absent from their owne houses, or in doubt­full guard; and also sent such direction to the Townes about him, as there­upon did follow the striking of Winter by a poore Smith, who had likewise beene taken by those vulgar people, but that he was rescued by the rest of his company, who perceiuing that the Countrey before them had notice of them, hastened away with losse in their owne sight, sixteene of their fol­lowers being taken by the townes-men, and sent presently to the Shiriffe at Warwicke, and from thence to London.

[Page 244]But before twelue or sixteene houres past, Catesby, Percy, the Winters, Wrights, Rookewood and the rest, bringing then the assurance that their maine Plot was failed and bewrayed, whereupon they had builded the golden mountaines of their glorious hopes: They then tooke their last desperate resolution to flocke together in a troupe, and wander, as they did, for the reasons aforetold. But as vpon the one part, the zealous duety to their God and their Souereigne was so deepely imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people (although then knowing of no further mysterie then such publike misbehauiours, as their owne eyes taught them) as notwithstanding of their faire shewes and pretence of their Catholicke cause, no creature, man or woman through all the Coun­trey, would once so much as giue them willingly a cuppe of drinke, or any sort of comfort or support, but with execrations detested them: So on the other part, the Sheriffes of the Shires, where-through they wandered, conuening their people with all speed possible, hunted as hotly after them, as the euilnesse of the way, and the vnprouidednesse of their people vpon that sudden could permit them. And so at last after Sir Richard Verney, Shiriffe of Warwicke-shire, had carefully and streightly beene in chase of them to the confines of his Countie, part of the meaner sort being also ap­prehended by him: Sir Richard Walsh Shiriffe of Worcester-shire did like­wise duetifully and hotely pursue them thorow his Shire; And hauing got­ten sure triall of their taking harbour at the house aboue-named, hee did send Trumpetters and Messengers to them, commaunding them in the Kings name to render vnto him, his Maiesties minister; and knowing no more at that time of their guilt then was publikely visible, did promise vp­on their duetifull and obedient rendring vnto him, to intercede at the Kings handes for the sparing of their liues: who receiued onely from them this scornefull answere (they being better witnesses to themselues of their inward euill consciences) That hee had need of better assistance, then of those few numbers that were with him, before hee could bee able to command or comp­troll them.

But here fell the wonderous worke of Gods Iustice, The prepara­tion to assault the house. That while this message passed betweene the Shiriffe and them, The Shiriffes and his peo­ples zeale beeing iustly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answere, and so they preparing themselues to giue a furious assault; and the other partie making themselues readie within the house to performe their pro­mise by a defence as resolute; It pleased God that in the mending of the fire in their chamber, one small sparke should flie out, and light among lesse then two pound weight of Powder, which was drying a little from the chimney; which being thereby blowen vp, so maymed the faces of some of the principall Rebels, and the hands and sides of others of them (blowing vp with it also a great bag full of Powder, which notwithstanding neuer tooke fire) as they were not only disabled and discouraged hereby from any further resistance, in respect Catesby himselfe, Rookwood, Grant, and diuers [Page 245]others of greatest account among them, Catesby who was the first inuentor of this Treason in generall, and of the maner of working the same by powder, in speciall, himselfe now first maimed with the blow­ing vp of pow­der, and next he and Percy both killed with one shot proceeding from powder. were thereby made vnable for de­fence: but also wonderfully stroken with amazement in their guiltie con­sciences, calling to memory how God had iustly punished them with that same Instrument, which they should haue vsed for the effectuating of so great a sinne, according to the olde Latine, saying, In quo peccamus, in eodem plectimur; as they presently (see the wonderfull power of Gods Iustice vpon guiltie consciences) did all fall downe vpon their knees, praying GOD to pardon them for their bloody enterprise; And thereafter giuing ouer any further debate, opened the gate, suffered the Sheriffes people to rush in fu­riously among them, and desperately sought their owne present destru­ction; The three specials of them ioyning backes together, Catesby, Percy, and Winter, whereof two with one shot, Catesby and Percy were slaine, and the third, VVinter, taken and saued aliue.

And thus these resolute and high aspiring Catholikes, who dreamed of no lesse then the destruction of Kings and kingdomes, and promised to themselues no lower estate then the gouernment of great and ancient Mo­narchies, were miserably defeated, and quite ouerthrowen in an instant, falling in the pit which they had prepared for others; and so fulfilling that sentence which his Maiestie did in a maner prophecie of them in his Ora­tion to the Parliament: some presently slaine, others deadly wounded, strip­ped of their clothes, left lying miserably naked, and so dying rather of cold, then of the danger of their wounds; and the rest that either were whole, or but lightly hurt, taken and led prisoners by the Sheriffe the ordinary mini­ster of Iustice, to the Gaole, the ordinarie place euen of the basest malefa­ctors, where they remained till their sending vp to London, being met with a huge confluence of people of all sorts, desirous to see them as the rarest sort of Monsters; fooles to laugh at them, women and children to won­der, all the common people to gaze, the wiser sort to satisfie their curiosity in seeing the outward cases of so vnheard of a villeny: & generally all sorts of people to satiate and fill their eyes with the sight of them, whom in their hearts they so farre admired and detested: seruing so for a fearfull and pub­like spectacle of Gods fierce wrath and iust indignation.

What hereafter will be done with them, is to be left to the Iustice of his Maiestie and the State: Which as no good Subiect needes to doubt will be performed in the owne due time by a publike and an exemplarie punish­ment: So haue we all that are faithfull and humble Subiects, great cause to pray earnestly to the Almighty, that it will please him who hath the hearts of all Princes in his hands, to put it in his Maiesties heart to make such a conclusion of this Tragedie to the Traitors, but Tragicomedie to the King and all his trew Subiects; as thereby the glory of God and his trew Reli­gion may be aduanced, the future securitie of the King and his estate pro­cured and prouided for, all hollow and vnhonest hearts discouered & pre­uented, & this horrible attempt (lacking due epitheres) to be so iustly auen­ged, That where they thought by one Catholike indeed & vniuersall blow [Page 246]to accomplish the wish of that Romane tyrant, who wished all the bodies in Rome to haue but one necke, and so by the violent force of Powder to breake vp as with a Pettard our triple locked peacefull gates of Ianus, which (God be thanked) they could not compasse by any other meanes; they may iustly be so recompensed for their trewly viperous intended par­ricide, As Aeneas Syl­ [...] doth nota­bly write con­cerning the mur­ther of K. Iames the first of Scot­land, and the fol­lowing punish­ment of the trai­tours, whereof himselfe was an eye witnesse. Hist. de Europa, cap. 46. as the shame and infamie that otherwise would light vpon this whole Nation, for hauing vnfortunately hatched such cockatrice egges, may be repaired by the execution of famous and honourable Iustice vpon the offendors; and so the kingdome purged of them, may hereafter perpe­tually flourish in peace and prosperitie, by the happy coniunction of the hearts of all honest and trew Subiects, with their iust and religious So­ueraigne.

And thus whereas they thought to haue effaced our memories, the me­mory of them shall remaine (but to their perpetuall infamie) and wee (as I said in the beginning) shall with all thankefulnesse eternally pre­serue the memory of so great a benefite. To which let euery good Subiect say AMEN.

Triplici nodo, triplex cuneus. OR AN APOLOGIE FOR THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE.
AGAINST THE TWO BREVES OF POPE PAVLVS QVINTVS, AND THE late Letter of Cardinall BELLARMINE to G. BLACKVVEL the Arch-priest.

VVHat a monstrous, rare, nay neuer heard-of Treacherous attempt, was plotted within these few yeeres here in England, for the de­struction of Mee, my Bed-fellow, and our posteritie, the whole house of Parliament, and a great number of good Subiects of all sorts and degrees; is so famous already through the whole world by the infamie thereof, as it is needlesse to bee repeated or published any more; the horrour of the sinne it selfe doeth so lowdly proclaime it. For if those Gen. 4.10. crying sinnes, (whereof mention is made in the Scripture) haue that epithet giuen them for their publique infamie, and for procuring as it were with a lowd cry from heauen a iust vengeance and recompense, and yet those sinnes are both old and too common, neither the world, nor any one Countrey be­ing euer at any time cleane voyd of them: If those sinnes (I say) are said in the Scripture to cry so lowd; What then must this sinne doe, plotted with­out cause, infinite in crueltie, and singular from all examples? What pro­ceeded hereupon is likewise notorious to the whole world; our Iustice onely taking hold vpon the offenders, and that in as honourable and pub­lique a forme of Triall, as euer was vsed in this Kingdome.

[Page 248]2. For although the onely reason they gaue for plotting so heinous an attempt, was the zeale they caried to the Romish Religion; yet were neuer any other of that profession the worse vsed for that cause, as by our graci­ous Proclamation immediatly after the discouery of the said fact doeth plainly appeare: onely at the next sitting downe againe of the Parliament, there were Lawes made, setting downe some such orders as were thought fit for preuenting the like mischiefe in time to come. Amongst which a forme of OATH was framed to be taken by my Subiects, whereby they should make a cleare profession of their resolution, faithfully to persist in their obedience vnto mee, according to their naturall allegiance; To the end that I might hereby make a separation, not onely betweene all my good Subiects in generall, and vnfaithfull Traitors, that intended to with­draw themselues from my obedience; But specially to make a separation betweene so many of my Subiects, who although they were otherwise Po­pishly affected, yet retained in their hearts the print of their naturall due­tie to their Soueraigne; and those who being caried away with the like fanaticall zeale that the Powder-Traitors were, could not conteine them­selues within the bounds of their naturall Allegiance, but thought diuer­sitie of religion a safe pretext for all kinde of treasons, and rebellions against their Soueraigne. Which godly and wise intent, God did blesse with suc­cesse accordingly: For very many of my Subiects that were Popishly af­fected, aswell Priests, as Layicks, did freely take the same Oath: whereby they both gaue me occasion to thinke the better of their fidelitie, and like­wise freed themselues of that heauie slander, that although they were fel­low professors of one Religion with the powder-Traitors, yet were they not ioyned with them in treasonable courses against their Soueraigne; whereby all quietly minded Papists were put out of despaire, and I gaue a good proofe that I intended no persecution against them for conscience cause, but onely desired to be secured of them for ciuill obedience, which for conscience cause they were bound to performe.

3. But the diuel could not haue deuised a more malicious tricke for in­terrupting this so calme and clement a course, then fell out by the sending hither, and publishing a Breue of the Popes, countermanding all them of his profession to take this Oath; Thereby sowing new seeds of ielousie betweene me and my Popish Subiects, by stirring them vp to disobey that lawfull commandement of their Soueraigne, which was ordeined to bee taken of them as a pledge of their fidelitie; And so by their refusall of so iust a charge, to giue mee so great and iust a ground for punishment of them, without touching any matter of conscience: throwing themselues needlesly into one of these desperate straits; either with the losse of their liues and goods to renounce their Allegiance to their naturall Soueraigne; or else to procure the condemnation of their soules by renouncing the Catholicke faith, as he alleadgeth.

4. And on the other part, although disparitie of Religion (the Pope [Page 249]being head of the contrary part) can permit no intelligence nor intercourse of messengers betweene mee and the Pope: yet there being no denounced warre betweene vs, he hath by this action broken the rules of common ci­uilitie and iustice betweene Christian Princes, in thus condemning me vn­heard, both by accounting me a persecutor, which cannot be but implied by exhorting the Papists to endure Martyrdome; as likewise by so straitly commanding all those of his profession in England, to refuse the taking of this Oath; thereby refusing to professe their naturall obedience to me their Soueraigne. For if he thinke himselfe my lawfull Iudge, wherefore hath he condemned me vnheard? And, if he haue nothing to doe with me and my gouernment (as indeed he hath not) why doeth he mittere falcem in alie­nam messem, to meddle betweene me and my Subiects, especially in matters that meerely and onely concerne ciuill obedience? And yet could Pius Quintus in his greatest fury and auowed quarrell against the late Queene, doe no more iniurie vnto her; then hee hath in this case offered vnto mee, without so much as a pretended or an alleadged cause. For what difference there is, betweene the commanding Subiects to rebell, and loosing them from their Oath of Allegiance as Pius Quintus did; and the commanding of Subiects not to obey in making profession of their Oath of their duti­full Allegiance, as this Pope hath now done: no man can easily discerne.

5. But to draw neere vnto his Brene, wherein certainely hee hath taken more paines then he needed, by setting downe in the said Breue the whole body of the Oath at length; whereas the onely naming of the Title thereof might as well haue serued, for any answere hee hath made thereunto (ma­king Vna litura, that is, the flat and generall condemnation of the whole Oath to serue for all his refutation.) Therein hauing as well in this respect as in the former, dealt both vndiscreetly with me, and iniuriously with his owne Catholickes. With mee; in not refuting particularly what speciall words he quarrelled in that Oath; which if hee had done, it might haue beene that for the fatherly care I haue not to put any of my Subiects to a needlesse extremitie, I might haue beene contented in some sort to haue re­formed or interpreted those wordes. With his owne Catholickes: for ei­ther if I had so done, they had beene thereby fully eased in that businesse; or at least if I would not haue condescended to haue altered any thing in the saide Oath, yet would thereby some appearance or shadow of excuse haue beene left vnto them for refusing the same not as seeming thereby to swarue from their Obedience and Allegiance vnto mee, but onely beeing stayed from taking the same vpon the scrupulous tendernesse of their con­sciences, in regard of those particular words which the Pope had noted and condemned therein.

And now let vs heare the words of his thunder.

POPE PAVLVS THE FIFT, to the ENGLISH Catholickes.

WElbeloued Sonnes, The Pope his first Breue. Salutation and Apostolicall Bene­diction. The tribulations and calamities, which yee haue continually sustained for the keeping of the Catholike Faith, haue alwayes afflicted vs with great griefe of minde. But for as much as we vnderstand that at this time all things are more grieuous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased. For wee haue heard how you are compelled, by most grieuous punishments set before you, to goe to the Churches of Heretikes, to frequent their as­semblies, to be present at their Sermons. Truely wee doe vndoubtedly beleeue, that they which with so great constancie and fortitude, haue hitherto indured most cruell persecutions and almost infinite miseries, that they may walke without spot in the Law of the Lord; will neuer suffer themselues to be defiled with the communion of those that haue forsaken the diuine Law. Yet notwithstanding, being compelled by the zeale of our Pastorall Office, and by our Fatherly care which we doe continually take for the saluation of your soules, we are inforced to admonish and desire you, that by no meanes you come vnto the Churches of the Heretickes, or heare their Sermons, or communicate with them in their Rites, lest you incurre the wrath of God: For these things may ye not doe without indamaging the worship of God, and your owne sal­uation. As likewise you cannot, without most euident and grieuous wronging of Gods Honour, bind your selues by the Oath, which in like maner we haue heard with very great griefe of our heart is administred vnto you, of the tenor vnder-written. viz.

I A. B. doe trewly and sincerely acknowledge, The Oath. professe, testifie and declare in my conscience before God and the world, That our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES, is lawfull King of this Realme, and of all other his Maiesties Dominions and Countreyes: And that the Pope neither of himselfe, nor by any authority of the Church or Sea of Rome, or by any other meanes with any other, hath any power or authoritie to depose the King, or to dispose of any of his Maiesties Kingdomes or Dominions, or to authorize any forreigne Prince to inuade or annoy him or his Countreys, or to discharge any of his Subiects of their Allegiance and obedience to his Maiestie, or to giue Licence or leaue to any of them to beare Armes, raise tumults, or to offer any violence or hurt to his Maiesties Royall Person, State or Gouern­ment, or to any of his Maiesties subiects within his Maiesties Dominions. Also I doe sweare from my heart, that, notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of Excommunication, or depriuation made or granted, or to be [Page 251]made or granted, by the Pope or his successors, or by any Authoritie deri­ued, or pretended to be deriued from him or his Sea, against the said King, his heires or successors, or any absolution of the said subiects from their obedience; I will beare faith and trew Allegiance to his Maiestie, his heires and successors, and him and them will defend to the vttermost of my power, against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoeuer, which shalbe made against his or their Persons, their Crowne and dignitie, by reason or colour of any such sentence, or declaration, or otherwise, and will doe my best endeuour to disclose and make knowne vnto his Maiestie, his heires and successors, all Treasons and traiterous conspiracies, which I shall know or heare of, to be against him or any of them. And I doe further sweare, That I doe from my heart abhorre, detest and abiure as impious and Here­ticall, this damnable doctrine and position, That Princes which be excom­municated or depriued by the Pope, may be deposed or murthered by their Subiects or any other whatsoeuer. And I doe beleeue, and in consci­ence am resolued, that neither the Pope nor any person whatsoeuer, hath po­wer to absolue me of this Oath, or any part therof; which I acknowledge by good and full authoritie to bee lawfully ministred vnto mee, and doe renounce all Pardons and Dispensations to the contrarie. And all these things I doe plainely and sincerely acknowledge and sweare, according to these expresse words by mee spoken, and according to the plaine and com­mon sense and vnderstanding of the same words, without any Equiuoca­tion, or mentall euasion, or secret reseruation whatsoeuer. And I do make this Recognition and acknowledgment heartily, willingly, and trewly, vp­on the trew faith of a Christian. So helpe me GOD.

Which things since they are thus; it must euidently appeare vnto you by the words themselues, That such an Oath cannot be taken without hurting of the Catho­like Faith, and the saluation of your soules; seeing it conteines many things which are flat contrary to Faith and saluation. Wherefore wee doe admonish you, that you doe vtterly abstaine from taking this and the like Oathes: which thing wee doe the more earnestly require of you, because wee haue experience of the constancie of your faith, which is tried like gold in the fire of perpetuall tribulation. Wee doe well know, that you will cheerefully vnder-goe all kinde of cruell torments whatsoeuer, yea and con­stantly endure death it selfe, rather then you will in any thing offend the Maiestie of GOD. And this our confidence is confirmed by those things, which are dayly re­ported vnto vs, of the singular vertue, valour, and fortitude which in these last times doeth no lesse shine in your Martyrs, then it did in the first beginning of the Church. Stand therefore, your loynes being girt about with veritie, and hauing on the brest-plate of righteousnesse, taking the shield of Faith, be ye strong in the Lord, and in the power of his might; And let nothing hinder you. Hee which will crowne you, and doeth in Heauen behold your conflicts, will finish the good worke which hee hath begun in you. You know how hee hath promised his disciples, that hee will neuer leaue them Orphanes: for hee is faithfull which hath promised. Hold fast therefore his correction, that is, being rooted and grounded in Charitie, whatsoeuer ye doe, [Page 252]whatsoeuer ye indeuour, doe it with one accord, in simplicitie of heart, in meekenesse of Spirit, without murmuring or doubting. For by this doe all men know that we are the disciples of CHRIST, if we haue loue one to another. Which charitie, as it is very greatly to be desired of all faithfull Christians; So certainely is it altogether ne­cessary for you, most blessed sonnes. For by this your charitie, the power of the diuel is weakened, who doeth so much assaile you, since that power of his is especially vp­held by the contentions and disagreement of our sonnes. Wee exhort you therefore by the bowels of our Lord IESVS CHRIST, by whose loue we are taken out of the iawes of eternall death; That aboue all things, you would haue mutuall charitie a­mong you. Surely Pope Clement the eight of happy memory, hath giuen you most profitable precepts of practising brotherly charitie one to another, in his Letters in forme of a Breue, to our welbeloued sonne M. George Arch priest of the Kingdome of England, dated the 5. day of the moneth of October 1602. Put them therefore di­ligently in practise, and be not hindered by any difficultie or doubtfulnesse. We com­mand you that ye doe exactly obserue the words of those letters, and that yee take and vnderstand them simply as they sound, and as they lie; all power to interpret them otherwise, being taken away. In the meane while, we will neuer cease to pray to the Father of Mercies, that he would with pitie behold your afflictions and your paines; And that he would keepe and defend you with his continuall protection: whom wee doe gently greet with our Apostolicall Benediction. Dated at Rome at S. Marke, vnder the Signet of the Fisherman, the tenth of the Calends of October, 1606. the second yeere of our Popedome.

THE ANSWERE TO THE FIRST BREVE.

FIrst, the Pope expresseth herein his sorrow, for that persecu­tion which the Catholiques sustaine for the faiths sake. Wherein, besides the maine vntrewth whereby I am so in­iuriously vsed, I must euer auow and maintaine, as the trewth is according to mine owne knowledge, that the late Queene of famous memory, neuer punished any Papist for Religion, but that their owne punishment was euer extorted out of her hands against her will, by their owne misbehauiour, which both the time and circum­stances of her actions will manifestly make proofe of. For before Pius Quintus his excommunication giuing her ouer for a prey, and setting her Subiects at libertie to rebell, it is well knowne she neuer medled with the blood or hard punishment of any Catholique, nor made any rigorous Lawes against them. And since that time, who list to compare with an indifferent eye, the manifold intended inuasions against her whole King­dome, [Page 253]the forreine practises, the internall publike rebellions, the pri­uate plots and machinations, poysonings, murthers, and all sorts of deui­ses, & quid non? daily set abroach; and all these wares continually foste­red and fomented from Rome; together with the continuall corrupting of her Subiects, as well by temporall bribes, as by faire and specious pro­mises of eternall felicitie; and nothing but booke vpon booke publike­ly set foorth by her fugitiues, for approbation of so holy designes: who list, I say, with an indifferent eye, to looke on the one part, vpon those infinite and intollerable temptations, and on the other part vpon the iust, yet moderate punishment of a part of these hainous offendors; shall ea­sily see that that blessed defunct LADIE was as free from persecuti­on, as they shall free these hellish Instruments from the honour of mar­tyrdome.

5. But now hauing sacrificed (if I may so say) to the Manes of my late Predecessour, I may next with Saint PAVL iustly vindicate mine owne fame, from those innumerable calumnies spread against me, in te­stifying the trewth of my behauiour toward the Papists: wherein I may trewly affirme, That whatsoeuer was her iust and mercifull Gouerne­ment ouer the Papists in her time, my Gouernement ouer them since hath so farre exceeded hers, in Mercie and Clemencie, as not onely the Papists themselues grewe to that height of pride, in confidence of my mildnesse, as they did directly expect, and assuredly promise to them­selues libertie of Conscience, and equalitie with other of my Subiects in all things; but euen a number of the best and faithfulliest of my sayde Subiects, were cast in great feare and amazement of my course and pro­ceedings, euer prognosticating and iustly suspecting that sowre fruite to come of it, which shewed it selfe clearely in the Powder-Treason. How many did I honour with Knighthood, of knowen and open Re­cusants? How indifferently did I giue audience, and accesse to both sides, bestowing equally all fauours and honours on both professions? How free and continuall accesse, had all rankes and degrees of Papists in my Court and company? And aboue all, how frankely and freely did I free Recusants of their ordinarie paiments? Besides, it is cuident what strait order was giuen out of my owne mouth to the Iudges, to spare the execution of all Priests, (notwithstanding their conuiction,) ioyning thereunto a gracious Proclamation, whereby all Priests, that were at li­bertie, and not taken, might goe out of the countrey by such a day: my generall Pardon hauing beene extended to all conuicted Priestes in pri­son: whereupon they were set at libertie as good Subiects: and all Priests that were taken after, sent ouer and set at libertie there. But time and pa­per will faile me to make enumeration of all the benefits and fauours that I bestowed in generall and particular vpon Papists: in recounting whereof, euery scrape of my penne would serue but for a blot of the Popes ingrati­tude and iniustice, in meating me with so hard a measure for the same. So [Page 254]as I thinke I haue sufficiently, or at least with good reason wiped the Magno cum anims moerore, &c. teares from the Popes eyes, for complaining vpon such persecution, who if hee had beene but politickely wise, although hee had had no respect to Iu­stice and Veritie, would haue in this complaint of his, made a difference betweene my present time, and the time of the late Queene: And so by his commending of my moderation, in regard of former times, might haue had hope to haue mooued me to haue continued in the same clement course: For it is a trew saying, that alledged kindnesse vpon noble mindes, doeth euer worke much. And for the maine vntrewth of any persecuti­on in my time, it can neuer bee prooued, that any were, or are put to death since I came to the Crowne for cause of Conscience; except that now this discharge giuen by the Pope to all Catholiques to take their Oath of Allegiance to me, be the cause of the due punishment of many: which if it fall out to be, let the blood light vpon the Popes head, who is the onely cause thereof.

As for the next point contained in his Breue concerning his discharge of all Papists to come to our Church, or frequent our rites and ceremo­nies, I am not to meddle at this time with that matter, because my er­rand now onely is to publish to the world the Iniurie and Iniustice done vnto me, in discharging my subiects to make profession of their obedience vnto mee. The intende­ment of this discourse. Now as to the point where the Oath is quarrelled, it is set downe in fewe, but very weighty wordes; to wit, That it ought to be cleare vnto all Catholiques, that this Oath cannot bee taken with safetie of the Catholique Faith, and of their soules health, since it containeth many things that are plainely and directly contrarie to their faith and saluation. To this, the old saying fathe­red vpon the Philosopher, may very fitly bee applied, Multa dicit, sed pauca probat; nay indeed, Nihil omnino probat: For how the profession of the na­turall Allegiance of Subiects to their Prince can be directly opposite to the faith and saluation of soules, is so farre beyond my simple reading in Di­uinitie, as I must thinke it a strange and new Assertion, to proceede out of the mouth of that pretended generall Pastor of all Christian soules. I reade indeede, and not in one, or two, or three places of Scripture, that Subiects are bound to obey their Princes for conscience sake, whether they were good or wicked Princes. So said the people to Iosh. 1.17. Ioshua, As wee obeyed Moses in all things, so will wee obey thee. So the Iere. 27.12. Prophet commanded the people to obey the King of Babel, saying, Put your neckes vnder the yoke of the King of Babel, and serue him and his people, that yee may liue. So were the children of Israel, vnto Exod. 5.1. Pharaoh, desiring him to let them goe: so to Ezra 1.3. Cyrus, obtaining leaue of him to returne to build the Temple: and in a word, the Apostle willed all men Rom. 13 5. to bee subiect to the higher powers for consci­ence sake. Agreeable to the Scriptures did the Fathers teach. August. in Psalm. 124. Augustine speaking of Iulian, saith, Iulian was an vnbeleeuing Emperour: was hee not an Apostata, an Oppressour, and an Idolater? Christian Souldiers serued that vnbelee­uing Emperour: when they came to the cause of CHRIST, they would acknowledge [Page 255]no Lord, but him that is in heauen. When hee would haue them to worship Idoles and to sacrifice, they preferred GOD before him: But when hee said, Goe forth to fight, inuade such a nation, they presently obeyed. They distinguished their eter­nall Lord from their temporall, and yet were they subiect euen vnto their tempo­rall Lord, for his sake that was their eternall Lord and Master. Tertull. ad Scap. Tertullian sayth, A Christian is enemie to no man, much lesse to the Prince, whom hee know­eth to bee appointed of God; and so of necessitie must loue, reuerence and honour him, and wish him safe with the whole Romane Empire, so long as the world shall last: for so long shall it endure. Wee honour therefore the Emperour in such sort, as is lawfull for vs, and expedient for him, as a man, the next vnto God, and ob­taining from God whatsoeuer hee hath, and onely inferiour vnto God. This the Emperour himselfe would: for so is hee greater then all, while hee is inferiour onely to the trew God. Iust. Martyr. Apol. 2. ad. Ant. Imperat. Iustine Martyr; Wee onely adore the Lord, and in all other things cheerefully performe seruice to you, professing that you are Emperours and Princes of men. Amb. in orat­cont. Auxentiū, de basilicis tra­den. habetur lib. 5. epist. Ambr. Ambrose; I may lament, weepe, and sigh: My teares are my weapons against their armes, souldiers, and the Gothes also such are the weapons of a Priest: Ocherwise neither ought I, neither can Iresist. Optat. contra Parmen. lib. 3. Optatus; Ouer the Emperour, there is none but onely God, that made the Emperour. And Greg. Mag. Epist. lib. 2. in­dict. 11. Epist. 61. Gre­gory writing to Mauritius about a certaine Law, that a Souldier should not be receiued into a Monasterie, nondum expleta militia, The Almightie God, sayth hee, holdes him guiltie, that is not vpright to the most excellent Emperour in all things that hee doeth or speaketh. And then calling himselfe the vnwor­thy seruant of his Godlinesse, goeth on in the whole Epistle to shewe the iniustice of that Lawe, as hee pretendeth: and in the end concludes his E­pistle with these wordes; I being subiect to your command, haue caused the same Law to be sent through diuers parts of your Dominions: and because the Law it selfe doeth not agree to the Law of the Almightie God, I haue signified the same by my Letters to your most excellent Lordship: so that on both parts I haue payed what I ought; because I haue yeelded obedience to the Emperour, and haue not holden my peace, in what I thought for God. Now how great a contrarietie there is, betwixt this ancient Popes action in obeying an Emperour by the publication of his Decree, which in his owne conscience hee thought vnlawfull, and this present Popes prohibition to a Kings Subiects from obedience vnto him in things most lawfull and meere temporall; I remit it to the Readers indifferencie. And answerably to the Fathers, spake the Councels in their Decrees. As the Councell of Concil Arela­tense sub Carolo Mag. Can. 26. Arles, submitting the whole Councell to the Emperour in these wordes; These things wee haue decreed to be presented to our Lord the Emperour, beseeching his Clemencie, that if wee haue done less then wee ought, it may be supplyed by his wisedome: if any thing otherwise then reason requireth, it may be corrected by his iudgement: if any thing be found fault with by vs with reason, it may bee perfected by his aide with GODS fauourable assistance.

But why should I speake of Charles the great, to whome not one Coun­cell, but sixe seuerall Councels, Frankeford, Arles, Tours, Chalons, Ments [Page 256]and Rhemes did wholy submit themselues? and not rather speake of all the generall Councels, that of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the foure other commonly so reputed, which did submit themselues to the Emperours wisedome and piety in all things? Insomuch as that of Ephesus repeated it foure seuerall times, That they were summoned by the Emperours Oracle, becke, charge and commaund, and betooke themselues to his Godlinesse: Vide Episto­la [...] general [...] Conc. Ephes. ad August. beseeching him, that the Decrees made against Nestorius and his followers, might by his power haue their full force and validitie, as appeareth manifestly in the Epistle of the generall Councell of Ephesus written ad Augustos. I also reade that Christsaid, His 2 Iohn 18 36. kingdome was not of this world, bidding, Giue to 3 Matt. 22.21. Cesar what was Cesars, and to God what was Gods. And I euer held it for an infallible Maxime in Diuinitie, That temporall obedience to a temporall Magistrate, did nothing repugne to matters of faith or saluation of soules: But that euer temporall obedience was against faith and saluation of soules, as in this Breue is alledged, was neuer before heard nor read of in the Christian Church. And therefore I would haue wished the Pope, before hee had set downe this commandement to all Papists here, That, since in him is the power by the infabillity of his spirit, to make new Articles of Faith when euer it shall please him, he had first set it downe for an Article of Faith, be­fore he had commanded all Catholikes to beleeue and obey it. I will then conclude the answere to this point in a Dilemma.

Either it is lawfull to obey the Soueraigne in temporall things, Question. or not.

1 If it be lawfull (as I neuer heard nor read it doubted of) then why is the Pope so vniust, and so cruell towards his owne Catholikes, as to command them to disobey their Soueraignes lawfull commandement?

If it be vnlawfull, 2 why hath hee neither expressed any one cause or rea­son thereof, nor yet will giue them leaue (nay rather hee should command and perswade them in plaine termes) not to liue vnder a King whom vnto they ought no obedience?

And as for the vehement exhortation vnto them to perseuere in con­stancie, Answere to the Popes ex­hortation. and to suffer Martyrdome and all tribulation for this cause; it re­quireth no other answere then onely this, That if the ground be good whereupon hee hath commaunded them to stand, then exhortation to constancie is necessarie: but if the ground be vniust and naught (as indeed it is, and I haue in part already proued) then this exhortation of his can worke no other effect, then to make him guilty of the blood of so many of his sheepe, whom hee doeth thus wilfully cast away; not onely to the needlesse losse of their liues, and ruine of their families, but euen to the laying on of a perpetuall slander vpon all Papists; as if no zealous Papist could be a trew subiect to his Prince; and that the profession of that Religi­on, and the Temporall obedience to the Ciuill Magistrate, were two things repugnant and incompatible in themselues. Famae vires ac­quirit eundo. But euill information, and vntrew reports (which being caried so farre as betweene this and Rome, [Page 257]cannot but increase by the way) might haue abused the Pope, and made him dispatch this Breue so rashly: For that great Citie, Queene of the World, and as themselues confesse, Eusebius, Oe­cumenius and Leo hold, that by Babylon, in 1. Pet. 5.13. Rome is meant, as the Rhemists themselues confesse. mystically Babylon, cannot but be so full of all sorts of Intelligencies. Besides, all complainers (as the Catho­likes here are) be naturally giuen to exaggerate their owne griefes, and multiply thereupon: So that it is no wonder, that euen a iust Iudge sit­ting there, should vpon wrong information, giue an vnrighteous sen­tence; as some of their owne partie doe not sticke to confesse, That Pius Quintus was too rashly caried vpon wrong information, to pronounce his thunder of Excommunication vpon the late Queene. And it may be, the like excuse shall hereafter be made for the two Breues, which See the Re­lation of the whole procee­dings against the Traitours, Garnet and his confederates. Clemens Octauus sent to ENGLAND immediatly before her death, for debarring me of the Crowne, or any other that either would professe, or any wayes tolerate the professours of our Religion; contrary to his manifold vowes and protestations, simul & eodem tempore, and as it were, deliuered vno & eodem spiritu, to diuers of my ministers abroad, professing such kind­nesse, and shewing such forwardnesse to aduance me to this Crowne. The Catho­likes opinion of the Brene. Nay, the most part of Catholikes here, finding this Breue when it came to their handes to bee so farre against Diuinitie, Policie, or naturall sense, were firmely perswaded that it was but a counterfeit Libell, deuised in hatred of the Pope; or at the farthest, a thing hastily done vpon wrong informa­tion, as was before said. Of which opinion were not onely the simpler sort of Papists, but euen some amongst them of best account, both for learning and experience; whereof the Archpriest himselfe was one: But for soluing of this obiection, the Pope himselfe hath taken new paines by sending foorth a second Breue, onely for giuing faith and confirmation to the former; That whereas before, his sinne might haue beene thought to haue proceeded from rashnesse and mis-information, he will now wil­fully and willingly double the same; whereof the Copy followeth.

The second Breue.

TO OVR BELOVED SONNES the English Catholikes, Paulus P.P.Ʋ tus.

BEloued sonnes, Salutation and Apostolicall Benediction.

It is reported vnto vs, that there are found certaine amongst you, who when as we haue sufficiently declared by our Letters, dated the last yeere on the tenth of the Calends of October in the forme of a Breue, that yee cannot with safe Conscience take the Oath, which was then required of you; and when as wee haue further straitly commanded you, that by no meanes yee should take it: yet there are some, I say, among you, which dare now affirme, that such Letters concerning the forbidding of the Oath were not written of our owne accord, or of our owne proper will, but rather for the respect and at the instigation of other men. And for that cause the same men doe goe about to perswade you, that our commands in the said Letters are not to be regarded. Surely this newes did trouble vs; and that so much the more, because hauing had experience of your obedience (most dearely beloued sonnes) who to the end ye might obey this holy Sea, haue godlily and valiantly contemned your ri­ches wealth, honour, libertie, yea and life it selfe; wee should neuer haue suspected that the trewth of our Apostolike Letters could once be called into question among you, that by this pretence ye might exempt your selues from our Commandements. But we doe herein perceiue the subtiltie and craft of the enemie of mans saluation, and we doe attribute this your backwardnesse rather to him, then to your owne will. And for this cause, wee haue thought good to write the second time vnto you, and to signi­fie vnto you againe, That our Apostolike Letters dated the last yeere on the tenth of the Calends of October, concerning the prohibition of the Oath, were written not on­ly vpon our proper motion, and of our certaine knowledge, but also after long and weightie deliberation vsed concerning all those things, which are contained in them; and that for that cause ye are bound fully to obserue them, reiecting all interpreta­tion perswading to the contrary. And this is our meere, pure, and perfect will, being alwayes carefull of your saluation, and alwayes minding those things, which are most profitable vnto you. And we doe pray without ceasing, that hee that hath appointed our lowlinesse to the keeping of the flocke of Christ, would inlighten our thoughts and our counsels: whom we doe also continually desire, that he would increase in you (our beloued Sonnes) faith, constancie, and mutuall charitie and peace one to another. All whom, we doe most louingly blesse with all charitable affection.

Dated at Rome at Saint Markes vnder the Signet of the Fisherman, the x. of the Calends of September, 1607. the third yeere of our Popedome.

THE ANSWERE TO THE second BREVE.

NOw for this Breue, I may iustly reflect his owne phrase vpon him, in tearming it to be The craft of the Deuill. For if the Deuill had studied a thousand yeeres, for to finde out a mischiefe for our Catholikes heere, hee hath found it in this; that now when many Catholikes haue taken their Oath, and some Priests also; yea, the Arch-priest himselfe, without com­punction or sticking, they shall not now onely be bound to refuse the profession of their naturall Allegiance to their Soueraigne, which might yet haue beene some way coloured vpon diuers scruples conceiued vpon the words of the Oath; but they must now renounce and forsweare their profession of obedience alreadie sworne, and so must as it were at the third instance forsweare their former two Oathes, first closely sworne, by their birth in their naturall Allegiance; and next, clearely confirmed by this Oath, which doeth nothing but expresse the same: so as no man can now holde the faith, or procure the saluation of his soule in ENGLAND, that must not abiure and renounce his borne and sworne Allegiance to his na­turall Soueraigne.

And yet it is not sufficient to ratifie the last yeeres Breue, by a new one come forth this yeere; but (that not onely euery yeere, but euery moneth may produce a new monster) the great and famous Writer of the Contro­uersies, the late vn-Iesuited Cardinall Bellarmine, must adde his talent to this good worke, by blowing the bellowes of sedition, and sharpening the spurre to rebellion, by sending such a Letter of his to the Arch­priest here, as it is a wonder how passion, and an ambitious desire of maintaining that Monarchie, should charme the wits of so famously lear­ned a man.

The Copy whereof here followeth.

TO THE VERY REVEREND M r. GEORGE BLACKWELL, ARCH-PRIEST of the ENGLISH: ROBERT BELLARMINE Cardinall of the holy Church of Rome, Greeting.

REuerend Sir, and brother in CHRIST; It is almost fourtie yeeres since we did see one the other: but yet I haue neuer bene vn­mindfull of our ancient acquaintance, neither haue I ceased, seeing I could doe you no other good, to commend your labouring most pain­fully in the Lords Vineyard, in my prayers to God. And I doubt not, but that I haue liued all this while in your memory, and haue had some place in your prayers at the Lords Altar. So therfore euen vnto this time we haue abidden, as S. Iohn speaketh, in the mutuall loue one of the other, not by word or letter, but in deed and trewth. But alate message which was brought vnto vs within these few dayes, of your bonds and imprisonment, hath inforced mee to breake off this silence; which message, although it seemed heauie in regard of the losse which that Church hath receiued, by their being thus depriued of the comfort of your pastorall function amongst them, yet withall it seemed ioyous, because you drew neere vnto the glory of Martyrdome, then the which gift of God there is none more happy; That you, who haue fedde your flocke so many yeeres with the word and doctrine, should now feed it more gloriously by the example of your patience. But another heauie tidings did not a little disquiet and almost take away this ioy, which immediatly followed, of the aduersaries assault, and peraduenture of the slip and fall of your constancie in refu­sing an vnlawfull Oath. Neither trewly (most deare brother) could that Oath therefore bee lawfull, because it was offered in sort tempered and modified: for you know that those kinde of modifications are nothing else, but sleights and subtilties of Satan, that the Catholique faith touching the Primacie of the Sea Apostolike, might either secretly or openly be shot at; for the which faith so many worthy Martyrs e­uen in that very England it selfe, haue resisted vnto blood. For most certaine it is, that in whatsoeuer words the Oath is conceiued by the aduersaries of the faith in that Kingdome, it tends to this end, that the Authoritie of the head of the Church in Eng­land, may bee transferred from the successour of S. Peter, to the successour of King Henry the eight: For that which is pretended of the danger of the Kings life, if the high Priest should haue the same power in England, which hee hath in all o­ther Christian Kingdomes, it is altogether idle, as all that haue any vnderstanding, may easily perceiue. For it was neuer heard of from the Churches infancie vntill this day, that euer any Pope did command, that any Prince, though an Heretike, though an Ethnike, though a persecutour, should be murdered; or did approue of the fact, when it was done by any other. And why, I pray you, doeth onely the King of England seare that, which none of all other the Princes in Christendome either doeth feare, or euer did feare?

[Page 261]But, as I said, these vaine pretexts are but the traps and stratagemes of Satan: Of which kinde I could produce not a fewe out of ancient Stories, if I went about to write a Booke and not an Epistle. One onely for example sake, I will call to your memory. S. Gregorius Nazianzenus in his first Oration against Iulian the Em­perour, reporteth, That hee, the more easily to beguile the simple Christians, did in­sert the Images of the false gods into the pictures of the Emperour, which the Ro­manes did vse to bow downe vnto with a ciuill kinde of reuerence: so that no man could doe reuerence to the Emperours picture, but withall hee must adore the Images of the false gods; whereupon it came to passe that many were deceiued. And if there were any that found out the Emperours craft and refused to worship his pi­cture, those were most grieuously punished, as men that had contemned the Empe­rour in his Image. Some such like thing, me thinkes, I see in the Oath that is offe­red to you; which is so craftily composed, that no man can detest Treason against the King and make profession of his Ciuill subiection, but he must bee constramed perfidiously to denie the Primacie of the Apostolicke Sea. But the seruants of Christ, and especially the chiefe Priests of the Lord, ought to bee so farre from taking an vnlawfull Oath, where they may indamage the Faith, that they ought to beware that they giue not the least suspicion of dissimulation that they haue taken it, least they might seeme to haue left any example of preuarication to faithfull people. Which thing that worthy Eleazar did most notably performe, who would neither eate swines flesh, nor so much as faine to haue eaten it, although hee sawe the great torments that did hang ouer his head; least, as himselfe speaketh in the second Booke of the Machabees, many young men might bee brought through that simulation, to preuaricate with the Lawe. Neither did Basil the Great by his example, which is more fit for our purpose, cary himselfe lesse worthily toward Valens the Emperour. For as Theodoret writeth in his Historie, when the Deputy of that hereticall Em­perour did perswade Saint Basil, that hee would not resist the Emperour for a little subtiltie of a few points of doctrine; that most holy and prudent man made an­swere, That it was not to be indured, that the least syllable of Gods word should bee corrupted, but rather all kind of torment was to be embraced, for the maintenance of the Trewth thereof. Now I suppose, that there wants not amongst you, who say that they are but subtilties of Opinions that are contained in the Oath that is offered to the Catholikes, and that you are not to strius against the Kings Authoritie for such a little matter. But there are not wanting also amongst you holy men like vnto Basil the Great, which will openly auow, that the very least syllable of Gods diuine Trewth is not to bee corrupted, though many torments were to bee endured, and death it selfe set before you: Amongst whom it is meete, that you should bee one, or rather the Standard bearer, and Generall to the rest. And whatsoeuer hath beene the cause, that your Constancie hath quailed, whether it bee the suddainenesse of your apprehension, or the bitternesse of your persecution, or the imbecilitie of your old aage: yet wee trust in the goodnesse of God, and in your owne long continued vertue, that it will come to passe, that as you seeme in some part to haue imitated the fall of Peter and Marcellinus, so you shall happily imitate their valour in recouering your strength, and maintaining the Trewth: For if you will di­ligently weigh the whole matter with your selfe, trewly you shall see, it is no small [Page 262]matter that is called in question by this Oath, but one of the principall heads of our Faith, and foundations of Catholique Religion. For heare what your Apostle Saint Gregorie the Great hath written in his 24. Epistle of his 11. Booke. Let not the reuerence due to the Apostolique Sea, be troubled by any mans presump­tion; for then the state of the members doeth remaine entire, when the Head of the Faith is not bruised by any iniurie: Therefore by Saint Grego­ries testimonie, when they are busie about disturbing or diminishing, or taking away of the Primacie of the Apostolique Sea; then are they busie about cutting off the very head of the faith, and dissoluing of the state of the whole body, and of all the members. Which selfe same thing S. Le [...] [...]th confirme in his third Sermon of his Assumption to the Popedom, when he saith; Our Lord had a special care of Peter, & praied pro­perly for Peters faith, as though the state of others were more stable, when their Princes mind was not to be ouercome. Whereupon himselfe in his Epistle to the bishops of the prouince of Vienna, doth not doubt to affirme, that he is not par­taker of the diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the solidity of Peter; who also saith, That who thinketh the Primacy to be denied to that Sea, he can in no sort lessen the authority of it; but by being puft vp with the spirit of his owne pride, doth cast himselfe headlong into hel. These and many other of this kind, I am very sure are most familiar to you: who besides many other books, haue dili­gently read ouer the visible Monarchy of your owne Sanders, a most diligent writer, and one who hath worthily deserued of the Church of England. Neither can you be ignorant, that these most holy and learned men, Iohn bishop of Rochester, and Tho. Moore, within our memory, for this one most weighty head of doctrine, led the way to Martyrdome to many others, to the exceeding glory of the English nation. But I would put you in remembrance that you should take heart, and considering the weigh­tines of the cause, not to trust too much to your owne iudgement, neither be wise aboue that is meet to be wise: and if peraduenture your fall haue proceeded not vpon want of consideration, but through humane infirmity, & for feare of punishment and impri­sonment, yet do not preferre a temporall liberty to the liberty of the glory of the Sonnes of God: neither for escaping a light & momentanie tribulation, lose an eternal weight of glory, which tribulation it selfe doeth worke in you. You haue fought a good fight a long time, you haue wel-neere finished your course; so many yeeres haue you kept the faith: do not therefore lose the reward of such labors; do not depriue your selfe of that crowne of righteousnes, which so long agone is prepared for you; Do not make the faces of so many yours both brethren and children ashamed. Vpon you at this time are fixed the eyes of all the Church: yea also, you are made a spectacle to the world, to Angels, to men; Do not so carry your selfe in this your last act, that you leaue nothing but laments to your friends, and ioy to your enemies. But rather on the contrary, which we assured­ly hope, and for which we continually powre forth prayers to God, display gloriously the banner of faith, and make to reioyce the Church, which you haue made heauy; so shall you not onely merite pardon at Gods hands, but a Crowne. Farewell. Quite you like a man, and let your heart be strengthened. From Rome the 28. day of Sep­tember 1607.

Your very Reuerendships brother and seruant in Christ, Robert Bellarmine Cardinall.

THE ANSWERE TO THE CARDINALS LETTER.

ANd now that I am to enter into the field against him by re­futing his Letter, I must first vse this protestation; That no desire of vaine-glory by matching with so learned a man, maketh me to vndertake this taske; but onely the care and conscience I haue, that such smooth Circes charmes and guilded pilles, as full of exterior eloquence, as of inward vntrewths, may not haue that publike passage through the world without an answere: whereby my reputation might vniustly be darkened, by such cloudie and foggie mists of vntrewths and false imputations, the hearts of vnstayed and simple men be misse-led, and the trewth it selfe smothered.

But before I come to the particular answere of this Letter, A great mista­king of the state of the Question, and case in hand. I must here desire the world to wonder with me, at the committing of so grosse an er­rour by so learned a man as that he should haue pained himselfe to haue set downe so elaborate a Letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken que­stion: For it appeareth, that our English Fugitiues, of whose inward socie­tie with him he so greatly vaunteth, haue so fast hammered in his head the Oath of Supremacie, which hath euer bene so great a scarre vnto them, as he thinking by his Letter to haue refuted the last Oath, hath in place there­of onely paied the Oath of Supremacie, which was most in his head; as a man that being earnestly caried in his thoughts vpon another matter, then he is presently in doing, will often name the matter or person he is think­ing of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand.

For as the Oath of Supremacie was deuised for putting a difference be­tweene Papists, and them of our profession: so was this Oath, The diffe­rence be­tweene the Oath of Su­premacie, and this of Allegi­ance. which hee would seeme to impugne, ordained for making a difference betweene the ciuilly obedient Papists, and the peruerse disciples of the Powder-Treason. Yet doeth all his Letter runne vpon an Inuectiue against the compulsion of Catholiques to deny the authoritie of S. Peters successors, and in place thereof to acknowledge the Successors of King Henry the eight: For in K. Henry the eights time, was the Oath of Supremacie first made: By him were Thomas Moore and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it: From his time till now, haue all the Princes of this land professing this Religion, successiuely in effect maintained the same: and in that Oath onely is con­tained the Kings absolute power, to be Iudge ouer all persons, aswell Ciuill as Ecclesiastical, excluding al forraigne powers and Potentates to be Iudges within his dominions; whereas this last made Oath containeth no such [Page 264]matter, onely medling with the ciuill obedience of Subiects to their Soue­raigne, in meere temporall causes.

And that it may the better appeare, that whereas by name hee seemeth to condemne the last Oath; yet indeed his whole Letter runneth vpon no­thing, but vpon the condemnation of the Oath of Supremacie: I haue here thought good to set downe the said Oath, leauing it then to the discre­tion of euery indifferent reader to iudge, whether he doth not in substance onely answere to the Oath of Supremacie, but that hee giues the child a wrong name.

I A B. doe vtterly testifie and declare in my conscience, that the Kings Highnesse is the onely Supreame Gouernour of this Realme, and all other his Highnesse Do­minions and Countries, aswell in all Spirituall, or Ecclesiasticall things or causes, as Temporall: And that no forraine Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Potentate, hath or ought to haue any Iurisdiction, Power, Superioritie, Preeminence or Authori­tie Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realme. And therefore I doe vtterly re­nounce and forsake all forraine Iurisdictions, Powers, Superiorities and Autho­rities; and doe promise that from hencefoorth I shall beare faith and trew Allegi­ance to the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and lawfull Successours: and to my power shall assist and defend all Iurisdictions, Priuiledges, Preeminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and Successours, or vnited and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of the Realme: So helpe me God; and by the Contents of this booke.

And that the iniustice, as well as the error of his grosse mistaking in this point, may yet be more clearely discouered; I haue also thought good to in­sert here immediatly after the Oath of Supremacie, the contrary conclusi­ons to all the points and Articles, whereof this other late Oath doeth con­sist: whereby it may appeare, what vnreasonable and rebellious points hee would driue my Subiects vnto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is conceiued: For he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of necessitie hold all, or some of these propositions following.

That I King IAMES, 1 am not the lawfull King of this Kingdome, and of all other my Dominions.

That the Pope by his owne authoritie may depose me: 2 If not by his owne authoritie, yet by some other authoritie of the Church, or of the Sea of Rome: If not by some other authoritie of the Church and Sea of Rome, yet by other meanes with others helpe, he may depose me.

That the Pope may dispose of my Kingdomes and Dominions. 3

That the Pope may giue authoritie to some forreine Prince to inuade my Dominions. 4

That the Pope may discharge my Subiects of their Allegiance and Obe­dience to me. 5

That the Pope may giue licence to one, 6 or more of my Subiects to beare armes against me.

[Page 265]That the Pope may giue leaue to my Subiects to offer violence to my Person, or to my gouernement, or to some of my Subiects. 7

That if the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose mee, 8 my Subiects are not to beare Faith and Allegiance to me.

If the Pope shall by Sentence excommunicate or depose me, 9 my Subiects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crowne.

If the Pope shall giue out any Sentence of Excommunication or Depri­uation against me, my Subiects by reason o [...] that Sentence, 10 are not bound to reueale all Conspiracies and Treasons against mee, which shall come to their hearing and knowledge.

That it is not hereticall and detestable to hold, 11 that Princes being excom­municated by the Pope, may be either deposed or killed by their Subiects, or any other.

That the Pope hath power to absolue my Subiects from this Oath, 12 or from some part thereof.

That this Oath is not administred to my Subiects, 13 by a full and lawfull authoritie.

That this Oath is to be taken with Equiuocation, mentall euasion, 14 or secret reseruation; and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the trew faith of a Christian man.

These are the trew and naturall branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmatiue of all which negatiues, Touching the pretended Councell of Lateran. See Plat. In vita Innocen. III. doe neither concerne in any case the Popes Supremacie in Spirituall causes: nor yet were euer concluded, and de­fined by any complete generall Councell to belong to the Popes authori­tie; and their owne schoole Doctors are at irreconciliable oddes and iarres about them.

And that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole States set­ting downe of this Oath, The Oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authoritie of ancient Councels. did not proceed from any new inuention of our owne, but as it is warranted by the word of GOD: so doeth it take the ex­ample from an Oath of Allegiance decreed a thousand yeeres agone, which a famous Councell then, together with diuers other Councels, were so farre from condemning (as the Pope now hath done this Oath) as I haue thought good to set downe their owne wordes here in that purpose▪ whereby it may appeare that I craue nothing now of my Subiects in this Oath, which was not expresly and carefully commaunded then, by the Councels to be obeyed without exception of persons. Nay not in the very particular point of Equiuocatiō, The ancient Councels prouided for Equiuocation. The diffe­rence be­tweene the ancient Councels, and the Pope counselling of the Catho­liques. which I in this Oath was so carefull to haue eschewed: but you shall here see the said Councels in their Decrees, as care­full to prouide for the eschewing of the same; so as almost euery point of that action, & this of ours shalbe found to haue relation & agreeance one with the other, saue onely in this, that those old Councels were careful and strait in cōmanding the taking of the same: whereas by the contrary, he that now vanteth himselfe to be head of al Councels, is as careful & strait in the prohibition of all men from the taking of this Oath of Allegiance.

[Page 265]The words of the Councell be these:

Heare our Sentence.

Whosoeuer of vs, Concil. Tolet. 4 can. 47. Anno 633. or of all the people thorowout all Spaine, shall goe about by any meanes of conspiracie or practise, to violate the Oath of his fidelitie, which he hath taken for the preseruation of his Countrey, or of the Kings life; or who shall attempt to put violent handes vpon the King; or to depriue him of his kingly power; or that by tyrannicall presumption would vsurpe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: Let him bee accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his An­gels; and let him bee made and declared a stranger from the Catholique Church, which hee hath prophaned by his periurie; and an aliant from the companie of all Christian people, together with all the complices of his impietie; because it behoo­ueth all those that bee guiltie of the like offence, to vnder-lie the like punishment. Which sentence is three seuerall times together, and almost in the same wordes, repeated in the same Canon. After this, the Synode desired, That this Sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed, might bee confirmed by the voyce and consent of all that were present. Then the whole Clergie and people an­swered, Whosoeuer shall cary himselfe presumptuously against this your definitiue sen­tence, let them be Anathema maranatha, that is, let them bee vtterly destroyed at the Lords comming, and let them and their complices haue their portion with Iudas Is­carioth. Amen.

And in the fifth Concil. Tolet. 5. Can. 7. anno 636. Councell, there it is decreed, That this Acte touch­ing the Oath of Allegiance, shall bee repeated in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine. The Decree is in these wordes: In consideration that the mindes of men are easily inclined to euill and forgetfulnesse, therefore this most holy Synode hath ordained; and doeth enact, That in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine, the Decree of the generall Synod. Tolet 4. vniuersalis, & magna Sy­nodus dicta, Synod Tolet. 5. cap 2. Councell which was made for the safetie of our Princes, shall bee with an audible voyce proclaimed and pronounced, after the conclusion of all other things in the Synode: That so it beeing often sounded into their eares, at least by continuall remembrance, the mindes of wicked men beeing terrified, might bee reformed, which by obliuion and facilitie [to euill] are brought to preuaricate.

And in the sixt Concil. Tolet. 6. Can. 18. Anno 638. Councell, Wee doe protest before God, and all the orders of Angels, in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles, and all the companie of Martyrs, and before all the Catholique Church, and assemblies of the Christians; That no man shall goe about to seeke the destruction of the King: No man shall touch the life of the Prince: No man shall depriue him of the Kingdome: No man by any tyrannical pre­sumption shall vsurpe to himselfe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: No man by any Machination shall in his aduersitie associate to himselfe any packe of Conspirators against him: And that if any of vs shall be presumptuous by rashnesse in any of these cases, let him be stricken with the anatheme of God, and reputed as condemned in e­ternall iudgement without any hope of recouery.

And in the tenth Concil. Tolet. 10. Can. 2. Aera 694. Councell (to omit diuers others held also at Toledo) it is said: That if any religious man, euen from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the Church-men or Monkes, shall bee found to haue violated the generall Oathes [Page 267]made for the preseruation of the Kings Person, or of the Nation and Countrey with a prophane minde; foorth with let him bee depriued of all dignitie, and excluded from all place and Honour. The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath, was, That the Christians were suspected for want of fidelitie to their Kings; and did either equiuocate in taking their Oath, or make no conscience to keepe it, when they had giuen it; as may appeare by sundry speeches in the Concil. Tolet. 4. cap. 74. Councell, saying, There is a generall report, that there is that perfidiousnesse in the mindes of many people of diuers Nations, that they make no conscience to keepe the Oath and fidelitie that they haue sworne vnto their Kings: but doe dissemble a profession of fidelitie in their mouthes, when they hold an im­pious perfidiousnesse in their mindes. And Concil. Tolet. 4. cap. 74. againe, They sweare to their Kings, and yet doe they preuaricate in the fidelitie which they haue promised: Neither doe they feare the Volume of Gods iudgement, by the which the curse of God is brought vpon them, with great threatning of punishments, which doe sweare lyingly in the Name of God. To the like effect spake they in the Councell of Concil. Aquis­gran. sub Ludo Pio, & Greg. 4. Can. 12. anno 836. Aquisgran: If any of the Bishops, or other Church-man of inferiour degree, hereafter thorow feare or couetousnesse, or any other perswasion, shall make defection from our Lord the Orthodoxe Emperour Lodowicke, or shall violate the Oath of fidelitie made vnto him, or shall with their peruerse intention adhere to his enemies; let him by this Canonicall and Synodall sentence bee depriued of whatsoeuer place hee is pos­sessed of.

And now to come to a particular answere of his Letter. First, as concer­ning the sweet memory hee hath of his old acquaintance with the Arch-priest; it may indeed be pleasing for him to recount: but sure I am, his ac­quaintance with him and the rest of his societie, our Fugitiues (whereof he also vanteth himselfe in his Preface to the Reader in his Booke of Contro­uersies) hath prooued sowre to vs and our State: For some of such Priests and Iesuits, as were the greatest Traitors and fomenters of the greatest con­spiracies against the late Queene, gaue vp Father Rob: Campian and Hart. See the conference in the Tower. Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles: And therfore I do not enuy the great honour he can winne, by his vaunt of his inward familiarity with an other Princes traitors & fugitiues; whom vnto if he teach no better maners then hitherto he hath done, I thinke his fellowship are litle beholding vnto him.

And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the Altar of the Lord: if the Arch-Priests prayers prooue no more profitable to his soule, then Bellarmines counsell is like to proue profitable, both to the soule and bodie of Blackwell (if he would follow it) the authour of this Letter might very well be without his prayers.

Now the first messenger that I can finde which brought ioyfull newes of the Arch-Priest to Bellarmine, was hee that brought the newes of the Arch-Priests taking, and first appearance of Martyrdome. A great signe surely of the Cardinals mortification, that hee was so reioyced to heare of the apprehension, imprisonment and appearance of putting to death of so old and deare a friend of his. But yet apparantly he should first haue beene [Page 268]sure, that hee was onely to bee punished for cause of Religion, before hee had so triumphed vpon the expectation of his Martyrdome. For first, by what rule of charitie was it lawfull for him to iudge mee a persecu­tour, The Cardi­nals charitie. before proofe had beene made of it by the said Arch-Priests condem­nation and death? What could hee know, that the said Arch-Priest was not taken vpon suspicion of his guiltinesse in the Powder-Treason? What certaine information had hee then receiued vpon the particulars, whereupon hee was to bee accused? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon hee was to bee accused? For at that time there was yet nothing layed to his charge. And if charitie should not bee suspi­cious, what warrant had hee absolutely to condemne mee of vsing perse­cution and tyrannie, which could not bee but implyed vpon mee, if Black­wel was to bee a Martyr? But surely it may iustly be sayd of Bellarmine in this case, that our Sauiour CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnall men, who thinke it enough to loue their Mar. 5.43. friends, and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinals charitie extending no farther, then to them of his owne profession. For what euer hee added in superfluous charitie to Blackwel, in reioycing in the speculation of his future Martyrdome; hee detracted as much vniustly and vncharitably from me, in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody Persecutour. And whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the newes of the saide Arch-Priest his failing in his constancie, by taking of this Oath; he needed neuer to haue beene troubled, either with his former ioy or his second sor­row, both beeing alike falsly grounded. For as it was neuer my intention to lay any thing vnto the said Arch-Priests charge, as I haue neuer done to any for cause of conscience; so was Blackwels constancie neuer brangled by taking of this Oath; It beeing a thing which he euer thought lawfull be­fore his apprehension, and whereunto hee perswaded all Catholiques to giue obedience; like as after his apprehension, hee neuer made doubt or stop in it; but at the first offering it vnto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawfull; neither meanes of threatening, or flatterie being euer vsed vnto him, as himselfe can yet beare witnesse.

And as for the temperature and modification of this Oath, except that a reasonable and lawfull matter is there set downe in reasonable and tem­perate wordes, agreeing thereunto; I know not what he can meane, by quarelling it for that fault: For no temperatnesse nor modifications in words therein, can iustly be called the Deuils craft; when the thing it selfe is so plaine, and so plainely interpreted to all them that take it; as the onely troublesome thing in it all, bee the wordes vsed in the end thereof, for es­chewing Aequiuocation and Mentall reseruation. Which new Catholike do­ctrine, may farre iustlier bee called the Deuils craft, then any plaine and temperate wordes, in so plaine and cleare a matter. But what shall we say of these strange countrey clownes, whom of with the Satyre we may iustly complaine, that they blow both hote & cold out of one mouth? For Luther [Page 269]and all our bold and free-speaking Writers are mightily railed vpon by them, as hote-brained fellowes, and speakers by the Deuils instinct: and now if we speake moderately and temperately of them, it must be tearmed the Deuils craft: And therefore wee may iustly complaine with CHRIST, that when we Mat. 11.17. mourne, they wil not lament: and when we pipe, they wil not dance. But neither Iohn Baptist his seueritie, nor CHRIST his meeke­nesse and lenitie can please them, who build but to their owne Monarchie vpon the ground of their owne Traditions; and not to CHRIST vpon the ground of his word and infallible trewth.

But what can bee meant by alleadging, that the craft of the Deuill herein, is onely vsed for subuersion of the Catholique Faith, and euersion of Saint Peters Primacie; had neede bee commented anew by Bellarmine himselfe: For in all this Letter of his, neuer one word is vsed, to prooue that by any part of this Oath the Primacie of Saint Peter is any way medled with, except Master Bellarmine his bare alleadging; which without proo­uing it by more cleare demonstration, can neuer satisfie the conscience of any reasonable man. For (for ought that I know) heauen and earth are no farther asunder, then the profession of a temporall obedience to a tempo­rall King, is different from any thing belonging to the Catholique Faith, or Supremacie of Saint Peter: For as for the Catholique Faith; No decision of any point of Religion in the Oath of Allegiance. can there be one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Reli­gion? Doeth he that taketh it, promise there to beleeue, or not to beleeue any article of Religion? Or doeth hee so much as name a trew or false Church there? And as for Saint Peters Primacie; I know no Apostles name that is therein named, except the name of IAMES, it being my Christen name: though it please him not to deigne to name me in all the Letter; al­beit, the contents thereof concerne mee in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either disertis verbis, or by any other indirect meanes, either of the Hierarchie of the Church, of Saint Peters suc­cession, of the Sea Apostolike, or of any such matter: but that the Author of our Letter doeth brauely make mention of Saint Peters succession, brin­ging it in comparison with the succession of Henry the eight. Of which vn­apt and vnmannerly similitude, I wonder he should not be much ashamed: For as to King Henries Successour (which hee meaneth by mee) as I, I say, neuer did, nor will presume to create any Article of Faith, or to bee Iudge thereof; but to submit my exemplarie obedience vnto them, in as great humilitie as the meanest of the land: so if the Pope could bee as well able to prooue his either Personall or Doctrinall Succession from Saint Peter, as I am able to prooue my lineall descent from the Kings of England and Scotland; there had neuer beene so long adoe, nor so much sturre kept about this question in Christendome; neither had Bellar. de Rom. Pont. li. 4. cap. 6. Ibid. l 2. ca. 12. Master Bellarmine himselfe needed to haue bestowed so many sheetes of paper De summo Pontifice, in his great bookes of Controuersies: And when all is done, to conclude with a morall certitude, and a piè credendum; bringing in the Idem ibid. lib. 2. cap. 14. Popes, that [Page 270]are parties in this cause, to be his witnesses: and yet their historicall narra­tion must bee no article of Faith. And I am without vanterie sure, that I doe farre more neerely imitate the worthie actions of my Predecessours, then the Popes in our aage can be well proued to be similes Petro, especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subiects from their Allegiance vnto them.

But now wee come to his strongest argument, which is, That he would alledge vpon mee a Panicke terrour, as if I were possessed with a needlesse feare: The Cardi­nals weighti­est Argument. For, saith the Cardinall, from the beginning of the Churches first infan­cie, euen to this day, where was it euer heard, that euer a Pope either commaun­ded to bee killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoeuer, whether hee were an Hereticke, an Ethnicke, or Persecutour? But first, wherefore doeth he here wilfully, and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing; degrading, stirring vp of armes, or rebelling against them, which are as well mentioned in that Oath, as the killing of them? as beeing all of one consequence against a King, no Subiect beeing so scrupulous, as that hee will attempt the one, and leaue the other vn­performed if hee can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it ouer, since he could not otherwise haue eschewed the direct belying of himselfe in tearmes, which hee now doeth but in substance and effect: For Bellarm. de Rom Pont. lib. 5. cap. 8. et lib. 3. cap. 16. as for the Popes deposing and degrading of Kings, hee maketh so braue vaunts and bragges of it in his former bookes, as he could neuer with ciuill honestie haue denied it here.

But to returne to the Popes allowing of killing of Kings, I know not with what face hee can set so stout a deniall vpon it against his owne knowledge. How many Emperours did the Pope raise warre against in their owne bowels? Who as they were ouercome in battaile, were subiect to haue beene killed therein, which I hope the Pope could not but haue al­lowed, when he was so farre inraged at Gotfrid. Vi­terb. Helmod. Cuspinian. Henry the fifth for giuing buriall to his fathers dead corpes, after the Paschal. 2. Pope had stirred him vp to rebell a­gainst his father, and procured his ruine. But leauing these olde Histories to Bellarmines owne bookes, that doe most authentically cite them, as I haue already said, let vs turne our eyes vpon our owne time, and therein re­member what a Panegyricke See the O­ration of S [...]x­tus Quintus, made in the Consistory vpon the death of Henry the 3. Oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Frier and his fact, that murthered king Henry the third of France, who was so farre from either being Hereticke, Ethnicke, or Persecutor in their account, that the said Popes owne wordes in that Ora­tion are, That a trew Friar hath killed a counterfeit Frier. And besides that ve­hement Oration and congratulation for that fact, how neere it scaped, that the said Frier was not canonized for that glorious act, is better knowen to Bellarmine and his followers, then to vs here.

But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not beene more wise and circum­spect in that errand, then the Pope himselfe was, the Popes owne Kalender of his Saints would haue sufficiently proued Bellarmin a lier in this case. And [Page 271]to draw yet neerer vnto our selues; how many practises and attempts were made against the late Queenes life, which were directly enioyned to those Traitours by their Confessors, and plainly authorized by the Popes allow­ance? For verification whereof, there needs no more proofe, then that ne­uer Pope either then or since, called any Church-man in question for med­ling in any those treasonable conspiracies; nay, the Cardinals owne S. San­derus mentioned in his Letter, could well verifie this trewth, if hee were a­liue; and who will looke his bookes, will finde them filled with no other doctrine then this. And what difference there is betweene the killing, or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring vp and approbation of practises to kill them; I remit to Bellarmines owne iudgement. It may then very clearely appeare, how strangely this Authors passion hath made him forget himselfe, by implicating himselfe in so strong a contradiction a­gainst his owne knowledge and conscience, against the witnesse of his for­mer bookes, and against the practise of our owne times. But who can wonder at this contradiction of himselfe in this point, when his owne great Volumes are so filled with contradictions? which when either he, or any other shall euer bee able to reconcile, I will then beleeue that hee may easily reconcile this impudent strong deniall of his in his Letter, of a­ny Popes medling against Kings, with his owne former bookes, as I haue already said.

And that I may not seeme to imitate him in affirming boldly that which I no wayes prooue; I will therefore send the Reader to looke for witnes­ses of his contradictions, in such places here mentioned in his owne booke. In his bookes of Bellar. de Iu­stif. lib. 5. cap. 7. Iustification, there he affirmeth, That for the vncertaintie of our owne proper righteousnesse, and for auoiding of vaine-glory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercy and goodnesse of God; Contrary to all his fiue bookes de Iu­stificatione. Which proposition of his, is directly contrary to the discourse, and cur­rent of all his fiue bookes de Iustificatione, wherein the same is contained.

God doeth not encline a man to euill, either Bellar. de a­mis gra. & stat. pecca. li. 2. c. 13. naturally or morally.

Presently after, hee affirmeth the contrary, That God doeth not encline to euill naturally, but Ibidem paulò pòst. morally.

All the Fathers teach constantly, That Bellar. decle­ricis, lib. 1. c. 14. Bishops doe succeed the Apostles, and Priests the seuentie disciples.

Elsewhere he affirmeth the contrary, That Bellar. de Pont. l. 4. c. 25. Bishops doe not properly suc­ceede the Apostles.

That Bellar. de Pont. lib. 1. c 12. Iudas did not beleeue.

Contrary, That Bellar. de Iu­stif. lib. 3. c. 14. Iudas was iust and certainly good.

The keeping of the Bellar. de gra. & lib arbit. lib. 5. cap. 5. Law according to the substance of the worke, doeth require that the Commandement be so kept, that sinne be not committed, and the man be not guiltie for hauing not kept the Commandement.

Contrary, Eodem lib. cap. 9. It is to be knowen, that it is not all one, to doe a good morall worke, and to keepe the Commandement according to the substance of the worke: For the Commandement may be kept according to the substance of the worke, euen with sinne; [Page 272]as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust, to the end that theeues might afterward take it from him.

Bellar. de Pont. lib 4 c. 3. Peter did not loose that faith, whereby the heart beleeueth vnto iustification.

Contrary, Bell. de Iust. lib. 3. cap. 14. Peters sinne was deadly.

3 Bell. de Rom Pontif. lib 3. cap. 14. Antichrist shall be a Magician, and after the maner of other Magicians shall se­cretly worship the diuel.

Ibid. ex sen­tent. Hypol. & Cyril & cap. 12. eiusdem libri. Contrary, He shall not admit of idolatrie: he shall hate idoles, and reedifie the Temple.

By the words of Bell. lib. 1. de missa. cap. 17. Consecration the trew and solemne oblation is made.

Contrary, The sacrifice doeth not consist in the words: but in the Bellar. de miss lib. 2. cap. 12. oblation of the thing it selfe.

Bellar. de anim. Christ. lib. 4. cap. 5. That the end of the world cannot be knowne.

Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 17. Contrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall bee but fiue and fourtie dayes till the end of the world.

Bellar. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 13. That the tenne Kings shall burne the scarlet Whore, that is, Rome.

Bellar. ibid. Contrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burne it.

Bellar. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31. The name of vniuersall Bishop may be vnderstood two wayes; one way, that he which is said to be vniuersall Bishop, may bee thought to be the onely Bishop of all Christian Cities; so that all others are not indeed Bishops, but onely Vicars to him, who is called vniuersall Bishop: in which sense, the Pope is not vniuershall Bishop.

Contrary, All ordinary Bellar. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 24. iurisdiction of Bishops doeth descend immediatly from the Pope; and is in him, and from him is deriued to others. Which few places I haue onely selected amongst many the like, that the discreet and iudicious Reader may discerne ex vngue Leonem: For when euer he is pressed with a weighty obiection, hee neuer careth, nor remembreth how his solution and answere to that, may make him gainesay his owne doctrine in some other places, so it serue him for a shift to put off the present storme withall.

But now to returne to our matter againe: Since Popes, sayeth hee, haue neuer at any time medled against Kings, wherefore, I pray you, should onely the King of ENGLAND be afraid of that, whereof neuer Christian King is, or was a­fraid? Was neuer Christian Emperour or King afraid of the Popes? How then were these miserable Emperours tost and turmoiled, and in the end vtterly ruined by the Popes: for proofe whereof I haue already cited Bellarmines owne bookes? Was not the Henry 4. Emperour afraid, who Abbas V [...]spergen. Lamb Scaff. Anno 1077. Plat. in vit. Greg. 7. wai­ted barefooted in the frost and snow three dayes at the Popes gate, before he could get entrie? Was not the Frederick Barbarosia. Emperour also afraid, Naucler. ge­ner, 40. Iacob. Bergom. in Sup­plem. chron. Al­fons. Clacon. in vit. Alex. 3. who was dri­uen to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread vpon his necke? And was not another Henry 6. Emperour afraid, R. Houeden in Rich 1 Ranulph in Polycronico. lib. 7. who was constrained in like maner to endure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Imperiall Crowne with his foot? Was not Abbas Vrsper. ad Ann. 1191. Nanc. gen. 40. Cuspin. in Phi­lippo. Philip afraid, being made Emperour a­gainst Pope Innocentius the thirds good liking, when he brake out into these words, Either the Pope shall take the Crowne from Philip, or Philip shall take the Miter from the Pope? whereupon the Pope stirred vp Ottho against him, who [Page 273]caused him to be slaine; and presently went to Rome, and was crowned Emperour by the Pope, though afterward the Pope Abbas Vrsper. deposed him too. Was not the Emperour Math. Paris. in Henr. 3. Petr de Vineis, Epist. li. 1. & 2. Cuspin in Freder. 2. Fredericke afraid, when Innocentius the fourth excom­municated him, depriued him of his crowne, absolued Princes of their Oath of fidelitie to him, and in Apulia corrupted one to giue him poison? whereof the Emperour recouering, hee hired his bastard sonne Manfredus to poison him; whereof he died. What did Vita Frede­rici Germanicè conscripta. Alexander the third write to the Soldan? That if he would liue quietly, hee should by some slight mur­ther the Fredericke Barbarossa. Emperour; and to that end sent him the Emperours picture. And did not Paul. Iouius, Hist. lib. 2. Cuspinian. in Baiazet. 11. Guicc [...]ard. lib 2. Alexander the sixt take of the Turke Baiazetes two hundred thousand crownes to kill his brother Gemen; or as some call him, Sisimus, whom he helde captiue at Rome? Did hee not accept of the conditions to poyson the man, and had his pay? Was not our Houeden, pag. 308. Matth. Paris. in Henric 2. Walsinga. in Hypodig. Neu­striae. Ioan. Capgraue. Henry the second afraid after the slaughter of Thomas Becket; that besides his going bare-footed in Pilgrimage, was whipped vp and down the Chapter-house like a schoole-boy, and glad to escape so to? Had not this French King his great grand­father King Iohn reason to be afraid, when the Gomecius de rebus gest. Fran. Ximenij Archi­epis. Tolet. lib. 5. Pope gaue away his king­dome of Nauarre to the King of Spaine, whereof he yet possesseth the best halfe? Had not this King, his Successour reason to be afraid, when he was forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxation of his Excommunication, as he was content likewise to suffer his Ambassadour to be whipped at Rome for penance? And had not the late Queene reason to looke to her selfe, when she was excommunicated by Pius Quintus, her Subiects loosed from their fidelitie and Allegiance toward her, her Kingdome of Ireland giuen to the King of Spaine, and that famous fugitiue diuine, honoured with the like degree of a redde Hat as Bellarmine is, was not ashamed to publish in Printan Card. Allens Answere to Stan. letter, Anno 1587. Apologie for Stanleys treason, maintaining, that by reason of her excommunication and heresie, it was not onely lawfull for any of her Sub­iects, but euen they were bound in conscience to depriue her of any strength, which lay in their power to doe? And whether it were armies, townes, or fortresses of hers which they had in their hands, they were ob­liged to put them in the King of Spaine her enemies hands, shee no more being the right owner of anything? But albeit it be trew, that wise men are mooued by the examples of others dangers to vse prouidence and cau­tion, according to the olde Prouerbe, Tumtuares agitur, paries cùm proximus ardet: yet was I much neerlier summoned to vse this caution, by the pra­ctise of it in mine owne person.

First, by the sending foorth of these Bulles whereof I made mention al­ready, for debarring me from entrie vnto this Crowne, and Kingdome. And next after my entrie, and full possession thereof, by the horrible Pow­der-treason, which should haue bereft both me and mine, both of crowne and life. And howsoeuer the Pope will seeme to cleare himselfe of any al­lowance of the said Powder-treason, yet can it not be denied, that his prin­cipall ministers here, and his chiefe Mancipia the Iesuites, were the plaine [Page 274]practisers thereof: for which the principall of them hath died confessing it, and other haue fled the Countrey for the crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: and yet neither these that fled out of this Countrey for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Low-countreys, was of counsell in it, were euer called to account for it by the Pope; much lesse punished for medling in so scandalous and enormous businesse. And now what needs so great wonder and exclamation, that the only King of England feareth: And what other Christian King doeth, or euer did feare but hee? As if by the force of his rhetoricke he could make me and my good Subiects to mistrust our senses, deny the Sunne to shine at midday, and not with the serpent to stop our cares to his charming, but to the plaine and visible ve­ritie it selfe. And yet for all this wonder, he can neuer prooue mee to be troubled with such a Panicke terrour. Haue I euer importuned the Pope with any request for my securitie? Or haue I either troubled other Chri­stian Princes my friends and allies, to intreat for me at the Popes hand? Or yet haue I begged from them any aide or assistance for my farther secu­ritie? No. All this wondred-at feare of mine, stretcheth no further, then wisely to make distinction betweene the sheepe and goats in my owne pa­sture. For since, what euer the Popes part hath beene in the Powder-trea­son; yet certaine it is, that all these caitife monsters did to their death main­taine, that onely zeale of Religion mooued them to that horrible attempt: yea, some of them at their death, would not craue pardon at God or King for their offence; exhorting other of their followers to the like constancie. Had not wee then, and our Parliament great reason, by this Oath to set a marke of distinction betweene good Subiects, and bad? Yea, betweene Papists, though peraduenture zealous in their religion, yet otherwise ci­uilly honest and good Subiects, and such terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintaine the like maximes, which these Powder-men did? Nay, could there be a more gracious part in a King, suppose I say it, towards Subiects of a contrary Religion, then by making them to take this Oath, to publish their honest fidelitie in temporal things to me their Soueraigne, and thereby to wipe off that imputation and great slander which was laide vpon the whole professours of that Religion, by the furious enterprise of these Powder-men?

And whereas for illustration of this strong argument of his, hee hath brought in for a similitude the historie of Nazianzen. in Iulian. [...]e­ctiuâ primâ. Iulian the Apostata his dealing with the Christians, when as he straited them either to commit idolatrie, or to come within the compasse of treason: I would wish the authour to remember, that although a similitude may be permitted claudicare vno pe­de; The dispro­portion of the Cardinals similitude. yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of feete and hands, and euery member of the body: For I shall in fewe wordes prooue, that it agreeth in no one point saue one, with our purpose, which is, that Iulian was an Emperour, and I a King. First, Iulian was an Aposta­ta, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which he had once [Page 275]professed, and became an Ethnike againe, or rather an Atheist: whereas I am a Christian, who neuer changed that Religion, that I dranke in with my milke: nor euer, I thanke GOD, was ashamed of my profession. Iulian dealt against Christians onely for the profession of CHRISTES cause: I deale in this cause with my Subiects, onely to make a distinction betweene trew Subiects, and falese-hearted traitours. Iulians end was the ouerthrow of the Christians: my onely end is, to maintaine Christianitie in a peace­able gouernement. Iulians drift was to make them commit Idolatrie: my purpose is, to cause my Subiects to make open profession of their naturall Allegiance, and ciuill Obedience. Iulians meanes whereby he went about it, was by craft, and insnaring them before they were aware: my course in this is plaine, cleare, and voyd of all obscuritie; neuer refusing leaue to any that are required to take this Oath, to study it at leisure, and gi­uing them all the interpretation of it they can craue. But the greatest dissimilitude of all, is in this: that Iulian pressed them to commit idola­trie to Idoles and Images: but as well I, as all the Subiects of my professi­on are so farre from guilt in this point, as wee are counted heretiques by you, because we will not commit idolatrie. So as in the maine point of all, is the greatest contrarietie. For, Iulian persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatrie; and ye count me a persecutour, because I will not admit idolatrie: So as to conclude this point, this old sentence may well be applied to Bellarmine, in vsing so vnapt a similitude,

Perdere quos vult Iupiter, hos dementat.

And therefore his vncharitable conclusion doeth not rightly follow: That it seemeth vnto him, that some such thing should be subtilly or fraudulently in­cluded in this Oath; as if no man can detest Treason against the King, or professe ciuill subiection, except hee renounce the Primacie of the Apo­stolique Sea. But how he hath suckt this apprehension out at his fingers ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I haue oft said, hee neuer goeth a­bout to prooue it: and to answere an improbable imagination, is to fight against a vanishing shadow. It cannot be denied indeed, that many ser­uants of CHRIST, as well Priests, as others, haue endured constantly all sorts of torments, and death, for the profession of CHRIST: and there­fore to all such his examples, as hee bringeth in for verifying the same, I need not to giue him any other answere, saue onely to remember him, that he playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constan­cie of Martyrs; euer taking Controuersum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature.

But yet that the Reader may the better discouer, not onely how vn­aptly his similitudes are applied, but likewise how dishonestly hee vseth himselfe in all his citations: I haue thought good to set downe the very places themselues cited by him, together with a short deduction of the trew state of those particular cases: whereby, how little these examples can touch our case; nay, by the contrary, how rightly their trew sense may bee [Page 276]vsed, as our owne weapons to be throwen backe vpon him that alledgeth them, shall easily appeare. And first, for 2. Maccab. chap. 6. ver. 18. Eleazar: If the Arch-priest his ground of refusing the Oath, were as good as Eleazars was, to forbeare to eate the swines flesh, it might not vnfitly be applied by the Cardinal to this purpose: An answere to the Card ex­ample of Ele­azar. For as Eleazar was a principall Scribe, so is he a principall Priest: As Eleazars example had a great force in it, to animate the yonger Scribes to keepe the Lawe, or in his colourable eating it, to haue taught them to dissemble: so hath the Arch-priests, either to make the inferiour Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground failing, the building can­not stand: For what example is there in all the Scripture, in which disobe­dience to the Oath of the King, or want of Allegiance is allowed? If the Cardinall would remember, that when the Church maketh a Lawe (sup­pose to forbid flesh on certaine dayes) he that refuseth to obey it, incurreth the iust censure of the Church: If a man then ought to die rather then to breake the least of Gods Ceremoniall Lawes, and to pine and starue his body, rather then to violate the Church his positiue Law: will he not giue leaue to a man to redeeme his soule from sinne, and to keepe his body from punishment, by keeping a Kings politike Law, and by giuing good ex­ample in his Person, raise vp a good opinion in me of like Allegiance in the inferiour of his order? This application, as I take it, would haue bet­ter fitted this example.

But let mee remember the Cardinall of another 1. Sam. 14.25. Oath inioyned by a King to his people, whereby he indangered his owne life, and hazarded the safetie of the whole armie, when hee made the people sweare in the morning, not to taste of any meate vntill night: which Oath he exacted so strictly, that his eldest sonne, and heire apparant, Ionathan, for breaking of it, by tasting a little hony of the top of his rodde, though he heard not when the King gaue that Oath, had well-nigh died for it. And shall an Oath giuen vpon so vrgent an occasion as this was, for the apparant safe­tie of me and my posteritie, forbidding my people to drinke so deeply in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornications, but that they may keepe so much hony in their hearts, as may argue them still espoused to me their Soueraigne in the maine knot of trew Allegiance; shall this Law, I say, by him bee condemned to hell for a stratageme of Sathan? I say no more, but Gods lot in the Oath of Sauls, and Bellarmines verdict vpon this Oath of ours, seeme not to be cast out of one lap.

Now to this example of Theodoret. lib. 4. cap. 19. An answere to the Card. ex­ample of S. Basil. Basill, which is (as he sayth) so fit for his pur­pose: First, I must obserue, that if the Cardinall would leaue a common and ordinarie tricke of his in all his Citations, which is to take what makes for him, and leaue out what makes against him; and cite the Authours sense, as well as his Sentence, we should not be so much troubled with an­swering the Ancients which he alledgeth. To instance it in this very place: if he had continued his allegation one line further, hee should haue found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to haue mooued Blackwell to [Page 277]take the Oath, then to haue disswaded him from it: For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris quidem amicitiam magnise pendere, cum pietaet; quâremotâ, perniciosam esse dicere. But that it may appeare, whether of vs haue greatest right to this place, I will in few words shew the Authours drift.

The Emperour Valens being an Arrian, at the perswasion of his wife, when he had depriued all the Churches of their Pastours, came to Caesarea, where Theodoret. lib. 4 cap. 19. S. Basil was then Bishop, who, as the historie reporteth, was ac­counted the Light of the world. Before hee came, hee sent his Mode [...] as Nazia [...]z [...] vpō the dë [...]t. of Basill cal­leth him in his orat [...]on deputie to worke it, that S. Basil should hold fellowship with Eudoxius (which Looke cap. 12. eiusd [...]m libri. Eu­doxius was bishop of Constantinople, and the principall of the Arrian facti­on) or if he would not, that hee should put him to banishment. Now when the Emperours Deputie came to Caesarea, he sent for Basil, intreated him honourably, spake pleasingly vnto him, desired he would giue way to the time, neither that he would hazard the good of so many Churches te­nui exquisitione dogmatis: promised him the Emperours fauour, and him­selfe to be mediatour for his good. But S. Basill answered, These intising speeches were fit to bee vsed to children, that vse to gape after such things: but for them that were throughly instructed in Gods word, they could neuer suffer any syl­lable thereof to be corrupted: Nay, if need required, they would for the maintenance thereof refuse no kind of death. Indeed the loue of the Emperour ought to bee greatly esteemed with pietie; but pietie taken away, it was pernicious.

This is the trewth of the historie. Now compare the case of Basill with the Arch-priests: Basill was sollicited to become an Arrian: the Arch priest not once touched for any article of faith. Basill would haue obeyed the Emperour, but that the word of GOD forbade him: this man is willed to obey, because the word of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the Emperours fauour, if it might haue stood with pietie: the Arch-priest is exhorted to reiect it, though it stand with trew godlinesse in deed, to embrace it. But that he may lay load vpon the Arch-priest, The Cardinal assimilating of the Archpr. case to S. Pe­ters, and Mar­cellinus, con­sidered. it is not suf­ficient to exhort him to courage and constancie by Eleazarus and Basils examples; but he must be vtterly cast downe with the comparing his fall to S. Peter, and Marcellinus: which two mens cases were the most fearefull, considering their persons and places, that are to be found, or read of, either in all the bookes of diuine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiasticall hi­stories; the one denying the onely trew GOD, the other our Lord and Sa­uiour IESVS CHRIST; the one sacrificing to Idoles, with the prophane heathen: the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hard-hear­ted Iewes. Vnlesse the Cardinall would driue the Arch-priest to some hor­rour of conscience, and pit of despaire, I know not what he can meane by this comparison: For sure I am, all that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but wonder to heare of an Oath of Allegiance to a naturall Soue­raigne, to be likened to an Apostats denying of God, and forswearing of his Sauiour.

But to let passe the Disdiapason of the cases (as his ill-fauoured coupling [Page 278]S. Peter the head of their Church, with an apostate Pope) I marueile hee would remember this example of Looke Pla­tina in vita Marcellini. Marcellinus, since his brother Cardinall Baronius, and the late Edition of the Councels by Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 222. Looke Baro­nius, Ann. 302. num. 96. Binnius seeme to call the credit of the whole historie into question, saying, That it might plainely be refuted, and that it is probably to be shewed, that the story is but obreptious, but that he would not swarue from the common receiued opinion.

And if a man might haue leaue to coniecture; so would his Cardinal­ship too, if it were not for one or two sentences in that Councell of Si­nuessa, See Tom. 1. Concil. in Act. Concil. Sinuess. which serued for his purpose; namely, that Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur: And, Iudica causam tuam: nostrâ sententiâ non condemnaberis. But to what purpose a great Councell (as he termes it) of three hundred Bishops and others, should meete together, who before they met, knew they could doe nothing; when they were there, did nothing, but like Cuckowes, sing ouer and ouer the same song: that, Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur; and so af­ter three dayes sitting (along time indeed for a great and graue Councell) brake so bluntly vp: and yet, that there should be seuentie two witnesses brought against him, and that they should subscribe his excommunicati­on, and that at his owne mouth hee tooke the Anathema maranatha: how these vntoward contradictions shall be made to agree, I must send the Car­dinall to Venice, to Padre Paulo, who in his Apol. Pat. Paul. aduersus opposit. Card. Bellar. Apologie against the Cardi­nals oppositions, hath handled them very learnedly.

But from one Pope, An answere to the place alledged out of S. Gregory. let vs passe to another: (for, what a principall arti­cle of Faith and Religion this Oath is, I haue alreadie sufficiently proued.) Why hee called S. Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. Gregory our Apostle, I know not, vnlesse perhaps it be, for that hee sent Beda Ecclesi Hist. gen. Ang. lib. 1 cap. 25. Augustine the Monke and others with him into England, to conuert vs to the faith of Christ, wherein I wish the Popes his succes­sours would follow his patterne: For albeit hee sent them by diuine reue­lation (as hee said) into England vnto King Ethelbert; yet when they came, they exercised no part of their function, but by the Kings leaue and permission. So did King Beda Ecclesi. Hist gen. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 4. Lucius send to Eleutherius his predecessour, and hee sent him diuers Bishops, who were all placed by the Kings au­thoritie. These conuerted men to the faith, and taught them to obey the King. And if the Popes in these dayes would but insist in these steppes of their fore-fathers; then would they not entertaine Princes fugitiues a­broad, nor send them home, not onely without my leaue, but directly against the Lawes, with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion, to draw Subiects from their obedience to me their naturall King: nor be so cruell to their owne Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in iealousie of them; or them in hazard of their owne liues. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinall will haue him so called) I perswade my selfe I should doe a good seruice to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reape this one fruit of it, to moue the Cardinall to deale faithfully with the Fathers, & neuer to alledge their opinions against their own pur­pose: For, this letter of Gregorius was written to Iohn Bishop of Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42. Palermo in [Page 279] Sicily, to whom he granted vsum pallij, to be worne in such times, and in such order as the Priests in the Ile of Sicily, and his predecessors were wont to vse: and withall giueth him a caueat, That the reuerence to the Apostolike Sea, be not disturbed by the presumption of any: for then the state of the members doeth remaine sound, when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any iniury, and the authoritie of the Canons alwayes remaine safe and sound.

Now let vs examine the words. The Epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to grant him the vse of the Pall; a ceremonie and matter indiffe­rent. As it appeareth, the Bishop of Rome tooke it well at his hands, that he would not presume to take it vpon him without leaue from the Aposto­like Sea, giuing him that admonition which followeth in the wordes al­ledged out of him: which doctrine we are so farre from impugning, that we altogether approoue and allow of the same, that whatsoeuer ceremony for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrate, and the Church, the same ought inuiolably to be kept: and where the head and gouernour in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needs run to hellish confusion: But that Gregory by that terme, caput fidei, held himselfe the head of our faith, and the head of all religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings: For first, when an Iohn of Con­stantinople. See Greg. lib. 4. Ep [...]st [...]. 2 other would haue had this stile to be called Vniuersalis Episcopus, hee said, Lib. 6. Epist. 30. I doe confidently auouch, that whosoeuer calleth himselfe, or desireth to be called Vniuer­sall Bishop, in this aduancing of himselfe, is the fore-runner of the Antichrist: which notwithstanding was a stile farre inferiour to that of Caput fidei. And when it was offered to himselfe, the wordes of S. Gregory be these, refusing that Title: Greg. lib. 4. epist. 32. & 36. None of my predecessours [Bishops of Rome,] euer consented to vse this prophane name [of vniuersall Bishop.] None of my predecessours euer tooke vpon him this name of singularitie, neither consented to vse it, Wee the Bishops of Rome doe not seeke, nor yet accept this glorious title, being offered vnto vs. And now, I pray you, would he that refused to be called Vniuersall Bishop, be stiled Caput fidei, vnlesse it were in that sense, as I haue expressed? which sense if he will not admit, giue me leaue to say that of Gregorie, which him­selfe sayth of Bellar. de Rom Pont lib. 2. cap. 10. Lyra, Minus cautè locutus est: or which he elsewhere sayth of Chrysostome, Idem lib. 2. de Missa, cap. 10. Locutus est per excessum. To redeeme therefore our Apostle out of his hands, and to let him remaine ours, and not his in this case; it is very trew that he sayth in that sense he spake it. When yee goe about to di­sturbe, diminish, or take away the authoritie or supremacie of the Church, which resteth on the head of the King, within his dominions, ye cut off the head and chiefe gouernour thereof, and disturbe the state and members of the whole body. And for a conclusion of this point, I pray him to think, that we are so well perswaded of the good minde of our Apostle S. Gregory to vs, that wee desire no other thing to be suggested to the Pope and his Cardinals, then our Apostle S. Gregory desired Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1. Sabinian to suggest vnto the Emperour and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is, of which I would haue you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and [Page 280]Master: That if I his seruant would haue had my hand in slaying of the Lombards, at this day the Nation of the Lombards had neither had King, nor Dukes, nor Earles, and had beene diuided asunder in vtter confusion; but because I feare God, I dread to haue my hand in the blood of any man.

And thus hauing answered to S. Gregory, An answere to the authoritie out of Leo. I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that hee may see, I haue not in the former citations, quarelled him like a Sophister for contention sake, but for finding out of the trewth, I doe grant, that the authorities out of Leo primus in die assump. suae ad Pont. serm. 3. Leo Epist. 89. ad Episc. Vien. Idem ibid. ca. 2. Leo, are rightly alled­ged all three, the wordes trewly set downe, together with his trew intent and purpose: but withall, let me tell him, and I appeale vnto his owne con­science, whether I speake not trewly, that what Tullie said to Cic. in Hort. Hortensius, when he did immoderately praise eloquence, that hee would haue lift her vp to Heauen, that himselfe might haue gone vp with her; So his S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with praises to the skie, that he being his For so hee calleth him­selfe in serm. 1. in die assum. heire, might haue gone vp with him: For his S. Leo was a great Oratour, who by the power of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both Ex breniario Romano. Attilas and Gen­sericus would haue burnt it.

Some fruites of this rhetoricke hee bestowed vpon S. Peter, saying, The Lord Epist. 89. did take Peter into the fellowship of the indiuisible vnitie: which wordes being coupled to the sentence alledged by the Cardinall (that he hath no part in the diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the soliditie of Peter) should haue giuen him, I thinke, such a skarre, as hee should neuer haue dared to haue taken any aduantage by the wordes immediatly preceding, for the bene­fite of the Church of Rome, and the head thereof; since those which im­mediatly follow, are so much derogatorie to the diuine Maiestie. And a­gaine, My Epist. 52. writings be strengthened by the authoritie and merit of my Lord, most blessed S. Peter. We Epist. 89. beseech you to keepe the things decreed by vs through the in­spiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed S. Peter. If In serm. 2. in die anniuer. assum. suae. any thing be well done, or decreed by vs; If any thing be obtained of Gods mercy by daily prayers, it is to be ascribed to S. Peters workes and merits, whose power doeth liue, and authoritie excell in his owne Sea. Hee Serm. 3. in die anniuer. assump. suae. was so plentifully watered of the very fountaine of all graces, that whereas he receiued many things alone, yet nothing passeth ouer to any other, but hee was partaker of it. And in a word, hee was so desirous to ex­toll Saint Peter, that a messenger from him was an Epist. 24. embassage from Saint Peter: Epist. 4. any thing done in his presence, was in S. Peters presence. Neither did he vse all this Rhetoricke without purpose: for at that time the Patriarch of Constantinople contended with him for Primacie. And in the Councell of Concil. Chal­ceden. Act. 16. & Can. 28. Chalcedon, the Bishops, sixe hundred and more, gaue equall authoritie to the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not admit any Priuiledge to the Sea of Rome aboue him; but went against him. And yet he that gaue so much to Peter, tooke nothing from Caesar; but gaue him both his Titles and due, giuing the power of calling a Councell to the Emperour; as it may appeare by these one or two places following of many. If it may please your Epist 9. Theodosie. godlinesse to vouchsafe at our supplication to condiscend, that you will command [Page 281]a Councell of Bishops to be holden within Italy. And writing vnto the Bishop of Constantinople: Because the most clement Epist. 16. Flan. Emperour, carefull of the peace of the Church, will haue a Councell to be holden; albeit it euidently appeare, the mat­ter to be handled doeth in no case stand in neede of a Councell. And againe, Al­beit Epist. 17. Theodosie. my occasions will not permit me to be present vpon the day of the Councell of Bishops, which your godlinesse hath appointed. So as by this it may well ap­peare, that hee that gaue so much to Peter, gaue also to Caesar his due and prerogatiue. But yet he playeth not faire play in this, that euen in all these his wrong applied arguments and examples, hee produceth no other wit­nesses, but the parties themselues; bringing euer the Popes sentences for ap­probation of their owne authoritie.

Now indeed for one word of his in the middest of his examples, I can­not but greatly commend him; that is, that Martyrs ought to endure all sorts of tortures and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the Law of God. Which lesson, if hee and all the rest of his owne pro­fession would apply to themselues, then would not the Sacrament be ad­ministred sub vnâ specie, directly contrary to Christs institution, the pra­ctise of the Apostles and of the whole Primitiue Church for many hun­dred yeeres: then would not the priuate Masses be in place of the Lordes Supper: then would not the words of the Bellar. de sa­cra Encharist. lib. 4. cap. 14. Canon of the Masse be opposed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke, as our Aduersarie himselfe confesseth, and cannot reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundreths other traditions of men be set vp in their Church, not onely as equall, but euen preferred to the word of God. But sure in this point I feare I haue mistaken him: for I thinke hee doeth not meane by his Diuina Dogmata, the word of the God of heauen, but onely the Canons and Lawes of his Dominus Deus Papa: otherwise all his Primacie of the Apostolike Sea would not be so much sticken vpon, hauing so slender ground in the word of God.

And for the great feare he hath, that the suddennes of the apprehension, the bitternesse of the persecution, the weaknesse of his aage, and other such infirmities might haue been the cause of the Arch-priests fall; in this, I haue already sufficiently answered him; hauing declared, as the trewth is, and as the said Blackwell himselfe will yet testifie, that he tooke this Oath freely of himselfe, without any inducement thereunto, either Precibus or Minis.

But amongst all his citations, Some of San­ders his wor­thy sayings remembred. hee must not forget holy Sanderus and his visibilis Monarchia, whose person and actions I did alreadie a little touch. And surely who will with vnpartiall eyes reade his bookes, they may well thinke, that hee hath deserued well of his English Romane-Church; but they can neuer thinke, but that hee deserued very ill of his English Soue­raigne and State: Witnesse his owne books; whereout I haue made choice to set downe heere these fewe sentences following, as flowers pickt out of so worthy a garland. Sand de vi­sib. Monar. lib. 6. cap. 4. Elizabeth Queene of ENGLAND, doeth exercise the Priestly acte of teaching and preaching the Gospel in ENGLAND, with no lesse authority then Christ himselfe, or Moses euer did. The supremacie of a Sand de clau. Dauid. li. 6. c. 1. woman in [Page 282]Church matters is from no other, then from the Deuill. And of all things in gene­rall thus he speaketh, The Sand. de vi­sib. Monar. lib. 2. cap. 4. King that will not inthrall himselfe to the Popes autho­ritie, be ought not to be tolerated; but his Subiects ought to giue all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be. A King that is an Ibidem. Heretike, ought to be remooued from the Kingdome that hee holdeth ouer Christians; and the Bishops ought to endeauour to set vp another, assoone as possibly they can. Wee doe constantly Ibidem. affirme, that all Christian Kings are so farre vnder Bishops and Priests in all matters appertaining to faith, that if they shall continue in a fault a­gainst Christian Religion, after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may and ought to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporall authoritie they holde ouer Christians. Ibidem. Bishops are set ouer temporall kingdomes, if those kingdomes doe submit themselues to the faith of Christ. We doe iustly Sand. de clan. Dauid. li. 5. c. 2. affirme, that all Secu­lar power, whether Regall, or any other, is of men. The Ibidem. anoynting which is powred vpon the head of the King by the Priest, doeth declare that hee is inferiour to the Priest. It is altogether against the will of Sand. de clan. Dauid. li. 5. c. 4. Christ, that Christian kings should haue supremacie in the Church.

And whereas for the crowne and conclusion of all his examples, The Cardi­nals paire of Martyrs weighed. he rec­koneth his two English Martyrs, Moore and Roffensis, who died for that one most weightie head of doctrine, as he alledgeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacie; I must tell him, that he hath not been well informed in some materiall points, which doe very neerely concerne his two said Martyrs: For it is cleare and apparantly to be prooued by diuers Records, that they were both of them committed to the Tower about a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their liues, for the Popes Supremacie; And that partly for their backwardnesse in the point of the establishment of the Kings succession, whereunto the whole Realme had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the matter of the holy Called Eli­zabeth Barton. See the Act of Parliament. maide of Kent; hee being for his concealement of that false prophets abuse, found guiltie of misprision of Treason. And as these were the principall causes of their imprisonment (the King resting secure of his Supremacie, as the Realme stood then affected, but especially trou­bled for setling the Crowne vpon the issue of his second mariage) so was it easily to be conceiued, that being thereupon discontented, their humors were thereby made apt to draw them by degrees, to further opposition against the King and his authoritie, as indeede it fell out: For in the time of their being in prison, the Kings lawfull authoritie in cases Ecclesiasticall being published and promulged, as well by a generall decree of the Clergie in their Synode, as by an Acte of Parliament made thereupon; they beha­ued themselues so peeuishly therein, as the olde coales of the Kings anger being thereby raked vp of new, they were againe brought in question; as well for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his supremacy, as for the matter of the Kings mariage and succession, as by the confession of one of themselues, euen Thomas Moore, is euident: For being condem­ned, he vsed these words at the barre before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me [Page 283]morti adiudicaueritis; videlicet ob id, Histor. aliquet Martyrum no­stri seculi, Anno 1550. quòd nunquam voluerim assentiri in negotio matrimonij Regis. That is, I am not ignorant why you haue adiudged mee to death: to wit, for that I would neuer consent in the businesse of the new mariage of the King. By which his owne confession it is plaine, that this great martyr himselfe tooke the cause of his owne death, to be onely for his being refractary to the King in this said matter of Marriage and Succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of Martyrdome, as I conceiue.

And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr (who could haue bene content to haue taken the Oath of the Kings Supremacie, with a certaine modifi­cation, which Moore refused) as his imprisonment was neither onely, nor principally for the cause of Supremacie, so died hee but a halting and a sin­gular Martyr or witnesse for that most weighty head of doctrine; the whole Church of England going at that time, in one current and streame as it were against him in that Argument, diuers of them being of farre grea­ter reputation for learning and sound iudgement, then euer he was. So as in this point we may well arme our selues with the Cardinals owne reason, where he giueth amongst other notes of the trew Church, Vniuersalitie for one, wee hauing the generall and Catholique conclusion of the whole Church of England, on our side in this case, as appeareth by their booke set out by the whole Conuocation of England, called, The Institution of a Chri­stian man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly handled by diuers particular learned men of our Church, as by Steuen Gardiner in his booke De vera obedientia, with a Preface of Bishop Boners adioyning to it, De summo & absoluto Regis Imperio, published by M. Bekinsaw, De vera differen­tia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesiasticae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop Long­lands Sermon, the letter of Tonstall to Cardinall Poole, and diuers other both in English and Latine. And if the bitternesse of Fishers discontentment had not bene fed with his dayly ambitious expectation of the Cardinals hat, which came so neere as Calis before he lost his head to fill it with, I haue great reason to doubt, if he would haue constantly perseuered in induring his Martyrdome for that one most waighty head of doctrine.

And surely these two Captaines and ringleaders to Martyrdome were but ill followed by the rest of their countreymen: for I can neuer reade of any after them, being of any great accompt, and that not many, that euer sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the trew causes of their first falling in trouble (whereof I haue already made mention) being rightly considered vpon the one part, and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed it, (a point so greatly accompted of by our Cardinal) there can but smal glory redound thereby to our English nation, these onely two, Enoch and Elias, seruing for witnesses against our Antichristian doctrine.

And I am sure the Supremacie of Kings may, The Supre­macy of Kings sufficiently warranted by the Scrip­tures. & wil euer be better main­tained by the word of God (which must euer be the trew rule to discerne all waighty heads of doctrine by) to be the trew and proper office of Christian [Page 284]Kings in their owne dominions, then he will be euer able to maintaine his annihilating Kings, and their authorities, together with his base and vnre­uerend speaches of them, wherewith both his former great Volumes, and his late Bookes against Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were directly 2. Chron. 19.4. Gouernours ouer the Church within their Dominions, 2. Sam. 5.6. purged their corruptions; reformed their abuses, brought the 1. Chron. 13.12. Arke to her re­sting place, the King 2. Sam. 6.16 dancing before it; 1. Chron. 28.6. built the Temple; 2. Chron. 6. dedicated the same, assisting in their owne persons to the sanctification thereof; 2. King. 22.11. made the Booke of the Law new-found, to bee read to the people; Nehe. 9.38. Dauid. Salomon. re­newed the Couenant betweene God and his people; 2. King. 18.4 bruised the brasen ser­pent in pieces, which was set vp by the expresse commandement of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed 1. King. 15.12. 2. king. 13.4. all Idoles, and false gods; made 2. Chron. 17.8. a publike reformation, by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that purpose; deposed 1. King. 2.27 the high Priest, and set vp another in his place: and generally, ordered euery thing belonging to the Church-gouernment, their Titles and Prerogatiues giuen them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the 2. Sam. 7.14 Sonnes of the most High, nay, Gods Psal. 82.6. & exod. 22.8. them­selues; The 1. Sam. 24.11. Lords anoynted, Sitting 2. Chro. 9.8. in Gods throne; His 2. Chro. 6.15. seruants; The An­gels 2. Sam. 14.20. of God; According to his 1. Sam. 13.14. hearts desire; The light 2. Sam. 21.17. of Israel; The Isa. 49.23. nur­sing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such stiles of honour, wherwith the old Testament is filled; whereof our aduersary can pretend no igno­rance. And as to the new Testament, Euery soule is commaunded to be sub­iect vnto them, euen for Rom. 13.5. conscience sake. All men 1. Tim. 2.2. must be prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authoritie, that vnder them we may leade a godly, peaceable, and an honest life.

The Rom. 13.4. Magistrate is the minister of God, to doe vengeance on him that doeth euill, and reward him that doeth well. Ye must obey all higher powers, but 1. Pet. 2.13. especi­ally Princes, and those that are supereminent. Giue euery man his due, feare Rom. 13.7. to whom feare belongeth, and honour to whome honour. Giue Mat. 22.21. vnto Caesar what is Caesars, and to God what is Gods. Iohn 18.36. Regnum meum non est huius mundi. Luk. 12.14. Quis me constituit Iudicem super vos? Luk. 22.25. Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. If these examples, sentences, titles, and prerogatiues, and innumerable other in the Olde and New Testament doe not warrant Christian Kings, within their owne dominions, to gouerne their Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custodes vtriusque Tabulae, not by making new Ar­ticles of Faith, (which is the Popes office, as I said before) but by comman­ding obedience to be giuen to the word of God, by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the spirituall power with the temporall sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obe­dience to the Church, by iudging, and cutting off all friuolous questions and schismes, as Euseb. lib. 3. de vita Con­stantini. Constantine did; and finally, by making decorum to be obser­ued in euery thing, and establishing orders to bee obserued in all indiffe­rent things for that purpose, which is the onely intent of our Oath of Su­premacie: If this Office of a King, I say, doe not agree with the power [Page 285]giuen him by Gods word, let any indifferent man voyd of passion, iudge. But how these honourable offices, styles, and prerogatiues giuen by God to Kings in the Old and New Testament, as I haue now cited, can agree with the braue styles and titles that Bellarmine giueth them, I can hardly conceiue.

De laicis cap. 7. That Kings are rather slaues then Lords.

De Pent. li. 1. cap. 7. That they are not onely subiects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but euen to Deacons.

Ibidem. That an Emperour must content himselfe to drinke, not onely after a Bishop, but after a Bishops Chaplen.

Ibid. & de Cler. cap. 28. That Kings haue not their Authoritie nor Office immediatly from God, nor his Law, but onely from the Law of Nations.

De Pont. lib. 3. cap. 16. That Popes haue degraded many Emperours, but neuer Emperour degraded the Pope; nay, euen De Rom. Pon­tif. lib. 5. cap 8. Bishops, that are but the Popes vassals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their lawes.

De laicis cap. 8. That Church-men are so farre aboue Kings, as the soule is aboue the body.

De Pont. li. 5. cap. 18. That Kings may be deposed by their people, for diuers respects.

De Pon. lib. 2. cap. 26. But Popes can by no meanes be deposed: for no flesh hath power to iudge of them.

De Pont. lib. 4. cap. 15. That obedience due to the Pope, is for conscience sake.

De Clericis, cap. 28. But the obedience due to Kings, is onely for certaine respects of order and policie.

Ibidem. That these very Church-men that are borne, and inhabite in Soueraigne Princes countreys, are notwithstanding not their Subiects, and cannot bee iudged by them, although they may iudge them.

Ibidem. And, that the obedience that Church-men giue to Princes, euen in the meanest and meere temporall things, is not by way of any necessarie subiection, but onely out of discretion, and for obseruation of good order and custome.

These contrarieties betweene the Booke of God, and Bellarmines bookes, haue I heere set in opposition each to other, Vt ex contrariis iuxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus farre I dare boldly affirme, that whosoeuer will indifferently weigh these irreconciliable contradictions here set downe, will easily confesse, that CHRIST is no more contrarie to Belial, light to darknesse, and heauen to hell, then Bellarmines estimation of Kings, is to Gods.

Now as to the conclusion of his letter, which is onely filled with strong and pithie exhortations, to perswade and confirme Blackwell to the patient and constant induring of martyrdome, I haue nothing to answere, saue by way of regrate; that so many good sentences drawen out of the Scripture, so well and so handsomely packed vp together, should be so ill and vntrew­ly applied: But an euill cause is neuer the better for so good a cloake; and an ill matter neuer amended by good wordes: And therefore I may iustly turne ouer that craft of the diuell vpon himselfe, in vsing so holy-like an ex­hortation to so euill a purpose. Onely I could haue wished him, that hee [Page 286]had a little better obserued his decorum herein, in not letting slippe two or three prophane words amongst so many godly mortified Scripture senten­ces. For in all the Scripture, especially in the New Testament, I neuer read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that style to suc­ceed according to the Law and institution of Numa Pompilius, and not to S. Peter, who neuer heard nor dreamed of such an Office.

And for his Caput fidei, which I remembred before, the Apostles (I am sure) neuer gaue that style to any, but to CHRIST: So as these styles, where­of some were neuer found in Scripture, and some were neuer applyed but to CHRIST in that sense, as hee applieth it, had beene better to haue beene left out of so holy and mortified a letter.

To conclude then this present Discourse, I heartily wish all indifferent readers of the Breues and Letter, not to iudge by the speciousnesse of the wordes, but by the weight of the matter; not looking to that which is strongly alledged, but iudiciously to consider what is iustly prooued. And for all my owne good and naturall Subiects, that their hearts may remaine established in the trewth; that these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their natall and naturall duetie; and that all, aswell strangers, as naturall subiects, to whose eyes this Discourse shall come, may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie, as it is nakedly here set downe, for clea­ring these mists and cloudes of calumnies, which were iniustly heaped vp­on me; for which end onely I heartily pray the courteous Rea­der to be perswaded, that I tooke occasion to publish this Discourse.

A PREMONITION TO ALL MOST MIGHTIE MONARCHES, KINGS, FREE PRINCES, AND STATES OF CHRISTENDOME.
TO THE MOST SACRED AND INVINCIBLE PRINCE, RODOLPHE THE II. by GODS Clemencie Elect Emperour of the ROMANES; KING OF GERMANIE, HVN­GARIE, BOHEME, DALMATIE, CROATIE, SCLAVONIE, &c. ARCH-DƲKE OF AVSTRIA, DƲKE OF BVRGVNDIE, STIRIA, CARINTHIA, CARNIOLA, and WIRTEMBERG, &c. Earle of TYROLIS, &c.
AND TO ALL OTHER RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS; And Right Excellent free Princes and States of CHRISTENDOME: Our louing BRETHREN, COSINS, ALLIES, CONFEDERATES and FRIENDS;

IAMES by the Grace of GOD, King of GREAT BRITAINE, FRANCE and IRELAND; Professour, Maintainer and Defender of the Trew, Christian, Catholique and Apostolique FAITH, Professed by the ancient and Primitiue CHVRCH, and sealed with the blood of so many Holy Bishops, and other faithfull crowned with the glory of MARTYRDOME;
WISHETH cuerlasting felicitie in CHRIST our SAVIOVR.
[Page 289]
TO YOV MOST SACRED AND INVINCI­BLE EMPEROVR; RIGHT HIGH AND MIGHTIE KINGS; RIGHT EXCEL­LENT FREE PRINCES AND STATES, MY LO­VING BRETHREN AND COSINS:

To you, I say, as of right belongeth, doe I consecrate and direct this Warning of mine, or rather Preamble to my reprinted Apo­logie for the Oath of Allegiance: For the cause is generall, and concerneth the Authoritie and priuiledge of Kings in generall, and all supereminent Tem­porall powers. And if in whatsoeuer Societie, or Corporation of men, ei­ther in Corporations of Cities, or in the Corporation of any mechanicke craft or handie-worke, euery man is carefull to maintaine the priuiledges of that Societie whereunto he is sworne; nay, they will rather cluster all in one, making it a common cause, exposing themselues to all sorts of perill, then suffer the least breach in their Liberties; If those of the baser sort of people, I say, be so curious and zealous for the preseruation of their com­mon priuiledges and liberties, as if the meanest amongst them be touched in any such point, they thinke it concerneth them all: Then what should wee doe in such a case, whom GOD hath placed in the highest thrones vpon earth, made his Lieutenants and Vice-gerents, and euen seated vs vpon his owne Throne to execute his Iudgements? The consideration hereof hath now mooued mee to expone a Case vnto you, which doeth not so neerely touch mee in my particular, as it doeth open a breach a­gainst our Authoritie, (I speake in the plurall of all Kings) and priuiledge in generall. And since not onely all rankes and sorts of people in all Nati­ons doe inuiolably obserue this Maxime, but euen the Ciuil Law, by which the greatest part of Christendome is gouerned, doeth giue them an inte­rest, qui fouent consimilem causam; How much more then haue yee interest in this cause, not beeing similis or par causa to yours, but eadem with yours? [Page 290]and indeed yee all fouetis, or at least fouere debetis eandem causam mecum. And since this cause is common to vs all; both the Ciuill Lawes, and the mu­nicipall Lawes of all Nations, permit and warne them, that haue a com­mon interest, to concurre in one for the defence of their common cause; yea, common sense teacheth vs with the Poet, Ecquid

Ad te pòst paulò ventura pericula sentis?
Nam tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.

A wake then while it is time, and suffer not, by your longer sleepe, the strings of your Authoritie to be cut in singulis, and one and one to your ge­nerall ruine, which by your vnited forces, would rather make a strong rope for the enemie to hang himselfe in, with Achitophel, then that hee should euer bee able to breake it. As for this Apologie of mine, it is trew, that I thought good to set it first out without putting my name vnto it; but neuer so, as I thought to denie it, remembring well mine owne words, but taken out of the Scripture, in the beginning of the Preface to the Reader, in my [...], that nothing is so bid, which shall not bee opened, &c. promising there, which with GOD his grace I shall euer performe, neuer to doe that in secret, which I shall need to be ashamed of, when it shall come to be proclaimed in publique.

In deed I thought it fit, for two respects, that this my Apologie should first visite the world without hauing my name written in the forehead thereof. First because of the matter, and next of the persons that I medled with. The matter, it being a Treatise, which I was to write, conteining reasons and discourses in Diuinitie, for the defence of the Oath of Alleagi­ance, and refutation of the condemners thereof; I thought it not comely for one of my place, to put my name to bookes concerning Scholasticke Disputations; whose calling is to set forth Decrees in the Imperatiue mood: for I thinke my selfe as good a man as the Pope, by his reuerence, for whom these my Answerers make the like excuse; for that his Breues are so sum­mary without yeelding any reason vnto them. My next reason was the respect of the persons whom with I medled. Wherein, although I shortly answered the Popes Breues; yet the point I most laboured, being the re­futation of Bellarmines Letter, I was neuer the man, I confesse, that could thinke a Cardinall a meet match for a King: especially, hauing many hun­dreth thousands of my subiects of as good birth as hee. As for his Church dignitie, his Cardinalship I meane, I know not how to ranke or value it, either by the warrant of God his word, or by the ordinance of Empe­rours or Kings, it being indeed onely a new Papall erection, tolerated by the sleeping conniuence of our Predecessours (I meane still by the plurall of Kings) But notwithstanding of this my forbearing to put my name vnto it, some Embassadours of some of you (my louing Bre­thren and Cousins) whome this cause did neereliest concerne, can wit­nesse, that I made Presents of some of those bookes, at their first printing, vnto them, and that auowedly in my owne name. As also the English [Page 291] Paragraphist, or rather peruerse Pamphleter Parsons, since all his descrip­tion must runne vpon a P. hath trewly obserued, that my Armes are af­fixed in the frontispice thereof, which vseth not to bee in bookes of other mens doing; whereby his malice in pretending his ignorane, that hee might pay mee the soundlier, is the more inexcusable. But now that I finde my sparing to put my name vnto it hath not procured my sparing by these answerers, who haue neither spared my Person directly in naming me, nor indirectly by railing vpon the Author of the Booke: it is now high time for me no longer to conceale nor disauow my selfe, as if I were ashamed of my owne deed. And therefore that ye may the better vnderstand the na­ture of the cause, I will begin at the first ground thereof.

The neuer enough wondered at and abhorred POVVDER-TREA­SON (though the repetition thereof grieueth, I know, the gentle hearted Iesuite Parsons) this Treason, I say, being not onely intended a gainst mee and my Posteritie, but euen against the whole house of Parliament, plot­ted onely by Papists, and they onely led thereto by a preposterous zeale for the aduancement of their Religion; some of them continuing so obsti­nate, that euen at their death they would not acknowledge their fault; but in their last words, immediatly before the expiring of their breath, re­fused to condemne themselues and craue pardon for their deed, except the Romish Church should first condemne it; And soone after, it being discouered, that a great number of my Popish Subiects of all rankes and sexes, both men and women, as well within as without the Countrey; had a confused notion and an obscure knowledge, that some great thing was to bee done in that Parliament for the weale of the Church; al­though, for secrecies cause, they were not acquainted with the particu­lars; certaine formes of prayer hauing likewise beene set downe and v­sed for the good successe of that great errand; adding heereunto, that diuers times, and from diuers Priestes, the Archtraitours themselues re­ceiued the Sacrament for confirmation of their heart, and obseruation of secrecie; Some of the principall Iesuites likewise being found guiltie of the foreknowledge of the Treason it selfe; of which number some fled from their triall, others were apprehended (as holy Garnet himselfe and Owldcorne were) and iustly executed vpon their owne plaine confession of their guilt: If this Treason now, clad with these circumstances, did not minister a iust occasion to that Parliament house, whome they thought to haue destroyed, courageously and zealously at their next sitting downe, to vse all meanes of triall, whether any more of that minde were yet left in the Countrey; I leaue it to you to iudge, whom God hath appointed his highest Depute Iudges vpon earth: And amongst other things for this purpose, This Oath of Allegiance, so vniustly impugned, was then deui­sed and enacted. And in case any sharper Lawes were then made against the Papists, that were not obedient to the former Lawes of the Countrey; if ye will consider the Time, Place and Persons, it will be thought no wonder, [Page 292]seeing that occasion did so iustly exasperate them to make seuerer Lawes, then otherwise they would haue done. The Time, I say, being the very next sitting downe of the Parliament, after the discouerie of that abomi­nable Treason: the Place being the same, where they should all haue bene blowne vp, and so bringing it freshly to their memorie againe: the Per­sons being the very Parliament men whom they thought to haue destroy­ed. And yet so farre hath both my heart and gouernment bene from any bitternes, as almost neuer one of those sharpe additions to the former Lawes haue euer yet bene put in execution.

And that ye may yet know further, for the more conuincing these Libel­lers of wilfull malice, who impudently affirme, That this Oath of Allegiance was deuised for deceiuing and intrapping of Papists in points of Con­science; The trewth is, that the Lower house of Parliament at the first fra­ming of this Oath, made it to containe, That the Pope had no power to excommunicate me, which I caused them to reforme, onely making it to conclude, That no excommunication of the Popes, can warrant my Sub­iects to practise against my Person or State; denying the deposition of Kings to be in the Popes lawfull power; as indeed I take any such tempo­rall violence, to be farre without the limits of such a Spirituall censure as Excommunication is. So carefull was I that nothing should be contained in this Oath, except the profession of natural Allegiance, and ciuil and tem­porall obedience, with a promise to resist to all contrary vnciuill violence.

This Oath now grounded vpon so great and iust an occasion, set forth in so reasonable termes, and ordained onely for making of a trew distincti­on betweene Papists of quiet disposition, and in all other things good sub­iects, and such other Papists as in their hearts maintained the like violent bloody Maximes, that the Powder-Traitours did: This Oath, I say, being published and put in practise, bred such euill blood in the Popes head and his Cleargie, as Breue after Breue commeth forth, vt vndam vnda sequitur; prohibiting all Catholikes from taking the same, as a thing cleane contrary to the Catholike faith; and that the taking thereof cannot stand with the saluation of their soules.

There commeth likewise a letter of Cardinall Bellarmines to Blackwell to the same purpose; but discoursing more at length vpon the said Oath. Whereupon, after I had entred in consideration of their vniust impug­ning that so iust and lawfull an Oath; and fearing that by their vntrew calumnies and Sophistrie the hearts of a number of the most simple and ignorant of my people should bee misse-led, vnder that faire and deceit­full cloake of Conscience; I thought good to set foorth an Apologie for the said Oath: wherein I prooued, that as this Oath contained nothing but matter of ciuill and temporall Obedience, due by Subiects to their Soueraigne Prince; so this quarrelling therewith was nothing but a late vsurpation of Popes (against the warrant of all Scriptures, ancient Coun­cels and Fathers) vpon the Temporall power of Kings, wherewith onely [Page 293]my Apologie doeth meddle. But the publishing of this Booke of mine hath brought such two Answerers, or rather Railers vpon mee, as all the world may wonder at: For my Booke being first written in English, an Eng­lish Oath being the subiect thereof, and the vse of it properly belonging to my Subiects of England; and immediatly thereafter being translated into Latine, vpon a desire that some had of further publishing it abroad; it commeth home to mee now answered in both the Languages. And, I thinke, if it had bene set foorth in all the tongues that were at the con­fusion of Babel, it would haue bene returned answered in them all a­gaine. Thus may a man see how busie a Bishop the Diuell is, and how hee omitteth no diligence for venting of his poysoned wares. But here­in their malice doeth clearely appeare, that they pay mee so quickly with a double answere; and yet haue neuer answered their owne Arch-priest, who hath written a booke for the maintenance of the same Oath, and of the temporall authoritie of Kings, alledging a cloud of their owne Schole­men against them.

As for the English Answerer, my vnnaturall and fugitiue Subiect; I will neither defile my pen, nor your sacred eyes or eares with the describing of him, who ashames, nay, abhorres not to raile, nay, to rage and spew foorth blasphemies against the late Queene of famous memory. A Subiect to raile against his naturall Soueraigne by birth; A man to raile against a Lady by sexe; A holy man (in outward profession) to insult vpon the dead; nay to take Radamanthus office ouer his head, and to sit downe and play the Iudge in hell, And all his quarrell is, that either her Successour, or any of her ser­uants should speake honourably of her. Cursed be he that curseth the An­ointed of God: and destroyed mought he be with the destruction of Ko­rah, that hath sinned in the contradiction of Korah. Without mought such dogs and swine be cast forth, I say, out of the Spirituall Ierusalem.

As for my Latine Answerer, I haue nothing to say to his person; hee is not my Subiect; hee standeth or falleth vnto his owne Lord: But sure I am, they two haue casten lotts vpon my Booke, since they could not di­uide it: the one of them, my fugitiue, to raile vpon my late Predecessour, (but a rope is the fittest answere for such an Historian;) the other, a stran­ger, thinketh he may be boldest both to pay my person and my Booke, as indeed he doeth; which how iustly either in matter or maner, wee are now to examine.

But first, who should be the trew Authour of this booke, I can but guesse. Hee calleth himselfe Mattheus Tortus, Cardinall Bellarmins Chap­laine. A Being a proper word to expresse the trew mea­ning of Tor­tus. throwne Euangelist indeed, full of throward Diuinitie; an ob­scure Authour, vtterly vnknowne to mee, being yet little knowne to the world for any other of his workes: and therefore must be a very desperate fellow in beginning his apprentisage, not onely to refute, but to raile vpon a King. But who will consider the carriage of the whole booke, shall finde that hee writeth with such authoritie, or at the least tam elato stylo, [Page 294]so little sparing either Kings in generall, or my person in particular; and with such a greatnesse, P. 46. Habemus enim exemplaria Breuium illorum in ma­nibus, and P. 63. Decernimus: as it shall appeare, or at least bee very probable, that it is the Masters, and not the mans labour; especially in one place, where hee quarrelleth mee for casting vp his moralis certitudo and pie credi vnto him; Pag. 69. hee there grossely forgetting himselfe, saith, malâ fide nobiscum agit, thereby making this Authour to be one person with Bellarmine. But let it bee the worke of a Tortus indeed, and not of a personated Cardinall; yet must it bee the Cardinals deed, since Master Tortus is the Cardinals man, and doeth it in his Masters defence. The errand then being the Cardinals, and done by his owne man, it cannot but bee accounted as his owne deed; especially since the English Answerer doeth foure times promise, that Bellarmine, or one by his appointment, shall sufficiently answere it.

And now to come to his matter and maner of Answere: Surely if there were no more but his vnmanerly maner, it is enough to disgrace the whole matter thereof. For first, to shew his pride, in his Printers pre­face of the Politan edition of this elegans libellus, hee must equall the Car­dinals greatnesse with mine in euery thing. For though hee confesseth this Master Tortus to bee an obscure man; yet being the Cardinals Chap­leine, he is sufficient enough forsooth to answere an English booke, that lacketh the name of an Authour; as if a personated obscure name for Au­thour of a Cardinals booke, were a meete match for answering a KINGS Booke, that lacketh the name of an Authour; and a Cardinals Chap­leine to meete with the Deane of the Kings Chappell, whom Parsons with the Cardinall, haue (as it seemeth) agreed vpon to intitle to bee the Authour of my Apologie. And not onely in the Preface, but also through the whole booke doeth hee keepe this comparatiue greatnesse. Hee must bee as short in his answere, as I am in my Booke, hee must refute all that I haue said against the Popes second Breue, with equall breuitie, and vpon one page almost, as I haue done mine: and because I haue set downe the substance of the Oath in foureteene Articles; in iust as many Articles must he set downe that Acte of Parliament of mine, wherein the Oath is contained: And yet, had hee contented himselfe with his owne pride, by the demonstration of his owne greatnesse, without further wronging of mee, it had bene the more tollerable. But what cause gaue I him to farce his whole booke with iniuries, both against my Person and Booke? For whereas in all my Apologie I haue neuer giuen him a foule word, and especially neuer gaue him the Lye: hee by the contrary giueth mee nine times the Lye in expresse termes, and seuen times chargeth mee with false­hood, which phrase is equiualent with a Lye. And as for all other wordes of reproch, as nugae, conuitia, temeritas, vanitas, impudentia, blasphemiae, sermonis barbaries, cum eadem foelicitate scribendi, cauillationes, applicatio inepta, fingere historias, audacia quae in hominem sanae mentis cadere non [Page 295]potest, vel sensu communi caret, imperitia & leuitas, omnem omnino pudorem & conscientiam exuisse, malâ fide nobiscum agit, vt lectoribus per fas & nefas imponat: of such like reproches, I say, I doubt if there bee a page in all his Booke free, except where hee idlely sets downe the Popes Breues, and his owne Letter. And in case this might onely seeme to touch the vn­knowen Authour of the Booke, whome notwithstanding he knew well enough, as I shew before; hee spareth not my Person with my owne name: sometimes saying, Pag. 47. that Pope Clement thought mee to bee inclined to their Religion: Sometimes, that I was a Puritane in Scotland, Pag. 98. and a perse­cutour of Protestants. In one place hee concludeth, Pag. 87. Quia Iacobus non est Catholicus, hoc ipso Haereticus est. In another place, Pag. 98. Ex Christiano Calui­nistam fecerunt. In another place hee sayeth, Neque omnino verum est, Ibid. Iacobum nunquam deseruisse Religionem quam primò susceperat. And in another place, after that hee hath compared and ranked mee with Iu­lian the Apostate, hee concludeth, Cùm Catholicus not sit, Pag. 97. neque Christia­nus est. If this now bee mannerly dealing with a King, I leaue it to you to iudge, who cannot but resent such indignities done to one of your qualitie.

And as for the Matter of his Booke, it well fittes indeede the Manner thereof: for hee neuer answereth directly to the maine question in my Booke. For whereas my Apologie handleth onely two points, as I told you before; One, to prooue that the Oath of Allegiance doeth onely meddle with the ciuill and temporall Obedience, due by Subiects to their naturall So­ueraignes: The other, that this late vsurpation of Popes ouer the tempo­rall power of Princes, is against the rule of all Scriptures, auncient Coun­cels and Fathers: hee neuer improoues the first, but by a false inference; that the Oath denyeth the Popes power of Excommunication directly, since it denieth his authoritie in deposing of Kings. And for the second point, he bringeth no proofe to the contrary, but, Pasce oues meas: and, Tibi dabo claues regni Coelorum: and, That no Catholike euer doubted of it. So as I may trewly say of him, that hee either vnderstandeth not, or at least will not seeme to vnderstand my Booke, in neuer directly answering the maine question, as I haue alreadie saide; and so may I iustly turne o­uer vpon himselfe that doome of ignorance, which in the beginning of his Booke hee rashly pronounceth vpon mee; saying, that I neither vnder­stand the Popes Breues, his Letter, nor the Oath it selfe: And as hee deligh­teth to repeate ouer and ouer, I know not how oft, and triumpheth in this wrong inference of his; That to deny the Popes power to depose Kings, is to denie the Popes Primacie, and his spirituall power of Excommuni­cation: So doeth hee, vpon that ground of Pasce oues meas, giue the Pope so ample a power ouer Kings, to throne or dethrone them at his pleasure (and yet onely subiecting Christian Kings to that slauerie) as I doubt not but in your owne Honours yee will resent you of such indignities; the ra­ther since it concernes so many of you as professe the Romish religion, farre [Page 296]more then me: For since he accounteth me an heretike, and like Iulian the Apostate; I am consequently extra caulam, and none of the Popes flocke, and so am in the case of Ethnicke Princes, ouer whom he confesseth the Pope hath no power. But yee are in the Popes folde; and you, that great Pastour may leade as sheepe to the slaughter, when it shall please him. And as the Asses eares must be hornes, if the Lion list so to interprete it; so must yee be remooued as scabbed sheepe from the flocke, if so the Pope thinke you to be, though your skinne be indeed neuer so sound.

Thus hath he set such a new goodly interpretation vpon the wordes of CHRIST, Pasce, oues meas, as if it were as much to say, as, depose Chri­stian Kings; and that Quodcunque solueris gaue the Pope power to dispense with all sorts of Oathes, Vowes, Penalties, Censures and Lawes, euen with the naturall obedience of Subiects to their Souereigne Lords; much like to that new coyned glosse that his brother Senten. Card. Baron. super ex­com. Venet. Baronius made vpon the wordes in Saint Peters vision, Surge Petre, occide & manduca; That is (said he to the Pope) Goe kill and confound the Venetians.

And because I haue in my Booke (by citing a place in his controuer­sies) discouered him to be a small friend to Kings, he is much commoued: For whereas in his said Controuersies, Lib. de Cler. cap. 28. speaking de Clericis, he is so bolde as to affirme, that Church-men are exempted from the power of earthly Kings; and that they ought them no subiection euen in temporall mat­ters, but onely vi rationis and in their owne discretion, for the preserua­tion of peace and good order, because, I say, citing this place of his in my Booke, I tell with admiration, that hee freeth all Church-men from any subiection to Kings, euen those that are their borne Subiects: hee is an­gry with this phrase, and sayth it is an addition for breeding enuie vnto him, and raising of hatred against him: For, sayth hee, although Bellar­mine affirmed generally, that Church-men were not subiect to earthly Kings; yet did hee not insert that particular clause [though they were borne and dwelling in their Dominions] as if the words of Church-men and earth­ly Kings in generall imported not as much: for Layickes as well as Church-men are subiect to none but to their naturall Soueraigne: And yet doeth hee not sticke to confesse, that he meant it, though it was not fit (he sayth) to be expressed.

And thus quarrels hee me for reuealing his Printed secret. But whose hatred did hee feare in this? was it not yours? Who haue interest, but KINGS, in withdrawing of due subiection from KINGS? And when the greatest Monarches amongst you will remember, that almost the third part of your Subiects and of your Territories, is Church-men, and Church-liuings; I hope, yee will then consider and weigh, what a feather hee pulles out of your wings, when hee denudeth you of so ma­ny Subiects and their possessions, in the Popes fauour: nay, what briars and thornes are left within the heart of your dominions, when so popu­lous and potent a partie shall haue their birth, education and liuelihood in [Page 297]your Countries, and yet owe you no subiection, nor acknowledge you for their SOVERAIGNES? So as where the Church-men of old were con­tent with their tythe of euery mans goods; the Pope now will haue little lesse then the third part of euery Kings Subiects and Dominions. And as in this place, so throughout all the rest of his booke, hee doeth nothing but amplifie the Popes power ouer Kings, and exaggerate my vnreasonable rigour for pressing this Oath; which hee will needs haue to bee nothing but a renewed Oath of Supremacie in more subtill and craftie termes, onely to robbe the Pope of his Primacie and spirituall power: making his tem­porall power and authoritie ouer Princes, to be one of the chiefe Articles of the Catholike Faith.

But that it may the better appeare vnto you, that all my labour and in­tention in this errand, was onely to meddle with that due temporall Obe­dience which my Subiects owe vnto mee; and not to intrap or inthrall their Consciences, as hee most falsely affirmes: Yee shall first see how farre other Godly and Christian Emperours and Kings were from ac­knowledging the Popes temporall Supremacie ouer them; nay, haue crea­ted, controlled and deposed Popes: and next, what a number of my Pre­decessors in this Kingdome haue at all occasions, euen in the times of the greatest Greatnesse of Popes, resisted and plainely withstood them in this point.

And first, all Christian Emperours were for a long time so farre from acknowledging the Popes Superioritie ouer them, as by the contrary the Popes acknowledged themselues for their Vassals, reuerencing and obeying the Emperours as their Lords, for proofe whereof, I remit you to my Apologie.

And for the creating of Popes; the Emperours were in so long and continuall possession thereof, as I will vse for my first witnesse a Pope himselfe; who (in a Sigebert. ad ann. 773. Walthram. Naumburg. lib. [...] Episc. inue­stiturae. Mart. Polon. ad ann. 780. Theod. a Niem. de pri­uileg & Iurib. Imperij & dist. 63. C. Hadrian. Synode of an hundreth fiftie and three Bishops and Abbots) did ordeine, That the Emperour CHARLES the Great should haue the Right of choosing the Pope, and ordeining the Apo­stolicall Seate, and the Dignitie of the Romane Principalitie: nay, far­ther hee ordeined; That all Archbishops and Bishops should receiue their Inuestiture from the Emperour, or else bee of no auaile; And, that a Bi­shop wanting it, should not bee consecrate, pronouncing an Anathema a­gainst all that should disobey this Sentence.

And that the Emperours assent to the Popes Election was a thing or­dinary for a long time, See Platin. in vit. Pelag. 2. Gregor. 1. & Seuerini. Platina, and a number of the Popes owne wri­ters beare witnesse: And Lib. de Cle­ricis. Bellarmine himselfe, in his booke of Contro­uersies, cannot get it handsomely denied. Nay, the Popes were euen forced then to pay a certaine summe of money to the Emperours for their Confirmation: And this lasted almost seuen hundreth yeeres af­ter CHRIST; witnesse In Chron. ad ann. 680. Sigebert and In vit. Aga­then. & Anast. in vit. eiusd A­gath. & Herm. Contract. ad ann. 678. edit. poster. & dist. 63. c. Agathe. Luitprandus, with other Popish Historians.

[Page 298]And for Emperours deposing of Popes, there are likewise diuers ex­amples. The Emperour Luitpr Hist. lib 6. ca. 10.11. Rhegino ad an. 963. & Platin. in vit. Ioan. 13. Ottho deposed Pope Iohn the twelfth of that name, for diuers crimes and vices; especially of Lecherie. The Empe­rour Marianus Scot. Sigeb. Ab­bas Vrsp. ad ann. 1046 & Plat in vit. Greg. 6. Henry the third in a short time deposed three Popes; Benedict the ninth, Siluester the third, and Gregorie the sixt, as well for the sinne of Auarice, as for abusing their extraordinarie authoritie against Kings and Princes.

And as for KINGS that haue denied this Temporall Superioritie of Popes; First, wee haue the vnanime testimonie of diuers famous HI­STORIOGRAPHERS for the generall of many CHRISTIAN King­domes. As Walthram. Naumburz. in lib. de inuest. Episc. Vixit circa ann. 1110. Walthram testifieth, That the Bishops of Spaine, Scotland, England, Hungarie, from ancient institution till this moderne noueltie, had their Inuestiture by KINGS, with peaceable inioyning of their Temporalities wholly and entirely; and whosoeuer (sayeth hee) is peaceably solicitous, let him peruse the liues of the Ancients, and reade the Histories, and hee shall vnderstand thus much. And for verification of this generall Assertion; wee will first beginne at the practise of the KINGS of France, though not named by Walthram in this his enumeration of Kingdomes: amongst whom my first witnesse shall bee that vulgarly knowne letter of See Annales Franciae Nico­lai Gillij in Phil. Pulchro. Philip le Bel King of France, to Pope Boniface the eighth, the beginning whereof, after a scornefull salutation, is, Sciat tua maxima fatuitas, nos in temporalibus nemini subesse.

And likewise after that Anno 1268. ex Arrestis Se­natus Pari­fiens. Lewes the ninth, surnamed Sanctus, had by a publique instrument (called Pragmatica sanctio) forbidden all the ex­actions of the Popes Court within his Realme: Pope Pius Ioan. Maie­rius. lib. de Scismat & Concil. the second, in the beginning of Lewes the eleuenth his time, greatly misseliking this Decree so long before made, sent his Legate to the saide King Lewes, with Letters-patents, vrging his promise which hee had made when hee was Dolphin of France, to repeale that Sanction if euer hee came to bee King. The King referreth the Legate ouer with his Letters-patents to the Coun­cell of Paris: where the matter being propounded, was impugned by Io­hannes Romanus, the Kings Atturney; with whose opinion the Vniuer­sitie of Paris concurring, an Appeale was made from the attempts of the Pope to the next generall Councell; the Cardinall departing with in­dignation.

But that the King of France and Church thereof haue euer stoken to their Gallican immunitie, in denying the Pope any Temporall power ouer them, and in resisting the Popes as oft as euer they prest to meddle with their Temporall power, euen in the donation of Benefices; the Hi­stories are so full of them, as the onely examples thereof would make vp a bigge Volume by it selfe. And so farre were the Sorbonistes for the Kings and French Churches priuiledge in this point, as they were wont to maintaine; That if the Pope fell a quarrelling the King for that cause, [Page 299]the Gallican Church might elect a Patriarch of their owne, renouncing any obedience to the Pope. And Gerson was so farre from giuing the Pope that temporall authority ouer Kings (who otherwise was a deuoute Ro­man Catholike) as hee wrote a Booke de Auferibilitate Papae; not onely from the power ouer Kings, but euen ouer the Church.

And now pretermitting all further examples of forraigne Kings actions, I will onely content me at this time with some of my owne Predecessors examples of this kingdome of England; that it may thereby the more clearely appeare, that euen in those times when the world was fullest of darkened blindnes and ignorance, the Kings of England haue oftentimes, not onely repined, but euen strongly resisted and withstood this temporall vsurpation and encrochment of ambitious Popes.

And I will first begin at Matth. Paris. in Henr. 1. anno 1100. King Henry the first of that name, after the Conquest; who after he was crowned gaue the Bishopricke of Winchester to William Gifford, and forthwith inuested him into all the possessions belonging to the Bishopricke, contrary to the Canons of the new Synod. Idem ibid. anno 1113. King Henry also gaue the Archbishopricke of Canterbury to Radulph Bishop of London; and gaue him inuestiture by a Ring and a Cro­siers staffe.

Also Pope Idem ibid. anno 1119. Calixtus held a Councell at RHEMES, whither King Henry had appointed certaine Bishops of ENGLAND and NORMAN­DIE to goe; Thurstan also, elected Archbishop of YORKE, got leaue of the King to goe thither, giuing his faith that hee would not re­ceiue Consecration of the Pope; And comming to the Synode, by his liberall gifts (as the fashion is) wanne the ROMANES fauour, and by their meanes obtained to bee consecrated at the Popes hand: Which assoone as the King of ENGLAND knewe, hee forbade him to come within his Dominions.

Moreouer King Edward the first prohibited the Abbot of Ex Archiuis Regni. Waltham and Deane of Pauls, to collect a tenth of euery mans goods for a sup­ply to the holy Land, which the Pope by three Bulles had committed to their charge; and the said Deane of Pauls compeering before the King and his Councell, promised for the reuerence he did beare vnto the King, not to meddle any more in that matter, without the Kings good leaue and permission. Here (I hope) a Church-man disobeyed the Pope for obedi­ence to his Prince euen in Church matters: but this new Iesuited Diuinitie was not then knowen in the world.

The same Edward I. impleaded the Deane of the Chappell of Vuluer­hampton, because the said Deane had, against the priuiledges of the King­dome, giuen a Prebend of the same Chappell to one at the Popes com­mand: whereupon the said Deane compeered, and put himselfe in the Kings will for his offence.

The said Edward I. depriued also the Bishop of Durham of all his liberties, for disobeying a prohibition of the Kings. So as it appeareth, the Kings [Page 300]in those dayes thought the Church-men their Subiects, though now we be taught other Seraphicall doctrine.

For further proofe whereof Iohn of Ibstocke was committed to the goale by the sayde King, for hauing a suite in the Court of Rome seuen yeeres for the Rectorie of Newchurch.

And Edward II. following the footsteps of his Father; after giuing out a Summons against the Abbot of Walden, for citing the Abbot of Saint Albons and others in the Court of Rome, gaue out letters for his appre­hension.

And likewise, because a certaine Prebend of Banburie had drawen one Beuercoat by a Plea to Rome without the Kings Dominions, therefore were letters of Caption sent foorth against the said Prebend.

And Edward III. following likewise the example of his Predecessours; Because a Parson of Liche had summoned the Prior of S. Oswalds before the Pope at Auinion; for hauing before the Iudges in England recouered the arrerage of a pension; directed a Precept, for seasing vpon all the goods both Spirituall and Temporall of the said Parson, because hee had done this in preiudice of the King and Crowne. The saide King also made one Harwoden to bee declared culpable and worthie to bee punished, for pro­curing the Popes Bulles against a Iudgement that was giuen by the Kings Iudges.

And likewise; Because one entred vpon the Priorie of Barnewell by the Popes Bul, the said Intrant was committed to the Tower of London, there to remaine during the Kings pleasure.

So as my Predecessors (ye see) of this Kingdome, euen when the Popes triumphed in their greatnesse, spared not to punish any of their Subiects, that would preferre the Popes Obedience to theirs, euen in Church-mat­ters: So farre were they then from either acknowledging the Pope for their temporall Superiour, or yet from doubting that their owne Church­men were not their Subiects. And now I will close vp all these examples with an Act of Parliament in King Richard II. his time; whereby it was prohibited, That none should procure a Benefice from Rome, vnder paine to be put out of the Kings protection. And thus may yee see, that what those Kings successiuely one to another by foure generations haue acted in priuate, the same was also maintained by a publike Law.

By these few examples now (I hope) I haue sufficiently cleered my selfe from the imputation, that any ambition or desire of Noueltie in mee should haue stirred mee, either to robbe the Pope of any thing due vnto him, or to assume vnto my selfe any farther authoritie, then that which other Christian Emperours and Kings through the world, and my owne Predecessours of England in especiall, haue long agone maintained. Nei­ther is it enough to say (as Parsons doeth in his Answere to the Lord Coke) That farre more Kings of this Countrey haue giuen many more exam­ples of acknowledging, or not resisting the Popes vsurped Authorities; some [Page 301]perchance lacking the occasion; and some the abilitie of resisting them: for euen by the Ciuill Law, in the case of violent intrusion and long and wrongfull possession against mee, it is enough if I prooue that I haue made lawfull interruption vpon conuenient occasions.

But the Cardinall thinkes the Oath, not onely vnlawfull for the sub­stance therof, but also in regard of the Person whom vnto it is to be sworne: For (saith he) The King is not a Catholique; And in two or three other places of his booke, he sticketh not to call me by my name very broadly, an Here­tike, as I haue already told. But yet before I be publikely declared an Here­tike; by the Popes owne Law my people ought not to refuse their Obedi­ence vnto me. And (I trust) if I were but a subiect, and accused by the Pope in his Conclaue before his Cardinals, hee would haue hard prouing mee an Heretike, if he iudged me by their owne ancient Orders.

For first, I am no Apostate, as the Cardinal would make me; not onely ha­uing euer bene brought vp in that Religion which I presently professe, but euen my Father and Grandfather on that side professing the same: and so cannot be properly an Heretike, by their owne doctrine, since I neuer was of their Church. And as for the Queene my Mother of worthy memo­rie; although she continued in that Religion wherein shee was nourished, yet was she so farre from being superstitious or Iesuited therein, that at my Baptisme (although I was baptized by a Popish Archbishop) she sent him word to forbeare to vse the spettle in my Baptisme; which was obeyed, be­ing indeed a filthy and an apish tricke, rather in scorne then imitation of CHRIST. And her owne very words were, That she would not haue a pockie priest to spet in her childs mouth. As also the Font wherein I was Christened, was sent from the late Queene here of famous memory, who was my God­mother; and what her Religion was, Pius V. was not ignorant. And for further proofe, that that renowmed Queene my Mother was not supersti­tious; as in all her Letters (whereof I receiued many) she neuer made men­tion of Religion, nor laboured to perswade me in it; so at her last words, she commanded her Master-houshold, a Scottish Gentleman my seruant and yet aliue, she commanded him (I say) to tell me; That although she was of another Religion then that wherein I was brought vp; yet she would not presse me to change, except my owne Conscience forced mee to it: For so that I led a good life, and were carefull to doe Iustice and gouerne well; she doubted not but I would be in a good case with the profession of my owne Religion. Thus am I no Apostate, nor yet a deborder from that Religion which one part of my Parents professed, and an other part gaue mee good allowance of. Neither can my Baptisme in the rites of their Religion make me an Apostate, or Heretike in respect of my present profession, since we all agree in the substance thereof, being all Baptized In the Name of the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost: vpon which head there is no variance amongst vs.

And now for the point of Heretike; I will neuer bee ashamed to render [Page 302]an accompt of my profession, and of that hope that is in me, as the Apostle prescribeth. I am such a CATHOLIKE CHRISTIAN, as belee­ueth the three Creeds; That of the Apostles, that of the Councell of Nice, and that of Athanasius; the two latter being Paraphrases to the former: And I beleeue them in that sense, as the ancient Fathers and Councels that made them did vnderstand them: To which three Creeds all the Ministers of England doe subscribe at their Ordination. And I also acknowledge for Orthodoxe all those other formes of Creedes, that either were deuised by Councels or particular Fathers, against such particular Heresies as most reigned in their times.

I reuerence and admit the foure first generall Councels as Catholique and Orthodoxe: And the said foure generall Councels are acknowledged by our Acts of Parliament, and receiued for Orthodoxe by our Church.

As for the Fathers; I reuerence them as much and more then the Ie suites doe, and as much as themselues euer craued. For what euer the Fa­thers for the first fiue hundreth yeeres did with an vnanime consent agree vpon, to be beleeued as a necessary point of saluation, I either will beleeue it also, or at least will be humbly silent; not taking vpon mee to condemne the same: But for euery priuate Fathers opinion, it bindes not my consci­ence more then Bellarmines; euery one of the Fathers vsually contradicting others. I will therefore in that case follow Lib. 2. cont. Cresconium. cap. 32. S. Augustines rule in iudging of their opinions, as I finde them agree with the Scriptures: what I finde agreeable thereunto I will gladly imbrace; what is otherwise I will (with their reuerence) reiect.

As for the Scriptures; no man doubteth I will beleeue them: But euen for the Apocrypha; I hold them in the same accompt that the Ancients did: They are still printed and bound with our Bibles, and publikely read in our Churches: I reuerence them as the writings of holy and good men: but since they are not found in the Canon, wee accompt them to bee secundae lectionis, or Lib. 1. de verb. Vei. c. 4. ordinis (which is Bellarmines owne distinction) and therefore not sufficient whereupon alone to ground any article of Faith, except it be confirmed by some other place of Canonicall Scripture; Con­cluding this point with Ruffinus (who is no Nouelist, I hope) That the A­pocryphall books were by the Fathers permitted to be read; not for confir­mation of Doctrine, but onely for instruction of the people.

As for the Saints departed, I honour their memory, and in honour of them doe we in our Church obserue the dayes of so many of them, as the Scripture doeth canonize for Saints; but I am loath to beleeue all the tales of the Legended saints.

And first for the blessed Virgin MARIE, I yeeld her that which the Angel Gabriel pronounced of her, and which in her Canticle shee prophe­cied of herselfe: that is, That Luk. 1.28. she is blessed amongst women, and Ibid. ver. 48. That all generations shall call her blessed. I reuerence her as the Mother of CHRIST, whom of our Sauiour tooke his flesh, and so the Mother [Page 303]of GOD, since the Diuinitie and Humanitie of CHRIST are insepa­rable. And I freely confesse, that shee is in glory both aboue Angels and men, her owne Sonne (that is both GOD and man) onely excepted. But I dare not mocke her and blaspheme against GOD, calling her not onely Diua but Dea, and praying her to command and controule her Sonne, who is her GOD; and her SAVIOVR: Nor yet not I thinke, that shee hath no other thing to doe in heauen, then to heare euery idle mans suite, and busie her selfe in their errands; whiles requesting, whiles commanding her Sonne, whiles comming downe to kisse and make loue with Priestes, and whiles disputing and brawling with Deuils. In heauen shee is in eternall glory and ioy, neuer to bee interrupted with any worldly businesse; and there I leaue her with her blessed Sonne our SA­VIOVR and hers in eternall felicitie.

As for Prayer to Saints; Mart. 11.28. CHRIST (I am sure) hath commanded vs to Come all to him that are loaden with sinne, and hee will relieue vs: and Saint Paul hath forbidden vs to worship Angels; Coloss. 2.8, 23. or to vse any such voluntary worship, that hath a shew of humilitie in that it spareth not the flesh. But what warrant wee haue to haue recourse vnto these Dij Pe­nates or Tutelares, these Courtiers of GOD, I know not; I remit that to these Philosophicall Neoterike Diuines. It satisfieth mee to pray to GOD through CHRIST as I am commanded, which I am sure must be the safest way; and I am sure the safest way is the best way in points of sal­uation. But if the Romish Church hath coined new Articles of Faith, neuer heard of in the first 500. yeeres after CHRIST, I hope I shall ne­uer bee condemned for an Heretike, for not being a Nouelist. Such are the priuate Masses, where the Priest playeth the part both of the Priest and of the people; And such are the Amputation of the one halfe of the Sacra­ment from the people; The Transsubstantiation, Eleuation for Adoration, and Circumportation in Procession of the Sacrament; the workes of Superero­gation, rightly named Thesaurus Ecclesiae; the Baptising of Bels, and a thou­sand other trickes: But aboue all, the worshipping of Images. If my faith beeweake in these, I confesse I had rather beleeue too little then too much: And yet since I beleeue as much as the Scriptures doe warrant, the Creeds doe perswade, and the ancient Councels decreed, I may well be a Schisma­tike from Rome, but I am sure I am no Heretike.

For Reliques of Saints; If I had any such that I were assured were members of their bodies, I would honourably bury them, and not giue them the reward of condemned mens members, which are onely ordeined to bee depriued of buriall. But for worshipping either them or Images, I must account it damnable Idolatrie.

I am no Iconomachus; I quarrell not the making of Images, either for pub­like decoration, or for mens priuate vses: But that they should bee wor­shipped, bee prayed to, or any holinesse attributed vnto them, was neuer knowen of the Ancients: And the Scriptures are so directly, vehemently [Page 304]and punctually against it, as I wonder what braine of man, or suggestion of Sathan durst offer it to Christians; and all must bee salued with nice Philosophicall distinctions: As, Idolum nihilest: and, They worship (for­sooth) the Images of things in being, and the Image of the trew GOD. But the Scripture forbiddeth to worship the Image of any thing that GOD created. It was not a nibil then that God forbade onely to be worshipped, neither was the brasen Serpent, nor the body of Moses a nihil; and yet the one was destroyed, and the other hidden for eschewing of Idolatrie. Yea, the Image of GOD himselfe is not onely expresly forbidden to bee wor­shipped, but euen to bee made. The reason is giuen, That no eye euer saw GOD; and how can we paint his face, when Moses (the man that euer was most familiar with GOD) neuer sawe but his backe parts? Surely, since he cannot be drawen to the viue, it is a thankelesse labour to marre it with a false representation; which no Prince, nor scarce any other man will bee contented with in their owne pictures. Let them therefore that maintaine this doctrine, answere it to CHRIST at the latter day, when he shall accuse them of Idolatrie; And then I doubt if hee will bee payed with such nice sophisticall Distinctions.

But CHRISTS Crosse must haue a particular priuiledge (say they) and bee worshipped ratione contactus. But first wee must know what kinde of touching of CHRISTS body drew a vertue from it; whether euery touching, or onely touching by faith? That euery touching of his body drew not vertue from it, is more then manifest. When Luke 8. the woman in the bloody fluxe touched him, she was healed of her faith: But Peter then told him that a crowd and throng of many people then touched him; and yet none of them receiued any benefite or vertue from him. Iudas touched him many and many a time, besides his last kisse; so did the vil­laines that buffeted and crucified him; and yet I may safely pronounce them accursed, that would bestow any worship vpon their reliques: yea wee cannot denie but the land of Canaan itselfe (whereupon our Lord did dayly tread) is so visibly accursed, beeing gouerned by faithlesse Turkes, full of innumerable sects of hereticall Christians, and the very fer­tilitie thereof so farre degenerated into a pitifull sterilitie, as hee must bee accursed that accounteth it blessed. Nay, when a certaine Luk. 11.28. woman blessed the belly that bare CHRIST, and the breastes that gaue him sucke; Nay, rather (saith hee) Blessed are those that heare the Word of God, and keepe it. Except then they could first prooue that CHRIST had resolued to blesse that tree of the Crosse whereupon hee was nailed; they can neuer proue that his touching it could giue it any vertue. And put the case it had a vertue of doing miracles, as Peters shadow had; yet doeth it not fol­low, that it is lawful to worship it, which Peter would neuer accept of. Sure­ly the Prophets that in so many places curse those that worship Images, that haue eyes and see not, that haue eares and heare not, would much more haue cursed them that worship a piece of a sticke, that hath not so much [Page 305]as any resemblance or representation of eyes or eares.

As for Purgatorie and all the Iubilees, In­dulgences, sa­tisfactions for the dead, &c. trash depending thereupon, it is not worth the talking of; Bellarmine cannot finde any ground for it in all the Scriptures. Onely I would pray him to tell me; If that faire greene Mea­dow that is in Purgatorie, haue a brooke running thorow it; Lib. 2 de Pur­gat. cap 7. that in case I come there, I may haue hawking vpon it. But as for me; I am sure there is a Heauen and a Hell, praemium & poena, for the Elect and reprobate: How many other roomes there be, I am not on God his counsell. Iohn 14. Multae sunt mansiones in domo Patris mei, saith CHRIST, who is the trew Purgato­rie for our sinnes: But how many chambers and anti-chambers the diuell hath, they can best tell that goe to him: But in case there were more places for soules to goe to then we know of, yet let vs content vs with that which in his Word he hath reuealed vnto vs, and not inquire further into his se­crets. Heauen and Hell are there reuealed to be the eternall home of all mankinde: let vs indeauour to winne the one and eschew the other; and there is an end.

Now in all this discourse haue I yet left out the maine Article of the Ro­mish faith; and that is the Head of the Church or Peters Primacie; for who de­nieth this, denieth fidem Catholicam, saith Bellarmine. That Bishops ought to be in the Church, I euer maintained it, as an Apostolique institution, and so the ordinance of God; contrary to the Puritanes, and likewise to Boll. lib. 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 25. Bel­larmine; who denies that Bishops haue their Iurisdiction immediatly from God (But it is no wonder he takes the Puritanes part, since Iesuits are no­thing but Puritan-papists.) And as I euer maintained the state of Bishops, and the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchie for order sake; so was I euer an enemie to the confused Anarchie or paritie of the Puritanes, as well appeareth in my [...]. Heauen is gouerned by order, and all the good Angels there; nay, Hell it selfe could not subsist without some order; And the ve­ry deuils are diuided into Legions, and haue their chiefetaines: how can a­ny societie then vpon earth, subsist without order and degrees? And there­fore I cannot enough wonder with what brasen face this Answerer could say, That I was a Puritane in Scotland, and an enemie to Protestants: Page 98. I that was persecuted by Puritanes there, not from my birth onely, but euen since foure moneths before my birth? I that in the yeere of God 84 erected Bi­shops, and depressed all their popular Paritie, I then being not 18. yeeres of aage? I that in my said Booke to my Sonne, doe speake tenne times more bitterly of them nor of the Papists; hauing in my second Edition thereof, affixed a long Apologetike Preface, onely in odium Puritanorum? and I that for the space of sixe yeeres before my comming into England, laboured no­thing so much as to depresse their Paritie, and re-erect Bishops againe? Nay, if the dayly Commentaries of my life and actions in Scotland, were written (as Iulius Caesars were) there would scarcely a moneth passe in all my life, since my entring into the 13. yeere of my aage, wherein someac­cident or other would not conuince the Cardinall of a Lye in this point. [Page 306]And surely I giue a faire commendation to the Puritanes in that place of my booke, Where I affirme that I haue found greater honestie with the high­land and border theeues, then with that sort of people. But leauing him to his owne impudence, I returne to my purpose.

Of Bishops and Church Hierarchie I very well allowe (as I said before) and likewise of Ranks and Degrees amongst Bishops. Patriarches (I know) were in the time of the Primitiue Church, and I likewise reuerence that Institution for order sake: and amongst them was a contention for the first place. And for my selfe (if that were yet the question) I would with all my heart giue my consent that the Bishop of Rome should haue the first Seate: I being a westerne King would goe with the Patriarch of the West. And for his temporall Principalitie ouer the Signory of Rome, I doe not quarrell it neither; let him in God his Name be Primus Episcopus inter om­nes Episcopos, and Princeps Episcoporum; so it be no otherwise but as Peter was Princeps Apostolorum. But as I well allow of the Hierarchie of the Church for distinction of orders (for so I vnderstand it) so I vtterly deny that there is an earthly Monarch thereof, whose word must be a Law, and who cannot erre in his Sentence, by an infallibilitie of Spirit. Because carthly Kingdomes must haue earthly Monarches; it doeth not follow, that the Church must haue a visible Monarch too: for the world hath not ONE earthly temporall Monarch. CHRIST is his Churches Monarch, and the holy Ghost his Deputie: Luke 22.25. Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos au­tem non sic. CHRIST did not promise before his ascension, to leaue Peter with them to direct and iustruct them in all things; Iohn 14.26. but he promised to send the holy Ghost vnto them for that end.

And as for these two before cited places, whereby Bellarmine maketh the Pope to triumph ouer Kings: Matth. 18.18. I meane Pasce oues, and Tibi dobo claues: the Cardinall knowes well enough, that the same words of Tibi dabo, are in another place spoken by Christ in the plurall number. And he likewise knowes what reason the Ancients doe giue, why Christ bade Pater pascere oues and also what a cloude of witnesses there is, both of Ancients, and euen of late Popish writers, yea diuers Cardinals, that do all agree that both these speeches vsed to Peter, were meant to all the Apostles represenred in his person: 1. Cor. 5.4. Otherwise how could Paul direct the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person cum spiritu suo, whereas he should then haue sayd, cum spiritu Petri? And how could all the Apostles haue otherwise vsed all their censures, onely in Christs Name, and neuer a word of his Vicar▪ Peter (wee reade) did in all the Apostles meetings sit amongst them as one of their number: And when chosen men were sent to Antiochia from that great Apostolike Councel at Ierusalem ( Acts 15.) Act. 15.22, 23. The text saith, It seemed good to the Apostles and Elders with the whole Church, to send chosen men, but no mention made of the Head thereof; and so in their Letters no mention is made of Peter, but onely of the Apostles, Elders and Brethren. And it is a wonder, why Paul rebuketh the Church of [Page 307] Corinth for making exception of Persons, because some followed Paul, some Apollos, some Cephas, if Peter was their visible Head! 1. Cor. 1.12. for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas, renounced the Catholike faith. But it ap­peareth well that Paul knew little of our new doctrine, since he handleth Peter so rudely, Galat. 2. as he not onely compareth but preferreth himselfe vnto him. But our Cardinall proues Peters superioritie, Galat. 1.18. by Pauls going to visite him. Indeed Paul saith, hee went to Ierusalem to visite Peter, and con­ferre with him; but he should haue added, and to kisse his feet.

To conclude then, The trweth is that Peter was both in aage, and in the time of CHRISTS calling him, one of the first of the Apostles; In order the principall of the first twelue, and one of the three whom CHRIST for order sake preferred to all the rest. And no further did the Bishop of Rome claime for three hundred yeeres after CHRIST: Subiect they were to the generall Councels, and euen but of late did the Councell of Constance depose three Popes, and set vp the fourth. And vntill Phocas dayes (that murthered his master) were they subiect to Emperours. But how they are now come to be Christs Vicars, nay, Gods on earth, triple-crowned, Kings of heauen, earth and hell, Iudges of all the world, and none to iudge them; Heads of the faith, Absolute deciders of all Controuersies by the in­fallibility of their spirit, hauing all power both Spirituall and Temporall in their hands; the high Bishops, Monarches of the whole earth, Superiours to all Emperours and Kings; yea, Supreme Vice-gods, who whether they will or not cannot erre: how they are now come (I say) to the toppe of greatnesse, I know not: but sure I am, Wee that are KINGS haue greatest neede to looke vnto it. As for me, Paul and Peter I know, but these men I know not: And yet to doubt of this, is to denie the Catholique faith; Nay, the world it selfe must be turned vpside downe, Bellar. de Rom. Pont. li. 1. cap. 17. and the order of Nature inuerted (making the left hand to haue the place before the Right, and the last named to bee the first in honour) that this primacie may bee main­tained.

Thus haue I now made a free Confession of my Faith: And (I hope) I haue fully cleared my selfe from being an Apostate, and as farre from being an Heretike, as one may bee that beleeueth the Scriptures, and the three Creedes, and acknowledgeth the foure first generall Councels. If I bee loath to beleeue too much, especially of Nouelties, men of greater knowledge may well pitie my weakenesse; but I am sure none will condemne me for an Heretike, saue such as make the Pope their God; and thinke him such aspeaking Scripture, as they can define Heresie no o­therwise, but to bee whatsoeuer Opinion is maintained against the Popes definition of faith. And I will sincerely promise, that when euer any point of the Religion I professe, shalbe proued to be new, and not An­cient, Catholike, and Apostolike (I meane for matter of Faith) I will as soone renounce it; closing vp this head with the Maxime of Vincentius Lirinensis, Libello ad­nersus hare­ses. that I will neuer refuse to imbrace any opinion in Diuinity necessary to [Page 308]saluation, which the whole Catholike Church With an vnanime consent, haue constantly taught and beleeued euen from the Apostles dayes, for the space of many aages thereafter without any interruption. But in the Car­dinals opinion, I haue shewed my selfe an Heretike (I am sure) in playing with the name of Babylon, and the Towne vpon seuen hilles; as if I would insinuate Rome at this present to be spiritually Babylon. And yet that Rome is called Babylon, 1. Pet. 5.13. both in Saint Peters Epistle, and in the Apocalyps, our An­swerer freely confesseth. As for the definition of the Antichrist, I will not vrge so obscure a point, as a matter of Faith to bee necessarily beleeued of all Christians; but what I thinke herein, I will simply declare.

That there must be an Antichrist, and in his time a generall Defection; wee all agree. But the Time, Seat, and Person of this Antichrist, are the chiefe Questions whereupon wee differ: and for that we must search the Scrip­tures for our resolution. 2. Thes. 2. As for my opinion; I thinke S. Paul in the 2. to the Thessalonians doeth vtter more clearely that which Saint Iohn speaketh more mystically of the Antichrist.

First, that in that place hee meaneth the Antichrist, it is plaine, since hee saith, Verse 3. There must bee first a Defection; and that in the Antichrists time onely that eclipse of Defection must fall vpon the Church, all the Romish Ca­tholikes are strong enough: otherwise their Church must be daily subiect to erre, Verse 3, 4. which is cleane contrary to their maine doctrine. Then descri­bing him (hee saith) that The man of Sinne, Filius perditionis, shall exalt him­selfe aboue all that is called God. But who these be whom of the Psalmist saith Dixi vos Dij estis, Psal. 82.6. Bellarmine can tell. In old Diuinitie it was wont to bee Kings; Bellarmine will adde Churchmen; Let it bee both. It is well enough knowen, who now exalteth himselfe aboue both the swords.

And after that S. Paul hath thus described the Person, he next describeth the Seat, 2. Thess. 2.4. and telleth that He shall sit in the Temple of God, that is, the bosome of the Church; yea, in the very heart thereof. Now where this Apostolike Seat is, I leaue to bee guessed: And likewise who it is that sitting there, sheweth himselfe to be GOD; pardoning sinnes, redeeming soules, and de­fining Faith, controlling and iudging all men, and to be iudged of none.

Anent the Time, S. Paul is plainest of all: For hee calleth the Thessalo­nians to memorie, Verse 5. That when hee was with them, hee told them these things; and therefore they know (saith hee) what the impediment was, Verse 6. and who did with­bold that the man of Sinne was not reuealed, Verse 7. although the mysterie of iniquitie was already working. That the Romane Emperours in Saint Pauls time needed no reuealing to the Christians to bee men of Sinne or sinfull men, no childe doubteth: but the reuelation hee speaketh of was a mysterie, a secret; It should therefore seeme that hee durst not publish in his Epistle what that impediment was. It may be he meant by the translating of the Seat of the Romane Empire, and that the translation thereof should leaue a roume for the man of Sinne to sit downe in. And that he meant not that man of Sinne of these Ethnicke Emperours in his time, his introduction to [Page 309]this discourse maketh it more then manifest. For he saith (fearing they should be deceiued, thinking the day of the Lords second comming to bee at hand) he hath therefore thought good to forewarne them that this ge­nerall Defection must first come: Whereby it well appeareth that hee could not meane by the present time but by a future, and that a good long time; otherwise he proued ill his argument, that the Lords comming was not at hand. Neither can the forme of the Destruction of this man of Sinne agree with that maner of spoile, that the Gothes and Vandals made of For so doeth Tortus call Rome when it was spoiled by them, though it was Christi­an many yeres before. Ethnick Rome: For our Apostle saith, 1 Verse 8. That this wicked man shull bee consumed by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, and abolished by his comming. Now I would thinke that the word of God and the Preaching thereof, should be meant by the Spirit of the Lords mouth, which should peece and peece con­sume and diminish the power of that man of Sinne, till the brightnes of the Lords second comming should vtterly abolish him. And by his expressing the meanes of his working, he doeth likewise (in my opinion) explane his meaning very much: For he saith, It shall be by a strong delusion, Verse. 8.9. by lying won­ders, &c. Well, what Church it is that vanteth them of their innumerable miracles, and yet most of them contrary to their owne doctrine; Bellarmine can best tell you with his hungry Mare, Bellar lib. 3. de Eucharist. cap. 8 that turned her taile to her prouen­der and kneeled to the Sacrament: And yet (I am sure) he will be ashamed to say, that the holy Sacrament is ordained to be worshipped by Oues & Boues, & caetera pecora campi.

Thus haue I prooued out of S. Paul now, that the time of the Antichrists comming, and the generall Defection was not to be till long after the time that he wrote in; That his Seat was to be in the Temple and Church of God; and, That his Action (which can best point at his Person) should be to Exalt himselfe aboue all that were called Gods. S. Iohn indeed doth more amply, though mystically describe this Antichrist, which vnder the figure of a monstrous Beast, with seuen heads and ten hornes, he sets forth in the xiij. chap. and then interpreteth in the xvij. where hee calles her a Whore sitting vpon many waters, and riding vpon the sayd monstrous Beast; Reuel. 17. v. 1. Vers. 3. concluding that chapter with calling that Woman, that great City which reigneth ouer the Kings of the earth. And both in that Chapter, Vers 18. and in the beginning of the next he calles that great Citie, Babylon. Vers. 5. Cap. 18. v. 2.

So as to continue herein my formerly purposed Methode, of the Time, Seat, and Person of Antichrist; this place doth clearely and vndenyably de­clare that Rome is, or shalbe the Seat of that Antichrist. For first, no Papist now denieth that by Babylon here Rome is directly meant; and that this Woman is the Antichrist, doeth clearely appeare by the time of his wor­king (described by 42. moneths in the xiij. Chap.) Vers. 5. which doeth iustly a­gree with that three yeeres and a halfes time, which all the Papists giue to the Reigne of Antichrist. Besides that, the Beast it selfe with seuen heads and tenne hornes, hauing one of her heads wounded and healed againe, is described iust alike in the xiij. and xvij. Chap. being in the former prooued [Page 310]to be the Antichrist by the time of her reigne; and in the latter Rome by the name of Babylon, by the confession of all the Papists, So as one point is now cleare, that Rome is the Seat of the Antichrist.

Neither will that place in the eleuenth Chapter serue to shift off this point, and proue the Antichrists Seat to bee in Ierusalem; where it is saide; Chap. 11.8. That the Corpses of the Witnesses shall lie in the great City, spiritually Sodome and Egypt, where our Lord also was crucified. For the word spiri­tually is applied both to Sodome, Egypt and Ierusalem in that place; And when hee hath named Sodome and Egypt, hee doeth not subioyne Ierusa­lem with a single vbi; but with an vbi &, as if hee would say; and this Antichrists abomination shall bee so great, as his Seate shall bee as full of Spirituall whoredomes and Idolatries, as Sodome and Egypt was; nay, and so bloody in the persecution of the Saints, as our Lord shall be cruci­fied againe in his members. And who hath so meanely read the Scrip­tures (if he haue euer read them at all) that knoweth it not to be a common phrase in them, Matt. 25.40. to call CHRIST persecuted and slaine, when his Saints are so vsed? Acts 9.4. So did CHRIST say, speaking of the latter day; and in the same style did hee speake to S. Paul at his conuersion. And that Babylon, or Rome (since Bellarmine is contented it bee so called) is that great Citie where our Lord was crucified, Reuel. 18.24. the last verse of the xviij. Chap. doeth also clearely proue it: For there it is said, That in that City was found the blood of the Prophets, and of the Saints, and of all that were slaine vpon the earth; and I hope CHRIST was one of them that were slaine vpon the earth. And besides that it may well bee said that hee was slaine in that great Citie Babylon, since by the Romane authoritie hee was put to death, vnder a Romane Iudge, and for a Romane quarrell: for he could not be a friend to Caesar, that was not his enemie.

This point now being cleared of the Antichrists Seate, as I haue already sayd; we are next to find out the Time when the Antichrist shall reigne, if it be not already come. Cha. 13.3. In the xiij. Chapter. S. Iohn saith, that this Beast with the seuen heads and tenne hornes, Chap. 17.10. had one of his heads wounded and healed againe; and interpreting that in the xvij. he saith, that these seuen heads are also seuen Kings, whereof fiue are fallen, one is, and an other is not yet come, and when hee commeth hee shall continue a short space. Verse 11. And the Beast that was and is not, is the eight, and yet one of the seuen. By which Beast hee meaneth the Antichrist, who was not then come, I meane in the Apostles dayes, but was to come after. So as betweene the time of the Apostles and the ende of the worlde, must the Time of the Antichrists comming be; and with this the Papists doe also agree. Whereby it appeareth that Babylon, which is Rome, shall bee the Seate of the Antichrist; Reuel. 1.1. & chap. 4.1. but not that Ethnicke Rome which was in the Apostles dayes (for Iohn himselfe professeth that hee is to write of nothing, but that which is to come after his time.) Nor yet that turning Christian Rome while shee was in the conuerting, which immediatly followed the Apostles time, glorious by the Martyrdome of so many godly [Page 311]Bishops: But that Antichristian Rome, when as the Antichrist shal set downe his seat there, after that by the working of that Mysterie of iniquitie, Chri­stian Rome shall become to be corrupted; and so that deadly wound, which the Gothes and Vandales gaue Rome, shall bee cured in that Head or King, the Antichrist, who thereafter shall arise and reigne for a long space.

But here it may bee obiected, that the Antichrist cannot reigne a long space; since S. Iohn saith in two or three sundry places, that the Antichrist shall worke but the space of three yeeres and a halfe. Surely who will but a little acquaint himselfe with the phrases and Stile of S. Iohn in his Apoca­lyps, shall finde that he doth ordinarily set downe numerum certum pro incerto. Chap. 7. Chap. 9.16, 18. So doeth hee in his twelue thousand of euery Tribe that will bee safe; so doeth he in his Armie of two hundred thousand, that were sent to kill the third part of the men; and so doeth he in diuers other places. And there­fore who will but remember that in all his Visions in the said Booke, hee directly imitates the fashions of the Prophet Ezekiels, Daniels, and Zacharies Visions (borrowing their phrases that prophecied before CHRIST, to vtter his Prophecies in, that was to speake of the last dayes) shall finde it very probable that in these three dayes and a halfe, hee imitated Daniels Weekes, accounting for his Weeke the time betweene CHRISTS first and second comming, and making Antichrist to triumph the halfe of that time or spirituall Weeke. For as to that literall interpretation (as all the Papists make it) of three yeeres and a halfe, and that time to sall out direct­ly the very last dayes, saue fiue and fourtie, before CHRIST his second comming, it is directly repugnant to the whole New TESTAMENT. For CHRIST saith, That in the latter dayes men shall be feasting, marry­ing, and at all such worldly businesse, when the last houre shall come in a clap vpon them; One shall be at the Mill; One vpon the top of the house, Matth. 24.41. and so foorth. CHRIST telleth a Parable of the fiue foolish Virgins, Matth. 25. to shew the vnlooked-for comming of this houre, Nay, hee saith, the Sonne of man, nor the Angels in heauen know not this time. S. Peter biddeth vs WATCH AND PRAY, euer awaiting vpon that houre. And S. Iohn in this same Apocalyps doeth Reuel. 3.3. and 16. [...]5. twise tell vs, that CHRIST will come as a thiefe in the night; And so doeth CHRIST say in the Matth. 24.44. Euangel. Where­as if the Antichrist shall reigne three yeeres and a halfe before the Latter day, and that there shall bee but iust fourtie fiue dayes of time after his de­struction; then shall not the iust day and houre of the Latter day, bee vn­knowne to them that shall be aliue in the world, at the time of Antichrists destruction. For first according to the Papists doctrine, all the world shall know him to be the Antichrist, both by the two Witnesses doctrine, and his sudden destruction; And consequently they cannot be ignorant, that the Latter day shall come iust fourtie fiue dayes after: and so CHRIST shall not come as a thiefe, nor the world bee taken at vnawares; contrary to all the Scriptures before alleadged, and many more. And thus haue we pro­ued Rome to be the Seat of the Antichrist, and the second halfe of that spi­rituall [Page 312]Weeke betweene the first and second comming of CHRIST, to be the time of his Reigne: For in the first halfe thereof the mysterie of in­iquitie began to worke; but the man of Sinne was not yet reuealed.

But who these Witnesses should be, is a great question. The generall conceit of the Papists is, that it must bee Enoch and Elias. And heerein is Bellarmine so strong, as hee thinketh him in a great errour (if not an Here­tike) that doubteth of it. But the vanitie of the Iewish fable I will in few words discouer.

The Cardinall, Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 3. cap. 6. in his booke of Controuersies, bringeth foure places of Scripture for probation of this idle dreame: two in the Old Testament, Malachie and Ecclesiasticus, and two in the New, CHRIST in Matthew (hee might haue added Marke too) and Iohn in the xj. of the Apocalyps. First, for the generall of all those places, I dare boldly affirme, That there is not a word in them, nor in all the rest of the Scriptures that saith, that either Enoch or Elias shall returne to fight against Antichrist, and shall bee slaine by him, nor any such like matter. Next as to euery place in particu­lar, to begin with Malachie, I know not who can better interpret him then CHRIST, Matt. 11.14. and 17.12. Mar. 9.13. who twise in Matthew, Chap. xj. and xvij. and once in Marke, tels both the multitude, and his owne Disciples, that Iohn Baptist was that promised Elias. And heerein doeth Bellarmine deale most vnfaith­fully with CHRIST: for in his demonstration that Antichrist is not yet come, because Enoch and Elias are not yet returned; hee, for his proba­tion thereof, citeth these wordes of CHRIST in the xvij of Matthew, E­lias shall indeed come, and restore all things; but omits his very next wordes interpreting the same, That bee is already come, in the person of Iohn Bap­tist. Nay, whereby hee taketh vpon him to answere Biblianders obiecti­on, that CHRIST did by Iohn the Baptist, vnderstand the prophecie of Elias comming to be accomplished, he picketh out the words, Qui habet aures, audiat, in the xj. of Matthew, immediatly following that purpose of Elias, making of them a great mysterie: and neuer taketh knowledge, that in the xvij. by himselfe before alleaged, CHRIST doeth interpret Malachie in the same maner without any subioyning of these words, Qui habet aures, audiat; adioyning shamelesly hereunto a foule Paraphrase of his owne, tel­ling vs what CHRIST would haue said; nay, in my conscience, he meant what CHRIST should and ought to haue said, if he had bene a good Ca­tholike, setting downe there a glosse of Orleance that destroyes the Text. Thus ye see: how shamefully he abuseth CHRISTS words, who in three sundry places (as I haue said) interpreteth the second comming of Elias to be meant by Iohn the Baptist. He likewise cauils most dishonestly vpon that word Venturus. For CHRIST vseth that word but in the repeating their opinion: but interpreting it that he was already come, in the person of Iohn Baptist. Matt. 17.11. As if hee had said, The prophecie is indeed trew that Elias shall come; but I say vnto you, that Elias iam venit, meaning of Iohn Baptist: and so he first repeats the words of the prophecie in the future time, as the [Page 313] Prophet spake them, and next sheweth them to be now accomplished in the person of Iohn, in the present time. Malach. 4.5. Matth. 27. Neither can these words of Malachie [Dies magnus & borribilis] falsifie CHRISTS Commentarie vpon him. For if that day whereupon the Sauiour of the world suffered, when the This obscu­ring of the Sunne was so extraordinary and fearefull, that Dionysius, onely led by the light of Nature and humane lear­ning, cried out at the sight thereof, Aut Deus pa­titur, aut vices patientis dolet. Mala. 4.6. Sunne was totally obscured from the sixt houre to the ninth; the Vaile of the Temple rent asunder from the top to the bottome; and the earth did quake, the stones were clouen, the graues did open themselues, and the dead arose [...] If that day (I say) was not a great and horrible day, I know not what to call a horrible day. Which day no doubt had destroyed the whole nation of the Iewes without exception by a iust Anatheme, if the said Iohn the fore-run­ner had not first conuerted many by the doctrine of Repentance and by Baptisme. But why should I presume any more to interprete Malachie, since it is sufficient that CHRIST himselfe hath interpreted him so? And since Ipse dixit; nay, ter dixit, per quem facta sunt omnia, what mortall man dare interprete him otherwise; nay, directly contrary?

Now for that place of Ecclesiasticus; Ecclus. 48.8. as the son of Sirach onely borroweth it from Malachie (as appeareth by these words of his, Mala. 4.6. of conuerting the sonnes hearts to their fathers, which are Malachies own words) so doth CHRISTS Cō ­mentary serue as well to interprete the one as the other: it being no shame for that mortal Iesus, to be commented & interpreted by the immortall and trew IESVS, though to the shame & confusion of the Iesuits heresies herein.

But Enoch must be ioyned to Elias in this errand, onely to beare vp the couples, as I thinke. For no place of Scripture speaketh of his returning a­gaine, onely it is said in Ecclesiasticus the 44. that Enoch pleased GOD, and was translated to Paradise, vt daret Gentibus sapientiam, or poenitentiam; Ecclus. 44.16. since they will haue it so. And what is this to say? marry that Enoch shall returne a­gaine to this world, and fight against the Antichrist. A prettie large Com­ment indeed, but no right Commentary vpon that Text. When Bellar­mine was talking of Elias; he insisted, That Elias must come to conuert the Iewes principally, restituere tribus Iacob. But when he speaketh here of Enoch, he must dare Gentibus paenitentiam, and not a word of Iewes. Belike they shall come for sundry errands, and not both for one: Or like Paul and Peter, the one shall be Apostle for the Iewes, and the other for the Gentiles. What need such wilde racked Commentaries for such three wordes? Will not the sense stand well and clearely enough, that Enoch pleased GOD, and was translated to Paradise; that by the example of his reward, the Nations might repent and imitate his Holy footsteps? For what could more mightily perswade the Nations to repent; then by letting them see that holy Man carried quicke vp to Heauen, for reward of his vpright­nesse; whereas all the rest of the people died and went to corruption? And where Scripture faileth, the Cardinall must helpe himselfe with the Fathers, to prooue both that Enoch and Elias are yet aliue, and that they shall hereafter die; but with the like felicitie, as in his alledging of Scrip­tures; to vse his owne words of mee in his Pag. 27. pamphlet: For which purpose [Page 314]he citeth fiue Fathers; Irenaeus, Tertullian, Epiphanius, Hierome and Augustine. Vpon this they all agree in deed, that Enoch and Elias are still aliue both, which no Christian (I hope) will denie: For Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob are all still aliue, Mart. 22, 32. as CHRIST telleth vs; for God is Deus viuentium, non mortuorum. Much more then are Enoch and Elias aliue, who neuer tasted of death after the maner of other men. But as to the next point, that they should die here­after, Lib. 5. his first two witnesses, Irenaeus and Tertullian say the direct contrary: For Irenaeus saith, that they shall remaine in Paradise, till the consummation, conspicantes incorruptionem. Now to remaine there till the consummation, and to see incorruption is directly contrary to their returning to the world againe and suffering of death. Lib cont. Iu­deos. cap. 2. Tertullian likewise agreeing hereunto, saith most clearely, That Enoch hath neuer tasted of death, vt aeternitatis candida­tus: now he is ill priuiledged with eternitie, if he must die againe. As for his places cited out of the other three Fathers, they all confirme that first point, That they are stil aliue but that they must die again, they make no mention.

But he speaking of the Ancient Fathers, let mee take this occasion to fore­warne you concerning them: That though they mistake and vnderstand not rightly many mysteries in the Apocalyps, it is no wonder: For the booke thereof, 2. Thess. 2. was still sealed in their dayes. And though the mysterie of iniquitie was already working, yet was not the man of Sinne yet reuealed. And it is a certaine rule in all darke prophecies; That they are neuer clearely vnder­stood, till they be accomplished.

And thus hauing answered his two places, in the Old Testament, by his third in the New Testament, conteining Christs owne words: which being luce clariora, I need speake no more of them. I am now to speake of the fourth place of Scripture, which is in the xj. of the Apocalyps: For the two Witnesses (forsooth) there mentioned, Reuelat. 11. must be Enoch and Elias. But how this can stand with any point of Diuinitie or likelihood of reason, that these two glorified Bodies shall come downe out of heauen or Paradise, (make it what you will) preach, and fight against the Antichrist, bee slaine by him af­ter many thousand yeeres exempted from the naturall course of death, rise againe the third day in imitation of CHRIST, and then (hauing wrought many wonders) to goe vp againe to Heauen, making an ordinary Poste be­twixt Heauen and Earth: how this (I say) can agree either with Diuinitie or good Reason, I confesse it passeth my capacitie. And especially that they must be clad in Sackcloth, whose bodies (I hope) haue bene so long agone free from sinne, as I thinke they shall neede no more such maceration for sinne: For they must be now either in Heauen or Paradise: If in heauen, (as doubtlesse they are) their bodies must bee glorified; for no corruptible thing can enter there; Reuel. 21.27. and consequently they can no more bee subiect to the sensible things of this world, especially to death: But if they be in earth­ly Paradise, we must first know where it is.

Bellarmine indeed in his Controuersies is much troubled to finde out the place where Paradise is, Lib de Grat. primi hominis. and whether it bee in the earth, or in the ayre. [Page 315]But these are all vanities. The Scriptures tell vs, Gen. 2. that Paradise and the garden of Eden therein, was a certaine place vpon the earth, which GOD chose out to set Adam into, and hauing thereafter for his sinne banished him from the same, it is a blasphemie to thinke that any of Adams poste­ritie came euer there againe. For in Adam were all his posteritie accur­sed, and banished from the earthly Paradise: like as all the earth in ge­nerall, and Paradise in speciall were accursed in him; the second Adam ha­uing by grace, called a certaine number of them to bee Coheritours with him of the heauenly Paradise and Ierusalem. And doubtlesly, the earthly Paradise was defaced at the Flood, if not before: and so lost all that exqui­site fertilitie and pleasantnesse, wherein it once surpassed all the rest of the earth. And that it should be lifted vp in the ayre, is like one of the dreames of the Alcoran. Surely no such miracle is mentioned in the Scriptures, and hath no ground but from the curious fancies of some boyling braines, who cannot be content, Sapere ad sobrietatem. Rom. 12.3.

In heauen then for certaine are Enoch and Elias: Gen 5.24. 2. King. 2.10, 11. for Enoch (saith the Text) walked with GOD, and was taken vp, and Elias was seene catied vp to hea­uen in a fierie chariot. And that they who haue beene the In-dwellers of Heauen these many thousand yeeres, and are freed from the Lawes of mortalitie; that these glorious and incorruptible bodies (I say) shall come in the world againe, preach and worke miracles, and fighting against the Antichrist be slaine by him, whom naturall death could not before take hold of: as it is a fabulous inuention, so is it quite contrary to the nature of such sanctified creatures. Especially I wonder, why Enoch should bee thought to bee one of these two Witnesses for CHRIST: For it was Moses and E­lias that were with CHRIST, at the transsiguration; signifying the Law and the Prophets: which would be the fittest witnesses for conuincing of Antichrist. But why they haue exempted Moses, and put Enochs head in the yoake, I cannot conceiue. So as I haue too much laboured in the refuting of this foolish, and indeed childish fable; which I am so farre from belee­uing in any sort, as I protest in GODS presence, I cannot hold any learned Diuine (in our aage now) to be a Christian, that will beleeue it; but worthy to bee ranked with the Scribes and Pharises, that raued and dreamed vpon the comming againe of Elias, though CHRIST told them the contrary. As for some of the Ancients that mistooke this matter, I doe not censure them so hardly; for the reason that I haue already alleaged concerning them.

And hauing now refuted that idle fable; that those two Witnesses were Enoch and Elias: it falleth mee next to guesse, what in my opinion should bee meant by them. I confesse, it is farre easier to refute such a groundlesse fable as this is, contrary to all grounds of Diuinitie and Reason; then to set downe a trew interpretation of so high and darke a Mistery. And there­fore as I will not presume to bind any other man to my opinion herein, if his owne reason leade him not thereunto; so shall I propone such probable coniectures, as (I hope) shall be free from Heresie, or vnlawfull curiositie.

[Page 316]In two diuers fashions may the Mysterie of these Witnesses be lawfully and probably interpreted, in my opinion. Whereof the one is, that by these two Witnesses should be meant the Old and New Testaments: For as the Antichrist cannot chuse but bee an aduersary to the Word of GOD aboue all things; so will hee omit no endeuour to disgrace, corrupt, sup­presse and destroy the same. And now whether this Booke of the two Testaments, or two Witnesses of CHRIST, haue suffered any violence by the Babylonian Monarchie or not; I need say nothing; Res ipsaloquitur. I will not weary you with recounting those Common Places vsed for dis­gracing it: as calling it a Nose of waxe, a dead Letter, a leaden Rule, a hundreth such like phrases of reproch. But how farre the Traditions of men, and au­thoritie of the Church are preferred to these Witnesses, doeth sufficiently appeare in the Babylonian doctrine. And if there were no more but that little booke, Cardinall Pe [...]on. with that prettie Inscription, De l'Insuffisance de l'Escriture Sainte, it is enough to proue it.

And as to the corrupting therof; the corruptions of the old Latine tran­sltion must not be corrected, Luke 15.8. though it bid euertere domum in stead of euer­rere, Iohn 21.22, 23. for seeking of a penie; and though it say of Iohn, Sic eum volo manere do­nec veniam, in place of Si, though it be knowne a plaine Lie, and that the very next words of the Text disproue the same. Nay, so farre must wee be from correcting it, as that the Vulgar Translation must be preferred by Ca­tholikes, to the Bible in the owne Originall tongue. And is it a small cor­rupting of Scriptures to make all, or the most part of the Apocrypha of equall faith with the Canonicall Scriptures, contrary to the Fathers opini­ons and Decrees of ancient Councels? And what blasphemous corrup­ting of Scripture is it, to turne Dominus into Domina throughout the whole Psalmes? Made by Bo­neuentura Do­ctor Seraphi­cus. And thus our Ladies Psalter was lately reprinted in Paris. Is not this to confound CHRISTS person with hers? And as for suppres­sing of the Scriptures; how many hundreth yeeres were the people kept in such blindenes, as these Witnesses were almost vnknowne? for the Layicks durst not, being forbidden, and the most part of the Cleargie, either would or could not meddle with them.

Thus were these two Witnesses of CHRIST, (whom of himselfe saith, Scrutamini Scriptur as, Iohn 5.39. illae enim testimonium perhibent de me) These Reuel. 11.4. two Oliues bringing peace to all the beleeuers, euen peace of Conscience: These Ibid. two Candlesticks standing in the sight of GOD, and giuing light to the Nati­ons; represented by Candlesticks euen in the very order of the Roman Masse: See Expositio Missae, annex­ed to Ordo Romanus, set forth by G. Cassander. Thus were these two Witnesses (I say) disgraced, corrupted and sup­pressed (nay, so suppressed and silenced, as he was brent for an Heretike that durst presume to looke vpon them) kept close in a strange tongue, that they might not be vnderstood, Legends and lying wonders supplying their place in the Pulpits. Verse 8. And so did their Bodies lie in the streets of the great Citie, spiritually Sodome, Coloss. 2.20. for spiritual fornication which is idolatrie; spiritually Egypt, for bringing the Saints of God in bōdage of humane traditions [Quare one­ramini [Page 317]ritibus.] So did their bodies (I say) lie 3. dayes and a halfe; that is, Verse 8. the halfe of that spirituall Weeke betweene CHRIST his first and second comming; and as dead carkases indeed did the Scriptures then lye without a monu­ment, being layed open to all contempt, cared for almost by none, vnder­stood by as few; nay, no man durst call for them for feare of punishment, as I haue already said. And thus lying dead, as it were, 2. Chro. 34.14. Verse 10. without life or vigour (as the Law of GOD did till it was reuiued in Iosias time) The Inhabitants of the earth, that is, worldly men reioyced and sent gifts to other, for ioy that their fleshly libertie was now no more awed, nor curbed by that two edged sword, for they were now sure, that do what they would, their purse would procure them pardons from Babylon. Omnia Ʋaenalia Romae; so as men nee­ded no more to looke vp to heauen, but downe to their purses to finde Par­dons. Nay, what needed any more suing to heauen, or taking it by violence and feruencie of zeale; when the Pardons came and offered themselues at euery mans doores? And diuers spirituall men vanted themselues, that they neither vnderstood Old Testament nor New.

Thus were these 2. Witnesses vsed in the second halfe of this spiritual weeke; Verse 3. who in the first halfe therof were clad in sackcloth; that is, preached repentance to all nations, for the space of 500. or 600. yeres after Christ: Reuel. 6.2. God making his Word or Witnes so triumph, riding vpō the white horse in the time of the Primi­tiue Church, as that they ouercame al that opposed themselues vnto it, bea­ting downe euery high thing, as Paul saith; 2. Cor. 10.4. excluding frō heauen al that be­leeue not therein: as strongly with the spiritual fire thereof, conuincing the stif-necked pride of vnbeleeuers, as euer Moses or Elias did, by the plagues of Egypt and famine, cōuince the rebellious Egyptians and stif-necked Israelites.

Neither shall it be enough to disgrace, corrupt and suppresse them; Reuel. 11.7. but Killed must they be at the last. To which purpose commeth forth Printed at Venice. Anno 562. Censura ge­neralis, vt mucrone censorio iugulare eas possit; and cutteth their throats indeed: For the author ordaineth al translations, but their owne to be burnt, which is yet cōmonly practised: nay he professeth, he commeth not to correct but to destroy them, controlling and calling euery place of Scripture Heretical, that disagreeth frō their Traditions (with almost as many foule words and railing epithetes, as the Cardinal bestoweth on my Apologie) not ruling, nor interpreting Scripture by Scripture, but making their Traditiōs to be such a touchstone for it, as he condemneth of Heresie, not onely those places of Scripture that he citeth, but layeth the same general condemnation vpon al other the like places wheresoeuer they be written in the Scriptures. And yet (praised be God) we beginne now with our eyes, as our predecessors haue done in some aages before, to see these Witnesses rise againe, Verse 11.12. and shine in their former glory: GOD, as it were, setting them vp againe vpon their feete, and raising them to the Heauens in a triumphall cloud of glory, like Elias his fiery chariot. Which exalting of the Gospel againe, 13. hath bred such an earthquake and alteration amongst many Nations; as a tenth part, or a good portion of these that were in subiection to that Great Citie, [Page 318]to wit, Babylon, are fallen from her; seuen thousand, that is, many thousands hauing bene killed vpon the occasion of that great alteration; and many other conuerted to the feare of GOD, and giuing glory to the God of heauen. This now is one of the wayes, by which (I thinke) this place of Scripture may be lawfully and probably interpreted.

The other is more common, and seemeth more literally to agree with the Text. And this is to interpret, not the word of God, but the Preachers thereof to bee meant by these Witnesses. Few they were that first began to reueale the man of Sinne, and discouer his corruptions; and therefore well described by the number of two Witnesses: Deut. 19.15. Nam in ore duorum aut trium te­stium stabit omne verbum. And in no greater number were they that began this worke, Reuel. 11.3. then the greatnesse of the errand did necessarily require. They prophesied in sackecloth, for they preached repentance. That diuers of them were put to cruell deaths, is notorious to the world: And likewise that (in the persons of their Successours in doctrine) Sanguis Martyrum est semen Eccl-siae. Verse 11. they rose againe; and that in such power and efficacie, as is more then miraculous: For where it is accounted in the Scriptures a miraculous worke of GOD wrought by his holy Spirit, Actes 2.41. When the Apostle Saint Peter conuerted about three thou­sand in one day; these Witnesses I speake of, by the force of the same Spi­rit, conuerted many mightie Nations in few yeeres, who still continue praising GOD, that hee hath deliuered vs from the tyrannie of Antichrist, that reigneth ouer that great Citie; and with a full crie proclaiming, Goe out of her my people, Reuel. 18.4. lest yee bee partaker of her sinnes and of her plagues. Let therefore these Miracle-mongers that surfeit the world, and raise the price of paper daily, with setting foorth old, though new gilded Miracles and Legends of lies; Let such (I say) consider of this great and wonderfull Miracle indeed, and to their shame, compare it with their paultry wares. Thus hauing in two fashions deliuered my coniecture, what I take to bee meant by these two Witnesses in the xj. of the Apocalyps, there beeing no great difference betweene them: In the one, taking it to bee the Word of GOD it selfe; In the other, the Word of God too, but in the mouthes of his Preachers: It resteth now that I come to the third point of the de­scription of Antichrist; which is anent his Person.

That by the Whore of Babylon that rideth vpon the Beast, is meant a Seate of an Empire, and a successiue number of men sitting thereupon, and not any one man; doeth well appeare by the forme of the description of the Antichrist thorowout all the said Booke. Cap. xvij. For in the last verse of the xvij. Verse 18. Chapter, the Woman is expounded to bee, That great Citie that reigneth ouer the Kings of the earth; which cannot signifie the onely Person of one man, Verse. 9. but a successiue number of men (as I haue already said) whose Seat that great Citie must be: like as in the same Chapter, The seuen heads of the Beast are two wayes expounded. First, they are called seuen Hils, which is plaine; and next they are called seuen Kings, which cannot bee meant by the Kings that shall giue their power to the Beast, Verse 13. and bee subiect vnto her, [Page 319]which is immediatly after expressed by the tenne hornes: Verse 12. But rather appea­reth to be those seuen formes of gouernment of that Seat: fiue of which had already beene and fallen; As Kings, Consuls, Dictators, Decemuiri and Tribuni militum. The sixt was in the time of S. Iohn his writing of this booke, which was the Gouernement of the Emperour. The seuenth which was not yet come, and was to last but for a short space, was the From the time of Con­stantine the Great, his re­mouing of the Empire from Rome to Cō ­stantinople, till the time of Bonifacius the third, to wit, about 276. veeres. Ecclesiasti­call gouernment by Bishops, which was not come vpon the translation of the Empire from Rome to Constantinople; though their gouernment was in a manner substitute to the Emperours: For though that forme of Go­uernement lasted about the space of 276. yeeres; yet was it but short in comparison of the long time of the reigne of the Antichrist (not yet ex­pired) which succeeded immediatly thereunto. And the eight, which is the Beast that was and is not, and is to goe to perdition, is the ANTICHRIST: the eight forme of Gouernment indeed by his absolutenesse, and yet the Verse 11. and yet the seuenth, because hee seemeth but to succeed to the Bishop in an Ecclesiasti­call forme of Gouernement, though by his greatnesse hee shall make Ba­bylons Empire in glory, like to that magnificence wherein that great Ci­tie triumphed, when it most flourished: which in Saint Iohns time was much decayed, by the factions of the great men, the mutinies of the ar­mies, and the vnworthines of the Emperours. And so that flourishing state of that great Citie or Beast, which it was in before S. Iohns time, and being much Not in re­spect of the extent, and li­mites of the Empire: but in regard of the gouerne­ment thereof, and glory of the Citre. Reuel. 18. Ver. 9. & 11. Ver 10.16, 19. Vers. 9. decayed was but in a maner in his time, should be restored vnto it againe by Antichrist: who as he ascendeth out of the bottomlesse pit, so must he goe to Destruction. And likewise by that great lamentation that is made for the destruction of Babylon in the eighteenth Chapter, both by the Kings, and by the Merchants of the earth; where it is thrice repeated for aggrauating the pitie of her desolation, that That great Citie fell in an houre: By that great lamentation (I say) it well appeareth, That the raigne of Anti­christ must continue longer then three yeeres and a halfe, or any one mans time: For the Kings that had committed fornication with her, & in deli­cijs vixerant; behoued to haue had a longer time for contracting of that great acquaintance: Vers. 12. And the Merchants of the earth set her forth and describe her at great length, as the very staple of all their riches; which could not be so soone gathered as in one mans time. And to conclude now this descrip­tion of the Antichrist; I will set downe vnto you all that is spoken of him in the Apocalyps in a short methode, for the further explaining of these three points that I haue already handled.

The Antichrist is foure times (in my opinion) described by Iohn in the Apocalyps, in foure sundry visions; and a short Compendium of him repea­ted againe in the xx. Chapter. Descrip­tion of Anti­christ. Reuel. cap. 6. Verse 2. He is first described by a pale Horse in the vision of the Seales in the sixt Chapter: For after that CHRIST had triumphed vpon a white Horse in the first Seale, by the propagation of the Gospel; and that the red Horse in the second Seale, is as busie in persecution, Verse 4. as CHRIST is in ouercomming by the constancie of his Martyrs; and [Page 320]that famine and other plagues signified by the blacke Horse in the third Seale, Verse 5. Verse 8. haue succeeded to these former persecutions: Then commeth forth the Antichrist vpon a pale horse in the 4. Seale, hauing Death for his rider, and Hell for his conuoy; which rider fitted well his colour of palenesse: and be had power giuen Or them, after other Translations, whereby is ioyntly vnder­stood the said pale horse, to­gether with his rider and conuoy, Death and Hell. him ouer the fourth part of the earth (which is Europe) to kill with the sword, and vse great persecution; as Ethnick Rome did, figured by the red horse: and to kill with spirituall hunger or famine of the trew word of God; as the black horse did by corporal famine & with death, whereby spiritual death is meant. For the Antichrist, signified by this pale horse, shal afflict the Church both by persecution and temporal death; as also by alluring the Nations to idolatry, and so to spirituall death: and by the beast of the earth shall he pro­cure their spiritual death; for he shall send out the Locusts (ouer whom he is King) mentioned in the 9. Chap. of this booke; and the 3. frogs, mentioned in the 16. of the same; for intising of al Kings and nations to drinke of the cup of her abominations. Verse 9. That that description now of Antichrist endeth there, it is more then plaine: for at the opening of the first Seale, the soules and blood of the murthered Saints cry for vengeance and hasting of iudg­ment; Verse 10. Verse 12. which in the sixt Seale is granted vnto them by CHRISTS com­ming at the Latter day; signified by heauens departing away, like a scroll when it is rolled: with a number of other sentences to the same purpose.

But because this might seeme a short and obscure description of the An­tichrist, The second. description. he describeth him much more largely and specifikely, especially in the vision of the Trumpets in the 9. Reu. Chap. 9. Verse 1. Chapter. For there he saith, at the blow­ing of the sift Trumpet, Heresies being first spread abroad in three of the foure former blasts; to wit, in the first, third, and fourth blast (for I take tem­porall persecution to be onely signified by the second blast) he then saw a starre fall from Heauen, Verse 2. to whom was giuen the key of the bottomles pit; which being opened by him, Verse 3. with the smoke thereof came foorth a number of Locusts, whom hee largely describeth, both by their craft & their strength; and then telleth the name of this their king, who brought them out of the bottomles pit, which is, Verse 11. Destroyer. By this starre fallen from heauen, being signified, as I take it, some person of great dignitie in the Church, whose duetie being to giue light to the word (as CHRIST saith) doth contrary thereunto fall away like Lucifer, Matth. 5.14. and set vp a kingdome, by the sending forth of that noisome packe of craf­tie cruell vermine, described by Locusts: and so is the Seat of the Antichrist begun to be erected, whose doctrine is at length declared in the second woe, after the blast of the sixt Trumpet; Verse 13. Verse 20. where it is said, That the remnant of men which were not killed by the plagues, repented not of the workes of their hands, that they should not worship diuels, and idols of gold, and of filuer & of brasse and of stone, and of wood, which neither can see, Lib de Cultu Adoratio. lib. 3 disp. 1. cap 5. Vers. 21. heare, nor goe. (As for worshipping of diuels; looke your great Iesuited doctour, Vasques: and as for all the rest, it is the maine doctrine of the Roman Church.) And then it is subioyned in this Text, that they repented not of their murther, their sorcerie, their fornications, nor their theft.

[Page 321]By their murther, their persecution is meant, and bloody massacres: For their Sorcery consider of their Agnus Dei, that will slocken fire; of the hal­lowed shirts, and diuers sorts of Reliques; and also of Prayers that will preserue men from the violence of shot, of fire, of sword, of thunder, and such like dangers; And iudge, if this be not very like to Sorcerie and incan­tation of charmes.

By their Fornication is meant both their spirituall fornication of Idolatry, and also their corporall fornication; which doth the more abound amongst them, as well by reason of the restraint of their Churchmen from marriage, as also because of the many Orders of idle Monastike liues a­mongst them, as well for men as women: And continuall experience prooueth, that idlenesse is euer the greatest spurre to lecherie. And they are guiltie of Theft, in stealing from GOD the titles and greatnes of power due to him, and bestowing it vpon their head, the Antichrist: As also by heaping vp their treasure with their iuggling wares and merchandise of the soules of men, by Iubiles, Pardons, Reliques and such like strong delusions.

That he endeth this description of Antichrist in the same ninth Chapter may likewise well appeare, Cap. 10. ver. 6. by the Oath that that Mightie Angell sweareth in the sixt verse of the tenth Chapter: And after the blast of the sixt Trum­pet, that time shall bee no more, Verse 7. and that when the seuenth Angell shall blow his Trumpet, the mysterie of GOD shalbe finished, as he had declared it to his ser­uants the Prophets. Cap. 11. Onely in the eleuenth Chapter he describeth the meanes whereby the Antichrist was ouercome, whose raigne he had before descri­bed in the ix. Chapter; and telleth vs that the two witnesses; Verse 3. after that they haue beene persecuted by the Antichrist shall in the end procure his de­struction. And in case any should thinke, that the Antichrist is onely spo­ken of in the xj. Chapter, and that the Beast spoken of in the xiij. and xvij. Chapters doth onely signifie Ethnicke Rome; there needeth no other refu­tation of that conceit, then to remember them, that the Antichrist is neuer named in all that xj. Chapter, Cap. 11. but where he is called in the seuenth verse thereof the Beast that commeth foorth of the bottomeles pit: Verse 7. which by the de­scription of the place he commeth out of, prooueth it to be the same Beast which hath the same originall in the xvij. Chapter, and in the very same words; so as it is euer but the same Antichrist repeated, and diuersly descri­bed in diuers visions.

Now in the xij. and xiij. Chapters and so foorth till the xvij. The third de­scription. he maketh a more large and ample propheticall description of the state of the Church, and reigne of the Antichrist: For in the xij. Chap. he figureth the Church by a Woman flying from the Dragon (the Deuill) to the wildernesse; Chap xij. Verse 6. And when the Dragon seeth hee cannot otherwise ouer-reach her, Verse 15. hee speweth foorth waters like floods to carry her away; which signifieth many Nations, that were let loose to persecute and vexe the Church. And in the xiij. Chap­ter, out of that Sea of Nations that persecuted her, Chap. xiij. ariseth that great Citie [Page 322](Queene of all the Nations, and head of that persecution) figured by a Beast with seuen heads and tenne hornes, verse 1. Verse 2. like a Leopard; as well for the colour be­cause it was full of spots, that is, defiled with corruptions; as also vsing a bastard forme of gouernement, in shew spirituall, but in deed temporall ouer the Kings of the earth; like the Leopard that is a bastard beast be­twixt a Lion and a Parde: hauing feete like a Beare, to signifie his great strength, and the mouth of a Lion, to shew his rauenous and cruell dis­position.

This Beast who had his power from the Dragon, Verse 3. and had gotten a deadly wound in one of his heads, or formes of gouernment (by the Gothes and Van­dals) and yet was healed againe; Verse 6. Verse 7. opened his mouth to blasphemies, and made warre against the Saints: nay, all the world must worship him; which worship Ethnicke Rome neuer craued of any, being contented to call their neighbour Kings Amici & socij populi Romani. And whether worship or adoration, euen with that same title, he vsed to Popes at their creation, our Cardinall can best tell you.

But then commeth another beast vp out of the earth, Verse 11. hauing indeed a more firme and setled originall: for she doeth visibly and outwardly succeed to the trew Church, and therefore she hath two hornes like the Lambe, in out­ward shew representing the spouse of CHRIST, and pretending CHRIST to be her defence: But she speaketh like the Dragon, teaching damnable and deuilish doctrine. And this Apostatike (I should say Apostolike) Church, after that she hath made her great power manifest to the world, by doing all that the first Beast could doe, Verse 12. In conspectu eius; that is, by shewing the great­nesse of her power, to be nothing inferiour to the greatnesse of the former Ethnicke Empire: she then is mooued with so great a desire to aduance this Beast, now become Antichrist, as she causeth the earth and all that dwell therein, to worship this former Beast or Roman Monarch; transferring so, as it were, her owne power in his person. Yea, euen Emperours and Kings shall be faine to kisse his feet. And for this purpose shall shee worke great Mi­racles, wherein she greatly prides her selfe, deceiuing men with lying wonders and efficacie of lyes, 2. Thes. 2.9. as S. Paul saith. And amongst the rest of her wonders, Verse 13. she must bring Fire out of heauen, Fulmen excommunications, which can dethrone Princes: Verse 15. So that all that will not worship the image of the Beast, that is, his vnlimited Supremacie, must be killed and burnt as He­retikes. Yea, so peremptory will this Beast or false Prophet be (so called in the xvj. Chapter of this booke) for the aduauncement of the other Beast or Antichrist; Verse 17. as all sorts and rankes of people must receiue the marke or name of that Beast in their right hand, Verse 16. or in their forehead; without the which it should be lawfull to none to buy, or sell: by the Marke in the forehead, signifying their outward profession and acknowledgement of their subiection vnto her; and by the Marke in their right hand, signifying their actuall implicite obe­dience vnto her, who they thinke cannot erre, though she should com­maund them to rebell against their naturall princes; like that Caeca obedientia [Page 323]whereunto all the Iesuits are sworne: and like those Romish Priests in this Countrey, that haue renounced and forsworne againe that Oath of Alle­giance, grounded vpon their naturall Oath; which though at their taking it, they confessed they did it out of conscience, and as obliged thereunto by their naturall duetie; yet now must they forsweare it againe, for obedience to the Popes command; to whose will their conscience and reason must be blindly captiuated. And who euer denied this absolute power, might neither buy nor sell; for no man was bound to keepe any faith, or obserue any ciuill contracts with Heretikes: yea, to aequiuocate and commit periury towards them, is a lawfull thing in a Catholike.

Now as to the Mysterie anent the Number of his name; whether it shal­be vnderstood by the number composed of the Letters in that Greeke word [...]; which word well sutes with the Romish Church, Irenaeus aduer­sus Haeres. lib. 5. Romish Faith, and Latine Seruice: Or whether in respect that in the Text it is called the number of the man, ye will take it for the number or date of the yeere of GOD, wherein that first man liued, that firstooke the title of the Anti­christ vpon him; I leaue it to the Readers choice. By that first Man, I meane Bonifacius tertius, who first called himselfe Vniuersall Bishop; which S. Gregorie, that liued till within three yeeres of his time, Epist. lib. 6. cap. 30. foretold would be the style of the Antichrist, or his Praecursor: for though he died threescore yeeres before the 666. of CHRIST; yet was that Title but fully setled vp­on his Successors, sixtie yeeres after his time. Or if ye list to count it from Pompey his spoiling of the Temple, to this same Mans time; it will goe very neere to make iust vp the said number 666.

Now the raigne of the Antichrist being thus prophetically described in the xiij. Chapter, his fall is prophecied in the xiiij. Chap. xiiij. Verse 3. First by the ioyfull and triumphall New song of the Saints in heauen: And next by the proclama­tion of three Angels; Verse 6. whereof the first hauing an euerlasting Gospel in his hand to preach to all Nations (the trew armour indeed wherewith the Witnesses fought against the Antichrist;) The first Angel, I say, Verse 7. proclaimed Feare and glory to GOD, since the houre of his Iudgement was come. Verse 8. And the second proclaimed the fall of Babylon, which is the destruction of the Antichrist. Verse 9. And the third prohibited vnder great paines, euen the paine of eternall damnation, that none should worship the Beast, or receiue his Marke. But though that in the rest of this Chapter the Latter day be againe prophecied, as a thing that shall come shortly after the reuealing of the man of Sinne: yet in the xv. Chap. he telleth of seuen plagues, vnder the name of Vials, Chap. xv. Verse 1. that shall first fall vpon the Antichrist and his kingdome; which, being particu­larly set downe in the xvj. Chapter, he reckoneth among the rest. Chap. xvi. In the fift viall, the plague of darkenesse; yea, Verse 10. such darkenesse as the kingdome of Antichrist shall be obscured. Wherby at the powring foorth of the sixt Viall, the way of the Kings of the East shall be prepared; Verse 12. the man of Sinne being begun to be reuealed, and so all impediments remooued that might let the inua­sion of that Monarchie: euen as that great riuer Euphrates that runneth by [Page 324]the literall Babylon, guarded it from the Kings of the East, the Medes and Persians, the time of the Babylonian Monarchie, till by the drying thereof, or vnexpected passage made through it by Cyrus, Dan. 5.3. Babylon was wonne, and Baltasar destroyed, and his Monarchie ouerthrowne, euen while hee was sitting in that literall Babylon, corporally drunken and quaffing in the ves­sels ordained for GODS Seruice; and so sitting as it were in the Temple of GOD, and abusing the holy Mysteries thereof.

For remedy whereof, Verse 13. at the powring forth of the sixt Viall, three vncleane spirits, like frogs, shall then come foorth out of the mouth of the Dragon, that beast, and of the false prophet; which I take to be as much to say, as that how soone as the kingdome of Antichrist shall be so obscured, with such a grosse and a palpable ignorance, as learning shall be almost lost out of the world, and that few of the very Priests themselues shall be able to reade Latine, much lesse to vnderstand it; and so a plaine way made for the Destruction of Babylon: Then shall a new sect of Spirits arise for the defence of that fal­ling Throne, called three in number, by reason of their three-fold dire­ction; being raised and inspired by the Dragon Sathan, authorized and maintained by the Beast the Antichrist, and instructed by the false prophet the Apostatike Church, that hath the hornes like the Lambe, but speaketh like the Dragon. These Spirits indeed, thus sent foorth by this three-fold authoritie for the defence of their Triple-crowned Monarch, are well likened to frogges; for they are Amphibions, and can liue in either Ele­ment, earth or water: for though they be Churchmen by profession, yet can they vse the trade of politique Statesmen; Verse 14. going to the Kings of the earth, to gather them to the battell of that Great day of GOD Almightie. What Massacres haue by their perswasion bene wrought through many parts of Christendome, and how euilly Kings haue sped that haue bene counselled by them; all the vnpartiall Histories of our time doe beare re­cord. And whatsoeuer King or State will not receiue them, and follow their aduise, rooted out must that King or State be, euen with Gunpowder ere it faile. And these frogges had reason indeed to labour to become lear­ned, thereby to dissipate that grosse mist of ignorance, wherewith the reigne of Antichrist was plagued before their comming forth. Verse 17. Then doeth this Chapter conclude with the last plague that is powred out of the se­uenth Viall vpon the Antichrist, Verse 19. which is the day of Iudgement: for then Babylon (saith he) came in remembrance before God.

But in the 17. The fourth description. Chap. 17. Verse 3. Chapter is the former Vision interpreted and expoun­ded; and there is the Antichrist represented by a Woman, sitting vpon that many-headed Beast; because as CHRIST his trew Spouse and Church is represented by a Woman in the twelfth Chapter, so here is the Head of his a­dulterous spouse or false Church represented also by a woman, but hauing a cup full of abominations in her hand: Verse 4. as her selfe is called a Whoore, for her spirituall adulterie, Verse 1. hauing seduced the Kings of the earth to be partakers of her Spirituall fornication: Verse 2. And yet wonderfull gorgious and glorious [Page 325]was she in outward shew; but drunken with the blood of the Saints, Verse 6. by a vio­lent persecution of them. And that shee may the better bee knowen, hee writeth her name vpon her forehead agreeable to her qualities: A Myste­rie, that great Babylon, the Mother of whoredomes and abominations of the earth. A Mysterie is a name that belongeth vnto her two maner of wayes: Verse 5. One, as shee taketh it to her selfe; another, as shee deserueth indeed. To her selfe shee taketh it, in calling her selfe the visible Head of the mysticall Body of CHRIST, in professing her selfe to bee the dispenser of the mysteries of GOD, and by her onely must they bee expounded: This great God in earth and Head of the Faith, being a Mystes by his profes­sion; that is, a Priest. And if the obseruation of one be trew, that hee had of old the word Mysterie written on his Myter; then is this Prophecie very plainely accomplished. Now that indeed shee deserues that name, the rest of her Title doeth beare witnesse that sheweth her to bee the Mo­ther of all the whoredomes and abominations of the earth: Vers 5. and so is she vnder the pretext of holinesse, a Mystery indeed of all iniquitie and abominations; vnder the maske of pretended feeding of Soules, deuouring Kingdomes, and making Christendome swimme in blood.

Now after that this scarlet or bloody Beast and her Rider are descri­bed, by their shape, garments name and qualities: the Angel doeth next interprete this vision vnto Iohn, expounding vnto him what is signified both by the Beast and her Rider; telling him, Verse 9. the seuen heads of the Beast are seuen Hilles, meaning by the situation of that Citie or seat of Empire; and that they are also seuen Kings or formes of gouernment in the said Ci­tie, whereof I haue told you my conceit already. As for the ten Hornes, Verse 12. which hee sheweth to be tenne Kings, that shall at one houre receiue their pow­er and kingdome with the Beast, I take that number of ten to be Numerus cer­tus pro incerto; euen as the number of seuen heads and ten hornes vpon the Dragon the Deuill, cannot but be an vncertaine number. And that hee also imitates in those ten hornes, the ten hornes of the seuen headed Beast in the seuenth of Daniel: and therefore I take these ten Kings to sig­nifie, all the Christian Kings, and free Princes and States in generall, euen you whom to I consecrate these my Labours, and that of vs all he prophe­sieth, that although our first becomming absolute and free Princes, should be in one houre with the Beast; (for great Christian Kingdomes and Mo­narches did but rise, and receiue their libertie by the ruines of the Ethnicke Romane Empire, and at the destruction thereof) and at the very time of the beginning of the planting of the Antichrist there; Verse 13. and that we should for a long time continue to worship the Beast, hauing one Catholike or common consenting minde in obeying her, yeelding our power and authoritie vnto her, and kissing her feete, drinking with her in her cup of Idolatrie, Verse 14. and fighting with the Lambe, in the persecution of his Saints, at her command that gouerneth so many Nations and people: yet notwithstanding all this, wee shall in the time appointed by GOD, Verse 16. hauing thus fought with the [Page 326]Lambe, Verse 16. but being ouercome by him, that is, conuerted by his Word; wee shall then (I say) hate the Whore, and make her desolate, and make her naked, by disco­uering her hypocrisie and false pretence of zeale; and shall eate her flesh, and burne her with fire. And thus shall the way of the Kings of the east bee pre­pared, Reuel. 16.12. as ye heard in the sixteenth Chapter. And then doeth hee subioyne the reason of this strange change in vs: for (saith hee) GOD hath put it in their hearts to fulfill his will, Verse 17. and with one consent to giue their Kingdomes to the Beast, till the words of GOD be fulfilled, according to that sentence of Solomon; That the hearts of Kings are in the handes of GOD, Prou. 21.1. to bee turned at his pleasure. And hauing thus interpreted the Beast or Empire; hee in a word ex­pounds, Verse 18. that by the Woman that rode vpon her, or Monarch that gouerned her, was meant that great Citie that reigned ouer the Kings of the earth: by the Scate of the Empire pointing out the qualitie of the persons that should sit and domine there.

Then is the greatnesse of her fall, Chap. 18. and the great lamentation that both the Kings and Merchants of the earth shall make for the same, proclai­med by an other Angel in the eighteenth Chapter. Verse 9.10. The Kings lamenting her fall, because they liued in pleasure with her; which no Kings could doe with Ethnicke Rome, who conquered them by her sword: for shee ho­noured them with Titles, and dispensed with their lustes and vnlawfull marriages. Verse 11, 15, 16, 17, 18. And the Merchants of the earth, and all Shipmasters, and traffikers vpon the Sea, shall lament the fall of that great Citie, which neuer had a fellow, for the losse of their riches and traffique, which they enioyed by her meanes. Verse 12, 13. And there he describeth all sorts of rich wares, whereof that great Citie was the Staple: for indeed shee hath a necessary vse for all such rich and glorious wares, as well for ornaments to her Churches and princely Prelates, as for garments and ornaments to her woodden Saints; for the blessed Virgin must be dayly clothed and decked in the newest and most cu­rious fashion, though it should resemble the habit of a Curtizane. And of all those rich wares, Verse 13. the most precious is last named, which is the Soules of men: for so much bestowed vpon Masses, and so much doted to this or that Cloyster of Monkes or Friers, but most of all now to that irregular and in­comprehensible order of Iesuites; shal both redeeme his owne Soule, and all his parents to the hundreth generation, from broyling in the fire of Purga­tory. And (I hope) it is no small merchandise of Soules, when men are so highly deluded by the hopes and promise of Saluation, as to make a Frier murther his Henry 3. K. of France. Soueraigne; a yong knaue attempt the murther of his next Henry 4. Successour; many one to conspire and attempt the like against the late Queene; and in my time, to attempt the destruction of a whole Kingdome and State by a blast of Powder: and hereby to play bankerupt with both the soules mentioned in the Scriptures, Animus & Anima.

But notwithstanding of this their great Lamentation, they are comman­ded by a voyce from heauen to doe two things: Verse 4. One, to flee from Ba­bylon, lest they bee partakers of her sinnes, and consequently of her punishment [Page 327]Which warning I pray God that yee all, my Beloued Brethren and Cousins, would take heed vnto in time, humbly beseeching him to open your eyes for this purpose. The other command is, Verse 6. to reward her as shee hath re­warded you; yea, euen to the double. For as she did flie but with your feathers, borrowing as well her Titles of greatnesse and formes of honouring her from you; as also enioying all her Temporall liuing by your liberalities; so if euery man doe but take his owne againe, she will stand vp Cornicula Aesopica. Verse 7. naked; and the reason is giuen, because of her pride: For shee glorifieth her selfe liuing in pleasure, and in her heart saith, shee sitteth as a Queene (outward prosperitie be­ing one of their notes of a trew Church) and is no Widow; for her Spouse CHRIST is bound to her by an inuiolable knot (for he hath sworne ne­uer to forsake her) and she shall see no mourning: for she cannot erre, nor the gates of Hell shall not preuaile against her.

But though the earth and worldly men lament thus for the fall of Baby­lon in this eighteenth Chapter, yet in the nineteenth, Cap. xix. Verse 1. Verse 2. Heauen and all the Angels and Saints therein doe sing a triumphall Cantique for ioy of her fall, praising God for the fall of that great Whore: Great indeed, for our Bellar. in Res. ad Gerson. con­fid. 11. Car­dinall confesseth, that it is hard to describe what the Pope is, such is his greatnesse. Verse 19. Verse 20. And in the end of that Chapter is the obstinacie of that Whore described, who euen fought to the vttermost against him that sate on the white Horse, and his armie; till the Beast or Antichrist was taken, and the false Pro­phet, or false Church with him; who by Miracles, and lying wonders deceiued them that receiued the marke of the Beast; and both were cast quicke into the bur­ning lake of fire and brimstone; vnde nulla redemptio. Like as in the ende of the former Chapter, to describe the fulnesse of the Antichristes fall (not like to that reparable wound that Ethnicke Rome gate) it is first compared to a Milstone cast into the sea, that can neuer rise and fleete againe: Cap 18.21. Ibidem. Vers. 22, 32. And next it is expressed by a number of ioyfull things that shall neuer bee heard there againe, where nothing shall inhabite but desolation. But that the patience and constancie of Saints on earth, and God his Elected may the better bee strengthened and confirmed; their persecution in the latter dayes, is shortly prophesied and repeated againe, Cap. 11. Verse 2. after that Satan hath beene bound, or his furie restrained, by the worlds enioying of peace for a thousand yeeres, or a great indefinite time; their persecuters being named Gog and Magog, the secret and reuealed enemies of CHRIST. Verse 8. Whether this be meant of the Pope and the Turke, or not; (who both began to rise to their greatnesse about one time) I leaue to bee guessed; Verse 9. alwayes their vtter confusion is there assuredly promised: and it is said; that the Dragon, the Beast, and the false Prophet, Verse 10. shall all three bee cast in that lake of fire and brim­stone, to be tormented for euer. Verse 11, 12, 13. Matth. 24.22. And thereafter is the latter day described againe (which must be hastened for the Elects sake) and then for the further comfort of the Elect, and that they may the more constantly and patiently endure these temporall and finite troubles, limited but to a short space; in the last two Chapters are the ioyes of the eternall Ierusalem largely described. Cap. xxj. xxij.

[Page 328]Thus hath the Cardinals shamelesse wresting of those two places of Scripture, Pasce oues meas, and Tibi dabo claues, for proouing of the Popes supreame Temporall authoritie ouer Princes; animated mee to prooue the Pope to bee THE ANTICHRIST, out of this foresaid booke of Scripture; so to pay him in his owne money againe. And this opinion no Pope can euer make me to recant; except they first renounce any fur­ther medling with Princes, in any thing belonging to their Temporall Iurisdiction. And my onely wish shall bee, that if any man shall haue a fancie to refute this my coniecture of the Antichrist; that hee answere mee orderly to euery point of my discourse; not contenting him to dis­prooue my opinion, except hee set downe some other Methode after his forme for interpretation of that Booke of the Apocalyps, which may not contradict no part of the Text, nor conteine no absurdities: Otherwise, it is an easie thing for Momus to picke quarrels in another mans tale, and tell it worse himselfe; it being a more easie practise to finde faults, then amend them.

Hauing now made this digression anent the Antichrist, which I am sure I can better fasten vpon the Pope, then Bellarmine can doe his pretended Temporall Superioritie ouer Kings: I will returne againe to speake of this Answerer; who (as I haue already told you) so fitteth his matter with his manner of answering, that as his Style is nothing but a Satyre and heape full of iniurious and reprochfull speaches, as well against my Person, as my Booke; so is his matter as full of lyes and falsities indeed, as hee vniustly layeth to my charge: For three lies hee maketh against the Oath of Alleagiance, conteined and maintained in my Booke; besides that ordinary repeated lie against my Booke, of his omitting to answere my lyes, trattles, iniurious speaches and blasphemies. One grosse lye he maketh euen of the Popes first Breue. One lye of the Puritanes, whom he would gladly haue to be of his partie. And one also of the Powder-Traitours, a­nent the occasion that mooued them to vndertake that treasonable pra­ctise. Three lies hee makes of that Acte of Parliament wherein this Oath of Alleagiance is conteined. Hee also maketh one notable lie against his owne Catholike Writers. And two, of the causes for which two Iesuites haue beene put to death in England. And he either falsifies, denies or wrests fiue sundry Histories and a printed Pamphlet: besides that impudent lye that hee maketh of my Person; that I was a Puritane in Scotland, which I haue already refuted. And for the better filling vp of his booke with such good stuffe; hee hath also fiue so strange and new principles of Diuinitie therein, as they are either new, or at least allowed by very few of his owne Religion. All which lyes, with diuers others, and fiue strange, and (as I thinke) erroneous points of Doctrine, with sundry falsifications of Hi­stories; are set downe in a Table by themselues in the end of this my Epi­stle, hauing their Refutation annexed to euery one of them.

But as for the particular answering of his booke; it is both vnneces­sary [Page 329]and vncomely for me to make a Reply. Vnnecessary, because (as I haue already told you) my Booke is neuer yet answered, so farre as belongeth to the maine question anent the Oath of Alleagiance: the picking of aduan­tages vpon the wrong placing of the figures in the citations, or such errors in the Print by casuall addition, or omission of words that make nothing to the Argument; being the greatest weapons wherewith hee assaults my Booke. And vncomely it must needs be (in my opinion) for a King to fall in altercation with a Cardinal, at least with one no more nobly descended then he is: That Ecclesiasticall dignitie, though by the sloath of Princes (as I said before) it be now come to that height of vsurped honour, yet being in the trew originall and foundation thereof nothing else, but the title of the Priests and Deacons of the Parish Churches in the towne of Rome; at the first, the stile of Cardinals being generally giuen to all Priests and Deacons of any Cathedral Church, though the multitude of such Cardinal Priests and Deacons resorting to Rome, was the cause that after bred the restraining of that title of Cardinall Priests and Deacons, onely to the Parish-priests and Deacons of Rome. And since that it is S. Gregorie, who in his Epistles sixe hundreth yeeres after CHRIST, maketh the first mention of Cardinals (and so these now Electours of the Apostolike Sea, beeing long and many hundreth yeeres vnknowen or vnheard of, after the Apostolik aage; and yet doeth hee speake of them but in this sence as I haue now described) I hope the Cardinall, who calleth him the Apostle of England, cannot blame mee that am King thereof, to acknowledge the Cardinall in no other de­gree of honour, then our said Apostle did. But how they should now become to bee so strangely exalted aboue their first originall institution, that from Parish-priests and Deacons (Priests inferiours) they should now come to bee Princes and Peeres to Kings; and from a degree vnder Bi­shops (as both Lib. de Cle­ricis, cap. 16. Bellarmine and Lib. de Episco­patibus, Titulis & Diaconijs Cardinalium. Onuphrius confesse) to bee now the Popes sole Electours, supplying with him the place of a Generall Councell; whereby the conuening of Generall Councels is now vtterly antiquated and abolished; nay, out of their number onely, the Pope to be elected; who claimeth the absolute Superioritie ouer all Kings: how this their strange vsurped exaltation (I say) should thus creepe in and bee suffered, it belon­geth to all them in our place and calling to looke vnto it; who being GOD his Lieutenants in earth, haue good reason to bee iealous of such vpstart Princes, meane in their originall, come to that height by their owne creati­on, and now accounting themselues Kings fellowes. But the speciall harme they do vs, is by their defrauding vs of our common & Christian interest in General Councels; they hauing (as I said) vtterly abolished the same, by rol­ling it vp, & making as it were a Monopoly thereof, in their Conclaue with the Pope. Whereas, if euer there were a possibilitie to be expected of redu­cing all Christians to an vniformitie of Religiō, it mustcome by the means of a Generall Councel: the place of their meeting being chosen so indiffe­rent, as all Christian Princes, either in their owne Persons, or their Deputie [Page 330]Commissioners, and all Church-men of Christian profession that beleeue and professe all the ancient grounds of the trew, ancient, Catholike, and A­postolike Faith, might haue tutum accessum thereunto; All the incendia­ries and Nouelist fire-brands on either side being debarred from the same, as well Iesuites as Puritanes.

And therefore hauing resolued not to paine my selfe with making a Re­plie for these reasons heere specified, grounded as well vpon the consi­deration of the matter, as of the person of the Answerer; I haue thought good to content my selfe with the reprinting of my Apologie: hauing in a manner corrected nothing but the Copiers or Printers faults therein, and prefixed this my Epistle of Dedication and Warning thereunto; that I may yet see, if any thing will be iustly said against it: Not doubting but enow of my Subiects will replie vpon these Libellers, and answere them sufficiently; wishing YOV deepely to consider, and weigh your com­mon interest in this Cause. For neither in all my Apologie, nor in his pre­tended Refutation thereof, is there any question made anent the Popes power ouer mee in particular, for the excommunicating or deposing of mee: For in my particular; the Cardinall doeth mee that grace, that hee saith, The Pope thought it not expedient at this time to excommunicate mee by name; our question being onely generall, Whether the Pope may lawfully pretend any temporall power ouer Kings, or no?

That no Church-men can by his rule bee subiect to any Temporall Prince, I haue already shewed you; And what Obedience any of you may looke for of any of them de facto, hee plainely forewarneth you of, by the example of Gregory the Great his obedience to the Emperour Mauritius: not being ashamed to slaunder that great Personages Christian humilitie and Obedience to the Emperour, with the title of a constrained and for­ced obedience, because hee might, or durst doe no otherwise. Whereby he not onely wrongs the said Gregory in particular, but euen doeth by that meanes lay on an heauie slaunder and reproach vpon the Christian humi­litie and patience of the whole Primitiue Church, especially in the time of persecution: if the whole glory of their Martyrdome and Christian patience shall bee thus blotted with that vile glosse of their coacted and constrained suffering, because they could or durst doe no otherwise; like the patience and obedience of the Iewes or Turkish slaues in our time, cleane contrary to Saint Paul and Saint Peters doctrine of obedience for conscience sake; Rom. 13.5. 1. Pet. 2.13. and as contrary to Tertullians Apologie for Christians, and all the protestations of the ancient Fathers in that case. But it was good lucke for the ancient Christians in the dayes of Ethnicke Emperours, that this prophane and new conceit was then vnknowen among them: o­therwise they would haue beene vtterly destroyed and rooted out in that time, and no man to haue pitied them, as most dangerous members in a Common-wealth; who would no longer be obedient, then till they were furnished with sufficient abilitie and power to resist and rebell.

[Page 331]Thus may ye see, how vpon the one part our Cardinall will haue all Kings and Monarchs to bee the Popes Vassals; and yet will not on the o­ther side, allow the meanest of the Pope his vassals, to be subiect to any Christian Prince. But he not thinking it enough to make the Pope our Superior, hath in a late Treatise of his (called the Recognition of his bookes of Controuersies) made the people and Subiects of euery one of vs, our Supe­riors. For hauing taken occasion to reuisite againe his bookes of Contro­uersies, and to correct or explaine what he findeth amisse or mistaketh in them; in imitation of S. Augustine his retractions (for so he saith in his Pre­face) he doth in place of retracting any of his former errours, or any matter of substance; not retract, but recant indeed, I meane sing ouer againe, and obstinatly confirme a number of the grossest of them: Among the which, the exempting of all Church-men from subiection to any Temporall Prince, and the setting vp not onely of the Pope, but euen of the People a­boue their naturall King; are two of his maine points.

As for the exemption of the Clerickes; he is so greedy there to proue that point, as he denieth Caesar to haue beene Pauls lawfull Iudge: Acts. 25.10. contra­ry to the expresse Text, and Pauls plaine Appellation, and acknowledging him his Iudge; besides his many times claiming to the Roman priuiledges, Actes 22.28. and auowing himselfe a Roman by freedome; and therefore of necessitie a Subiect to the Roman Emperour. But it is a wonder that these Romane Catholikes, who vaunt themselues of the ancientie both of their doctrine and Church, and reproch vs so bitterly of our Nouelties, should not be a­shamed to make such a new inept glosse as this vpon S. Pauls Text; which as it is directly contrary to the Apostles wordes, so is it without any war­rant, either of any ancient Councell, or of so much as any one particular Father that euer interprets that place in this sort: Neither was it euer doub­ted by any Christian in the Primitiue Church, that the Apostles, or any other degree of Christians, were subiect to the Emperour.

And as for the setting vp of the People aboue their owne naturall King, he bringeth in that principle of Sedition, that he may thereby proue, that Kings haue not their power and authoritie immediatly from God, as the Pope hath his: For euery King (saith he) is made and chosen by his people; nay, they doe but so transferre their power in the Kings person, as they doe notwithstanding retaine their habituall power in their owne hands, which vpon certaine occasions they may actually take to themselues againe. This, I am sure, is an excellent ground in Diuinitie for all Rebels and rebel­lious people, who are hereby allowed to rebell against their Princes; and assume libertie vnto themselues, when in their discretions they shall thinke it conuenient.

And amongst his other Testimonies for probation, that all Kings are made and created by the People; he alledgeth the Creation of three Kings in the Scripture, Saul, Dauid and Ieroboam; and though hee bee compelled by the expresse words of the Text, to confesse, that God by his [Page 332]Prophet Samuel annointed both 1. Sam. 10.1 Saul and 1. Sam. 16.12.13. Dauid; yet will he, by the post­consent of the people, proue that those Kings were not immediatly made by God, but mediatly by the people; though he repeat thrise that word of Lott, by the casting whereof he confesseth that Saul was chosen. And if the Election by Lott be not an immediate Election from God; then was not Matthias, Actes 1. who was so chosen and made an Apostle, immediatly cho­sen by GOD: and consequently, he that sitteth in the Apostolike Sea can­not for shame claime to be immediatly chosen by God, if Matthias (that was one of the twelue Apostles, supplying Iudas his place) was not so cho­sen. But as it were a blasphemous impietie, to doubt that Matthias was immediatly chosen by GOD, and yet was hee chosen by the casting of Lots, as Saul was: so is it well enough knowen to some of you (my louing Brethren) by what holy Spirit or casting of Lots the Popes vse to be elected; the Colledge of Cardinals, his electors, hauing beene diuided in two mightie factions euer since long before my time; and in place of casting of Lotts, great fat pensions beeing cast into some of their greedy mouthes for the election of the Pope, according to the partiall humours of Princes. But I doe most of all wonder at the weakenesse of his memorie: for in this place he maketh the post-consent of the people to be the thing that made both these Kings, notwithstanding of their preceding inauguration and anoyntment by the Prophet at GODS commandement; forgetting that in the beginning of this same little booke of his, answering one that alled­geth a sentence of S. Cyprian, to prooue that the Bishops were iudged by the people in Cyprians time, he there confesseth, that by these words, the consent of the people to the Bishops Election must be onely vnderstood. Nor will he there any wayes be mooued to graunt, that the peoples power, in consenting to or refusing the Election of a Bishop, should be so vnder­stood, as that thereby they haue power to elect Bishops: And yet do these words of Cyprian seeme to bee farre stronger, for granting the peoples power to elect Churchmen, then any words that he alledgeth out of the Scripture are for the peoples power in electing a King. For the very words of Cyprian by himselfe there cited, Cyprian. lib. 1. Epist. 4. are, That the very people haue prin­cipally the power, either to chuse such Priests as are worthy, or to refuse such as are vnworthie: And, I hope, hee can neuer prooue by the Scripture, that it had beene lawfull to the people of Israel, or that it was left in their choise, to haue admitted or refused Saul or Dauid at their pleasure, after that the Prophet had anoynted them, and persented them vnto them.

Thus ye see how little he careth (euen in so little a volume) to contra­dict himselfe, so it may make for his purpose; making the consent of the people to signifie their power of Election in the making of Kings: though in the making of Bishops, by the peoples consent, their approbation of a deed done by others must onely be vnderstood. And as for his example of Iero­boams election to bee King; 1 King. 12.20. hee knoweth well enough, that Ieroboam was made King in a popular mutinous tumult and rebellion; onely [Page 333]permitted by God, and that in his wrath, both against these two Kings and their people. But if he will needs helpe himselfe, against all rules of Diuinitie, with such an extraordinary example for proofe of a generall Rule; why is it not as lawfull for vs Kings to oppose hereunto the example of Iehu his Inauguration to the Kingdome; 2. King. 9.2, 3. who vpon the Prophets priuat anointment of him, and that in most secret manner, tooke presently the Kings office vpon him, without euer crauing any sort of approbation from the people?

And thus may ye now clearely see, how deepe the claime of the Babylo­nian Monarch toucheth vs in all our common interest: for (as I haue al­ready told) the Pope, nor any of his Vassals, I meane Church-men must be subiect to no Kings nor Princes: and yet all Kings and their Vassals must not onely be subiect to the Pope, but euen to their owne people. And now, what a large libertie is by this doctrine left to Church-men, to hatch or foster any treasonable attempts against Princes; I leaue it to your conside­rations, since do what they will, they are accountable to none of vs: nay, all their treasonable practises must be accounted workes of pietie, and they (being iustly punished for the same) must be presently inrolled in the list of Martyrs and Saints; like as our new printed Martyrologie hath put Garnet and Ouldcorne in the Register of English Martyrs abroad, that were hanged at home for Treason against the Crowne and whole State of England: so as I may iustly with Isaiah, pronounce a Woe to them that speake good of euill, Isai 5.20. and euill of good; which put light for darkenesse, and darkenesse for light; Verse 23. which iustifie the wicked for are ward, and take away the righteousnes of the righteous from him. For euen as in the time of the greatest blindnesse in Popery, though a man should find his wife or his daughter lying a bed in her Confessors armes; yet was it not lawfull for him so much as to suspect that the Frier had any errand there, but to Confesse and instruct her: Euen so, though Iesuites practising in Treason be sufficiently verified, and that themselues cannot but confesse it; yet must they be accounted to suffer Martyrdome for the Faith, and their blood worke miracles, and frame a stramineum argumentum vpon strawes; when their heads are standing aloft, withered by the Sunne and the winde, a publike spectacle for the eternall commemoration of their treacherie. Yea, one of the reasons, that is giuen in the Printers Epistle of the Colonian edition of the Cardinall or his Chaplains pamphlet, why he doth the more willingly print it, is; because that the innocencie of that most holy and constant man Henry Garnet, is declared and set forth in that booke; against whom, some (he knew not who) had scattered a false rumour of his guiltinesse of the English treason.

But, Lord, what an impudencie or wilfull ignorance is this, that he, who was so publikely and solemnely conuicted and executed, vpon his owne so cleare, vnforced and often repeated confession, of his knowledge and concealing of that horrible Treason, should now be said to haue a certaine rumor spred vpon him of his guiltinesse, by I know not who? with so many [Page 334]attributes of godlinesse, constancie and innocencie bestowed vpon him, as if publike Sentences and Executions of Iustice, were rumors of I know not who. Indeed, I must confesse, the booke it selfe sheweth a great affecti­on to performe, what is thus promised in the Preface thereof: for in two or three places therein, is there most honorable lying mention made of that straw-Saint; wherein, though he confesse that Garnet was vpon the foreknowledge of the Powder-Treason, yet in regard it was (as he saith) onely vnder the Seale of Confession, he sticketh not to praise him for his concealing thereof, and would gladly giue him the crowne of glory for the same: not being ashamed to proclaime it as a principall head of Catho­lique doctrine; That the secret of Sacramentall confession ought not to be reuealed, not for the eschewing of whatsoeuer euill. But how damnable this doctrine is, and how dangerously preiudiciall to all Princes and States; I leaue it to you to iudge, whom all it most highly concerneth. For although it bee trew, that when the Schoolemen came to be Doctors in the Church, and to marre the old grounds in Diuinitie by sowing in among them their Philo­sophicall distinctions; though they (I say) do maintaine, That whatsoeuer thing is told a Confessor vnder the vaile of confession, how dangerous soe­uer the matter be, yet he is bound to conceale the parties name: yet doe none of them, I meane of the old Schoolemen, deny; that if a matter be re­uealed vnto them, the concealing whereof may breed a great or publike danger; but that in that case the Confessor may disclose the matter, though not the person, and by some indirect means make it come to light, that the danger thereof may be preuented. But that no treason nor deuilish plot, though it should tend to the ruine or exterminion of a whole Kingdome, must be reuealed, if it be told vnder Confession, no not the matter so farre indirectly disclosed, as may giue occasion for preuenting the danger there­of: though it agree with the conceit of some three or foure new Iesuited Doctors, it is such a new and dangerous head of doctrine, as no King nor State can liue in securitie where that Position is maintained.

And now, that I may as well prooue him a lyar in facto, in his narration of this particular History; as I haue shewed him to be in iure, by this his damnable and false ground in Diuinity: I will trewly informe you of Garnets case, which is farre otherwise then this Answerer alleadgeth. For first, it can neuer be accounted a thing vnder Confession, which he that reueals it doth not discouer with a remorse, accounting it a sinne whereof hee repenteth him; but by the contrary, discouers it as a good motion, and is therein not dissuaded by his Confessor, nor any penance enioy­ned him for the same: and in this forme was this Treason reuealed to Gar­net, as himselfe confessed. And next, though he stood long vpon it, that it was reuealed vnto him vnder the vaile of Confession, in respect it was done in that time, while as the partie was making his Confession vn­to him; Yet at the last hee did freely confesse, that the party reuealed it vnto him as they were walking, and not in the time of Confession: But [Page 335](he said) he deliuered it vnto him vnder the greatest Seale that might bee, and so he tooke that he meant by the Seale of Confession; And it had (as he thought) a relation to Confession, in regard that hee was that parties Confessor, and had taken his Confession sometimes before, and was to take it againe within few dayes thereafter. He also said, that he pretended to the partie, that he would not conceale it from his Superior. And further it is to be noted, that he confessed, that two diuers persons conferred with him anent this Treason; and that when the one of them which was Ca­tesby, conferred with him thereupon, it was in the other parties presence and hearing: and what a Confession can this be in the hearing of a third person? And how farre his last words (whereof our Answerer so much vaunts him) did disproue it to haue bene vnder Confession, the Earle of Northamptons booke doeth beare witnesse.

Now as to the other parties name, that reuealed the Powder-Treason vnto him, it was Greenewell the Iesuite; and so a Iesuite reuealed to a Iesuite this Treasonable plot, the Iesuite reuealer not shewing any remorse, and the Iesuite whom-to it was reuealed not so much as enioyning him any pe­nance for the same. And that ye may know that more Iesuits were also vp­on the partie, Owldcorne the other Powder-Martyr, after the misgiuing and discouery of that Treason, preached consolatory doctrine to his Catho­lique auditorie; exhorting them not to faint for the misgiuing of this en­terprise, nor to thinke the worse thereof that it succeeded not; alleadging diuers Presidents of such godly enterprises that misgaue in like maner: especially, one of S. Lewes King of France, who in his second iourney to the Holy-land died by the way, the greatest part of his armie being destroyed by the plague; his first iourney hauing likewise misgiuen him by the Sol­dans taking of him: exhorting them thereupon not to giue ouer, but still to hope that GOD would blesse their enterprise at some other time, though this did faile.

Thus see ye now, with what boldnesse and impudencie hee hath belied the publiquely knowne veritie in this errand; both in auowing generally that no Iesuite was any wayes guiltie of that Treason, for so he affirmeth in his booke; and also that Garnet knew nothing thereof, but vnder the Seale of Confession. But if this were the first lye of the affaires of this State, which my fugitiue Priests and Iesuits haue coyned and spread abroad, I could charme them of it, as the prouerbe is. But as well the walles of di­uers Monasteries and Iesuites Colledges abroad, are filled with the pain­ting of such lying Histories, as also the bookes of our said fugitiues are far­ced with such sort of shamelesse stuffe; such are the innumerable sorts of torments and cruell deathes, that they record their Martyrs to haue suffred here, some torne at foure Horses; some sowed in Beares skinnes, and then killed with Dogges; nay, women haue not bene spared (they say) and a thousand other strange fictions; the vanities of all which I will in two words discouer vnto you.

[Page 336]First, as for the cause of their punishment, I doe constantly maintaine that which I haue said in my Apologie: That no man, either in my time, or in the late Queenes, euer died here for his conscience. For let him be neuer so deuout a Papist, nay, though he professe the same neuer so constantly, his life is in no danger by the Law, if hee breake not out into some out­ward acte expresly against the words of the Law; or plot not some vnlaw­full or dangerous practise or attempt; Priests and Popish Church-men onely excepted, that receiue Orders beyond the Seas; who for the mani­fold treasonable practises that they haue kindled and plotted in this coun­trey, are discharged to come home againe vnder paine of Treason, after their receiuing of the said Orders abroad; and yet, without some other guilt in them then their bare home-comming, haue none of them bene e­uer put to death. And next, for the cruell torments and strange sorts of death that they say so many of them haue bene put vnto; if there were no more but the Law and continually obserued custome of England, these many hundred yeeres, in all criminall matters, it will sufficiently serue to refute all these monstrous lies: for no tortures are euer vsed here, but the Manacles or the Racke, and these neuer but in cases of high Treason; and all sorts of Traitours die but one maner of death here, whether they be Papist or Protestant Traitors; Queene Maries time onely excepted. For then indeede no sorts of cruell deathes were spared vnexecuted vpon men, women and children professing our Religion: yea, euen against the Lawes of God and Nature, women with childe were put to cruell death for their profession; and a liuing childe falling out of the mothers belly, was throwen in the same fire againe that consumed the mother. But these tyrannous persecutions were done by the Bishops of that time, vnder the warrant of the Popes authoritie; and therefore were not subiect to that constant order and formes of execution, which as they are heere established by our Lawes and customes, so are they accordingly obserued in the punishment of all criminals: For all Priestes and Popish Traitours here receiue their Iudgements in the temporall Courts, and so doe neuer exceed those formes of execution which are prescribed by the Law, or approued by continuall custome. One thing is also to bee marked in this case that strangers are neuer called in question here for their reli­gion, which is farre otherwise (I hope) in any place where the Inqui­sition domines.

But hauing now too much wearied you with this long discourse, whereby I haue made you plainely see, that the wrong done vnto mee in particular first by the Popes Breues, and then by these Libellers, doth as deepely interest you all in generall, that are Kings, free Princes, or States as it doth me in particular: I will now conclude, with my humble prayers to God, that he will waken vs vp all out of that Lethargike slumber of Se­curitie, wherein our Predecessors and wee haue lien so long; and that wee may first grauely consider, what we are bound in conscience to doe for the [Page 337]planting and spreading of the trew worship of God, according to his reuea­led will, in all our Dominions; therein hearing the voice of our onely Pastor ( for his Sheepe will know his Voyce, Iohn 10.27. as himselfe sayeth) and not following the vaine, corrupt and changeable traditions of men. And next, that we may prouidently looke to the securitie of our owne States, and not suffer this incroching Babylonian Monarch to winne still ground vpon vs. And if GOD hath so mercifully dealt with vs, that are his Lieutenants vpon earth, as that he hath ioyned his cause with our interest, the spirituall libertie of the Gospell with our temporall freedome: with what zeale and courage may wee then imbrace this worke: for our labours herein being assured, to receiue at the last the eternall and inestimable reward of felicitie in the kingdome of Heauen; and in the meane time to procure vnto our selues a temporall securitie, in our temporall King­domes in this world.

As for so many of you as are alreadie perswaded of that Trewth which I professe, though differing among your selues in some particular points; I thinke little perswasion should moue you to this holy and wise Resolu­tion: Our Greatnesse, nor our number, praised bee GOD, being not so contemptible, but that wee may shew good example to our neighbors; since almost the halfe of all Christian people and of all sorts and degrees, are of our profession; I meane, all gone out of Babylon, euen from Kings and free Princes, to the meanest sort of People. But aboue all (my lo­uing Brethren and Cosins) keepe fast the vnity of Faith among your selues; Reiect 1. Tim. 1.4. questions of Genealogies and Ibid c. 4.7. Aniles fabulas, as Paul saith; Let not the foolish heate of your Preachers for idle Controuersies or indiffe­rent things, teare asunder that Mysticall Body, whereof ye are a part, since the very coat of him whose members wee are was without a seame: And let not our diuision breed a slander of our faith, and be a word of reproch in the mouthes of our aduersaries, who make Vnitie to be one of the speciall notes of the trew Church.

And as for you (my louing Brethren and Cosins) whom it hath not yet pleased GOD to illuminate with the light of his trewth; I can but humbly pray with Elizeus, that it would please GOD to open your eyes, that yee might see what innumerable and inuincible armies of Angels are euer prepared and ready to defend the trewth of GOD: Actes. 26.29. and with S. Paul I wish, that ye were as I am in this case; especially that yee would search the Scriptures, and ground your Faith vpon your owne certaine knowledge, and not vpon the report of others; Abac. 2.4. since euery Man must bee safe by his owne faith. But, leauing this to GOD his mercifull prouidence in his due time, I haue good reason to remember you, to maintaine the ancient liberties of your Crownes and Common-wealthes, not suffering any vnder GOD to set himselfe vp aboue you; and therein to imitate your owne noble prede­cessors, who (euen in the dayes of greatest blindnesse) did diuers times coura­giously oppose themselues to the incroaching ambition of Popes. Yea, [Page 338]some of your Kingdomes haue in all aages maintained, and without any interruption enioyed your libertie, against the most ambitious Popes. And some haue of very late had an euident proofe of the Popes ambitious aspiring ouer your Temporall power; wherein ye haue constantly main­tained and defended your lawfull freedome, to your immortall honour. And therefore I heartily wish you all, to doe in this case the Office of god­ly and iust Kings and earthly Iudges: which consisteth not onely in not wronging or inuading the Liberties of any other person (for to that will I neuer presse to perswade you) but also in defending and maintai­ning these lawfull Liberties wherewith GOD hath indued you: For yee, whom GOD hath ordained to protect your people from iniuries, should be ashamed to suffer your selues to be wronged by any. And thus, assu­ring my selfe, that ye will with a setled Iudgement, free of preiudice, weigh the reasons of this my Discourse, and accept my plainnesse in good part, gracing this my Apologie with your fauours, and yet no longer then till it shall be iustly and worthily refuted; I end, with my earnest prayers to the ALMIGHTIE for your prosperities, and that after your happie Temporall Raignes in earth, ye may liue and raigne in Heauen with him for euer.

A CATALOGVE OF THE LYES OF TORTVS, TOGETHER WITH A BRIEFE Confutation of them.

TORTVS. Edit. Politan. pag. 9. IN the Oath of Allegiance the Popes power to excom­municate euen Hereticall Kings, is expresly denied.

CONFVTATION. The point touching the Popes power in ex­communicating Kings, is neither treated of, nor defined in the Oath of Allegiance, but was pur­posely declined. See the wordes of the Oath, and the Praemonition. pag. 292.

TORTVS. pag. 10. 2 For all Catholike writers doe collect from the wordes of Christ, Whatsoeuer thou shalt loose vpon earth, shall be loosed in heauen, that there appertaineth to the Popes authoritie, not onely a power to absolue from sinnes, but also from penal­ties, Censures, Lawes, Vowes, and Oathes.

CONFVTATION. That all Roman-Catholike writers doe not concurre with this Libel­ler, in thus collecting from CHRISTS wordes, Matth. 16. To omit other reasons, it may appeare by this that many of them doe write, that what CHRIST promised there, that hee did actually exhibite to his Disciples, Iohn 20. when hee said, Whose sinnes ye remit, they shall be remitted, thereby re­straining this power of loosing formerly promised, vnto loosing from sinnes, not mentioning any absolution from Lawes, Vowes and Oathes in this place. So doe Theophylact, Anselme, Hugo Cardin. & Ferus in Matt. 16. So doe the principall Schoolemen, Alexand. Hales in Summa. part. 4. q. 79. memb. 5. & 6. art. 3. Thom. in 4. dist. 24. q. 3. art. 2. Scotus in 4. dist. 19. art. 1. Pope [Page 340] Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. q. 2. de clauib. pag. 302. edit. Parisien. anno 1530. who also al­leadgeth for this interpretation, Augustine and the interlinear Glosse.

TORTVS. Pag. 18. 3 I abhorre all Parricide, I detest all conspiracies: yet it cannot be denied but oc­casions of despaire were giuen [to the Powder-plotters.]

CONFVTATION. That it was not any iust occasion of despaire giuen to the Powder-Traitours, as this Libeller would beare vs in hand, but the instructions which they had from the Iesuits, that caused them to attempt this bloody designe: See the Premonition, pag. 291. & 335. and the booke intituled, The proceedings against the late Traitours.

TORTVS. Pap. 26. 4 For not onely the Catholiques, but also the Caluinist puritanes detest the ta­king of this Oath.

CONFVTATION. The Puritanes doe not decline the Oath of Supremacie, but daily doe take it, neither euer refused it. And the same Supremacie is defended by Cal­uin himselfe, Instit. lib. 4. cap. 20.

TORTVS. Pag. 28. 5 First of all the Pope writeth not, that he was grieued at the calamities which the Catholikes did suffer for the keeping of the Orthodox faith in the time of the late Queene, or in the beginning of King Iames his reigne in England, but for the cala­mities which they suffer at this present time.

CONFVTATION. The onely recitall of the wordes of the Breue will sufficiently confute this Lye. For thus writeth the Pope, The tribulations and calamities which ye haue continually susteined for the keeping of the Catholique faith, haue alway affli­cted vs with great griefe of minde. But for asmuch as we vnderstand, that at this time all things are more grieuous, our affliction hereby is wonderfully increased.

TORTVS. Pag. 28. 6 In the first article [of the Statute] the Lawes of Queene Elizabeth are con­firmed.

CONFVTATION. There is no mention at all made of confirming the Lawes of Queene Elizabeth, in the first article of that Statute.

TORTVS. Pag. 29. 7 In the 10. Article [of the said Statute] it is added, that if the [Catholicks] re­fuse the third time to take the Oath being tendered vnto them, they shall incurre the danger of loosing their liues.

[Page 341] CONFVTATION. There is no mention in this whole Statute either of offering the Oath the third time, or any indangering of their liues.

TORTVS. Pag. 30. 8 In the 12. Article, it is enacted, that whosoeuer goeth out of the land to serue in the warres vnder forreine Princes, they shall first of all take this Oath, or els be ac­counted for Traitours.

CONFVTATION. It is no where said in that Statute, that they which shall thus serue in the warres vnder forraine Princes, before they haue taken this Oath, shall be accounted for Traitors, but onely for Felons.

TORTVS. Pag. 35. 9 Wee haue already declared, that the [Popes] Apostolique power in binding and loosing is denied in that [Oath of Alleageance.]

CONFVTATION. There is no Assertory sentence in that Oath, nor any word but onely conditionall, touching the power of the Pope in binding and loosing.

TORTVS. Pag. 37. 10 The Popes themselues, euen will they, nill they, were constrained to subiect themselues to Nero and Diocletian.

CONFVTATION. That Christians without exception, not vpon constraint but willingly and for conscience sake, did subiect themselues to the Ethnicke Emperors, it may appeare by our Apologie, pag. 255, 256. and the Apologetickes of the an­cient Fathers.

TORTVS. Pag. 47. 11 In which words [of the Breues of Clement the 8.] not onely Iames King of Scotland, was not excluded, but included rather.

CONFVTATION. If the Breues [of Clement] did not exclude mee from the Kingdome, but rather did include me, why did Garnet burne them? why would he not re­serue them that I might haue seene them, that so hee might haue obteined more fauour at my hands for him and his Catholikes?

TORTVS. Pag. 60. 12 Of those 14. Articles [conteined in the Oath of Alleagiance] eleuen of them concerne the Primacie of the Pope in matters Spirituall.

CONFVTATION. No one Article of that Oath doeth meddle with the Primacie of the Pope in matter Spirituall: for to what end should that haue bene, since we haue an expresse Oath elsewhere against the Popes Primacie in matters Spi­rituall?

[Page 342] TORTVS. Pag. 64. 13 Amongst other calumnies this is mentioned, that Bellarmine was priuie to sundry conspiracies against Q. Elizabeth, if not the author.

CONFVTATION. It is no where said [in the Apologie] that Bellarmine was either the Au­thour, or priuie to any conspiracies against Queene Elizabeth; but that he was their principall instructer and teacher, who corrupted their iudge­ment with such dangerous positions and principles, that it was an easie matter to reduce the generals into particulars, and to apply the dictates which hee gaue out of his chaire, as opporunitie serued, to their seuerall designes.

TORTVS. Pag. 64. 14 For he [Bellarmine] knoweth, that Campian onely conspired against He­reticall impietie.

CONFVTATION. That the trew and proper cause of Campians execution, was not for his conspiring against Hereticall impietie, but for conspiring against Queene Elizabeth and the State of this Kingdome, it was most euident hy the iudi­ciall proceedings against him.

TORTVS. Pag. 65. 15 Why was H. Garnet, a man incomparable for learning in all kindes, and ho­linesse of life, put to death, but because he would not reueale that which he could not doe with a safe conscience.

CONFVTATION. That Garnet came to the knowledge of this horrible Plot not onely in confession as this Libeller would haue it, but by other meanes, neither by the relation of one alone, but by diuers, so as hee might with safe-con­science haue disclosed it; See the Premonition, pag. 334, 335, &c. and the Earle of Northamptons booke.

TORTVS. Pag. 71. 16 Pope Sixtus 5. neither commanded the French King to bee murthered, nei­ther approoued that fact, as it was done by a priuate person.

CONFVTATION. The falsehood of this doeth easily appeare by the Oration of Sixtus 5.

TORTVS. Pag. 91. 17 That which is added concerning Stanley his Treason, is neither faithfully nor trewly related: for the Apologer (as his maner is) doeth miserably depraue it, by adding many lyes.

CONFVTATION. That which the Apologie relateth concerning Stanley his Treason, is word for word recited out of Cardinall Allens Apologie for Stanleys treason: as it is to be seene there.

[Page 343] TORTVS. Pag. 93. 18 It is very certaine that H. Garnet at his arraignement, did alwayes con­stantly auouch, that neither hee nor any Iesuite either were authors, or compartners, or aduisers, or consenting any way [to the Powder-Treason.] And a little after. The same thing hee protested at his death in a large speach, in the presence of in­numerable people.

CONFVTATION. The booke of the proceedings against the late Traitours, and our Pre­monition, pag. 334, 335, &c. doe clearely prooue the contrary of this to bee trew.

TORTVS. Pag. 97. 19 King Iames since he is no Catholike, neither is he a Christian.

CONFVTATION. Contrary: I am a trew Catholike, a professor of the trewly ancient, Ca­tholike, and Apostolike Faith: and therefore am a trew Christian. See the confession of my faith in the Premonition, pag. 302. 303, &c.

TORTVS. Pag. 98. 20 And if the reports of them which knew him most inwardly, be trew, when hee was in Scotland, he was a Puritane, and an enemie to Protestants: Now in England he professeth himselfe a Protestant, and an enemie to the Puritans.

CONFVTATION. Contrary; and what a Puritane I was in Scotland: See my [...] and this my Premonition, pag. 305, 306.

HIS FALSIFICATIONS IN HIS ALLEDGING OF HISTORIES, together with a briefe declaration of their falshood

THE WORDS OF TORTVS. Pag. 70. 1 IT was certaine that he [Henry 4. the Emperour] died a natu­rall death.

CONFVTATION. It was not certaine: since sundry Historians write o­therwise, that he died vpō his imprisonment by his sonne Henry 5. either with the noysomnesse and loathsomnesse of the prison, or being pined to death by hunger. Read Fasciculus temporum at the yeere 1094. Laziardus epitom. vniuersal. Histor. c. 198. Paulus Langius in Chronico Ci­tizensi at the yeere 1105. and Iacobus Wimphelingus epitome Rerum Germa­nic. c. 28.

[Page 344] TORTVS. Pag. 83. 2 Henry 4. The Emperour feared indeed, but not any corporall death, but the censure of Excommunication, from the which that he might procure absolution, of his owne accord, he did thus demissely humble himselfe [ before Gregory 7.]

CONFVTATION. That Henry 4. thus deiected himselfe before the Pope, it was neither of his owne accord, neither vpon any feare of the Popes Excommunication, which [in this particular] hee esteemed of no force, but vpon feare of the losse of his Kingdome and life, as the records of antiquitie doe euidently testifie. See Lambertus Schafnaburg at the yeere 1077. Abbas Vrspergen. at the yeere 1075. The Author of the life of Henry 4. Bruno in his History of the Saxon warre. Laziard in epitom. vniuersal. Histor. c. 193. Cuspinian. in Henr. 4. Sigonius de Regno Italiae lib. 9.

TORTVS. Pag. 83. 3 The trewth of the History [ of Alexander 3 treading vpon the necke of Fre­dericke Barbarossa with his foot] may beaustly doubted of.

CONFVTATION. But no Historian doubteth of it; and many do auouch it, as Hieronym. Bard. in victor. Naual. ex Bessarion. Chronico apud Baron. ad an. 1177. num. 5. Gerson de potestate Ecclesiae consid. 1. Iacob Bergom. in supplem. Chronic. ad an. 1160. Nauclerus Gener. 40 Petrus Iustinian lib. 2. Rerum Venetar. Papirius Masson. lib. 5. de Episcop. vrbis. who alledgeth for this Gennadius Patriarch of Constantino­ple. Besides Alphonsus Ciacconius de vit. Pontif. in Alexand. 3. and Azorius the Iesuite: Instit. Moral. part. lib. 5. c. 43.

TORTVS. Pag. 83. 4 What other thing feared Frederick Barbarossa but excommunication?

CONFVTATION. That Frederick feared onely Pope Alexander his Excommunication, no ancient Historian doth testifie. But many do write, that this submission of his was principally for feare of loosing his Empire and Dominions. See for this, Martin Polon. ad an. 1166. Platina in vita Alexan. 3. Laziard. in epitom. Historiae vniuersal. c. 212. Naucler. Generat 40. Iacobus Wimphelingus in epitom. Rerum Germanic. c. 32.

TORTVS. Pag. 88. 5 Adde heereunto, that Cuspinian. [ in relating the history of the Turkes bro­ther who was poysoned by Alexander 6.] hath not the consent of other writers to witnesse the trewth of this History.

CONFVTATION. The same History, which is reported by Cuspinian, is recorded also by sundry other famous Historians. See Francis Guicciardin. lib. 2. Histor. Ital. Paulus Iouius lib. 2. Hist. sui temporis. Sabellic. Ennead. 10. lib. 9. Continuator Palmerij, at the yeere. 1494.

THE NOVEL DOCTRINES, WITH A BRIEFE DECLARATION of their Noueltie.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 9. 1 IT is agreed vpon amongst all, that the Pope may lawfully depose Hereticall Princes, and free their Subiects from yeelding obedi­ence vnto them.

CONFVTATION. Nay, all are so farre from consenting in this point, that it may much more trewly be auouched, that none entertained that conceit before Hildebrand: since he was the first brocher of this new doctrine ne­uer before heard of, as many learned men of that aage, and the aage next following (to omit others of succeeding aages) haue expresly testified. See for this point, the Epistle of the whole Clergie of Liege to Pope Paschal the second. See the iudgement of many Bishops of those times, recorded by Auentine in his historie, lib. 5. fol. 579. Also the speech vttered by Conrade bishop of Vtretcht, in the said fifth booke of Auentine, fol. 582. And another by Eberhardus, Archbishop of Saltzburge. Ibid. lib. 7. p. 684. Also the iudge­ment of the Archbishop of Triers, in constitut. Imperialib. à M. Haimensfeldio editis. pag. 47. The Epistle of Walthram Bishop of Megburgh which is extant in Dodechine his Appendix to the Chronicle of Marianus Scotus, at the yeere 1090. Benno in the life of Hildebrand. The author of the booke De vnitate Ecclesiae, or the Apologie for Henry the fourth. Sigebert in his Chronicle, at the yeere 1088. Godfrey of Viterbio in his History entituled Pantheon, part. 17. Ottho Frisingensis, lib. 6. c. 35. & praefat. in lib. 7. Frederick Barbarossa. lib. 6. Gun­ther. Ligurin. de gestis Frederici. and lib. 1. c. 10. of Raduicus de gestis eiusdem Fre­derici. Vincentius in speculo historiali lib. 15. c. 84. with sundry others.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 51. 2 In our supernaturall birth in Baptisme wee are to conceiue of a secret and im­plied oath, which we take at our new birth, to yeeld obedience to the spirituall Prince, which is Christes Vicar.

CONFVTATION. It is to bee wondred at, whence this fellow had this strange new Diui­nitie, which surely was first framed in his owne fantasticall braine. Else let him make vs a Catalogue of his Authors, that hold and teach, that all Christians, whether infants or of aage, are by vertue of an oath taken in their Baptisme, bound to yeeld absolute obedience to CHRISTS Vicar the Pope, or baptized in any but in CHRIST.

[Page 346] NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 94. 3 But since that Catholike doctrine doth not permit for the auoidance of any mis­chiefe whatsoeuer, to discouer the secret of Sacramentall confession, he [Garnet] rather chose to suffer most bitter death, then to violate the seale of so great a Sacrament.

CONFVTATION. That the secret of Sacramentall confession is by no meanes to bee dis­closed, no not indirectly, or in generall, so the person confessing bee con­cealed, for auoydance and preuention of no mischiefe, how great soeuer: Besides that it is a position most dangerous to all Princes and Common-wealths, as I shew in my Praemonition, pag. 333, 334. It is also a Nouell Asser­tion, not heard of till of late dayes in the Christian world: Since the com­mon opinion euen of the Schoolemen and Canonists both old and new, is vnto the contrary; witnesse these Authors following: Alexander Hales part. 4. qu. 78. mem. 2. art. 2. Thom. 4. dist. 21. qu. 3. art. 1. ad 1. Scotus in 4. dist. 21. qu. 2. Hadrian. 6. in 4. dist. vbi de Sacramen. Confes. edit. Paris. 1530. pag. 289. Dominic. Sot. in 4. dist. 18. q. 4. art. 5. Francis. de victor. summ. de Sacram. n. 189. Nauar. in Enchirid. c. 8. Ioseph. Angles in Florib. part. 1. pag. 247. edit. Antuerp. Petrus Soto lect. 11. de confess. The Iesuites also accord hereunto, Suarez. Tom. 4. disp. in 3. part. Thom. disp. 33. § 3. Gregor. de Valentia. Tom. 4. disp. 7. q. 13. punct. 3. who saith the common opinion of the Schoolemen is so.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 102. 4 I dare boldly auow, that the Catholikes haue better reason to refuse the Oath [ of Allegeance] then Eleazar had to refuse the eating of Swines flesh.

CONFVTATION. This assertion implieth a strange doctrine indeede, that the Popes Breues are to be preferred before Moses Law: And that Papists are more bound to obey the Popes decree, then the Iewes were to obey the Law of God pronounced by Moses.

NOVEL DOCTRINE. Pag. 135. 5 Churchmen are exempted from the Iurisdiction of secular Princes, and there­fore are no subiects to Kings: yet ought they to obserue their Lawes concerning mat­ters temporall, not by vertue of any Law, but by enforcement of reason, that is to say, not for that they are their Subiects, but because reason will giue it, that such Lawes are to be kept for the publike good, and the quiet of the Common-wealth.

CONFVTATION. How trew friends the Cardinall and his Chaplen are to Kings that would haue so many Subiects exempted from their power: See my Praemo­nition, Pag. 296, 297. Also, Pag, 330. 331. &c. But as for this and the like new Aphorismes, I would haue these cunning Merchants to cease to vent such stuffe for ancient and Catholike wares in the Christian world, till they haue disprooued their owne Venetians, who charge them with Noueltie and forgerie in this point.

A DECLARATION CONCERNING THE PROCEEDINGS WITH THE STATES GENERALL, OF THE ƲNITED PRO­VINCES OF THE LOW COVNTREYS, Jn the cause of D. CONRADVS VORSTIVS.

TO THE HONOVR OF OVR LORD AND SAVIOVR JESVS CHRIST, THE ETERNALL SONNE OF THE ETERNALL FATHER, THE ONELY ΘΕΑΝΘΡΩΠΟΣ, MEDIATOVR, AND RECONCILER OF MANKIND, IN SIGNE OF THANKFVLNES, HIS MOST HƲMBLE, AND MOST OBLIGED SERVANT, IAMES BY THE GRACE OF GOD, KING OF GREAT BRITAINE, FRANCE AND IRELAND, Defender of the FAITH, Doeth DEDICATE, and CONSECRATE this his DECLARATION.

THat it is one of the principall parts of that duetie which appertaines vnto a Chri­stian King, to protect the trew Church within his owne Dominions, and to ex­tirpate heresies, is a Maxime without all controuersie; in which respect those ho­nourable Titles of Custos & Vindex vtri­usque Tabulae, Keeper and Auenger of both the Tables of the Law, and Nutritius Ecclesiae, Nursing Father of the Church, do rightly be­long vnto euery Emperour, King, and Christian Monarch. But what interest a Christian King may iustly pre­tend to meddle in alienâ Repub. within another State or Common wealth in mat­ters of this nature (where Strangers are not allowed to be too curious) is the point in question, and whereof we meane at this time to treate.

For our zeale to the glory of God, being the onely motiue that induced vs (as he who is the searcher of the heart and reines can witnesse) to make sundry Instances and Requests vnto the States Generall of the Vnited Pro­uinces, for the banishment of a wretched Heretique, or rather Athiest, out of their Dominions, named D. Conradus Vorstius, hath bene so ill interpreted, or rather wrested to a peruerse sence, by a sort of people, whose corrupted stomacke turnes all good nourishment into bad and pernitious humors, (as if it had bene some vanitie and desire of vaine glory in vs, or else an Ambition to encroach by little and little vpon the libertie of their State, which had caried vs headlong into the businesse) As both to cleare our owne honour from the darke mists of these false and scandalous imputa­tions, as also to make it trewly appeare vnto the Christian world, in what sort wee haue proceeded herein; Wee haue thought good to publish this present Declaration, containing as well the discourse of our whole Ne­gotiation hitherto with the States in this cause, as also the reasons which haue mooued vs to take it so to heart, and to perseuere therein as we haue done, and will doe (God willing) vntill it please him, to bring it to some good and happy end.

In Autumne last, about the end of August, being in our hunting Pro­gresse, there came to our hands two bookes of the said Vorstius, the one intituled Tractatus Theologicus de Deo, dedicated to the Lantgraue of Hes­sen, [Page 350]imprinted in the yeere 1610. the other his Exegesis Apologetica vpon that booke, dedicated to the States, and printed in the yeere 1611. Which books, assoone as we had receiued, and (not without much horror and de­testation) cast our eye onely vpon some of the principall Articles of his dis­putations conteined in the first booke, and his Commentary thereupon in the second, God is our witnesse, that the zeale of his glory did so transport vs, as (to say with S. Paul) We stayed not one houre, but dispatched a Let­ter presently to our Ambassadour resident with the States, to this pur­pose following.

TRustie and welbeloued, &c.

You shall repaire to the States Generall, with all possible diligence in our name, telling them, that wee doubt not, but that their Ambassadours which were with vs about two yeeres since, did informe them of a forewar­ning, that we wished the said Ambassadours to make vnto them in our name, to beware in time, of seditious and hereticall Preachers, and not to suffer any such to creepe into their State. Our principall meaning was of Arminius, who though himselfe were lately dead, yet had hee left too many of his disciples behinde him. Now according to that care which wee continually haue of the weale of their State, wee haue thought good to send vnto them a new aduertisement vpon the like occasion, which is this: That there is lately come to our handes a piece of worke of one Vorstius, a Diuine in those parts, wherein hee hath published such monstrous blasphemie and horrible Atheisme, as out of the care that a Christian Prince, and Defender of the Faith, (as we haue euer bene) ought to haue of the good of the Church, wee hold not onely such a scandalous booke worthy to bee burnt, but euen the Authour himselfe to bee most seuerely punished. This not­withstanding wee are informed, that the States are so farre from beeing sensible of so great a scandall to the Church, as that the most part of them haue already yeelded him their free consents and voyces, for the obteining of the place of Diui­nitie Reader in the Vniuersitie of Leyden, which the aboue-named Arminius of little better stuffe, lately enioyed: and though himselfe be dead, hath left his sting yet liuing among them. Hauing therefore vnderstood, that the time of Election will be about Michaelmas next, and holding our selues bound in honour and conscience, as a Christian Prince, and one who hath vouchsafed the States our Royall fauour and support in respect of their Religion, to preuent so great a mischiefe so farre as we are able: Wee will and require you to let them vnderstand, how infinitely wee shall bee displeased if such a Monster receiue aduancement in the Church. And if it bee alleadged, that hee hath recanted his Atheisticall opinions, and that there­upon he may be capable of the place, you shall tell them, that wee thinke his Recan­tation so slender a satisfaction for so fowle an offence, as that wee hold him rather worthy of punishment, or at least to be debarred from all promotion: Wherein though [Page 351]wee assure our selfe, that they will of their owne discretions eschew such a viper, who may make a fearefull rent not onely in their Ecclesiasticall, but also in their Po­litique State, yet notwithstanding all this, if they will continue their resolution to pre­ferre him, you shall then make a protestation to them in our name, That wee will not faile to make knowen to the world publikely in print, how much wee detest such abominable Heresies, and all allowers and tolerators of them: And because the States shall know vpon what reasons we haue grounded this our Admonition, you shall re­ceiue herewith a This Cata­logue is here purposely omit­ted for auoy­ding a needlesse repetition, see­ing the princi­pall points ther­of are contei­ned in a little Collection an­nexed at the end of our se­cond letter written to Wynwood. Catalogue of his damnable Positions, of which no one page of the booke is free.

Giuen vnder our Signet, &c.

For obseruing, that so prodigious a Monster began to liue among them, We could do no lesse (considering the infinite obligations which wee owe vnto God) then to make Our zeale appeare against such an enemie to the Essence of the Deity. Besides, the charitie, which Wee beare to the said States Our neighbors and Confederates, professing the same Religion that we do, did enforce Vs to admonish them, to eschew and preuent in time so dangerous a contagion, which dispersing it selfe, might infect, not onely the bodie of their State, but all Christendome also; the danger where­of was so much greater to our Dominions then to many others, by how much the Prouinces of the said States are neerer vnto Vs in their situation.

Our Ambassadour therefore hauing sufficiently acquitted himselfe of that which Wee gaue him in charge, by exhorting them in Our Name, timely to preuent the danger which might ensue by enterteyning such a guest as VORSTIVS; (which at that time they might easily haue done, seeing he was not yet setled at Leyden, neither was he lodged in the house appointed for the publique Reader, nor were his wife and family yet ar­riued, and therefore much more easie for them to haue rid him out of their countrey, sending him backe to the place from whence he came, according to the old Prouerbe,

Turpiùs eijcitur, quàm non admittitur hospes.

It is more honest to refuse a guest, then when you haue once receiued him, to thrust him out of doores.) Yet notwithstanding all the diligence that Our Ambassadour could vse, and the oportunity which at that time was offered them to discharge him, all the answere he could procure from them, was but this, that,

Whereas a Proposition was made on the behalfe of his Maiestie of Great Bri­taine, in the assembly of the Lords States Generall of the Vnited Prouinces by Sir Ralph Winwood his Maiesties Ambassadour and Councellour in the Coun­cel of State in those countreys, exhibited in writing the 21. of the moneth precedent (the substance thereof being first amply debated by the Deputies of the States of Holland and West-Frizeland, and thereupon mature deliberation had) The said [Page 352]Lords States Generall in answere to the said Proposition, haue most humbly re­quested, and by these presents doe humbly request his Maiestie to beleeue, that as, for preseruation of the libertie, rights and priuiledges of the Low-Countreys, against the vniust, tyrannicall and bloody courses contrary thereunto, practised for many yeeres vpon the consciences, bodies and fortunes of the good Inhabitants of all quali­ties of those Countreys by the Spaniards and their Adherents, they haue been con­strained after a long patience, many Remonstrances, Requests and other submissiue proceedings vsed in vaine, to take armes for their necessary defence, (when they saw no other remedy,) as also to craue the assistance of his Maiestie particularly, and of other Kings, Princes and Common wealths, by whose fauor, but principally by his Maiesties they haue since continually susteined for many yeeres, with an exceeding great constancie and moderation as well in prosperitie as in aduersity, a heauie, char­geable and bloody warre, many terrible and cruell encounters, notable Battailes both by land and sea, matchlesse Sieges of a number of Townes, Ruines, and deuastation of Cities and Countreys, and other difficulties incident to the warre: So doe their Lord­ships alwayes confesse, that in specie the chiefe and principall reason which hath mo­ued them at first to entertaine, and since to maintaine the said resolution, hath beene the foresaid tyrannie exercised vpon the consciences, bodies, and goods of their people, by introduction of the Inquisition and constraint in matter of Religion: For which respects their Obligation to his Maiestie is greatly increased, in that after so many de­monstrations of affection, fauours, and assistances in the pursuite of their iust cause, his Maiestie is yet pleased, like a louing Father, to assure vnto them the continuance of the same Royall affection and assistance, by taking care that the trew Christian reformed Religion bee purely and sincerely taught within their Countreys, aswell in Churches as in Schooles; For which the Lords States Generall doe most humbly thanke his Maiestie, and will for their parts by all lawfull meanes, endeuour so to second his sincere and Christian intention in this particular, as his Maiestie shall re­ceiue all good contentment.

As concerning the businesse of Doct. Vorstius, principally handled in the fore­said Proposition, the Lords States Generall (to make the matter more plaine) haue informed themselues, First that the Curators of the Vniuersitie of Leyden (according to their duetie, and the ancient custome euer since the foundation of that Vniuersitie,) hauing diligently made inquirie for some Doctor to bee chosen into the place of Diuinitie Professor there, at that time voyd, after mature delibe­ration were giuen to vnderstand, that at Steinford within the Dominions of the Counts of Tecklenbourg, Bentem, &c. ( who were of the first Counts that in Germanie had cast off the yoke of the Papacie, Idolatrie, and impure religion, and imbraced the reformed Religion, which to this day they maintaine) there did re­maine one Doct. Conradus Vorstius, who had continued in that place about fif­teene yeeres a Professor of trew Religion, and a Minister; and that the saide Conradus Vorstius for his learning and other good parts was much sought af­ter by Prince Maurice, Lantgraue of Hessen, with intent to make him Diuini­tie Professor in some Vniuersitie of his Countrey. Moreouer, that hee had sufficiently, and to the great contentment, euen of those that are now become his greatest aduersaries, shewed with a Christian moderation his learning and pu­ritie [Page 353]in the holy knowledge of Diuinity, against the renowned Iesuite Bellarmine: And that the sayd Conradus Vorstius was thereupon sent for by the Curators aforesayde, about the beginning of Iuly, 1610. which message beeing secon­ded by letters of recommendation from his Excellencie, and from the deputy Coun­celors for the States of Holland and Westfrizeland, vnto the sayd Counts of Tecklenburg, did accordingly take effect. In the moneth of August following, the said Election and Calling was countermined by certaine persons, to whose office or disposition the businesse did nothing at all belong: which being perceiued, and the sayd Vorstius charged with some vnsoundnesse of doctrine, the Curators did thereupon thinke fit, with the good liking of Vorstius himselfe, that as well in the Vniuersitie of Leyden, as at the Hage, he should appeare in his owne iustification to answere all accusers and accusations whatsoeuer. At which time there was not any one that did offer to charge him. In the moneth of May following, sixe Ministers did vnder­take to prooue, that VORSTIVS had published false and vnsound doctrine, who afterward beeing heard in full assembly of the States of Holland and Westfrize­land, ( in the presence of the Curators, and sixe other Ministers) on the one part, and Vorstius in his owne defence on the other part; and that which could bee said on either side to the seuerall points in their seuer all refutations respectiuely: The said Lords States hauing grauely deliberated vpon the allegations as well of the one part as of the other, as also heard the opinions of the said Ministers (after the maner and custome of the sayd assembly) could not see any reason, why the execution of that which was done by the Curators lawfully, and according to order, ought to bee hindred for impeached. In August following there being sent ouer hither certaine other Arti­cles, wherewith Vorstius was charged, and dispersed in little printed Pamphlets amongst the people, the sayd Lords States entred into a new consultation, and there resolued, that Vorstius (according both to Gods Law, the Law of Nature, and the law written; as also according to the laudable vse and customes of their country,) should be heard against his new accusers, concerning those Articles there layed to his charge. And moreouer, it was generally declared by the States of Holland and West­frizeland there assembled, (as euery one of them likewise in his owne particular, and the Curators and Bourgmasters of Leyden for their parts did specially declare:) That there was neuer any intention to permit other Religion to bee taught in the Vni­uersity of Leyden, then the Christian Religion reformed and grounded vpon the word of God: And besides, that if the sayd Vorstius should bee found guilty in any of the aforesayd points whereof hee was accused, that they would not admit him to the place of Professour. The Deputies of the sayd Lords States of Holland and Westfrizeland further declaring, that they doe assuredly beleeue, that if his Ma­iesty of Great Britaine were well informed of the trew circumstances of this bu­sinesse, and of their sincere intention therein, hee would (according to his high wisedome, prudence, and benignitie) conceiue fauourably of them, and their procee­dings: whereof the Lords States Generall are no lesse confident; and the rather, for that the said Deputies haue assured them, that the Lords States of Holland and Westfrizeland their Superiors would proceede in this businesse (as in all others) with all due reuerence, care, and respect vnto his Maiesties serious admonition, as becommeth them.

[Page 354] And the Lords States Generall, doe request the said Lord Ambassadour to recom­mend this their Answere vnto his Maiestie with fauour.

Giuen at the Hage, in the Assembly of the said Lords States Generall. 1. October. 1611.

BVt before wee had receiued this answere from the States, some of Vorstius books were brought ouer into England, and (as it was repor­ted) not without the knowledge and direction of the Authour. And about the same time one Bertius, a scholler of the late Arminius, (who was the first in our aage that infected Leyden with Heresie) was so impudent, as to send a Letter vnto the Archbishop of Canterbury, with a Booke intituled, De Apostasia Sanctorum. And not thinking it sufficient to auow the sending of such a booke, (the title whereof onely, were enough to make it worthy the fire) hee was moreouer so shamelesse, as to maintaine in his Letter to the Archbishop, that the doctrine conteined in his booke, was agreeable with the doctrine of the Church of England. Let the Church of CHRIST then iudge, whether it was not high time for vs to bestirre our selues, when as this Gangrene had not onely taken holde amongst our neerest neigh­bours; so as Nonsolùm paries proximus iam ardebat: not onely the next house was on fire, but did also begin to creepe into the bowels of our owne Kindome; For which cause hauing first giuen order, that the said bookes of Vorstius should be publikely burnt, as well in Pauls Church-yard, as in both the Vniuersities of this Kingdome, wee thought good to renew our former request vnto the States, for the banishment of Vorstius, by a Letter which wee caused our Ambassadour to deliuer vnto them from vs at their Assembly in the Hage, the fifth of Nouember; whereunto they had refer­red vs in their former answere, the tenor of which Letter was as followeth:

HIgh and mightie Lords,

Hauing vnderstood by your answere to that Proposition which was made vnto you in our name by our Ambassadour there resident, That at your Assembly to bee holden in Nouember next, you are resolued then to giue order concerning the businesse of that wretched D. Vorstius, Wee haue thought good (notwithstanding the declaration which our Ambassadour hath already made vnto you in our name touching that particular,) to put you againe in remembrance thereof by this Letter, and thereby freely to discharge our selues, both in point of our duetie towards God, and of that sincere friendship which wee beare to­wards you.

First We assure Our selues that you are sufficiently perswaded that no worldly re­spect could moue Vs to haue thus importuned you in an affaire of this nature, being drawen into it onely through Our zeale to the glory of God, and the care which Wee haue that all occasion of such great scandals as this is, vnto the trew reformed Church [Page 355]of God, might bee in due time foreseene and preuented. Wee are therefore to let you vnderstand, that Wee doe not a little wonder, that you haue not onely sought to pro­uide an habitation in so eminent a place amongst you, for such a corrupted person as this Vorstius is, but that you haue also afforded him your license and protection to print that Apologie which he hath dedicated vnto you; A booke wherein he doeth most impudently maintaine the execrable blasphemies, which in his former hee had disgorged; The which wee are now able to affirme out of our owne know­ledge, hauing since that Letter which wee wrote vnto our Ambassadour, read ouer and ouer againe with our owne eyes (not without extreme mislike and horrour) both his bookes, the first dedicated to the Lantgraue of Hessen, and the other to you. We had well hoped, that the corrupt seed which that enemie of God Arminius did sowe amongst you some few yeeres since (whose disciples and followers are yet too bold and frequent within your Dominions) had giuen you a sufficient warning, af­terwards to take heed of such infected persons, seeing your owne Countrey men al­ready diuided into Factions vpon this occasion, a matter so opposite to vnitie (which is indeed the onely prop and safetie of your State next vnder God) as of necessitie it must by little and little bring you to vtter ruine, if wisely you doe not prouide a­gainst it, and that in time.

It is trew that it was Our hard hap not to heare of this Arminius before he was dead, and that all the Reformed Churches of Germanie had with open mouth com­plained of him. But assoone as Wee vnderstood of that distraction in your State, which after his death he left behind him, We did not faile (taking the opportunitie when your last extraordinary Ambassadors were here with Vs) to vse some such speeches vnto them concerning this matter, as We thought fittest for the good of your State, and which we doubt not but they haue faithfully reported vnto you; For what need We make any question of the arrogancie of these Heretiques, or rather Atheisti­call Sectaries amongst you, when one of them at this present remaining in your towne of Leyden, hath not onely presumed to publish of late a blasphemous Booke of the Apostasie of the Saints, but hath besides beene so impudent, as to send the other day a copie thereof, as a goodly present, to Our Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, together with a letter, wherein he is not ashamed (as also in his Booke) to lie so grossely, as to auowe, that his Heresies conteined in the said Booke, are agreeable with the Religion and profession of Our Church of England. For these respects therefore haue Wee cause enough very heartily to request you, to roote out with speed those Heresies and Schismes, which are beginning to bud foorth amongst you, which if you suffer to haue the reines any longer, you cannot expect any other issue thereof, then the curse of God, infamy throughout all the reformed Churches, and a perpetuall rent and distraction in the whole body of your State. But if peraduenture this wretched Vorstius should denie or equiuocate vpon those blasphemous poynts of Heresie and Atheisme, which already hee hath broached, that perhaps may mooue you to spare his person, and not cause him to bee burned (which neuer any Heretique better deserued, and wherein we will leaue him to your owne (bristian wisedome) but to suffer him vpon any de­fence or abnegation, which hee shall offer to make, still to continue and to teach a­mongst you, is a thing so abominable, as we assure our selues it will not once enter in­to any of your thoughts: For admit hee would proue himselfe innocent (which neuer­thelesse [Page 356]he cannot doe) in most of those points wherewith hee is charged; yet were it but the scandall of his person, which will still remaine, it were cause more then e­nough for you to remooue him out of your Dominions. You know what is written of Caesars wife, that it was not sufficient for her to be innocent, but she must also bee free from all occasion of suspicion: how much more then ought you to bee warie and cautious in a matter of so great importance as this, which concerneth the glory of God, the saluation of your soules, the soules of your people, and the safetie of your State; and not to suffer so dangerous a sparke to lie kindling amongst you? For a man may easily coniecture, that feare and the horrour of his owne actions will make him boldly denie that poyson which boyleth at his heart: For what will not bee de­nie, that denieth the Eternitie and Omnipotencie of God? And howbeit hee were innocent (as we haue said before) the Church of God is not so ill furnished with men of sufficiencie for that place, as that you need bee vnprouided of some other, who shall not be subiect to that scandall, wherewith hee is so tainted, as it must bee a long penance, and many yeeres of probation, that must weare it away. But especially ought you to bee very carefull, not to hazard the corruption of your youth in so fa­mous an Vniuersitie by the doctrine of so scandalous a person, who (it is to bee fea­red) when hee findeth himselfe once well setled there, will returne againe to his an­cient vomite.

We will therefore conclude with this request vnto you, that you will assure your selues, that the affection onely which wee beare vnto your State, hath enforced vs to vse this libertie towards you, not doubting for our part, but that, as this which wee haue written vnto you proceedes from the sinceritie of our conscience, so our good God will bee pleased to giue you a due apprehension thereof, and that your resolution in a matter of so great consequence, may tend to his glory, to your owne honour and safetie, to the extirpation of these springing Atheismes and Heresies, and to the satisfaction, not onely of vs, but of all the reformed Churches, who haue bene hitherto extremely scandalized therewith: But if on the contrary part, we faile of that wee expect at your hands (which God forbid) and that you suffer hereafter such pestilent Heretiques to nestle among you, who dare take vpon them that licentious libertie, to fetch againe from Hell the ancient Heresies long since condemned, or else to in­uent new of their owne braine, contrary to the beliefe of the trew Catholike Church, wee shall then bee constrained (to our great griefe) publikely to protest against these abominations: and (as God hath honoured vs with the Title of Defender of the Faith) not onely to depart and separate our selues from the vnion of such false and heretical Churches, but also to exhort all other reformed Churches to ioyne with vs in a common Councel, how to extinguish and remand to hell these abominable Heresies, that now newly begin to put foorth againe. And furthermore for our owne particular, we shall be enforced strictly to inhibite the youth of our Dominions from repairing to so infected a place, as is the Vniuersitie of Leyden. Sed meliora speramus & o­minamur,We hope and expect for better, assuring our selues in the mercie of our good God, that as he hath a long time preserued you from your temporall enemies, and at this time is beginning to establish your Estate to the contentment of all your friends, (but especially to ours, who haue neuer beene wanting to assist you vpon all occasi­ons) that the same God will not leaue you for a prey to your spirituall aduersaries, [Page 357]who gape at nothing but your vtter destruction. And in this confidence wee will recommend you and the prosperitie of your affaires to the protection of God, remai­ning as we haue euer beene,

Your good friend IAMES R.
Giuen at our Pallace of Westminster the 6. of October. 1611.

Wee writ likewise at the same time, another Letter to our Ambassa­dour, for his direction in the whole businesse; the Copie whereof is this which followeth:

TRustie and welbeloued.

Perceiuing by the States their answere to your Proposition deliuered to them in our name, concerning the matter of Vorstius, that they haue taken time for their procee­ding with him; and hauing some reason to thinke that his fauou­rers amongst them are stronger then were to bee wished, Wee haue thought good to renew our Admonition vnto them in this matter, by a Letter of our owne, written at good length, and in earnest maner, which you shall heerewith re­ceiue, and at the time of their meeting for this purpose, present vnto them in our name: Insisting with them with all the earnestnesse you can, both for the remoouing of this blasphemous Monster, as also that they may now at least take some such solid order, as this licentious libertie of disputing or arguing such vnprofitable questions (whereby new opinions may bee dayly set abroach against the grounds of Diuinitie) may hereafter bee restrained as well at Leyden, as in all the rest of their Dominions. And for the better strengthening of this motion, wee doe herewith send you a Note of some of the most speciall Atheisticall points, wherewith his booke is full farced. But if contrary to our expectation, all our labour cannot mooue them to giue satisfa­ction, not to vs, but to the whole Church of God in this case; Then are you (if no better may be) to renew our Protestation vnto them, which wee sent you in our former Let­ter, assuring them, that our first labour shall be to publish to the world their defection from the Faith, and trew Church of Christ: Wee meane the defection of them, whom they maintaine and harbour in their bosomes: though wee purposely omitted this point in our Letter vnto them for being too harsh, except all other remedies were desperate. But we both wish and hope for better.

Theobaldes. 6. October. 1611.

BVt before our Ambassadour had opportunitie to deliuer our Let­ter to the States, there were not onely certaine people more cun­ning then zealous, who caused a rumour to bee spread amongst the States, that we were become exceeding cold in the businesse, nay that wee had almost quite giuen it ouer; but also in the meane time, the said Vorstius was setled at Leyden, lodged in the qualitie of a publike Reader, and his [Page 358]wife, & his familie there arriued, as he himselfe witnesseth in his Booke cal­led Christiana, & modestarespōsio. For his own words in his preface are these, Quum igitur Diuinâ vocatione sic ferente in eâvrbe ac Prouinciâ sedem fixerim, cun (que) domo totâ nunc habitem, quae supremam in terrâ iurisdictionem vestram agnos­cit, ‘ &c. That is to say, Since therefore (God so disposing of me,) I haue set­led my selfe, and with my whole family do now inhabite in that City and prouince,’ which acknowledgeth your supreme authority on earth, &c. Our Ambassador therefore hauing on the one side consideration of that false report which was spred abroad of our coldnes in the busines, and on the other side obseruing how Vorstius was established at Leyden after our first Admonition and request made vnto the States, but before their As­sembly on the fift of Nouember, hee then resolued first to present vnto them our Letter, making likewise himselfe a remonstrance to the same pur­pose, which We haue here set downe, together with an extract of certaine passages, collected out of the said Bookes of Vorstius, which We sent vnto our Ambassadour, and was by him then shewed vnto the States, that they might discerne the Lyon by his pawe.

MY Lords: If euer the King of Great Britaine my Master hath merited any thing of this State, (and how much he hath merited in respect of his great fauours, and Royall assistances, your Lordships acknowledging them with all gratitude can best witnesse, and best iudge) be hath surely merited at this present hauing by his Letters full of zeale and pietie, which he hath written vnto you, ende­noured to procure the establishment of that Religion onely within your Prouinces, which the Reformed Churches of Great Britaine, France and Germanie, by a mu­tuall consent, haue generally embraced. For what is it to his Maiestie, whether D. Vorstius be admitted Professor in the Vniuersitie of Leyden, or not? or whether the doctrine of Arminius bee preached in your Churches? sauing that as a Christian Prince, he desires the aduancement of the Gospel, and as your best friend and allye, the strengthening of your Commonwealth, whose first foundations were cymented with the blood of his subiects, and which in his iudgement can no way subsist, if wittingly and willingly you suffer the Reformed Religion to be either by the practises of your Doctors sophisticated, or by their malice depraued.

If therefore Religion be as it were the Palladium of your Common wealth, and that to preserue the one in her glory and perfection, bee to maintaine the other in her puritie, let your selues then be iudge, in how great a danger the State must needs bee at this present, so long as you permit the Schismes of Arminius to haue such vogue as now they haue in the principall Townes of Holland, and if you suffer Vorstius to be receiued Diuinitie Professour in the Vniuersitie of Leyden (the Seminarie of your (burch) who in scorne of the Holy word of GOD, hath after his owne fancie, deuised a new Sect, patched together of sener all pieces of all sorts of ancient and mo­derne Heresies. The foole said in his heart, There is no God: but hee that with open mouth, of set purpose, and of prepensed malice, hath let his penne runne at randome, to disgorge so many blasphemies against the Sacred Maiestie of GOD, [Page 359] this fellow shall weare the garland of all that euer yet were heard of, since by the meanes of the Gospel, the light of Christian Religion hath shined vnto the world. If any man doubt of it, for a proofe, see here what his Maiestie with his owne hand hath collected out of his writings.

OVT OF HIS ANNOTATIONS.

CAEterùm, nihil vetat Deo etiam corpus ascribere, Pag 210. si vocabulum corporis in significatione latiore sumamus.

But there is nothing forbids vs to say, that God hath a Body, so as we take a body in the largest signification.

Non satis igitur circumspectè loquuntur, qui Deum vt essentiâ, Pag. 212. sic etiam volim­tate prorsus immutabilem esse affirmant.

They therefore doe not speake circumspectly enough, who say, that God is altogether as vnchangeable in his will, as he is in his essence.

Nusquam scriptum legimus Dei substantiam simpliciter immensam esse, Pag. 232. immò non pauca sunt, quae contrarium sensum habere videntur.

We finde it no where written, That the substance of God is simply im­mense: nay, there are many places, which seeme to cary a contrary mea­ning.

Magnitudo nulla actu infinita est: ergo nec Deus. Pag. 237.

No Magnitude is actually infinite, and therefore God is not actually infinite.

Etsanè si omnia, & singula rerum euenta, praecisè & ab aeterno definita fuissent, Pag. 308. nihil opus esset continua rerum inspectione, & procuratione, quae tamen Deo passim tribuitur.

And surely, if all and euery euent of things were precisely set downe, and from eternitie, there needed not then that continuall inspection and pro­curation, which neuerthelesse is euery where attributed vnto God.

Pleniùs tamen respondere videntur, Pag. 441. qui certam quidem in genere vniuersalem Dei scientiam esse docent; Sed ita tamen, vt plures certitudinis causas in visione praesentium, ac praeteritorum, quàm in visione futurorum contingentium agnoscant.

They therefore, who teach that there is in God a certaine vniuersall knowledge in genere, doe seeme to answere more fully; but so as they doe confesse likewise that there bee more causes of certaintie in the vision of things present, then in the vision of things future contingent.

Omnia etiam decreta quae semel apud se praecisè definiuit, vno modo & actu, Pag. 271. post factam definitionem accuratissimè nouit: sed de alijs omnibus, & singulis, quaecunque sunt & fiunt, seorsim, & per se consideratis, hoc affirmari non potest; quippe quae non [Page 360]modò successiuè in tempore, verumetiam contingenter, & saepe conditionaliter ex­istunt.

All things which GOD hath once decreed, and precisely determined, vno modo & actu, he doth after such his determination exactly know them: But this cannot be affirmed of all and euery other thing, which are, or come to passe, being considered seuerally and by themselues, because they haue their existence, not onely successiuely in time, but also contingently, and oftentimes conditionally.

OVT OF HIS APOLOGIE.

PAter peculiarem quandam entitatem, Pag. 38. seu quasi limitatam, & restrictam es­sentiam habere putandus est.

It is to be vnderstood that the Father hath a certaine peculiar be­ing, or as it were a limitted and bounded essence.

Vnde porrò non difficulter efficitur, Pag. 43. etiam interna quaedam accidentia in Deo, hoc est, in ipsâ (vt sic dicere liceat) proaereticâ Dei mente, ac voluntate, reuerâ existere.

From whence it is easily prooued, that there are really certaine internall accidents in God, that is to say, (if it be lawfull to vse such a word) in the very fore-electing minde and will of God.

  • In the 16. Chapter, he doeth dangerously dissent from the receiued opinion of Diuines, concerning the Vbiquitie of Gods presence.
  • In the 19. Chapter, pag. 99. he doth attribute vnto God, Magnitude and Quantitie.

These are in part the opinions of that great Diuine, whom they haue chosen to do­mineere in the Chaire at Leyden: In opposition whereunto, I meane not to say any thing else, then that which the Romane Oratour did once pronounce in the like case: Mala est & impia consuetudo contra Deum disputandi, siuè seriò id fit, ‘siuè simulatè It is an euill and a wicked custome (saith hee) to dispute against God, whether it be in earnest, or in iest.’

Now my Lords, I addresse my selfe vnto your Lordships, and according vnto the charge which I haue receiued from the King my Master, I coniure you by the amitie that is betwixt his Kingdomes and your Prouinces, (the which on his part will conti­nue alwayes inuiolable) to awaken your spirits, and to haue a carefull eye at this As­sembly of Holland, ( which is already begunne) ne quid Respublica detrimenti capiat, That the Common wealth take no harme: which vndoubtedly, at one time or other, will be turned vpside downe, if you suffer such a dangerous contagion to bar­bour so neere you, and not remoue it out of your Prouinces assoone as possibly you may. The disciples of Socinus ( with whose doctrine he hath bene suckled in his childhood) [Page 361]doe seeke him for their Master, and are ready to embrace him. Let him goe, bee is a Bird of their owne feather: Et dignum sanè patellâ operculum; A couer fit for such a dish.

On the other side, the Students in Diuinitie at Leyden to the number of 56. by a duetiful Remonstrance presented vnto the States of Holland the 16. of October the last yeere, did most humbly beseech the said States, not to vse their authoritie in com­pelling them to receiue a Professor, who both by the attestations of the Diuinitie Col­ledges at Basil and Heydelberg, as also by manifest euidence out of his owne wri­tings, is conuinced of an infinite number of Heresies.

These reasons therefore, namely, the proofes of so many enormous and horrible Heresies maintained in his Bookes, the instance of his Maiestie grounded vpon the welfare and honour of this Countrey, the requests either of all, or of the most part of your Prouinces, the petitions of all the Ministers (excepting those onely which are of Arminius Sect) should me thinkes preuaile so farre with my Lords the States of Holland, and (we hope) will so farre preuaile, as they will at the last apply them­selues to the performance of that, which both the sinceritie of Religion, and the ser­uice of their Countrey requireth at their hands. Furthermore, I haue commande­ment from his Maiestie to mooue you in his Name, to set downe some certaine Regle­ment in matters of Religion throughout your Prouinces, that this licentious free­dome of disputation, may by that meanes be restrained, which breeds nothing but Fa­ctions, and part-taking; and that you would absolutely take away the libertie of Pro­phecying, which Vorstius doeth so much recommend vnto you in the dedicatorie E­pistle of his Anti-Bellarmine, the Booke whereof his Patrons doe boast so much.

To conclude, his Maiestie doeth exhort you, seeing you haue heretofore taken Armes for the libertie of your consciences, and haue so much endured in a violent and bloody warre, the space of fourtie yeeres, for the profession of the Gospel, that now ha­uing gotten the vpper hand of your miseries, you would not suffer the followers of Arminius, to make your actions an example for them to proclaime throughout the world, that wicked doctrine of the Apostasie of the Saints.

To bee short, the account which his Maiestie doeth make of your amitie appeares sufficiently by the Treaties which hee hath made with your Lordships, by the suc­cours which your Prouinces haue receiued from his crownes, by the deluge of blood, which his subiects haue spent in your warres. Religion is the onely sowder of this Amitie: For his Maiestie being, by the Grace of GOD, Defender of the Faith, (by which Title hee doeth more value himselfe, then by the Title of King of Great Britaine) doeth hold himselfe obliged to defend all those, who professe the same Faith and Religion with him. But if once your zeale begin to grow colde therein, his Maiestie will then straightwayes imagine, that your friendship towards him and his subiects will likewise freeze by little and little. Thus much I had in charge to adde vnto that which his Maiestie in his owne letters hath written vnto you. You may bee pleased to consider of it, as the importance of the cause doeth re­quire, and to resolue thereupon, that which your wisedomes shall thinke fittest for the honour and seruice of your Countrey.

But our Ambassadour hauing, after a delay for the space of diuers [Page 362]weekes, receiued this cold and ambiguous answere vnto our Letter and Proposition, that is to say, That, The Lords States Generall hauing seriously deliberated vpon the Proposition which was made vnto them by our Ambassadour the fift of Nouember, as also vpon our Letters of the sixt of October deliuered vnto them at the same time, did very humbly giue vs thankes for the continuance of our Royall affection toward the welfare of their Countreys, and the preseruation of the trew reformed Christian Religion therein; And that the said States Generall, as also the States of Holland and Westfrizeland in their seuerall assemblies respectiuely, hauing entred into consultation (with all due reuerence and regard vnto vs) con­cerning those Articles wherewith Doctor Conradus Vorstius was charged, the Curators of the Vniuersitie of Leyden did thereupon take occasion to make an order prouisionall, that the said Vorstius should not bee admitted to the exercise of his place, which was accordingly performed; So as vpon the matter, hee was then in the Citie of Leyden, but as an inhabitant or Citizen. And that in case the said Vorstius should not bee able to cleare himselfe from those accusations which were layd to his charge, before, or in the next Assembly of the States of Holland and Westfrizeland ( which was to bee holden in February following) the Lords States Generall did then assure themselues, that the States of Holland and Westfrize­land would decide the matter with good contentment. And therefore forasmuch as at that time there could be no more done in the cause, without great inconuenience and distaste to the principall Townes of the said Prouinces, our Ambassadour was re­quired to recommend thus much in the best manner he could vnto vs, and with the most aduantage to the seruice of their Countrey.

Vpon the coldnesse therefore of this Answere, (which hee feared would giue vs no satisfaction) hee thought it was now high time to consider what the last remedy might bee, whereof vse was to bee made for the ad­uancement of this businesse: and perceiuing that hee had already perfor­med all the rest of our commandements, excepting onely to Protest in case of refusall, and esteeming such a cold answere, accompanied with so ma­ny delayes, to be no lesse in effect then an absolute refusall, hee thereupon resolued to make this Protestation in their publique assemblie, which here­after followeth.

MY Lords; The Historiographers, who haue diligently looked into the An­tiquities of France, doe obserue, that the Aduocates there in times past, were accustomed to begin their pleadings with some Latine Sentence taken out of the holy Scriptures: I shall at this time follow their example, and my Sentence shall be this: Si peccauerit in te frater tuus, argue eum inter te & ipsum so­lum; si audiuerit te, lucratus es fratrem tuum; si non audiuerit te, adhibev­num atque alterum, vt in ore duorum vel trium stet omne verbum: si non audiuerit eos, dic Ecclesiae. If thy brother trespasse against thee, goe and tell him his fault betweene him and thee alone; if he heare thee, thou hast wonne thy brother; but if hee heare thee not, take yet with thee one or two, that by the mouth of two or [Page 363]three witnesses euery word may bee confirmed: and if hee refuse to heare them, tell it vnto the Church.

There is not any one of you (as I suppose) in this Assemblie, that will not acknow­ledge the brotherly loue wherewith the King my Master hath alwayes affected the good of your Prouinces, and the fatherly care which hee hath euer had to procure the establishment of your State. In which respect, his Maiestie hauing vnderstood, that my Lords the States of Holland were determined to call vnto the place of Diuinitie Professour in the Vniuer sitie of Leyden, one Doctor Conradus Vorstius, a per­son attainted by many witnesses, iuris & facti, of a number of Heresies (the shame whereof would light vpon the Church of God, and consequently vpon his Maiesties person and Crownes) is therewith exceedingly offended: And for the more timely pre­uention of an infinitie of euils, which necessarily would thereupon ensue, did giue mee in charge by expresse Letters to exhort you (which I did the 21. of September last) to wash your hands from that man, and not to fuffer him to come within your Countrey. To this exhortation, your answere was, that in the carriage of this businesse, all due obseruance and regard should be had vnto his Maiestie. Neuerthelesse so it is, that his Maiestie hath receiued so little respect heerein, as that in stead of debarring Vorstius from comming into the Countrey (which euen by the lawes of friendship his Maiestie might haue required) the proceedings haue beene cleane contrary; for he is suffered to come vnto Leyden, hath beene receiued there with all honour, hath there taken vp his habitation, where he is treated and lodged in the qualitie of a publique Professour. His Maiestie then perceiuing, that his first motion had so little preuailed, thought good to write himselfe a Letter vnto you, to the same pur­pose, full of zeale and affection, perswading you by many reasons there set downe at length, not to staine your owne honour, and the honour of the reformed Chur­ches, by calling vnto you that wretched and wicked Atheist. These Letters were presented in this Assembly the fifth of Nouember, a great number of the De­puties of the Townes of Holland being then present; At which time (as I was commanded by his Maiestie) I vsed some speach my selfe to the same effect. Some sixe weekes after, I receiued an Answere to my Proposition but an Answere confu­sed, ambiguous and wholly impertinent, by which I haue reason to conceiue, that there is no meaning at all to send Vorstius away, who is at this present in Leyden, receiued and acknowledged, respected and treated as publique Professour, whether it be to grace that Vniuersitie in stead of the deceased Ioseph Scaliger, I cannot tell, or whether it bee to giue him meanes to doe more mischiefe in secret, which perhaps for shame hee durst not in publique: For these reasons, according vnto that charge, which I haue receiued from the King my Master, I doe in his name, and on his be­halfe Protest in this Assembly, against the wrong, iniurie, and scandall done vnto the reformed Religion by the receiuing and reteining of Conradus Vorstius in the Vniuersitie of Leyden, and against the violence offered vnto that Alliance which is betwixt his Maiestie and your Prouinces; the which beeing founded vpon the pre­seruation and maintenance of the reformed Religion, you haue not letted (so much as in you lies) absolutely to violate in the proceeding of this cause. Of which enor­mous indignities committed against the Church of GOD and against his Maiesties person, in preferring the presence of Vorstius before his Amitie and Alliance, the [Page 364]King my Master holds himselfe bound to bee sensible, and if reparation thereof bee not made, and that speedily, (which cannot be by any other meanes then by sending Vor­stius away) his Maiestie will make it appeare vnto the world by some such Decla­ration, as he will cause to be printed and published how much he detests the Atheismes and Heresies of Vorstius, and all those that maintaine, fauour and cherish them. This is my charge, which if I had failed to performe, I had failed in my duetie, both towards the Seruice of GOD, which is now in question, as also toward the honour of the King my Master, who will alwayes bee ready to maintaine the puritie of the reformed Religion, though it were with the profusion of his owne blood, the blood of his children, and subiects.

This Protestation being made, the States after some deliberation, framed vs an answere in these termes: That howsoeuer His Maiestie of GREAT BRITAINE had not yet receiued that contentment which Hee might expect in this businesse of Vorstius; neuerthelesse, they did not doubt but that at the Assembly of the States of Holland in February next, His Maiestie should receiue entire satis­faction. Which answere gaue some life to our hope, that at the said assem­bly of the States, to bee holden the fifteenth day of the next moneth of Februarie, GOD will vouchsafe so to open the eyes of those of Holland, as that they may be able to discerne, what a Cockatrice egge they hatch with­in their bosome, and that (seeing the smooth speaches of Vorstius doe but verifie the old Prouerbe, Latet anguis in herbâ, There lurkes a snake in the grasse,) they will at that assembly resolue to purge their Territories from the poison of his Heresie. Wee mention Holland, because the other Pro­uinces, namely Frizeland and Zeland, and some part of Holland likewise, are already so distasted with his Heresies, as of themselues they haue desired Holland to banish him out of the Countrey.

And certainely wee are no lesse sorie, then amazed, that the Curators of Leyden, (as appeareth by a long letter which they haue written to the States Ambassador resident with vs) can haue their vnderstanding so stupified, as to haue made choice of the person of Vorstius for a man well qualified, to appease the Schismes and troubles of their Church and Vniuersitie, and as an apt instrument of peace. For to shew their blindnesse in this, they need no other answere, then, Exitus acta probat, The issue tries the action; Seeing to our great griefe it cannot bee denied, but that there hath bene more distraction of spirits, and a greater diuision in their State since the comming of Vorstius, then was for many yeeres before witnesse so many Bookes and Accusations written against him, and his answeres thereunto; witnesse also the protestation of a great number of Professors of Leyden against him, and many of the principall members, as well Prouinces as Townes of the Vnited body of that State, who haue accused him as before we haue said. So as if for that purpose onely, they brought him vnto their Vniuersitie, they must needes acknowledge it hath had a very vnhappie successe.

HAuing now finished the discourse of our whole procee­ding in this cause, from the beginning vntill this present, It remaineth that we set downe the reasons which perswa­ded vs to ingage our selues in alienâ republicâ in a businesse of this nature. But wee haue done that already, although but summarily, and by the way: For in that place where wee make men­tion of the bookes of Vorstius which were brought into our Kingdome, wee yeeld three Reasons, which mooued vs to take this cause to heart: First, the zeale of Gods glory, to whom we are so much bound: Secondly, charity towards our next neighbours and Allies: and Thirdly, the iust reason we had to feare the like infection within our owne Dominions.

As concerning the Glory of God; If the subiect of Vorstius his Heresies had not bene grounded vpon Questions of a higher qualitie then touching the number and nature of the Sacraments, the points of Iustification, of Merits, of Purgatorie, of the visible head of the Church, or any such mat­ters, as are in controuersie at this day betwixt the Papists and vs; Nay more, If hee had medled onely with the nature and workes of GOD ad extra, (as the Schoolemen speake,) If (wee say) hee had soared no higher pitch (al­though wee should haue bene very sory to see such Heresies begin to take roote amongst our Allies and ancient confederates;) Neuerthelesse, wee doe freely professe, that in that case wee should neuer haue troubled our selues with the businesse in such fashion, and with that feruencie as hither­to we haue done. But this Vorstius mounting aloft like an Anti-S. Iohn with the wings of the Eagle, vp to the Heauens, and to the Throne of GOD, di­sputing of his Sacred and ineffable Essence, Quae tremenda & admiranda est, sed non scrutanda, Which is to be trembled at, and admired, but not to be searched into; confounding infinitie, (one of the proper attributes of GOD,) and immensitie, (sometime applied to creatures,) the essence and substance, with the hypostasis, disputing of a first and second creation, immediate and me­diate, making GOD to be quale and quantum, changing eternitie, into euiter­nitie, teaching eternitie to consist of a number of aages, and in the end as a sworne enemie not onely to Diuinitie, but euen to all Philosophie, both humane and naturall, denying God to be Actus purus, and void of qualities, but hauing in some sort (with horror be it spoken) aliquid diuersitatis aut mul­tiplicitatis in se ipso, etiam principium cuiusdam mut abilitatis; That is to say, Some kind of diuersitie or multiplicitie in himselfe, yea euen a beginning of a cer­taine mutabilitie: Let the world then iudge whether we had not occasion herevpon, to be moued, not onely as one that maketh profession of there­formed Religion, but as a Christian at large; yea, euen as a Theist, or a man that acknowledgeth a GOD, or as a Platonique Philosopher at the least.

[Page 366]Secondly, for the Charitie which we owe to our neighbours and Allies; the Charitie of euery Christian ought to extend to all men, but especially towards them that be of the Houshold of saith. The States then being not onely our confederates, but the principall bond of our coniunction being our vniformitie in the trew Religion, we had reason to admonish them, not to permit such dangerous Heresies to spring, and take roote amongst them, which being once suffered, could produce no other effects, then the dan­ger of their soules, a rent betwixt them and all other Christian Churches, and at the last a rupture and diuision in their Temporall State, which (next vnder God) can be maintained by nothing but Vnitie. To which resolu­tion we were the rather induced by the example of diuers other Prouinces vnder the dominion of the said States, who did accuse Vorstius, and per­swaded Holland to send him away out of their countrey, as before we haue declared.

It is trew, that if Vorstius had beene a natiue of Holland, as Iohn of Ley­den was, it had beene sufficient for vs to haue giuen them a generall war­ning of the danger, and then to haue referred it vnto themselues, to take such course therein, as to them should seeme conuenient: But this Vorstius being a stranger, and sent for out of another Countrey to instruct their youth, hee can challenge no such priuiledge by reason of his birth, but that the States may lawfully discharge him, whensoeuer they please. And for his profession, it is (without doubt) lesse dangerous, to suffer a thousand Lay Heretiques to liue in a Common wealth (for that is but matter of poli­cie, so long as they offend not in their speach, and seduce not others,) then to haue so much as one Doctour that may poison the youth: For, Quo semel est imbuta recens seruabit odorem Testa diu; The vessell will tastea long time after of that liquor wherewith it is first seasoned; And what shall become of the litle brookes, if their Fountaine be corrupted?

And from hence is deriued our third reason which perswaded vs to meddle in this businesse. For if generally the youth of those Countreys our neerest neighbours should happen to be infected, in what danger then were wee? especially seeing so many of the yonger sort of our Subiects doe repaire for learning sake to the Vniuersitie of Leyden: an Vniuersitie of long time famous, but so much the more renowned, for that, within our remembrance, it hath beene adorned with those two excellent persona­ges Scaliger and Iunius. It is furthermore to bee noted, that the spirituall infection of Heresie, is so much more dangerous, then the bodily infection of the plague, by how much the soule is more noble then the body, which caused the Apostle S. Iohn, when, entring into a Bath, he met there by chance Cerinthus the Heretique, to turne backe againe vpon the suddaine for feare of infection. Now if that great Apostle the beloued of Christ did so much feare the infection of Heresie, as himselfe hath giuen vs a war­ning in one of his Epistles, Ne dicas illi, Aue; Bid him not God speed: haue not we then much more cause to feare the corruption of the youth of our owne Kingdomes?

[Page 367]But we very well know, that some will say Vorstius is not rightly vnder­stood; that some consequences are violently wrested out of his words, contrary to the intention of the Author; that those things which he pro­pounds scholastically by way of question, should not bee taken for his owne resolution; and admit pearaduenture hee may haue spoken in some phrases minùs cautè, not warily enough, yet that is but Logomachie, con­tention about words, and ought not to bee imputed vnto him for Heresie; and besies that, in his last works he hath sufficiently purged himselfe from all calumnies, and renounced all manner of Heresies.

To the first Obiection wee answere, that we neuer accused him by con­sequences, but that we find his owne words and sentences full of Heresies.

To the second, concerning his questions or disquisitions (as he termeth them) wee say, that in doubtfull matters, and where a man may resolue either one way or other, without danger of making shipwracke of Faith, it is not onely tolerable, but very commendable to propound questions or arguments, at leastwise in Schooles: But to deuise new questions vpon the principall Articles of our Faith, to enter not onely into the secret Ca­binet of GOD, but to intrude our selues into his Essence, to prie into his most inward parts, and like the Physicians of Pantagruel, to visite with torch-light all the most hidden places in the Essence of GOD, wee may boldy pronounce, Omnia haec ad destructionem, planè nihil ad aedificationem; All these things tend to destruction, and nothing surely to edification. S. Augustine speaketh against the curiositie of those people, who would needs know what GOD did before hee made the Fabrique of the world. The Iewes during their integritie, did beare another maner of reuerence to the Diuinitie, who thought themselues dead, if once they should see GOD. And their great Law-giuer Moyses could obtaine no more (not­withstanding his humble and instant request) then to see the hinder parts of GOD. So as to call into question, or to make doubts of these high points of the Essence of GOD, of the Trinitie, of the bypostaticall Vnion in the person of CHRIST, or to speake of them in other termes then the Church of GOD hath vniformely established, and in all aages successiuely approued, as it is conteined in all the Orthodox Creeds, and declared in the foure first Councels, is by no meanes lawfull: And to make any question or disquisition vpon these high mysteries, is as much in effect, as to make a contrary conclusion; and such a disquisition deserues the punishment of the Inquision. Non est bonum ludere cum Sanctis, multò minùs ergo cum Deo; ‘It is not good to iest with Saints, much lesse therefore with GOD: and one of the first verses which our little children are taught, is this: Mitte arcana Dei, coelùmque inquirere quid sit; Let the secrets of God alone, and be not too curious to enquire into heauen.’ For what difference is there I pray you, to say, It may be that such a Lady is a whore; or that there be probable arguments to perswade vs that she is such a one; or to say abso­lutely that shee is a whore? And (wee imagine) Vorstius would not hold [Page 368]him for his friend, that should say it were a matter very disputable whether Vorstius were a damnable Heretique, and should goe quicke to Hell, yea or no: not that he did beleeue him to bee such a one, but that there were many arguments probable enough to perswade a man to take him for no lesse. The nature of man, through the transgression of our first parents hath lost free-will, and reteineth not now any shadow thereof, sauing an inclination to euill, those onely excepted whom God of his meere grace hath sanctified and purged from this originall Leprosie; Insomuch as it is a very perillous thing to set abroach these new and dangerous questi­ons, although they bee accompanied with good answeres: For the grea­test part of the world, following the footsteps of our first Parents, are na­turally enclined to choose the euill, and to leaue that which is good, and therefore the Diuine Poet Du Bartas, speaking of the destruction of So­dome, and loath to name the sinne for which it was destroyed, saith thus;

De peur qu' en offençant des saincts l'oreille tendre,
Ie ne les semble plus enseigner, que reprendre.
For feare that in offending of good peoples tender eare,
I rather seeme to teach them, then to wish them to forbeare.

And there is a report (I know not how trew it is) that Bellarmines bookes of Controuersies, are not very well receiued in Italy, because his obiecti­ons are too strong, and his answeres too weake. In which qualitie, as al­so in one other, whereof we will speake anon, Vorstius hath a certaine tin­cture of Bellarmine.

To the third obiection, where it is alleadged, that perhaps hee hath not bene warie ynough in some of his phrases of speach, and that it is but con­tention for wordes. To that we answere, as before we haue said, That it is in no sort lawfull to speake of those great Mysteries of the Essence of God, of the Trinitie, of the Hypostaticall vnion of natures in the Person of Christ, or any such high points, vnlesse wee vse the same phrases and maner of speech, which the Church of GOD hath alwayes vsed in speaking of the said Mysteries. They that will talke of Chanaan, must vse the language of Chanaan. And the sonnes of Aaron were seuerely punished, for presuming to bring strange fire vnto the Altar. By the difference of lesse then one let­ter, betweene Siboleth and Shiboleth, the ten Tribes of Israel could discerne their friends from their foes, and that by the pronuntiation onely: And the like difference of one little letter betwixt homoousion, and homoiousion, serued to make a distinction betwixt the enemies of Christ in the East Church, and the Church Orthodoxall.

As concerning the fourth and last excuse; namely, that Vorstius hath in his last Bookes sufficiently purged himselfe from these calumnies, and re­nounced all Heresies: Our answere is, That we would very heartily re­quest the States in their next Assembly, seriously and aduisedly to consider and obserue the style which he vseth in his writings and excuses, and then [Page 369]shall they be able to iudge what kind of spirit it is that guideth his penne.

For, to beginne with the Preface of his Booke, intituled his Christian and modest Answere, he makes there so light reckoning of his questions before­mentioned, as if it were but about the tale of Tobies dogge. For in the se­cond page of his said Preface, these be his wordes: Omnis homo est mendax, immò vanitate ipsâ vanior, solus verò Deus est verax, &c. Quod cùm in omnibus magni momenti negotijs, tum maximè in sanctissimâ fidei causâ humiliter nobis sem­per agnoscendum est: ne videlicet quidquam quod primâ fronte nobis nouum, immò falsum, & absurdum videatur, facilè damnemus, nec contra quicquid vulgò recep­tum est, (in rebus praesertim abstrusis ac perplexis, nec tamen ad salutem scitu necessa­rijs) & quidem cum opinione praecisae necessitatis, statim approbemus. In his talibus, si quis Regem, aut Principem, alioqui pientissimum, immò Reges, & Principes eius­modi complures, (addo & Episcopos, seu Doctores Ecclesiae, non dissimiles) aliquan­tulum errare dixerit, nihil opinor aduersus Regiam Maiestatem, nihil aduersus Prin­cipum, aut Episcoporum dignitatem reuerâ peccauerit, modò semper rationes suorum ‘ dictorum modestè reddere paratus sit. That is to say, Euery man is a lyer, yea, more vaine then vanity it selfe, God onely is trew, &c. Which seeing wee ought euer humbly to acknowledge in all great and weighty causes, most of all ought we to confesse it in the most holy cause of our Faith: insomuch as we should not therefore easily condemne euery thing which at the first seemes strange, yea false and absurd vnto our eares, nor on the contrary side, ought wee foorth-with to approoue, and that with an opinion of precise necessitie, whatsoeuer is commonly receyued, especially in mat­ters abstruse and intricate, whereof the knowledge is not necessarie to saluation. In such poynts as these, if any man shall say, that such a King, or Prince, howsoeuer otherwise most godly and religious, yea that ma­ny such Kings, and Princes (nay, I will not except Bishops, or the like Doctors of the Church) haue in some sort erred, I am of opinion, hee shall not giue any iust cause of offence, either to the Maiestie of Kings, or to the dignitie of Princes and Bishops, so as hee bee alwaies ready modestly to yeeld a reason for that which hee shall affirme.’ In which words, hee maintaineth two Principles: First, that euery man is a ly­ar, aswell in matter of Faith, as in any thing else; and next, that wee must not euer esteeme the vulgar opinion, and that which is generally re­ceiued in matter of Faith to be the trewest, nor alwayes condemne euery opinion for absurd, which at the first seemes vnto vs vncouth, and new. Now we pray you obserue, that this man is not accused of small scapes, and therefore beeing not charged with lesser peccadillos, then those which be­fore wee haue mentioned, it necessarily followes, that in his excuse hee must vnderstand the same points whereof he is accused. And wee hope by the mercy of GOD, that no Christian (wee speake in this particular, as well for the Papists, as for our selues) shall euer be found to erre in any of those maine points: at the least wee will answere, (by the grace of God,) for one of those Kings whom he names in general. And as for his new o­pinions, [Page 370]which he would so gladly vent abroad, the ancient Faith needes not be changed like an old garment, either in substance, or fashion.

Furthermore, in the third page of his Preface, hee vseth these words, Sed neque plures vno aliquo semper hîc ditiores sunt. Nemo igitur vnus sibi arro­get ‘ omnia. Nec numero plures vni alicui, singulare quidquam inuideant. Nei­ther are many men alwayes richer [in knowledge] then some one man. Let not therefore any one man arrogate all things to himselfe. Nor let the greater multitude enuie a particular man,’ for hauing some singularitie more then his fellowes. The trew principle and foundation of the error of the Anabaptists, taking away by this meanes, all maner of gouernment from the Church: For hauing first ouerthrowen the Monarchicall pow­er of the Pope, he sweepes away next all manner of power both Aristocra­ticall and Democraticall from the Church, cleane contrary to the Apo­stles institution, which ordeineth, that the spirits of the Prophets should bee subiect to the Prophets. For if one particular man may take vpon him such a singularitie as this, how shall he bee subiect to Generall, Nationall, and Synodicall Councels? For straight will he say vnto them; Sirs, yee haue no authoritie to iudge mee, for I haue a singular gift aboue you all. And in the fift Page, these are his words: Plamssimè enim persuasus sum, Serenis­simo Regi nunquam in animo fuisse, nunquam in animo fore, alienae conscientiae (quod ne Apostoli quidem sibi vnquam arrogârunt) fiue directè, fiue indirectè, siue per se­ipsum, siue per alios vllatenùs dominari, vel fidem nostram vlli humanae authori­tati ‘ alligare velle. For I am absolutely perswaded, that it was neuer his Ma­iesties meaning, nor euer will bee, either directly, or indirectly, by him­selfe, or by others, in any sort to ouer-rule another mans conscience, (which euen the Apostles neuer challenged to themselues) nor did, or will his Maiestie euer seeke to tie our Faith to any humane authoritie.’ Whereby hee is plainely discouered, to bee resolued not to bee subiect in any sort to the iudgement of the Church, in those matters whereof hee is accused. For hee knowes too well, that the ancient Church hath esta­blished vpon necessary consequences drawen from the holy Scripture, both a forme of beliefe, and a forme of speach concerning the holy Myste­ries aforesaid: And this is the reason why hee will not in these points sub­mit himselfe to the iudgement of any mortall man; But vpon this occa­sion in the seuenth page of his Preface, maintaines his Christian libertie in this maner: Qui quidem humanas decisiones à Diuinis mysterijs scrupulosé se­gregem; & praesertim in audaces Scholarum hypotheses, pro Christiana libertate ‘ interdum diligentiùs inquiram; I, who curiously make a separation betwixt the iudgements of men and the Diuine mysteries, and especially accor­ding to Christian libertie, doe sometimes more narrowly looke into the bold supositions of the Schoolemen.’ As if the Schoole Diuines had bene too ventrous, to explaine and to defend the Articles aforesaid, already so established by the Church: But we may trewly wish in that point, as Bel­larmine did touching Caluin: Vtinam semper sic errassent Scholastici; Would [Page 371]God the Scholemen had alwayes so erred: For in the maine grounds of Christian Religion, they are worthy of all commendation. Reade Aqui­nas against the Gentiles. But in matters of controuersie, where they were to flatter the Pope in his resolutions, and to auow the new ordinances and traditions of their Church, there they yeelded (alas) vnto the iniquitie of the time, and the mysterie of iniquitie, which was euen then in working, got likewise the vpper hand ouer them. And as for this Christian libertie, which he doeth vrge so much, certainely he doeth it with no other inten­tion, but onely vnder this faire pretext, to haue the better meanes, and with more safetie to abuse the world: For Christian libertie is neuer meant in the holy Scripture, but onely in matters indifferent, or when it is taken for our deliuerance from the thraldome of the Law, or from the burden of humane traditions, and in that sense S. Paul speaketh in his Epistle to the Colossians, Quare oneraminiritibus? Why are ye burdened with traditions? But to abuse Christian libertie, in presuming to propound a new doctrine vnto the world, in point of the highest and holiest mysteries of GOD, is a most audacious rashnesse, and an impudent arrogancie: Concerning which S. Paul saith, Though an Angel from heauen, preach vnto you otherwise then that which we haue preached vnto you, let him bee accursed. And Saint Iohn likewise commandeth vs, that wee should not so much as say, God speed to that man, which shall bring vs any other doctrine, as wee haue obserued before.

Now to shew that he is a forger of new opinions, by which he would faine make himselfe singular, see but his wordes immediately preceding those which a little before wee mentioned, where hee boasteth, and is wonderfully in loue with a new name which he hath taken vpon himselfe, that is to say, Purus putus Euangelicus, A mainly pure Gospeller; although indeed the word pure was neuer yet taken in a good part. For amongst the ancient Heretiques, there was a Sect that called themselues Catharoi, and there was also another Sect among the Anabaptists, that were called Puri­tanes, from whence the Precisians of our Kingdomes, who out of selfe-will and fancie refuse to conforme themselues to the Orders of our Church, haue borrowed their name. And for the word Gospeller, although it hath bene assumed in diuers places by some of our Religion, yet hath it this ill fortune, that it is more vsually receiued in those parts of Hungary and Bo­heme, where there are such infinite diuersities of Sects (agreeing in no­thing but in their Vnion against the Pope) then in any other place. The holy Scripture it selfe in the Actes of the Apostles, mentioneth the name of Christians: and the ancient Primitiue Church did attribute vnto the faithfull, the names of Catholique and Orthodox. So as for such a fellow as Vorstius, to affect new Titles for his Religion, it hath surely no good relish: his inten­tion without doubt being no other, then by this meanes to make a distin­ction, and in time a rupture betwixt himselfe, and the Orthodox professors of our Religion. And for proofe that hee is stedfastly resolued to persist [Page 372]in all these nouelties, and not to retract any thing of that which he hath written, see what hee saith in the last page saue one of his said Preface. Opinor enim ipse (vt magni illius Erasmi verba hìc aemuler) in libris meis nihil repe­riri, quo deterior quispiam reddi possit. For I am of opinion (to vse the words of that great Erasmus) that there is nothing to be found in my Bookes, that can make any man the worse that reads them.

As for his Booke which followes this Preface, it verifies the Prouerbe, Dignum patellà operculum, A couer fit for such a dish. For it is so full of distin­ctions, and sophisticall euasions, so stuft with As it weres, in some sorts, in my sence, and such words as these, as euen in that poynt hee hath also a tin­cture of Bellarmine. But God is Vnity it selfe, and Veritie is One, and na­ked, and in our vsuall manner of speech, we call it the simple Verity, but ne­uer was it yet called, the double veritie.

Wee haue thought good to set downe here two places of his sayd Booke, that thereby the Reader may iudge of the rest; whereof one is in the twelfth page, in these words, Argumenta quae adferuntur à Patribus, vel à re­centioribus Theologis pro aeterna Christi generatione, aut fallacia sunt, aut friuola. The arguments which are vsed both by the Fathers and by the moderne Diuines, for the eternall generation of Christ, are either sophisticall or fri­uolous. These words (as he saith) he is charged to haue vsed, and he can­not bethinke him of any other euasion, but to adde the word Quaedam, some arguments, &c. Now wee shall desire thee (good Reader) here to obserue, that this man condemning some arguments which the Fathers had gathered out of the holy Scripture, to prooue the eternall generation of Christ, as deceitfull and friuolous, hee will bee sure howsoeuer not to alleadge any other arguments, either out of the Fathers, or of his owne brayne, which shall be stronger then those which he hath reiected. And in the same fashion he behaues himselfe throughout his whole Booke: for we shew you this but for a scantling. In the other place, he directly denies, that euer he affirmed in his other Booke, that Feare and Desperation were incident to God: his wordes are these in the eighth page, Nam metum & desperationem ne quidem vspiàm nominaui. For I did neuer so much as name Feare and Desperation, in any place. And yet neuerthelesse, let any man looke vpon his other Booke, Tract. Theol. de Deo. pag. 114. and pag. 450. and hee shall find two seuerall Discourses of a good length, concerning these two points. Herein hauing no other shift, he betakes himselfe to an absolute and flat Nega­tiue. But to the intent, that the Reader may iudge of his maner of speaking through his whole last Booke intituled, A Christian and modest Answere, and how he playes the Sophister therein; we haue set downe diuers of his phra­ses (in manner of a Table) which we haue caused to be extracted out of his said Booke.

[Page 373]

¶ 1. Estne Deus essentialiter immensus, & vbi (que) presens?

Pag. 16. lin. 16. NVsquam disertè scriptum est, substantiam Dei simpliciter, seu quouis modo, immensam & infinitam esse. Pag. 16. lin. 23. Et non pauca in S. Literis occur­runt, quae contrarium, non dico clarè asserunt, sed tamen asserere viden­tur. Interim aliud est videri, aliud reuerâ esse. Respondeo tamen ex sensu meo.

Pag. 22. lin. 23. Quoad Thesin, seurem ipsam est.

Tametsi non quoad Pag. 4. l. 19. specialem modum, seu Pag. 22. l. 26. hypothesin scholasticam.

Pag. 23. l. 1. Quae tamen falsa non est, verùm aliquatenùs hactenus infirmiùs asserta, & sic aliquatenùs dubia.

Is God essentially immense, and euery where present?

It is in no place clearely set downe, that the substance of God is simply, and euery way immense, and infinite. And there be many places in the holy Scripture, which (I doe not say, clearely affirme) yet seeme to affirme the contrary. In the meane time, it is one thing to seeme, and another thing to be indeed. Yet in mine owne sense I answere thus:

Simply, and positiuely it is.

Howsoeuer, not in that speciall maner and sort as the Scholemen hold.

Which opinion, neuerthelesse, I doe not say is false, but I say it hath hi­therto bene somewhat weakely proued, & therefore in some sort doubtful.

¶ 2. Estne in Deo quantitas?

Est, sed Pag. 2. l. 28. non physica.

Verùm Pag. 23. l. 12. hyperphysica.

Attamen Pag. 2. l. 29. nobis planè imperceptibilís, & merè spiritualís.

Is there Quantitie in God?

There is, but not a naturall Quantitie:

But a supernaturall.

Neuerthelesse, not possible to be perceiued by vs, but meerely spirituall.

¶ 3. Estne Deus infinitus?

Pag. 3. l. 16. Omnia Entia certam & definitam essentiam habent, id quod Deo ipsi alìquate­nus aptare licet. Pag. 3. l. 18. Deum quolibet sensu rectè infinitum dici non posse, quum infini­tudo illa quae definitioni certae oponitur in Deum reuerâ non cadat.

Is God infinite?

Euery thing that hath a being hath a certaine and definite Essence, which may be applied in some kinde vnto God. That God cannot rightly in euery sence be said to be infinite, seeing that infinitenesse which is oppo­site to certaine definitenesse, cannot indeed be attributed vnto God.

¶ 4. Estne Deus in aliquo loco?

Est, sed non Pag. 3. l. 22, 23. physico;

Verùm in spatio abstractissimè sumpto, quod Deus suo diuino modo adimplet.

[Page 374]

Is God in a place?

He is, but not in a naturall place;

But in spatio abstractissimè sumpto, which God after his Diuine maner doeth fill.

¶ 5. Estne Deus corporeus?

Pag. 3. l. 34. Propriè loquendo minimè corporeus est.

Pag. 15. l. 6. Sed tamen nihil absurdi erit, si Deo (impropriè loquendo) corpus ascribamus, Pag. 4. l. 3. nempè quatenus vocabulum Corporis impropriè & latissimè pro verâ substantiâ Pag. 15. l. 14. non prorsus absurdè sumitur, Pag. 15. l. 10. & 3. iuxta latam significationem, quae figurata, & im­propria, seu mauis catachrestica est.

Hath God a body?

If we will speake properly, he hath none.

Yet is it no absurditie, speaking improperly, to ascribe a body vnto God, that is to say, as the word Body is taken improperly and generally, (and yet not very absurdly) for a trew substance, in a large signification which is fi­guratiue, and improper, or (if you will) abusiue.

¶ 6. Estne Deus compositus è materiâ & formâ?

Pag. 5. l. 3. Nullo modo, propriè loquendo. Est tamen in sensu quodam improprio, vel, si mauis, per [...] quandam, per quam vocabulum Corporis, item quasi materiae & formae, seu quasi compositionis ex genere & differentiâ, aliquando eidem attribui posse non immeritò alicui videatur.

Is God compounded of matter and forme?

By no meanes, speaking properly: Although it bee trew in a certaine improper sence, or (if you please) by a certaine Catachresis, by the which the word Body, and as it were materia & forma, or as it were a Composition ex genere & differentia, may sometimes seeme to some (and not without cause) to be fitly attributed to God.

¶ 7. Estne Deus immutabilis, vt essentiâ, sic voluntate?

Non est Pag. 15. l. 15. vt essentiâ, sic voluntate; Id est, non est aequaliter.

Is God vnchangeable in his Will, as he is in his Essence?

He is not vnchangeable in his will, as he is in his Essence. That is, not alike vnchangeable in the one, as he is in the other.

¶ 8. Estne Deus subiectus accidentibus?

Pag 7. l. 8. Non vllis veris.

Pag. 7. l. 9. Tametsi per liberam voluntatem quaedam accidentia latissimè sic dicta, tum ad se, tum in se recipit Deus.

Is God subiect to accidents?

Not to any trew accidents.

Although God doeth by his Free will take to himselfe, and into him­selfe, certaine accidents, so called in the largest sense.

[Page 375]

¶ 9. An Deus per discursum conijcit de futuris?

Interdum, Pag. 7. l. 24. aliquatenus, Pag. 8. l. 9. discursum quendam instituit, & quasi de incertis conij­cit, Pag. 7. l. 22. sed impropriè & metaphoricè, citraque omnem imperfectionem.

4 Pag. 8. l. 2. Conijcit autem non coniecturâ qualis hominum esse solet, sed planè diuinâ.

Doeth God coniecture of things to come by discourse?

Sometimes in some sort, he frameth to himselfe a certaine discourse, and doeth (as it were) coniecture of things vncertaine, but improperly and me­taphorically, and without all imperfection.

And he doeth coniecture not in such sort as men doe, but after a meere­ly diuine maner.

¶ 10. Affectus amoris, odij, &c. Deone propriè attribuuntur?

Propriè sed Pag. 8. l. 16. vt pro veritate potiùs, quàm pro vsitatâ nobisque notâ proprietate accipiendum sit.

Pag. 9. l. 1. Nulli affectus cum humanâ infirmitate coniuncti propriè Deo attribuuntur; verè tamen, & suo modo propriè, hoc est, pro suae, non pro naturae nostrae proprietate.

The affections of loue, hatred, &c. be they properly attributed vnto God or not?

Yes, but so as ye take it rather for a veritie, then for that property which is vulgarly vnderstood and knowne vnto vs.

No affections accompanied with humane infirmitie are properly attri­buted vnto God: yet trewly, and in his owne kinde properly, that is to say, as they are proper to his nature, and not to ours.

¶ 11. Pater, habetne peculiarem quandam, seu quasi restrictam essentiam?

Pag. 21. l. 13. Vox essentiae, perinde vt Entis, amplissimam significationem habet, & sic nihil omninò vetat vtramque non minùs ad personas diuinas, quàm ad ipsam Deitatis na­turam in sano sensu referri.

Hath the Father a certaine peculiar, or (as it were) limited Essence?

The word Essence, as well as Ens, hath a very large signification, and we may apply both of them safely, in a good sence, as well to the Diuine per­sons, as to the nature of the Deitie it selfe.

¶ 12. Suntne Patrum argumenta friuola, pro aeternâ Christi generatione?

Siquidem Pag. 14. l. 3. vnica vox [quaedam] ab initio inseratur, argumenta à Patribus ha­ctenùs aptata, aut fallacia, aut friuola sunt.

Be those arguments which the Fathers haue vsed to proue the Eternall generation of Christ, friuolous or no?

If this one word [ quaedam, some,] were added to the beginning of that position, it were then trew, that the arguments which the Fathers haue at any time applied to prooue the Eternall generation of Christ, are either de­ceitfull, or friuolous.

[Page 376]

¶ 13 Estne in Deo visio praesentium, & praeteritorum magis certa, quàm futurorum praeuisio?

Pag. 18. l. 19, 20. Nota modestiam meam in verbo [videntur,] opinionem duntaxat probabi­lem hîc afferri, non autem dogmaticam assertionem.

Futura Pag. 18. l. 29. contingentia (comparatiuè loquendo) etiam coram Deo dici possunt mi­nus certa quàm praeterita, & praesentia.

Whether doeth God see things past and present, more certainely then things to come?

Note here my modestie in this word [videntur] for in this place I deli­uer onely a probable opinion, and not a dogmaticall assertion.

Things future contingent (speaking comparatiuely) may be said to bee lesse certaine, euen vnto God, then things past, and present.

By this may the Reader manifestly discerne, that there is nothing which a man, speaking in this fashion shall not be able to maintaine, and by this meanes easily prooue quidlibet ex quolibet. And certainely his manner of excuses and euasions are framed iust after the mould of the ancient He­retiques, and namely of Arrius, and Paulus Samosatenus, when they saw themselues pinched with the Arguments of the Orthodoxe Church, and had no power to resist. The same also doeth more plainely appeare by an other little booke which he hath published, intituled, Theologicall positions, which booke he hath made of purpose to blinde the world withall; be­cause they are indeed but the same Theses or Positions, vpon which he hath disputed in his first wicked booke, that beareth the title Of God and his Attributes. For in the Theses themselues there is but little harme, but in his disputations thereupon are couched all the horrible Heresies: And therefore in this booke hath hee published onely his Theses which are iu­stifiable; and left out his disputations vpon the Theses, wherein all the poison is conteined. It is moreouer somewhat suspicious in such a tainted person as he is, that in an Appendix which hee hath placed at the end of his Theses, he taketh occasion to name a number of Heretiques who are aduersaries to the doctrine of his Theses, and those especially who haue er­red concerning the Diuinitie, Humanitie, Person, or Office of CHRIST, as the Ebionites, Cerinthians, Arrians, Praxians, Sabellians, Marcionites, Mani­chees, Docites, Apollinarists, Mennonites, Swenkfeldians, Nestorians, Monothelites, Eutychians, Monophysites, Iewes, Millenaries, Papists. Amongst which rabble he doeth not once make mention of Paulus Samosatenus, nor of Photinius, who succeeded him as well in his Bishopricke as in his errour: Yet neuer­thelesse it is reported, that Vorstius in his heart is not very farre from their erronious opinion.

Now in the Preface of this little booke hee hath taken vpon him very succinctly to make answere to fiue Articles which he confesseth were layd to his charge, by which answere, in our opinion, hee discouers himselfe very plainely.

[Page 377]The first point is, That hee was once accused (as himselfe saith) of the Samosatenian Heresie, because he had sometime both written and receiued letters from diuers of that Sect; which he confesseth he did indeed in his youth, to this end, that by that meanes hee might the more easily come by some of their bookes, but that afterward hee did forbeare all correspon­dencie with them. First of all then, we would be glad to know why hee forgot the Heresie of Samosatenus in his Appendix, where he names so ma­ny others, and yet confesseth in the Preface of his said booke, that he him­selfe was accused of that errour. Secondly, to what end had hee in his youth so great traffique with these Heretiques? was it to enable him the better to confute them? We heare him not say so much, as indeed it was neuer his end. Surely this fellow would be an excellent cleanser of a Pest­house, for he feares no infection: Picem contrectare non timet, he dares han­dle any pitch: And yet for all that, the Prouerbe is trew, Qui ambulat in Sole, colorabitur; He that walketh in the Sun-shine, shall bee Sun-burnt. It followes then, seeing his intention was not to arme himselfe against them, that it must be of necessitie to make himselfe worthy of their Schoole, the which hee almost confesseth in the last words of his Answere to that point, where he saith thus; Non enim (quod multi solent) alienis sensibus hîc fi­dendum putaui, aut temerè quidquam in causa Fidei damnandum: For I doe not thinke it fit (as many others doe) to relie in these cases vpon other mens constructions, or rashly to condemne any thing which concernes matter of Faith.

To the second Article of his Accusation, hee confesseth that hee gaue some of his Samosatenian bookes vnto his schollers; Surely, a goodly gift: But the caution was prettie which he gaue withall vnto them when he de­liuered them the bookes; which was that they ought to reade them with iudgement, not rashly reiecting the doctrine commonly receiued. What an Epithite is heere for our holy Orthodoxe Faith, to terme it no otherwise then the doctrine commonly receiued? And as for his caution, not rashly to forsake the old doctrine, it is no more then the Turkes would giue vnto any Christian, that should suddenly offer to become a Mahometist. Nay what Christian did euer sollicite a Pagan, or Heretique to bee conuerted, but with this caution? Who Would perswade a man to receiue the holy Sacrament rashly? S. Paul commands euery man to examine himselfe dili­gently, before hee come to that holy Table. But on the other side, an Or­thodoxe ‘Christian would in this case haue said to his schollers: If you will reade these wicked bookes, reade them with horrour and detestation, and with an intent to arme your selues against such wiles and subtilties of Sa­than, and withall pray vnto GOD to keepe you constant in the holy Ca­tholique and Orthodoxe Faith, that these Heresies may haue no power once to mooue you, trusting in his mercy, and not in your owne strength.’

To the third Article, he confesseth that his schollers did publish bookes of the Socinian Heresie; and his excuse is, that it was without his know­ledge: [Page 378]But howsoeuer, he condemnes them not for hauing done it onely this he saith, That they declared vpon their oathes, they did not fauour the Heresie.

To the fourth point, he confesseth that about ten yeeres since, he wrote a booke De Filiatione Christi, (for which Title onely, an Authour, so sus­pected as he, is worthy of the fagot,) and all his excuse is, That he wrote an Epitome vpon Bellarmine. Wee doubt not but hee did it for his recrea­tion. Forsooth, a prety conceit. Yet it appeares not by his wordes, that he detests the subiect of that Booke: but saith, That no man can thereby coniecture what his opinion is of that argument, no more then they can vpon his Epitome of Bellarmine, which was likewise his worke. For to condemne it, had beene contrary to that which hee auowed in his other booke, neuer to repent himselfe of any thing that he hath once written, as already we haue obserued.

As for the fift and last point, he will neither confesse, nor deny the accu­sation: onely hee saith, That a certaine booke intituled Dominicus Lopez, which is (as we haue heard) a very blasphemous Treatise, was suppressed by him pacis ergò, for peace sake; but he is so farre from condemning it, as that he alleadgeth, the booke hath bene maintained by others, which in time shall appeare. Two things are here to bee obserued; First, that hee suppressed it pacis ergò, for quietnesse sake; Not therefore for the wicked­nesse of the subiect, The next, that in his due time: the trewth thereof shall appeare. In which last point onely, we will willingly ioyne with him, beseeching our good GOD, for his CHRISTS sake, that hee will bee pleased to discouer the trewth of this mans intentions, as well for his owne Glory, as to purge the scandall, and to auoyd the danger which may ensue vnto Christendome, by the darnell of Heresies which he hath sowne.

It is therefore to bee noted, That to all these fiue Articles his answeres are so silly and weake, as in three of them we haue found him planè confi­tentem reum, plainely pleading guiltie; blanching it onely with some poore excuses. And to the other two points his answers are doubtfull; yet nei­ther condemning the act of his schollers, nor the last wicked booke called Dominicus Lopez.

Hauing now therefore briefly laied open the subtilties, friuolous distin­ctions, and excuses of the said Vorstius, we will conclude this point with this protestation; That if he had bene our owne Subiect, we would haue bid him Excrea, spit out: and forced him to haue produced, and confessed those wicked Heresies, that are rooted in his heart. And in case he should stand vpon his Negatiue, we would enioyne him to say (according to the ancient custome of the Primitiue Church in the like cases of Heretiques) I renounce and from my soule detest them: Anathema, Maranatha vpon such and such Heresies; And not to say For peace sake I caused this booke to be suppressed, And these bookes are to bee read with great iudgement and discretion. S. Hierome liketh not that any man should take it patiently, to be suspected of Heresie.

[Page 379]And now to make an end of this Discourse, we doe very heartily desire all good Christians in generall, and My Lords the States in particular (to whom the managing of this affaire doeth most specially belong) to consi­der but two things: First what kinde of people they be that slander vs, and our sincere intention in this cause: And next, what priuate interest wee can possibly haue (in respect of any worldly honour or aduancement) here­in to engage our selues in such sort as we haue done.

Concerning the first point, There are but three sorts of people, that seeke to calumniate vs vpon this occasion: That is to say; either such as are infected with the same, or the like Heresies, wherewith Vorstius is tainted, & ideo fouent consimilem causam, and therefore doe maintaine the like cause: or else such as be of the Romane Religion, who in this confusion, and liber­tie of prophesying would thrust in for a part; conceiuing it more reasona­ble, that their doctrine should be tolerated by those of our Religion, then the doctrine of Vorstius: or else such, as for reason of State enuie peraduen­ture the good amitie and correspondencie which is betwixt vs, and the Vnited Prouinces.

Touching our owne interest, the whole course of our life doeth suffi­ciently witnesse, that we haue alwayes bene contented with that portion which GOD hath put into our hands, without seeking to inuade the pos­sessions of any other. Besides, in two of our bookes, as well in our [...], as in the Preface to our Apologie, we haue shewed the same inclination. For in the first booke, speaking of warre, we say that a King ought not to make any inuasion vpon anothers Dominions, vntill Iustice be first denied him. And in the other booke, hauing shewed the vsurpa­tion of the Pope, aboue all the Kings and Princes of Christendome, our conclusion is, that we will neuer goe about to perswade them to assault him within his Dominions, but onely to resume, and preserue their owne iust Priuiledges from his violent intrusion. So as (thankes be to GOD) both our Theorique and Practique agree well together, to cleare vs from this vniust and slanderous imputation. And as for the States in particular, it is very vnlikely that we (who haue all our life time held so strict an amitie with them, as for their defence wee haue bene contented to expose the liues of many of our Subiects of both Nations,) would now practise a­gainst then State, and that vpon so poore a subiect as Vorstius: especi­ally, that so damnable a thing could euer enter into our heart, as vnder the vaile and pretext of the glory of GOD, to plot the aduancement of our owne priuate deseignes.

The reasons which induced vs to meddle in this businesse, we haue al­ready declared. We leaue it now to his owne proper Iudges to consider what a nursling they foster in their bosome: A stranger, bred in the Socinian Heresie (as it is said;) often times accused of Heresie by the Churches of Germanie; one that hath written so wicked and scandalous bookes; main­taining and seriously protesting in the preface of his Apologie to the States, [Page 380]for the libertie of prophecying; and twice or thrice insisting vpon that libertie in the Preface of his Modest Answere (a dangerous and pernitious libertie, or rather licentiousnesse, opening a gap to all rupture, Schisme, and confusion in the Church;) yea hauing had some disciples that be He­retiques themselues, and others that accuse him of Heresie. And though there were no other cause then the silly and idle shifts wherewith hee seekes to defend himselfe in his last bookes, it were enough to conuince him, either to haue maintained a bad cause, and in that respect worthy of a farre greater punishment then to be put by his place of Professour; or at the least to be a person vnworthy of the name of a Professour in so famous an Vniuersitie, for hauing so weakely maintained a cause that is iust. For our part, GOD is our witnesse, we haue no quarrell against his person; he is a Stranger, borne farre from our dominions: he is a Germane, and it is well knowen, that all Germanie are our friends, and the most part of the great Princes there, be either neerely allied vnto vs, or our Confederates: he doth outwardly professe the same Religion which we do: he hath writ­ten against Bellarmine: and hath not mentioned vs, either in speach or writing (for any thing we know) but with all the honour and respect that may be. GOD knowes, the worst that we do wish him is, that he may sin­cerely returne into the high beaten path-way of the Catholique and Ortho­doxall Faith.

And for my Lords the States (seeing wee haue discharged our consci­ence) we will now referre the managing of the whole Action vnto their owne discretions. For wee are so farre from prescribing them any rule herein, as we shall be very well contented (so as the businesse be well done) that there be euen no mention at all made of our intercession, in their pub­lique Acts or Records. Their maner of proceeding, we leaue absolutely to their owne Wisedomes. Modò praedicetur Christus, so as CHRIST bee preached, let them vse their owne formes in the Name of GOD. For we desire that GOD should so iudge vs at the last Day, as we affect not in this Action any worldly glory, beseeching the Creatour so to open their eyes, to illuminate their vnderstandings, direct their resolutions, and, aboue all, to kindle their zeale, sanctifie their affections, & at the last so to blesse their Actions and their proceedings in this cause, as the issue thereof may tend to his Glory, to the comfort and solace of the Faithfull, to the honour of our Religion, to the confusion and extirpation (at the least, profli­gation) of Heresies, and, in particular, to the corro­boration of the Vnion of the sayd Prouinces.

A REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT OF KINGS, AND THE INDEPENDANCE OF THEIR CROVVNES, AGAINST AN ORATION OF THE MOST ILLVSTRIOVS CARD. OF PERRON, PRONOVNCED IN THE Chamber of the third Estate. IAN. 15. 1615.

THE PREFACE.

I Haue no humour to play the Curious in a forraine Common wealth, or, vnrequested, to carry any hand in my neighbours af­faires Jt hath more congruitie with Roy­all dignitie, whereof God hath giuen mee the honour, to prescribe Lawes at home for my Subiects, rather then to furnish forraine Kingdomes and people with counsels. Howbeit, my late entire affection to K. Henry IV. of happy memorie, my most honou­red brother, and my exceeding sorrow for the most detestable par­ricide acted vpon the sacred person of a King, so complete in all heroicall and Princely vertues; as also the remembrance of my [Page 382]owne dangers, incurred by the practise of conspiracies flowing from the same source, hath wrought mee to sympathize with my friends in their grieuous occurrents: no doubt so much more dangerous, as they are lesse apprehended and felt of Kings themselues, euen when the danger hangeth ouer their owne heads. Ʋpon whom, in case the power and vertue of my aduertisements be not able ef­fectually to worke, at least many millions of children and people yet vnborne, shall beare me witnesse, that in these dangers of the highest nature and straine, J haue not bene defectiue: and that neither the subuersions of States, nor the murthers of Kings, which may vnhappily betide hereafter, shall haue so free passage in the world for want of timely aduertisement before. For touching my particular, my rest is vp, that one of the maynes for which God hath aduanced me vpon the loftie stage of the supreme Throne, is, that my words vttered from so eminent a place for Gods honour, most shamefully traduced and vilified in his owne Deputies and Lieutenants, might with greater facilitie be conceiued.

Now touching France, faire was the hope which J conceiued of the States assembled in Parliament at Paris: That calling to minde the murthers of their Noble Kings, and the warres of the League which followed the Popes fulminations, as when a great storme of haile powreth downe after a Thunder-cracke, and a world of writings addressed to iustifie the parricides, and the de­thronings of kings, they would haue ioyned heads, hearts, & hands together, to hammer out some apt and wholesome remedy against so many fearefull attempts and practises. To my hope was added no little ioy, when I was giuen to vnderstand the third Estate had preferred an Article or Bill, the tenor and substance whereof was concerning the meanes whereby the people might bee vnwit­ched of this pernicious opinion; That Popes may tosse the French King his Throne like a tennis ball, and that killing of Kings is an acte meritorious to the purchase of the crowne of Martyrdome. But in fine, the proiect was encoun­tred with successe cleane coutrary to Expectation. For this Ar­ticle of the third Estate, like a sigh of libertie breathing her last, [Page 383]serued onely so much the more to inthrall the Crowne, and to make the bondage more grieuous and sensible then before. Euen as those medicines which worke no ease to the patient, doe leaue the disease in much worse tearmes: so this remedy inuented and ten­dred by the third Estate, did onely exasperate the present malady of the State; for so much as the operation and vertue of the wholesome remedy was ouermatched with peccant humours, then stirred by the force of thwarting and crossing opposition. Yea much better had it bene, the matter had not bene stirred at all, then af­ter it was once on foot and in motion, to giue the Trewth leaue to lye gasping and sprawling vnder the violence of a forraine faction. For the opinion by which the Crownes of Kings are made subiect vnto the Popes will and power, was then auowed in a most Honou­rable Assembly, by the auerment of a Prelate in great autho­ritie, and of no lesse learning: He did not plead the cause as a priuate person, but as one by representation that stood for the whole body of the Clergie; was there applauded, and seconded with approbation of the Nobilitie; no resolution taken to the con­trary, or in barre to his plea. After praises and thankes from the Pope, followed the printing of his eloquent harangue or Ora­tion, made in full Parliament: a set discourse, maintaining Kings to be deposeable by the Pope, if he speake the word. The said Oration was not onely Printed with the Kings priuiledge, but was likewise addressed to mee by the Author and Orator him­selfe; who presupposed the reading thereof would forsooth driue me to say, Lord Cardinall, in this high subiect your Honour hath satisfied me to the full. All this poysed in the ballance of equall iudgement, why may not J trewly and freely affirme, the said Estates assembled in Parliament, haue set Royall Maie­stie vpon a doubtfull chance, or left it resting vpon vncertaine tearmes: and that now if the doctrine there maintained by the Clergie should beare any pawme, it may lawfully be doubted, who is King in France? For I make no question, hee is but a titular King that raigneth onely at an others discretion, and whose Princely head the Pope hath power to bare of his Regall Crowne. [Page 384]In temporall matters, how can one be Soueraigne, that may be flee­ced of all his Temporalties by any superiour power? But let men at a neere sight marke the pith and marrow of the Article propo­sed by the third Estate, and they shall soone perceiue the skilfull Architects thereof aymed onely to make their King a trew and reall King, to bee recognised for Soueraigne within his owne Realme, and that killing their King might no longer passe the muster of workes acceptable to God.

But by the vehement instance and strong current of the Clergie and Nobles, this was borne downe as a pernicious Article, as a cause of Schisme, as a gate which openeth to all sorts of Here­sies: yea, there it was maintained tooth and naile, that in case the doctrine of this Article might goe for currant doctrine, it must fol­low, that for many aages past in sequence, the Church hath beene the kingdome of Antichrist, and the synagogue of Satan. The Pope vpon so good issue of the cause, had reason, J trow, to ad­dresse his Letters of triumph vnto the Nobilitie and Clergie, who had so farre aprrooued themselues faithfull to his Holinesse; and to vaunt withall, that hee had nipped Christian Kings in the Crowne, that hee had giuen them checke with mate, through the magnanimous resolution of this courageous Nobilitie, by whose braue making head, the third Estate had beene so valiantly forced to giue ground. Jn a scornefull reproach hee qualified the Deputies of the third Estate, I haue recei­ued aduertise­ment from di­uers parts, that in the Popes letters to the Nobitie these wordes were extant, howsoeuer they haue bin left out in the impression, & rased out of the copies of the said let­ters. nebulones ex foece plebis, a sort or a number of knaues, the very dregges of the base vul­gar, a packe of people, presuming to personate well affe­cted Subiects, and men of deepe vnderstanding, and to reade their masters a learned Lecture. Now it is no won­der, that, in so good an office and loyall cariage towards their King, the third Estate hath outgone the Clergie. For the Cler­gie denie themselues to haue any ranke among the Subiects of the King: they stand for a Soueraigne out of the Kingdome, to whom as to the Lord Paramount they owe suite and seruice: they are bound to aduance that Monarchie, to the bodie whereof they properly apperteine as parts or members, as elsewhere I haue [Page 385]written more at large. But for the Nobilitie, the Kings right arme, to prostitute and set as it were to sale the dignitie of their King, as if the arme should giue a thrust vnto the head; J say for the Nobilitie to hold and maintaine euen in Parliament, their King is liable to deposition by any forreine power or Potentate, may it not passe among the strangest miracles and rarest wonders of the world? For that once granted, this consequence is good and necessarie; That in case the King, once lawfully deposed, shall stand vpon the defensiue, and hold out for his right, he may then lawfully be murthered. Let mee then here freely professe my o­pinion, and this it is: That now the French Nobilitie may seeme to haue some reason to disrobe themselues of their titles, and to transferre them by resignation vnto the third Estate. For that body of that third Estate alone hath caried a right noble heart: in as much as the could neither be tickled with promises, nor ter­rified by threatnings, from resolute standing to those fundamen­tall points and reasons of State, which most concerne the honour of their King, and the securitie of his person.

Of all the Clergie, the man that hath most abandoned, or set his honour to sale, the man to whom France is least obliged, is the Lord Cardinall of Perron: a man otherwise inferiour to few in matter of learning, and in the grace of a sweete style. This man in two seuerall Orations, whereof the one was pronounced be­fore the Nobilitie, the other had audience before the third Estate, hath set his best wits on worke, to draw that doctrine into all ha­tred and infamie, which teacheth Kings to be indeposeable by the Pope. To this purpose hee termes the same doctrine, a breeder of Schismes, a gate that openeth to make way, and to giue en­trance vnto all heresies; in briefe, a doctrine to bee held in so high a degree of detestation, that rather then he and his fellow-Bi­shops will yeeld to the signing thereof, they will bee contented like Martyrs to burne at a stake. At which resolution, or obstina­cie rather in his opinion, I am in a manner amased, more then I can be mooued for the like brauado in many other: forasmuch as hee was many yeeres together, a follower of the late King, euen when [Page 386]the King followed a contrary Religion, and was deposed by the Pope: as also because not long before, in a certaine Assemblie hol­den at the Iacobins in Paris, hee withstood the Popes Nuntio to his face, when the said Nuntio laboured to make this doctrine, touching the Popes temporall Soueraigntie, passe for an Article of Faith. But in both Orations, hee singeth a contrary song, and from his owne mouth passeth sentence of condemnation against his former course and profession. J fuppose, not without sollide iudge­men; as one that heerein hath well accommodated himselfe to the times: For as in the reigne of the late King, hee durst not offer to broach this doctrine (such was his fore-wit;) so now he is bold to proclaime and publish it in Parliament vnder the reigne of the said Kings sonne; whose tender yeeres and late succession to the Crowne, doe make him lie the more open to iniuries, and the more facill to be circumuented: Such is now his afterwisedome.

Of these two Orations, that made in presence of the Nobilitie he hath, for feare of incurring the Popes displeasure, cautelously suppressed. For therein he hath beene somewhat prodigall in af­firming this doctrine maintained by the Clergie, to bee but proble­maticall; and in taking vpon him to auouch, that Catholikes of my Kingdome are bound to yeeld me the honour of obedience: Where­as on the other side, he is not ignorant, how this doctrine of deposing Princes and Kings, the Pope holdeth for meerely necessarie, and approoueth not by any meanes Alleagiance to bee performed vn­to mee by the Catholikes of my Kingdome. Yea if credit may be giuen vnto the abridgement of his other Oration published, where­in he paralells the Popes power in receiuing honours in the name of the Church, with the power of the Venetian Duke in receiuing honours in the name of that most renowned Rebublike; no mar­ueile that when this Oration was dispatched to the presse, he com­manded the same to be gelded of this clause and other like, for feare of giuing his Holinesse any offensiue distaste.

His pleasure therefore was, and content withall, that his Ora­tion imparted to the third Estate, should be put in Print, and of his courtesie he vouchsafed to addresse vnto me a copie of the same. [Page 387]Which after J had perused, J foorthwith well perceiued, what and how great discrepance there is betweene one man that perorateth from the ingenuous and sincere disposition of a sound heart, and an other that flaunteth in flourishing speech with inward checkes of his owne conscience: For euery where he contradicts himselfe, and seemes to be afraid lest men should picke out his right meaning.

First, In 12. seuerall passages the L. Card. seemeth to speake a­gainst his owne consci­ence. Pag. 85. he grants this Question is not hither to decided by the ho­ly Scriptures, or by the Decrees of the ancient Church, or by the a­nalogie of other Ecclesiasticall proceedings: and neuerthelesse hee confidently doeth affirme, that whosoeuer maintaine this doctrine to be wicked and abhominable, that Popes haue no power to put Kings by their supreame Thrones, they teach men to beleeue, there hath not bene any Church for many aages past, and that indeed the Church is the very Synagogue of Antichrist.

Secondly, he exhorts his hearers to hold this doctrine at least for problematicall, and not necessary: and yet herein he calls them to all humble submission vnto the iudgement of the Pope and Cler­gie, by whom the cause hath bene already put out of all question, as out of all hunger and cold.

Thirdly, he doeth auerre, in case this Article be authorized, it makes the Pope in good consequence to bee the Antichrist: Pag. 99. and yet he grants that many of the French are tolerated by the Pope to dissent in this point from his Holinesse; prouided, their doctrine be not proposed as necessary, and materiall to faith; As if the Pope in any sort gaue toleration to hold any doctrine contrary to his owne, and most of all that doctrine which by consequence inferres himselfe to be the Antichrist.

Fourthly, he protesteth forwardnesse to vndergoe the flames of Martyrdome, rather then to signe this doctrine, which teacheth Kings Crownes to sit faster on their heads, then to be stirred by any Papal power whatsoeuer: and yet saith withall, the Pope winketh at the French, by his toleration to hold this dogmaticall point for problematicall. And by this meanes, the Martyrdome that hee affecteth in this cause, will prooue but a problematicall Martyr­dome, whereof question might grow very well, whether it were to [Page 398]be mustered with grieuous crimes, or with phreneticall passions of the braine, or with deserued punishments.

Fiftly, he denounceth Anathema, dischargeth maledictions like haile-shot, against parricides of Kings: and yet elsewhere hee layes himselfe open to speake of Kings onely so long as they stand Kings. But who doeth not know that a King deposed is no longer King? And so that limme of Satan, which murthered Henry the III. then vn-king'd by the Pope, did not stabbe a King to death.

Sixtly, he doeth not allow a King to be made away by murder: and yet he thinks it not much out of the way, to take away al meanes whereby he might be able to stand in defence of his life.

Seuenthly, Pag. 95.97. hee abhorreth killing of Kings by apposted throat­cutting, for feare lest body and soule should perish in the same in­stant: and yet he doth not mislike their killing in a pitcht field, and to haue them slaughtered in a set battaile: For he presupposeth, no doubt out of his charitable mind, that by this meanes the soule of a poore King so dispatched out of the way, shall instantly flie vp to heauen.

Eightly, he saith a King deposed, retaineth stil a certaine internal habitude and politike impression, by vertue and efficacie whereof he may, being once reformed and become a new man, be restored to the lawfull vse and practise of Regalitie. Whereby hee would beare vs in hand, that when a forraine Prince hath inuaded and rauenously seised the kingdome into his hands, he will not onely take pittie of his predecessour to saue his life, but will also proue so kind­hearted, vpon fight of his repentance, to restore his kingdome with­out fraud or guile.

Ninthly, he saith euery where in his Discourse, that he dealeth not in the cause, otherwise then as a problematicall discourser, and without any resolution one way or other: and yet with might and maine hee contends for the opinion, that leaues the States and Crownes of Kings controulable by the Pope: refutes obiections, propounds the authoritie of Popes and Councils, by name the La­teran Councill vnder Innocent. III. as also the consent of the Church. And to crosse the Churches iudgement, is, in his opinion [Page 389]to bring in schisme, and to leaue the world without a Church for many hundred yeeres together: which (to my vnderstanding) is to speake with resolution, and without all hesitation.

Tenthly, he acknowledgeth none other cause of sufficient vali­ditie for the deposing of a King, besides herefie, apostasie, and infi­delitie: neuerthelesse that Popes haue power to displace Kings for herefie and apostasie, hee proueth by examples of Kings whom the Pope hath curbed with deposition, not for heresie, but for matri­moniall causes, for ciuill pretences, and for lacke of capacitie.

Eleuenthly, hee alledgeth euery where passages, as well of holy Scripture, as of the Fathers and moderne histories; but so imperti­nent, and with so little trewth, as hereafter wee shall cause to ap­peare, that for a man of his deepe learning and knowledge, it see­meth not possible so to speake out of his iudgement.

Lastly, whereas all this hath bene hudled and heaped together into one masse, to currie with the Pope: yet hee suffereth diuers points to fall from his lips, which may well distast his Holinesse in the highest degree. As by name, where he prefers the authori­tie of the Councill before that of the Pope, and makes his iudge­ment inferiour to the iudgement of the French; as in fit place here­after shalbe shewed. Againe, where he representeth to his hea­rers the decrees of Popes and Councils already passed concerning this noble subiect; and yet affirmes that he doth not debate the que­stion, but as a Questionist, and without resolution: As if a Cardinal should be afraid to be positiue, and to speake in peremptory straines, after Popes and Councils haue once decided the Question: Or as if a man should perorate vpon hazard, in a cause for the honour whereof, he would make no difficultie to suffer Martyrdome. Adde hereunto, that his Lordship hath alwayes taken the contrary part heretofore, and this totall must needs arise, that before the third Estate, his lips looked one way, and his conscience another.

All these points, by the discourse which is to follow, and by the ripping vp of his Oration (which by Gods assistance J will vnder­take) tending to the reproch of Kings, and the subuersion of kingdomes, J confidently speake it, shalbe made manifest. Yet doe [Page 390]J not conceiue it can any way make for my honour, to enter the lists against a Cardinall: For J am not ignorant how farre a Cardinals Hat, commeth vnder the Crowne and Scepter of a King; For well J wot vnto what sublimitie the Scripture hath exalted Kings, when it styles them Gods; Whereas the dignitie of a Cardinall is but a late vpstart inuention of man; In the Pre­face to my A­pologie. as J haue elsewhere prooued. But J haue imbarqued my selfe in this action, mooued thereunto: First, by the common interest of Kings in the cause it selfe: Then by the L. Cardinall, who speaketh not in this Oration as a priuate person, but as one representing the body of the Clergie and Nobi­litie, by whom the cause hath bene wonne, and the garland borne a­way from the third Estate: Againe, by mine owne particular; because he is pleased to take me vp for a sower of dissention, and a persecutour, vnder whom the Church is hardly able to fetch her breath; yea, for one by whom the Catholikes of my Kingdome are compelled to endure all sorts of punishments; and withal he tearmes this Article of the third Estate, a monster with a fishes taile that came swimming out of England: Last of all, by the present state of France; because France being now reduced to so miserable tearmes, that it is now become a crime for a Frenchman to stand for his King; it is a necessary duetie of her neighbours to speake in her cause, and to make triall whether they can put life into the trewth now dying, and ready to be buried by the power of violence, that it may resound and ring againe from remote regions.

J haue no purpose once to touch many prettie toyes which the ridges of his whole booke are sowen withall: Such are his allegations of Pericles, Agesilaus, Aristotle, Minos, the Druides, the French Ladies, Hannibal, Pindarus, and Poeticall fables: All resembling the red and blew flowers that pester the corne when it standeth in the fields, where they are more noy some to the growing crop, then beautifull to the beholding eye. Such pettie matters, no­thing at all beseemed the dignitie of the Assembly, and of the maine subiect, or of the Orator himselfe: For it was no Decorum to enter the Stage with a Pericles in his mouth, but with the sacred Name of God; nor should hee haue marshalled the passage of a Royall [Page 391]Poet, after the example of an heathen Oratour.

Neither will J giue any touch to his conceit of the Romane conquests, 2 Pag. 4. which the L. Cardinall bestoweth in the list of Gods graces and temporall blessings, as a recompence of their zeale to the seruice and worship of Idols: As if God were a recompencer of wickednes, or as if the forcible eiecting of Tenants out of their farmes and other possessions, might be reckoned among the bles­sings of God.

Nor to that of the Milesian Ʋirgins, Pag. 7. & 8. dragged stark-naked after they were dead; which the L. Cardinall drawes into his dis­course for an example of the eternall torments denounced by the Lawes Ecclesiasticall, to be inflicted after this life.

Nor to his exposition of the word Problematicall; Pag. 13. where he giueth to vnderstand that by Problematicall, hee meaneth such things as are of no necessitie to matter of faith; and in case men shall beleeue the contradictory of the said points, they are not bound for such beleefe, to vndergoe the solemne curse of the Church, and the losse of communion: Whereas Aristotle, Aristet. 1. top. cap. 4. [...], sound both one thing, [...], prouided the word [...] or vtrùm, do stand before, as, Vtrum homo sit animal. of whom all Schooles haue borrowed their tearmes, hath taught vs that euery proposition is called a Probleme, when it is propounded in a formall doubt, though in it proper nature it containes a necessary trewth, concer­ning the matter therof; As for example, to say in forme of question, Whether is there but one God? or, Whether is man a creature indued with reason? By which examples it is plaine, that propositions in problematicall forme, doe not forgoe the neces­sitie of their nature; and that many times the contradictory binds the beleeuers thereof to Anathema and losse of communion. There is a confused heape or bundle of other like toyes, which my purpose is to passe ouer in silence, that J may now come to cast anchor, as it were in the very bottome and substance of the cause.

A REMONSTRANCE FOR THE RIGHT OF KINGS, AND THE INDEPEN­DANCE OF THEIR CROVVNES. Against an Oration of the most Illustrious Cardinall of PERRON, pronounced in the Chamber of the third Estate.

The 15. of Ianuar. 1615.

THE L. Cardinall euen in the first passage of his Oration, hath laid a firme foundation, That Ecclesiastics in France are more deepely obli­ged to the King, then the Nobilitie, and third Estate: His reason; Because the Clergie doe sweetly enioy their dignities and promoti­ons, with all their infinite wealth, of the Kings meere grace, without all danger, and with faire immunities; whereas the other two Orders hold their offices by a chargea­ble and burdensome title or tenure, euen to the great expence of their blood, and of their substance. But see now, how loose and weake a frame he hath erected and pinned together, vpon his firme and solide founda­tion: Ergo, the third Estate is to lay all care to prouide remedies against apposted cut-throats, vpon the Clergy; and the said remedies (as he bold­ly affirms) must be deriued from the laws of conscience, which may carry an effectuall acting or operatiue efficacie vpon the soule, and not from ciuil or temporall punishments. Now this consequence limpeth like a lame creple after the premises: For it is no vsuall and common matter, to see men that are deepest in obligation, performe their duties and couenants with most fidelity. Againe, were it graunted the Clergie had well hitherto demonstrated their carefull watching ouer the life and honour of their Prince; yet is it not for spirituall punishments thundred by Ecclesiastics, to bind the hands of the ciuill Magistrate, nor to stop the current of tem­porall [Page 393]punishments: which ordinarily doe carrie a greater force and vertue to the bridling of the wicked, then the apprehension of Gods iudgement.

The third Estate therefore, by whom all the officers of France are pro­perly represented, as to whom the administration of iustice and protecti­on of the Kings rights and Honour doth appertaine, can deserue no blame in carrying so watchfull an eye, by their wholesome remedie to prouide for the safetie of the King, and for the dignitie of his Crowne. For if the Clergie shall not stand to their tackle, but shrinke when it commeth to the push of their duetie; who shall charge themselues with carefull foresight and preuention of mischiefes? Shall not the people? Now, haue not all the calamities, which the third Estate haue sought prouidently to preuent; haue they not all sprung from the Clergie, as from their proper and natu­rall fountaine? From whence did the last ciuill warres, wherein a world of blood was not more profusely then prodigiously and vnnaturally spilt, and wherein the parricide of King Henrie III. was impiously and abominably committed: from whence did those bloodie warres proceed, but from the deposing of the said King by the Head of the Church? Were they not Pre­lats, Curats, and Confessours; were they not Ecclesiastics, who partly by seditious preachments, and partly by secret confessions, powred many a iarre of oyle vpon this flame? Was not he that killed the forenamed King, was not he one of the Clergie? Was not Guignard a Iesuite? Was not Iohn Chastel brought vp in the same schoole? Did not Rauaillac that monster of men, vpon interrogatories made at his examination; among the rest, by whom he had beene so diabolically tempted and stirred vp to his most execrable attempt and act of extreme horror: did not he referre his exami­ners to the Sermons made the Lent next before, where they might be satis­fied concerning the causes of his abominable vndertaking and execution? Are not Bellarmine, Eudaemonoiohannes, Suarez, Becanus, Mariana, with such other monsters, who teach the doctrine of parricides, vphold the craft of Ianus-like Equiuocations in Courts of Iustice, and in secret con­fessions: are they not all Clerics? are not all their bookes approoued and al­lowed, as it were by a corporation or grosse companie of Doctors, with their signes manuel to the said bookes? What were the heads, the chiefe promoters, the complices of the powder-conspiracie in my Kingdome? were they not Ecclesiastics? Hath not Faux by name, a confederate of the same damned crew; hath not he stoutly stood to the gunners part, which then he was to act in that most dolefull Tragedie, with asseueration of a conscience well assured and setled, touching the lawfulnesse of his enter­prise? Did he not yeild this reason? to wit, because he had bin armed with instruction of musket proofe in the case, before he made passage ouer from the Low Countries? Is it not also the generall beleefe of that Order, that Clerics are exempted from the condition of Subiects to the King? Nay, Pag. 7. is it not confessed by the L. Cardinall himselfe, that King-killers haue ingaged [Page 394]themselues to vndertake the detestable act of parricide vnder a false cre­dence of Religion, as beeing instructed by their schoolemasters in Reli­gion? And who were they but Ecclesiasticall persons? All this presupposed as matter of trewth, I draw this conclusion: Howsoeuer no small number of the French Clergie may perhaps beare the affection of louing Subiects to their King, and may not suffer the Clericall character to deface the im­pression of naturall allegiance; yet, for so much as the Order of Clerics is dipped in a deeper die, and beareth a worse tincture of daungerous practi­ses then the other Orders; the third Estate had beene greatly wanting to their excellent prouidence and wisedome, if they should haue relinquished and transferred the care of designements and proiects for the life of their King, and the safety of his Crowne, to the Clergiealone. Moreouer, the Clergie standeth bound to referre the iudgement of all matters in contro­uersie, to the sentence of the Pope, in this cause beeing a partie, and one that pretendeth Crownes to depend vpon his Mitre. What hope then might the third Estate conceiue, that his Holinesse would passe against his owne cause, when his iudgement of the controuersie had beene sundrie times before published and testified to the world? And whereas the plot or modell of remedies proiected by the third Estate, and the Kings Officers, hath not prooued sortable in the euent: was it because the said remedies were not good and lawfull? No verily: but because the Clergie refused to become contributors of their duty and meanes to the grand seruice. Like­wise, for that after the burning of bookes, addressed to iustifie rebellious people, traytors, and parricides of Kings; neuerthelesse the authors of the said bookes are winked at, and backt with fauour. Lastly, for that some wretched parricides drinke off the cuppe of publike iustice; whereas to the firebrands of sedition, the sowers of this abominable doctrine, no man saith so much as blacke is their eye.

It sufficiently appeareth, as I supose, by the former passage, that his Lordship exhorting the third Estate to referre the whole care of this Regall cause vnto the Clergie, hath tacked his frame of weake ioynts and tenons to a very worthy but wrong foundation. Page 9. Howbeit, he laboureth to for­tifie his exhortation with a more weake and feeble reason: For to make good his proiect he affirmes, that matters and maximes out of all doubt and question, may not be shuffled together with points in controuersie. Now his rules indubitable are two: The first, It is not lawfull to murther Kings for any cause whatsoeuer: This he confirmeth by the example of Saul (as he saith) deposed from his Throne, whose life or limbs Dauid ne­uerthelesse durst not once hurt or wrong for his life: Conc. Constan. Sess. 15. Likewise he con­firmes the same by a Decree of the Councill held at Constance: His other point indubitable; The Kings of France are Soueraignes in all Temporall Soueraigntie, within the French Kingdome, and hold not by fealtie either of the Pope, as hauing receiued or obliged their Crownes vpon such tenure and condition, or of any other Prince in the whole world; Which point, [Page 395]neuerthelesse he takes not for certaine and indubitable, but onely according to humane and historicall certaintie. Now a third point he makes to be so full of controuersie, and so farre within the circle of disputable questions, as it may not be drawne into the ranke of classicall and authenticall points, for feare of making a certaine point doubtfull, by shuffling and iumbling therewith some point in controuersie. Now the question so disputable, as he pretendeth, is this: A Christian Prince breakes his oath solemnely ta­ken to God, both to liue and to die in the Catholique Religion: Say this Prince turnes Arrian, or Mahometan, fals to proclaime open warre, and to wage battell with Iesus Christ: Whether may such a Prince be declared to haue lost his Kingdome, and who shall declare the Subiects of such a Prince to be quit of their oath of allegiance? The L. Cardinall holds the affirmatiue, and makes no bones to maintaine, that all other parts of the Catholique Church, yea the French Church, euen from the first birth of her Theologicall Schooles, to Caluins time and teaching, haue professed that such a Prince may bee lawfully remooued from his Throne by the Pope, and by the Councill: and suppose the contrarie doctrine were the very Quintessence or spirit of trewth, yet might it not in case of faith be vrged and pressed otherwise then by way of problematicall disceptation. That is the summe of his Lordships ample discourse: The refuting where­of I am constrained to put off, and referre vnto an other place; because he hath serued vs with the same dishes ouer and ouer againe. There we shall see the L. Cardinall maketh way to the dispatching of Kings after deposi­tion: that Saul was not deposed, as he hath presumed: that in the Councill of Constance there is nothing to the purpose of murthering Soueraigne Princes: that his Lordship, supposing the French King may be depriued of his Crowne by a superiour power, doth not hold his liege Lord to be So­ueraine in France: that by the position of the French Church from aage to aage, the Kings of France are not subiect vnto any censure of deposition by the Pope: that his Holinesse hath no iust and lawfull pretence to produce, that any Christian King holds of him by fealtie, or is obliged to doe the Pope homage for his Crowne.

Well then, for the purpose; he dwelleth onely vpon the third point pre­tended questionable, and this hee affirmeth: If any shall condemne, or wrappe vnder the solemne curse, the abettours of the Popes power to vn­king lawfull and Soueraigne Kings; the same shall runne vpon foure dan­gerous rocks of apparent incongruities and absurdities.

First, he shall offer to force and entangle the consciences of many deuout persons: For he shall binde them to beleeue and sweare that doctrine, 1 Pag. 14. the contrary whereof is beleeued of the whole Church, and hath bene belee­ued by their Predecessors.

Secondly, 2 he shall ouerturne from top to bottome the sacred authoritie of holy Church, and shall set open a gate vnto all sorts of heresie, by al­lowing Lay-persons a bold libertie to be iudges in causes of Religion and [Page 396]Faith: For what is that degree of boldnesse, but open vsurping of the Priesthood; what is it but putting of prophane hands vpon the Arke; what is it but laying of vnholy fingers vpon the holy Censor for perfumes?

Thirdly, 3 hee shall make way to a Schisme, not possible to bee put by and auoyded by any humane prouidence. For this doctrine beeing held and professed by all other Catholiques; how can we declare it repugnant vnto Gods word; how can wee hold it impious; how can wee account it detestable, but wee shall renounce communion with the Head and other members of the Church; yea, we shall confesse the Church in all aages to haue bene the Synagogue of Satan, and the spouse of the Deuill?

Lastly, 4 by working the establishment of this Article, which worketh an establishment of Kings Crownes; He shall not onely worke the intended remedy for the danger of Kings, out of all the vertue and efficacie there­of, by weakening of doctrine out of all controuersie, in packing it vp with a disputable question; but likewise in stead of securing the life and estate of Kings, he shall draw both into farre greater hazards, by the traine or se­quence of warres, and other calamities, which vsually waite and attend on Schismes.

The L. Cardinall spends his whole discourse in confirmation of these foure heads, which wee now intend to sift in order, and demonstratiuely to prooue that all the said inconueniences are meere nullities, matters of imagination, and built vpon false presuppositions. But before wee come to the maine, the reader is to be enformed and aduertised, that his Lordship setteth a false glosse vpon the question; and propounds the case not onely contrary to the trewth of the subiect in controuersie, but also to the Popes owne minde and meaning: For he restraines the Popes power to depose Kings, onely to cases of Heresie, Apostasie, and persecuting of the Church; whereas Popes extend their power to a further distance. They depose Princes for infringing, or in any sort diminishing the Priuiledges of Mo­nasteries: witnesse Gregorie the first in the pretended Charter granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons; the said Charter beeing annexed to his Epistles in the rere. The same hee testifieth in his Epistle to Senator, by name the tenth of the eleuenth booke. They depose for naturall dulnesse and lacke of capacitie, wether in-bred and trew indeed, or onely pretended and imagined: witnesse the glorious vaunt of Gregory VII. that Childeric King of France was hoysted out of his Throne by Pope Zachary, Caus. 15. Can. Alius. Qu. 6. Not so much for his wicked life, as for his vnablenesse to beare the weightie burden of so great a Kingdome. They depose for collating of Benefices and Prebends: witnesse the great quarrels and sore contentions betweene Pope Innocent III. and Iohn King of England: as also betweene Philip the Faire and Bo­niface VIII. They depose for adulteries and Matrimoniall suites: witnes Philip I. for the repudiating or casting off his lawfull wife Bertha, and marrying in her place with Bertrade wife to the Earle of Aniou. Paul. Aemil. in Phil. 3. Finally, faine would I learne into what Heresie or degree of Apostasie, either [Page 397] Henry IV. or Frederic Barbarossa, or Frederic II. Emperours were fallen, when they were smitten with Papall fulminations, euen to the depriua­tion of their Imperiall Thrones. What? was it for Heresie or Apostasie, that Pope Martin IV. bare so hard a hand against Peter King of Arragon, that he acquitted and released the Aragonnois from their oath of Alleagi­ance to Peter their lawfull King? Was it for Heresie or Apostasie, for Ar­rianisme or Mahumetisme, that Lewis XII. so good a King and Father of his Countrey, was put downe by Iulius the II? Was it for Heresie or Apo­stasie, that Sixtus V. vsurped a power against Henrie III. euen so farre as to denounce him vnkingd; the issue whereof was the parricide of that good King, and the most wofull desolation of a most flourishing Kingdome? But his Lordship best liked to worke vpon that ground, which to the out­ward shew and appearance, is the most beautifull cause that can be alleaged for the dishonouring of Kings by the weapon of deposition: making himselfe to beleeue that he acted the part of an Orator before personages not much acquainted with ancient and moderne histories, and such as little vnderstood the state of the question then in hand. It had therefore beene a good warrant for his Lordship, to haue brought some authenticall in­strument from the Pope, whereby the French might haue beene secured, that his Holinesse renounceth all other causes auouchable for the degra­ding of Kings; and that he will henceforth rest in the case of Heresie, for the turning of Kings out of their Free-hold: as also that his Holinesse by the same or like instrument might haue certified his pleasure, that hee will not hereafter make himselfe Iudge, whether Kings bee tainted with damnable Heresie, or free from Hereticall infection. For that were to make himselfe both Iudge and Plaintiffe, that it might be in his power to call that doctrine Hereticall, which is pure Orthodoxe: and all for this end, to make himselfe master of the Kingdome, and there to settle a Successour, who receiuing the Crowne of the Popes free gift and grant, might be tyed thereby to depend altogether vpon his Holinesse. Hath not Pope Boni­face VIII. declared in his proud Letters all those to be Heretiques, that dare vndertake to affirme, the collating of Prebends appertemeth to the King? It was that Popes grosse errour, not in the fact, but in the right. The like crime forsooth was by Popes imputed to the vnhappy Empe­rour Henrie IV. And what was the issue of the said imputation? The sonne is instigated thereby to rebell against his father, and to impeach the interrement of his dead corps, who neuer in his life had beate his braines to trouble the sweet waters of Theologicall fountaines. Annal. Beio. Lib. 3. I [...]anen. Episcop. It is re­corded by Auentine, that Bishop Virgilius was declared Heretique, for tea­ching the Position of Antipodes. The Bull Exurge, marching in the rere of the last Lateran Councel, sets downe this Position for one of Luthers he­resies, A new life is the best repentance. Optima poeni­tentia noua vita. Conc. Con­stan. Sess. 2. Among the crimes which the Coun­cel of Constance charged Pope Iohn XXIII. withall, one was this, that hee denied the immortalitie of the soule, and that so much was pub­liquely, [Page 398]manifestly, and notoriously knowen. Now if the Pope shall be caried by the streame of these or the like errours, and in his Hereticall prauitie shall depose a King of the contrary opinion, I shall hardly bee perswaded, the said King is lawfully deposed.

THE FIRST INCONVENI­ENCE EXAMINED.

THE first inconuenience growing (in the Cardinall his con­ceit) by entertaining the Article of the third Estate (whereby the Kings of France are declared to be indeposeable by any ‘superiour power spirituall or temporall) is this: It offereth force to the conscience, vnder the penaltie of Anathema, to con­demne a doctrine beleeued and practised in the Church, in the continuall current of the last eleuen hundred yeeres.’ In these words he maketh a secret confession, that in the first fiue hundred yeeres, the same doctrine was neither appre­hended by faith, nor approoued by practise. Wherein, to my vnderstan­ding, the L. Cardinall voluntarily giueth ouer the suite: For the Church in the time of the Apostles, their disciples, and successors, for 500. yeeres together, was no more ignorant what authoritie the Church is to chal­lenge ouer Emperours and Kings, then at any time since in any succeeding aage; in which as pride hath still flowed to the height of a full Sea, so puritie of religion and manners hath kept for the most part at a lowe water marke. Which point is the rather to be considered, for that during the first 500. yeeres, the Church groned vnder the heauy burthen, both of heathen Emperours, and of hereticall Kings; the Visigot Kings in Spaine, and the Vandals in Affrica. Of whose displeasure the Pope had small reason or cause to stand in any feare, beeing so remote from their dominions, and no way vnder the lee of their Soueraigntie.

But let vs come to see, what aide the L. Cardinall hath amassed and pi­led together out of latter histories: prouided wee still beare in mind, that our question is not of popular tumults, nor of the rebellion of subiects making insurrections out of their owne discontented spirits and braine­sicke humors, nor of lawfull Excommunications, nor of Canonicall cen­sures and reprehensions; but onely of a iuridicall sentence of deposition, pronounced by the Pope, as armed with ordinary and lawfull power to depose, against a Soueraigne Prince.

Now then, Exampl. 1. pag. 18 E­nag hist Eccles. lib. 3. cap. 32. The L. Cardinall sets on, and giues the first charge with Anastasius the Emperour, whom Euphemius Patriarke of Constantino­ple would neuer acknowledge for Emperour: (that is to say, would neuer consent he should be created Emperour by the helpe of his voice or suffrage) except he would first subscribe to the Chalcedon Creed: notwithstanding [Page 399]the great Empresse and Senate sought by violent courses and practises to make him yeeld. And when afterward the said Emperour, contrary to his oath taken, played the relaps by falling into his former heresie, and be­came a persecutor; he was first admonished, and then excommunicated by Symmachus Bishop of Rome. To this the L. Cardinall addes, that when the said Emperour was minded to choppe the poison of his hereticall asser­tions into the publique formes of diuine seruice, then the people of Con­stantinople made an vproare against Anastasius their Emperour; and one of his Commanders by force of armes, constrained him to call backe cer­taine Bishops whom he had sent into banishment before.

In this first example the L. Cardinall by his good leaue, neither comes close to the question, nor falutes it a farre off. Euphemius was not Bishop of Rome: Anastasius was not deposed by Euphemius; the Patriarch onely made no way to the creating of Anastasius. The suddaine commotion of the base multitude makes nothing, the rebellion of a Greeke Commaun­der makes lesse, for the authorizing of the Pope to depose a Soueraigne Prince. The Greeke Emperour was excommunicated by Pope Symmachus: who knowes whether that be trew or forged? For the Pope himselfe is the onely witnesse here produced by the L. Cardinall vpon the point: and who knowes not how false, how suppositious, the writings and Epistles of the auncient Popes are iustly esteemmed? But graunt it a trewth; yet Anasta sius excommunicated by Pope Symmachus, is not Anastasius deposed by Pope Symmachus. And to make a full answere, I say further, that excommuni­cation denounced by a forraine Bishop, againsta party not beeing within the limits of his iurisdiction, or one of his owne flocke, was not any barre to the party from the communion of the Church, but onely a kind of publi­cation, that he the said Bishop in his particular, would hold no further communion with any such party.

For proofe whereof, I produce the Canons of the Councils held at Carthage. In one of the said Canons it is thus prouided and ordained; Nomecan. Affric Can. 77. [...] If any Bishop shall wilfully absent himselfe from the vsuall and accusto­med Synodes, let him not be admitted to the communion of other Chur­ches, but let him onely vse the benefit and libertie of his owne Church. In an other of the same Canons thus; Can. 81. eiusd. Nomo. [...] If a Bishop shall insinuate himselfe to make a conuciance of his Monasterie, and the ordering thereof vnto a Monke of any other Cloister; let him be cut off, let him be separated from the communion with other Churches and content himselfe to liue in the communion of his owne flocke. In the same sense Hilarius Bishop of Poictiers excommunicated Liberius Bishop of Rome, for subscribing to the Arrian Confession. Anathematibi à me Liberi. Faber in frag. Hilarij. In the same sense, Iohn Bishop of Antioch excommunicated Caelestine of Rome, and Cyrill of Alexandria, Bishops; for proceeding to sentence against Nestorius, without staying his comming to answere in his owne cause. In the same sense likewise, Victor Bishop of Rome did cut off all the Bishops of the East, not from the communion of their owne flocks, but from communion [Page 400]with Victor and the Romane Church. What resemblance, what agreement, what proportion, betweene this course of excommunication, and that way of vniust fulmination which the Popes of Rome haue vsurped against Kings, Examp. 2. but yet certaine long courses of time after that auncient course?

And this may stand for a full answere likewise to the example of Clo­tharius. This ancient King of the French, fearing the censures of Pope A­gapetus, erected the Territorie of Yuetor vnto the title of a Kingdome, by way of satisfaction for murdering of Gualter, Lord of Yuetot. For this example the L. Cardinall hath ransackt records of 900. yeeres antiquitie and vpward; in which times it were no hard piece of worke to shew, that Popes would not haue any hand, nor so much as a finger in the af­faires and acts of the French Kings. Gregorie of Tours that liued in the same aage, hath recorded many acts of excesse, and violent iniuries done against Bishops by their Kings, and namely against Praetextatus Bishop of Roan; for any of which iniurious prankes then played, the Bishop of Rome durst not reprooue the said Kings with due remonstrance. But see heere the words of Gregorie himselfe to King Chilperic: If any of vs, O King, shall swarue from the path of Iustice, him hast thou power to punish: But in case thou shalt at any time transgresse the lines of equitie, who shall once touch thee with re­proofe? To thee wee speake, but are neuer heeded and regarded, except it be thy plea­sure: and bee thou not pleased, who shall challenge thy greatnesse, but hee that iustly challengeth to bee Iustice it selfe? The good Bishop, notwithstanding these humble remonstrances, was but roughly entreated, and packt into exile, being banished into the Isle of Guernsay. But I am not minded to make any deepe search or inquisition, into the titles of the Lords of Yue­tot; whose honourable priuiledges and titles are the most honourable badges and cognizances of their Ancestours, and of some remarkeable seruice done to the Crowne of France: so farre I take them to differ from a satisfaction for sinne: And for the purpose I onely affirme, that were the credit of this historie beyond all exception, yet makes it nothing to the present question, Wherein the power of deposing, and not of excom­municating supreme Kings, is debated. And suppose the King by Char­ter granted the said priuiledges for feare of Excommunication; how is it prooued thereby, that Pope Agapetus had lawfull and ordinary power to depriue him of his Crowne? Nay, doubtlesse it was rather a meanes to eleuate and aduance the dignitie of the Crowne of France, and to style the French King, a King of Kings, as one that was able to giue the qualitie of King, to all the rest of the Nobles and Gentry of his Kingdome. Doeth not some part of the Spanish Kings greatnesse, consist in creating of his, great?

In the next place followeth Gregorie I. Examp. 3. pag. 22. who in the 10. Epistle of the 11. booke, confirming the priuiledges of the Hospitall at Augustodunum in Bourgongne, prohibiteth all Kings and Prelates whatsoeuer, to infringe or diminish the said priuiledges, in whole or in part. His formall and ex­presse [Page 401]words bee these: If any King, Prelate, Iudge, or any other Secular per­son, informed of this our Constitution, shall presume to goe or doe contrary thereunto, let him bee cast downe from his power and dignitie. I answere; the Lord Car­dinall heere wrongs himselse very much, in taking imprecations for De­crees. Might not euen the meanest of the people vse the same tenour of words, and say? If any shall touch the life, or the most sacred Maiestie of our Kings, be he Emperour, or be he Pope, let him bee accursed; let him fall from his eminent place of authoritie; let him lose his dignitie; let him tumble into beggerie, diseases, and all kindes of calamities? I forbeare to shew how easie a matter it is for Monkes, to forge titles after their owne humour, and to their owne liking, for the vpholding and maintaining of their priuiledges. As for the purpose, the same Gregorie citeth in the end of his Epistles another priuiledge, of the like stuffe and stampe to the for­mer, granted to the Abbey of S. Medard at Soissons: It is fenced with a like clause to the other; But of how great vntrewth, and of how little weight it is, the very date that it beareth, makes manifest proofe: For it runs, Dated the yeere of our Lords Incarnation 593. the 11. Indiction; whereas the 10. Indiction agreeth to the yeere 593. Besides, it was not Gregories maner to date his Epistles according to the yeere of the Lord. Againe, the said priuiledge was signed by the Bishops of Alexandria and Carthage, who neuer knew (as may well bee thought) whether any such Abbey of S. Me­dard, or citie of Soissons, was euer built in the world. Moreouer, they signed in the thickest of a crowd as it were of Italian Bishops. Lastly, hee that shall reade in this Gregories Epistles, with what spirit of reuerence and humilitie he speaketh of Emperours, will hardly beleeue that euer hee ar­med himselfe with authoritie to giue or to take away Kingdomes. Hee styles himselfe Epist. 6. l. 3. Ego antem in­dignus pietatin tuae seruils. Ego verò haec Dominis meis Ioquens, quid sum nisi pulu is & vermis? Ibid. Egc qui­dem iussioni subiectus, &c. Epist. 61. l. 2. The Emperours vnworthie seruant: presuming to speake vnto his Lord, when he knowes himselfe to bee but dust and a very worme: Hee profes­seth subiection vnto the Emperours commands, euen to the publishing of a certaine Law of the Emperours, which in his iudgement somewhat iarred and iustled with Gods Law; as elsewhere I haue spoken more at large.

The L. Cardinall next bringeth vpon the stage Iustinian II. Hee, Examp. 4. being in some choller with Sergius Bishop of Rome, because hee would not fa­uour the erroneous Synode of Constantinople, would haue caused the Bishop to bee apprehended by his Constable Zacharias. But by the Ro­mane Militia, (that is, the troupes which the Emperour then had in Italie) Zacharias was repulsed and hindered from his deseigne, euen with oppro­brious and reproachfull termes. His Lordship must haue my shallow­nesse excused, if I reach not his intent by this Allegation; wherein I see not one word of deposing from the Empire, or of any sentence pronounced by the Pope.

Heere are now 712. yeeres expired after the birth of Iesus Christ: in all which long tract of time, the L. Cardinal hath not light vpon any instance, which might make for his purpose with neuer so little shew: For the ex­ample [Page 402]of the Emperor Philippicus by the Cardinal alledged next in sequence, Examp. 5. belongeth to the yeere 713. And thus lies the historie: This Emperour Phi­lippicus Bardanes, was a professed enemie to the worshipping of Images, and commanded them to be broken in pieces. In that very time the Ro­mane Empire was ouerthrowen in the West, and sore shaken by the Sara­cenes in the East. Besides those miseries, the Emperour was also incum­bred with a ciuill and intestine warre. The greatest part of Italie was then seized by the Lombards, and the Emperour in Italie had nothing left saue onely the Exarchat of Rauenna, and the Dutchie of Rome, then halfe a­bandoned by reason of the Emperours want of forces. Pope Constantine gripes this occasion whereon to ground his greatnesse, and to shake off the yoke of the Emperour his Lord, Vndertakes against Philippicus the cause of Images: by a Councel declares the Emperour Heretique: Pro­hibites his rescripts or coine to bee receiued, and to goe current in Rome: Forbids his Imperiall statue to bee set vp in the Temple, according to an­cient custome: The tumult groweth to a height: The Pope is principall promoter of the tumult: In the heate of the tumult the Exarche of Rauen­na loseth his life. Here see now the mutinie of a subiect against his Prince, to pull from him by force and violence a citie of his Empire. But who seeth in all this any sentence of deposition from the Imperiall dignitie? Nay, the Pope then missed the cushion, and was disappointed vtterly of his purpose: The citie of Rome stood firme, and continued still in their obe­dience to the Emperour.

About some 12. yeeres after, Exemp. 6. the Emperour Leo Isauricus (whom the Lord of Perron calleth Iconoclast) falles to fight it out at sharpe, and to pro­secute worshippers of Images with all extremitie. Vpon this occasion, Pope Gregory 2. then treading in the steps of his predecessor, when he per­ceiued the citie of Rome to be but weakely prouided of men or munition, and the Emperour to haue his hands full in other places, found such meanes to make the citie rise in rebellious armes against the Emperour, that he made himselfe in short time master thereof. Thus farre the Lord Cardinall, whereunto my answere for satisfaction is; that degrading an Emperour from his Imperiall dignitie, and reducing a citie to reuolt a­gainst her Master, that a man at last may carry the piece himselfe, and make himselfe Lord thereof, are two seuerall actions of speciall difference. If the free-hold of the citie had beene conueied to some other by the Pope de­priuing the Emperour, as proprietarie thereof, this example might haue challenged some credit at least in shew: but so to inuade the citie to his owne vse, and so to seize on the right and authority of another, what is it but open rebellion, and notorious ambition? For it is farre from Ecclesiasti­call censure, when the spirituall Pastor of soules forsooth, pulles the cloake of a poore sinner from his backe by violence, or cuts his purse, and thereby appropriates an other mans goods to his priuate vse. It is to be obserued withall, that when the Emperours were not of sufficient strength, and [Page 403]Popes had power to beard and to braue Emperours, then these Papall pra­ctises were first set on foot. This Emperour notwithstanding, turned head and peckt againe: his Lieutenant entred Rome, and Gregorie 3. suc­cessor to this Gregorie 2. was glad to honour the same Emperour with style and title of his Lord: witnesse two seuerall Epistles of the said Grego­rie 3. written to Boniface, and subscribed in this forme: Dat. 10. Cal. Decem Im­perante Dom. pijssimo Augu­sto Leone, à Deo coronato, magno Imp. anno decimo Imperij eius. Examp. 7. Dated the tenth (a­lends of December: In the raigne of our most pious and religious Lord, Augustus Leo, crowned of God, the great Emperour, in the tenth yeere of his raigne.

The L. Cardinall with no lesse abuse alleadgeth Pope Zacharie, by whom the French, as he affirmeth, were absolued of the oath of all egiance, where­in they stood bound to Childeric their King: And for this instance, he stan­deth vpon the testimonie of Paulus Aemilius, and du Tillet, a paire of late writers. But by authors more neere that aage wherein Childeric raigned, it is more trewly testified, that it was a free and voluntarie act of the French, onely asking the aduise of Pope Zacharie, but requiring neither leaue nor absolution. Ado Bishop of Vienna, in his Chronicles hath it after this man­ner: The French, following the Counsell of Embassadors, and of Pope Zachary, elected Pepin their King, and established him in the Kingdome. Trithemius in his abridgement of Annals, thus: Childeric, as one vnfit for gouernement, was turned out of his Kingdome, with common consent of the Estates and Peeres of the Realme, so aduised by Zacharie Pope of Rome. Godfridus of Viterbe in the 17. part of his Chronicle, and Guauguin in the life of Pepin, affirme the same. And was it not an easie matter to worke Pepin by counsell to lay hold on the Kingdome, when he could not be hindered from fastening on the Crowne, and had already seizd it in effect, howsoeuer he had not yet at­tained to the name of King? Moreouer, the rudenesse of that Nation, then wanting knowledge and Schooles either of diuinitie, or of Academi­call sciences, was a kind of spurre to make them runne for counsell ouer the mountaines: which neuerthelesse in a cause of such nature, they re­quired not as necessary, but onely as decent and for fashion sake. The Popealso for his part was well appaied, by this meanes to draw Pepin vnto his part; as one that stood in some neede of his aide against the Lombards; and the more, because his Lord the Emperour of Constantinople was then brought so low, that hee was not able to send him sufficient aide, for the defence of his territories against his enemies. But had Zacharie (to deale plainely) not stood vpon the respect of his owne commodity, more then vpon the regard of Gods feare; he would neuer haue giuen counsell vnto the seruant, vnder the pretended colour of his Masters dull spirit, so to turne rebell against his Master. The Lawes prouide Gardians, or ouer­seers, for such as are not well in their wits; they neuer depriue and spoile them of their estate: they punish crimes, but not diseases and infirmities by nature. Yea, in France it is a very auncient custome, when the King is troubled in his wits to establish a Regent, who for the time of the Kings disability, may beare the burden of the Kingdomes affaires. So was the [Page 404]practise of that State in the case of Charles 6. when hee fell into a phrensie; whom the Pope notwithstanding his most grieuous and sharpe fits, neuer offered to degrade. And to be short, what reason, what equity will beare the children to be punished for the fathers debilitie? Yet such punishment was laid vpon Childerics whole race and house; who by this practise were all disinherited of the Kingdome. But shall wee now take some view, of the L. Pag. 25. Cardinals excuse for this exemplarie fact? The cause of Childerics de­posing, (as the L. Cardinall saith) did neerely concerne and touch Religion: For Childerics imbecillity brought all France into danger, to suffer a most wofull shipwracke of Christian religion, vpon the barbarous and hostile inuasion of the Saracens. Admit now this reason had beene of iust weight and value, yet consideration should haue beene taken, whether some one or other of that Royall stemme, and of the Kings owne successors neerest of blood, was not of better capacity to rule and mannage that mighty State. The feare of vncertaine and accidentall mischiefe, should not haue driuen them to flie vnto the certaine mischiefe of actuall and effectuall de­position. They should rather haue set before their eies the example of Charles Martel, this Pepins father; who in a farre more eminent danger, when the Saracens had already mastered, and subdued a great part of France, valiantly encountred, and withall defeated the Saracens; ruled the Kingdome vnder the title of Steward of the Kings house, the principall Of­ficer of the Crowne; without affecting or aspiring to the Throne for all that great step of aduantage, especially when the Saracens were quite bro­ken, and no longer dreadfull to the French Nation.

In our owne Scotland, the sway of the Kingdome was in the hand of Walles, during the time of Bruse his imprisonment in England, who then was lawfull heire to the Crowne. This Walles or Vallas had the whole power of the Kingdome at his becke and command. His Edicts and or­dinances to this day stand in full force. By the deadly hatred of Bruse his mortall enemie, it may be coniectured, that he might haue bene prouoked and inflamed with desiré to trusse the Kingdome in his tallants. And notwithstanding all these incitements, he neuer assumed or vsurped other title to himselfe, then of Gouernour or Administratour of the Kingdome. The reason: Hee had not beene brought vp in this new doctrine and late discipline, whereby the Church is endowed with power to giue and to take away Crownes. But now (as the L. Cardinall would beare the world in hand) the state of Kings is brought to a very dead lift. The Pope for­sooth must send his Physicians, to know by way of inspection or some o­ther course of Art, whether the Kings braine be cract or sound: and in case there be found any debilitie of wit and reason in the King, then the Pope must remooue and translate the Crowne, from the weaker braine to a stronger: and for the acting of the stratageme, the name of Religion must be pretended. Ho, these Heretikes begin to crawle in the Kingdome: or­der must bee taken they bee not suffered by their multitudes and swarmes, [Page 405]like locusts or caterpillers to pester and poison the whole Realme. Or in a case of Matrimony, thus: Ho, marriage is a Sacrament: touch the Or­der of Matrimonie, and Relgion is wounded. By this deuice not onely the Kings vices, but likewise his naturall diseases and infirmities are fetcht into the circle of Religion; and the L. Cardinall hath not done himselfe right, in restraining the Popes power to depose Kings, vnto the cases of Heresie, Apostasie, and persecution of the Church.

In the next place followeth Leo III. who by setting the Imperial Crowne vpon the head of Charles, absolued all the Subiects in the West, of their obedience to the Greeke Emperours, if the L. of Perron might bee cre­dited in this Example. But indeed it is crowded among the rest by a slie tricke, and cleane contrary to the naked trewth of all histories: For it shall neuer be iustified by good historie, that so much as one single person or man (I say not one Countrey, or one people) was then wrought or wonne by the Pope to change his copy and Lord, or from a subiect of the Greeke Emperours, to turne subiect vnto Charlemaine. Let me see but one Towne that Charlemaine recouered from the Greeke Emperours, by his right and title to his Empire in the West: No, the Greeke Emperours had taken their farewell of the West Empire long before: And therefore to nicke this vpon the tallie of Pope Leo his Acts, that he tooke away the West from the Greeke Emperour, it is euen as if one should say, that in this aage the Pope takes the Dukedome of Milan from the French Kings, or the citie of Rome from the Emperours of Germanie, because their Predecessours in former aages had beene right Lords and gouernours of them both. It is one of the Popes ordinary and solemne practises to take away, much after the maner of his giuing: For as he giueth what he hath not in his right and power to giue, or bestoweth vpon others what is already their owne; euen so he ta­keth away from Kings and Emperors the possessions which they haue not in present hold and possession. After this maner he takes the West from the Greeke Emperors, when they hold nothing in the West, and lay no claime to any citie or towne of the West Empire. And what shall wee call this way of depriuation, but spoiling a naked man of his garments, and kil­ling a man already dead? Trew it is the Imperiall Crowne was then set on Charlemaines head by Leo the Pope: did Leo therefore giue him the Em­pire? No more then a Bishop that crownes a King, at his Royall and so­lemne consecration, doeth giue him the Kingdome: For shall the Pope himselfe take the Popedome from the Bishop of Ostia as of his gift, because the crowning of the Pope is an Office of long time peculiar to the Ostian Bishop? It was the custome of Emperours, to be crowned Kings of Italy by the hands of the Archbishop of Milan: did he therefore giue the King­dome of Italy to the said Emperours? And to returne vnto Charlemaine; If the Pope had conueyed the Empire to him by free and gracious donation, the Pope doubtlesse in the solemnitie of his coronation, would neuer haue perfourmed vnto his ownecreature, an Emperour of his owne ma­king [Page 406]the dueties of adoration, Perfectit lan­dibus, a Ponti­fice more Prin­cipum antiquo­rum adoratus est. Auentinus An­nalium Boio­rum, lib. 4. Posthaec ab eo­dem Pontifice vt caeteri vete­rum Prinei­pum, mere ma­iorum aiora­tus est Mag­nus. Sigeb. ad an. 801. Marianus Scotus lib. 3. Annalium. Plat. in vita Leon. 3. Auent. Annal. Boio. lib. 4. Im­perium trans­ferre iure suo in Germanos, Carolúmque tacito Senatus consulto, ple­biscito (que) decer­nunt. as Ado that liued in the same aage, hath left it on record: After the solemne prayses ended (saith Ado) the chiefe Bi­shop honoured him with adoration, according to the custome of ancient Princes. The same is like wise put downe by Auentine, in the 4. booke of his Annals of Bauaria. The like by the President Fauchet in his Antiquities: and by Monsieur Petau Counsellour in the Court of Parliament at Paris, in his Pre­face before the Chronicles of Eusebius, Hierome, and Sigebert. It was there­fore the people of Rome, that called this Charles the Great vnto the Im­periall dignitie, and cast on him the title of Emperour. So testifieth Sige­bert vpon the yeere 801. All the Romanes with one generall voice and consent, ring out acclamations of Imperiall praises to the Emperour, they crowne him by the bands of Leo the Pope, they giue him the style of Caesar and Augustus. Mari­anus Scotus hath as much in effect: Charles was then called Augustus by the Romanes. And so Platina: After the solemne seruice, Leo declareth and proclai­meth Charles Emperour, according to the publike Decree and generall request of the people of Rome. Auentine, and Sigonius in his 4. booke of the Kingdome of Italie witnesse the same. Neuerthelsse, to gratifie the L. Cardinall; Sup­pose Pope Leo dispossessed the Greeke Emperours of the West Empire: What was the cause? what infamous acte had they done? what prophane and irreligious crime had they committed? Nicephorus and Irene, who reigned in the Greeke Empire in Charlemaines time, were not reputed by the Pope, or taken for Heretikes. How then? The L. Cardinall helpeth at a pinch, and putteth vs in minde, that Constantine and Leo, predecessours to the said Emperours, had beene poysoned with Heresie, and stained with persecution. Here then behold an Orthodoxe Prince deposed: For what cause? for Heresie forsooth, not in himselfe, but in some of his Predeces­sors long before An admirable case: For I am of a contrary minde, that he was worthy of double honour, in restoring and setting vp the trewth againe, which vnder his predecessors had endured oppression, and suf­fered persecution. Doubtlesse Pope Siluester was greatly ouerseene, and played not well the Pope, when hee winked at Constantine the Great, and cast him not downe from his Imperiall Throne, for the strange infide litie and Paganisme of Diocletian, of Maximian, and Maxentius, whom Constan­tine succeeded in the Empire.

From this example the L. of Perron passeth to Fulke Archbishop of Reims: Examp. 9. pag. 21. by whom Charles the Simple was threatned with Excommunica­tion, and refusing to continue any longer in the fidelity and allegiance of a subiect. To what purpose is this example? For who can be ignorant, that all aages haue brought forth turbulent and stirring spirits, men altogether forgetfull of respect and obseruance towards their Kings, especially when the world finds them shallow and simple-witted, like vnto this Prince? But in this example, where is there so much as one word of the Pope, or the deposing of Kings?

Here the L. Cardinall chops in the example of Philip I. King of France, [Page 407]but mangled, and strangely disguised, as hereafter shall be shewed.

At last he leadeth vs to Gregory VII. surnamed Hildebrand, Exam. 11. An. 1076. the scourge of Emperours, the firebrand of warre, the scorne of his aage. This Pope, after he had (in the spirit of pride, and in the very height of all audacious­nesse) thundred the sentence of excommunication and deposition, against the Emperour Henry IIII. after he had enterprised this act without all pre­cedent example: after he had filled all Europe with blood: this Pope, I say, sunke downe vnder the weight of his affaires, and died as a fugitiue at Sa­lerne, ouerwhelmed with discontent and sorrow of heart: Here lying at the point of giuing vp the ghoast, Sigeb. ad. an. 1085. calling vnto him (as it is in Sigebert) a cer­taine Cardinall whom he much fauoured, He confesseth to God, and Saint Pe­ter, and the whole Church, that he had beene greatly defectiue in the Pastor all charge committed to his care; and that by the Deuils instigation, he had kindled the fire of Gods wrath and hatred against mankind: Then hee sent his Confessor to the Empe­rour, and to the whole Church to pray for his pardon, because hee perceiued that his life was at an end. Likewise Cardinall Benno that liued in the said Gregories time, doth testifie, That so soone as he was risen out of his Chaire to excommunicate the Emperour from his Cathedrall seate: by the will of God the said Cathedrall seate, new made of strong board or plancke, did cracke and cleaue into many pieces or parts; to manifest how great and terrible Schismes had beene sowen against the Church of Christ, by an excommunication of so dangerous consequence, pronounced by the man that had fit Iudge therein. Now to bring and alleadge the example of such a man, who by attempting an act which neuer any man had the heart of face to attempt before, hath condemned all his predecessors of cowardise, or at least of ignorance; what is it else, but euen to send vs to the schoole of migh­tie robbers, and to seeke to correct and reforme ancient vertues by late vices? Which Otho Frisingensis calling into his owne priuate consideration, Otho Frisingens. in vita Hen. 4. lib. 4. cap 31. hee durst freely professe, that hee had not reade of any Emperour before this Henry the IIII. excommunicated or driuen out of his Imperiall Throne and Kingdome by the chiefe Bishop of Rome. But if this quarrell may be tryed and fought out with weapons of examples, I leaue any indifferent reader to iudge what examples ought in the cause to be of chiefest authority and weight: whe­ther late examples of Kings deposed by Popes, for the most part neuer ta­king the intended effect; or auncient examples of Popes actually and effe­ctually thrust out of their thrones by Emperours and Kings.

The Emperour Constantius expelled Liberius Bishop of Rome out of the citie, banished him as farre as Beroe, and placed Foelix in his roome. Theo. lib. 2. Hist. cap. 16. Indeed Constantius was an Arrian, and therein vsed no lesse impious then vniust proceeding: Neuerthelesse, the auncient Fathers of the Church, doe not blame Constantius for his hard and sharpe dealing with a chiefe Bishop, ouer whom hee had no lawfull power, but onely as an enemie to the Or­thodoxe faith, and one that raged with extreame rigour of persecution against innocent beleeuers.

In the raigne of Valentinian the I. and yeare of the Lord 367. Ammia. lib. 27 the conten­tion [Page 408]betweene Damasus and Vrcisinus competitors for the Bishopricke, fil­led the citie of Rome with a bloody sedition, in which were wickedly and cruelly murdered 137. Decret. dist. 79. persons. To meet with such turbulent actions, Ho­norius made a law extant in the Decreetalls, the words whereof be these; If it shall happen henceforth by the temeritie of competitors, that any two Bishops be ele­cted to the See, we straitly charge and command that neither of both shall fit in the said See. Platina. Sigebertus. By vertue of this Law, the same Honorius in the yeare 420. expelled Bonifacius and Eulalius, competitors and Antipopes out of Rome, though not long after he reuoked Bonifacius, and setled him in the Papall See.

Theodoric the Goth King of Italy, Anastatint. Platina. Lib. Pontifi. Diaconus. sent Iohn Bishop of Rome Embassador to the Emperour Iustinian, called him home againe, and clapt him vp in the close prison, where he starued to death. By the same King, Peter Bishop of Altine was dispatched to Rome, to heare the cause and examine the processe of Pope Symmachus, then indited and accused of sundry crimes.

King Theodatus about the yeare 537. had the seruice of Pope Agapetus, as his Embassadour to the Emperour Iustinian, vpon a treatie of peace. Agapetus dying in the time of that scruice, Syluerius is made Bishop by Theodatus. Not long after, Syluerius is driuen out by Belisarius the Empe­rour his Lieutenant, and sent into banishment. After Syluerius next suc­ceedeth Vigilius, who with currant coine purchased the Popedome of Belisarius. The Emperour Iustinian sends for Vigilius to Constantinople, and receiues him there with great honour. Soone after, the Emperour takes offence at his freenesse in speaking his mind, commands him to bee beaten with stripes in manner to death, and with a roape about his necke to be drawne through the city like a thiefe, as Platina relates the historie. Nicephorus in his 26. booke, and 17. chapter, comes very neere the same relation.

The Emperour Constantius, Platina. Baronius. Sigeberius. in the yeere 654. caused Pope Martin to be bound with chaines, and banished him into Chersonesus, where he ended his life. The Popes in that aage writing to the Emperours, vsed none but submissiue tearmes, by way of most humble supplications; made pro­fession of bowing the knee before their sacred Maiesties, and of executing their commaunds with entire obedience; payed to the Emperours twenty pound weight of gold for their Inuestiture; which tribute was afterward released and remitted, Iustin. Authent. 123. cap. 3. by Constantine the Bearded, to Pope Agatho, in the yeere 679. as I haue obserued in an other place.

Nay further, euen when the power and riches of the Popes was growne to great height, by the most profuse and immense munificence of Charle­mayne and Lewis his sonne; the Emperours of the West did not relinquish and giue ouer the making and vnmaking of Popes, as they saw cause. Pope Adrian 1. willingly submitted his necke to this yoke: and made this Law to be passed in a Councill, that in Charlemayne should rest all right and power for the Popes election, and for the gouernement of the Papall See. This Constitution is incerted in the Decretals, Distinct. 63. Can. [Page 409] Note that in the same Dist. the Can of Greg. 4. be­ginning with Cum Hadria­nus 2. is false, and supposititi­ous, because Gregorie 4. was Pope long before Hadr. 2. Triateterri­ma monstra. Hadrianus, and was confirmed by the practise of many yeeres.

In the yeere of the Lord 963. the Emperour Otho tooke away the Pope­dome from Iohn 13. and placed Leo 8. in his roume. In like maner, Iohn 14. Gregory 5. and Siluester 2. were seated in the Papall Throne by the Othos.

The Emperour Henrie 2. in the yeere 1007. deposed three Popes, name­ly, Bendict 9. Siluester 3. and Gregorie 6. whom Platina doeth not sticke to call, three most detestable and vile monsters. This custome continued, this practise stood in force for diuers aages, euen vntill the times of Grego­rie 7. by whom the whole West was tossed and turmoiled with lamentable warres, which plagued the world, and the Empire by name with into­lerable troubles and mischiefes. For after the said Gregorian warres, the Empire fell from bad to worse, and so went on to decay, till Emperours at last were driuen to beg and receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Pope.

The Kingdome of France met not with so rude entreatie, but was dealt withall by courses of a milder temper. Gregorie 4. about the yeere of the Lord, 832. was the first Pope that perswaded himselfe to vse the censure of Excommunication against a King of France. This Pope hauing a hand in the troublesome factions of the Realme, was nothing backeward to side with the sonnes of Lewis surnamed the Courteous, by wicked conspiracie entring into a desperate course and complot against Lewis their owne fa­ther; as witnesseth Sigebert in these words, Pope Gregorie comming into France, ioyned himselfe to the sonnes against the Emperour their Father. Bochel. De­cret. Eccles. Gallican. lib. 2. tit. 16. But Annals of the very same times, and hee that furbushed Aimonius, a Religi­ous of S. Benedicts Order, doe testifie, that all the Bishops of France fell vp­on this resolution; by no meanes to rest in the Popes pleasure, or to giue a­ny place vnto his designe: and contrariwise, In case the Pope should proceed to Excommunication of their King, hee should returne out of France to Rome an excommunicate person himselfe. The Chronicle of S. Denis hath words in this forme: The Lord Apostolicall returned answere, that hee was not come into France for any other purpose, but onely to excommunicate the King and his Bishops, if they would bee in any sort opposite vnto the sonnes of Lewis, or disobedient vnto the will and pleasure of his Holinesse: The Prelates enformed heereof, made an­swere, that in this case they would neuer yeeld obedience to the Excommunication of the said Bishops; because it was contrary to the authoritie and aduise of the an­cient Canons.

After these times, Pope Nicolas 1. depriued King Lotharius of Commu­nion (for in those times not a word of deposing) to make him repudiate or quit Valdrada, and to resume or take againe Thetberga his former wife. The Articles framed by the French vpon this point, are to bee found in the writing of Hinemarus, Archbishop of Reims, and are of this purport; that in the iudgement of men both learned and wise, it is an ouerruled case, that as the King whatsoeuer hee shall doe, ought not by his owne Bishops to be excommunicated, euen so no forreine Bishop hath power to sit for his Iudge: because the King is to be subiect onely vnto God, and [Page 410]his Imperiall authoritie, who alone had the all-sufficient power to settle him in his Kingdome. Moreouer, the Clergie addressed letters of answere vnto the same Pope, full of stinging and bitter termes, with speaches of great scorne and contempt, as they are set downe by Auentine in his Annals of Bauaria, Annal. Boi [...]. lib. 4. not forbearing to call him thiefe, wolfe, and tyrant.

When Pope Hadrian tooke vpon him like a Lord, to command Charles the Bald vpon paine of interdiction, that hee should suffer the Kingdome of Lotharius to bee fully and entirely conueyed and conferred vpon Lewis his sonne; the same Hincmarus, a man of great authoritie and estimation in that aage, sent his letters conteining sundry remonstrances touching that subiect: Among other matters thus he writeth, The Ecclesiastics and Seculars of the Kingdome assembled at Reims, haue affirmed and now doe affirme by way of reproach, vpbraiding, and exprobation, that neuer was the like Mandate sent before from the See of Rome to any of our predecessours. And a little after: The chiefe Bishops of the Apostolike See, or any other Bishops of the greatest autho­ritie and holinesse, neuer withdrew themselues from the presence, from the reuerend salutation, or from the conference of Empererours and Kings, whether Heretikes, or Schismatikes and Tyrants: as Constantius the Arrian, Iulianus the Apostata, and Maximus the Tyrant. And yet a little after, Wherefore if the Apostolike Lord bee minded to seeke peace, let him seeke it so, that he stirre no brawles, and breed no quarrels: For we are no such babes to beleeue, that we can or euer shall at­taine to Gods Kingdome, vnlesse wee receiue him for our King in earth, whom God himselfe recommendeth to vs from heauen. It is added by Hincmarus in the same place, that by the said Bishops and Lords Temporall, such threat­ning words were blowen forth, as hee is afraid once to speake and vtter. As for the King himselfe, what reckoning hee made of the Popes man­dates, it appeareth by the Kings owne letters addressed to Pope Hadria­nus, as we may reade euery where in the Epistles of Hincmarus. For there, after King Charles hath taxed and challenged the Pope of pride, and hit him in the teeth with a spirit of vsurpation, hee breaketh out into these words: What Hell hath cast vp this law so crosse and preposterous? what infer­nall gulph hath disgorged this law out of the darkest and obscurest dennes? a law quite contrary, and altogether repugnant vnto the beaten way shewed vs in the ho­ly Scriptures, &c. Yea, he flatly and peremptorily forbids the Pope, except he meane or desire to be recompensed with dishonour and contempt, to send any more the like Mandates, either to himselfe, or to his Bishops.

Vnder the reigne of Hugo Capetus and Robert his sonne, a Councell now extant in all mens hands, was held and celebrated at Reims by the Kings authoritie. There Arnulphus Bishop of Orleans, then Prolocutor and Spea­ker of the Councel, calls the Pope Antichrist, and lets not also to paint him forth like a monster: as well for the deformed and vgly vices of that vn­holy See, which then were in their exaltation, as also because the Pope then wonne with presents, and namely with certaine goodly horses, then presented to his Holinesse, tooke part against the King, with Arnul­phus [Page 411]Bishop of Reims, then dispossessed of his Pastorall charge.

When Philip 1. had repudiated his wife Bertha, daughter to the Earle of Holland; and in her place had also taken to wife Bertrade the wife of Fulco Earle of Aniou yet being aliue; hee was excommunicated, and his King­dome interdicted by Vrbanus then Pope, (though he was then bearded with an Antipope) as the L. Cardinal here giueth vs to vnderstand. But his Lordship hath skipt ouer two principall points recorded in the historie. The first is, that Philip was not deposed by the Pope: whereupon it is to be inferred, that in this passage there is nothing materiall to make for the Popes power against a Kings Throne and Scepter. The other point is, that by the censures of the Pope, the course of obedience due to the King before was not interrupted, nor the King disauowed, refused, or disclai­med: but on the contrary, that Iuo of Chartres taking Pope Vrbanus part, was punished for his presumption, dispoyled of his estate, and kept in pri­son: whereof he makes complaint himselfe in his 19. and 20. Epistles. The L. Cardinall besides, in my vnderstanding for his Masters honour, should haue made no words of interdicting the whole Kingdome. For when the Pope, to giue a King chastisement, doeth interdict his Kingdome, hee makes the people to beare the punishment of the Kings offence: For du­ring the time of interdiction, the Church doores through the whole King­dome are kept continually shut and lockt vp: publike seruice is intermit­ted in all places: bels euery where silent: Sacraments not administred to the people bodies of the dead so prostituted and abandoned, that none dares burie the said bodies in holy ground. More, it is beleeued, that a man dying vnder the curse of the interdict (without some speciall indul­gence or priuiledge) is for euer damned and adiudged to eternall punish­ments, as one that dyeth out of the communion of the Church. Put case then the interdict holdeth and continueth for many yeares together; alas, how many millions of poore soules are damned, and goe to hell for an others offence? For what can, or what may the faltlesse and innocent peo­ple doe withall, if the King will repudiate his wife, and she yet liuing, ioyne himselfe in matrimonie to an other?

The Lord Cardinall after Philip the 1. produceth Philippus Augustus, Examp. 12. who hauing renounced his wife Ingeberga daughter to the King of Denmarke, and marrying with Agnes daughter to the Duke of Morauia, was by Pope Innocent the third interdicted himselfe and his whole Kingdome. But his Lordshippe was not pleased to insert withall, what is auerred in the Chro­nicle of Saint Denis: that Pope Caelestinus 3. sent forth two Legats at once vpon this errand: Bochel. pag. 320 Who being come into the assemblie and generall Council of all the French Prelats, became like dumbe dogs that can not barke, so as they could not bring the seruice which they had vndertaken to any good passe, because they stood in a bodily feare of their owne bydes. Not long after, the Cardinall of Capua was in the like taking: For hee durst not bring the Realme within the limits of the interdict, before hee was got out of the limits of the Kingdome. The King here­with [Page 412]incensed, thrust all the Prelates that had giuen consent vnto these pro­ceedings out of their Sees, confiscated their goods, &c. To the same effect is that which wee reade in Matthew Paris. After the Pope had giuen his Maiestie to vnderstand by the Cardinal of Anagnia, that his kingdome should be interdicted, vnlesse he would be reconciled to the King of Eng­land; the King returned the Pope this answere, that he was not in any sort afraid of the Popes sentence, for as much as it could not be grounded vpon any equitie of the cause: and added withall, that it did no way appertaine vnto the Church of Rome to sentence Kings, especially the King of France. And this was done, saith Iohannes Tilius Register in Court of Parliament of Pa­ris, by the counsell of the French Barons.

Most notable is the example of Philip the faire, and hits the bird in the right eye. In the yeere 1032. the Pope dispatched the Archbishop of Nar­bona with mandates into France, commanding the King to release the Bi­shop of Apamia then detained in prison, for contumelious words tending to the Kings defamation, and spoken to the Kings owne head. In very deed this Pope had conceiued a secret grudge, and no light displeasure a­gainst King Philip before: namely, because the King had taken vpon him the collation of Benefices, and other Ecclesiastical dignities. Vpon which occasion the Pope sent letters to the King of this tenour and style: Feare God, and keepe his Commandements: Wee would haue thee know, that in Spirituall and Temporall causes thou art subiect vnto our selfe: that collating of Benefices and Prebends, doeth not in any sort appertaine to thy office and place: that, in case as kee­per of the Spiritualties, thou haue the custodie of Benefices and Prebends in thy hand when they become voyd, thou shalt by sequestration reserue the fruits of the same, to the vse and benefit of the next Incumbents and successors: and in case thou hast heretofore collated any, we ordaine the said collations to be meerely void: and so farre as herein thou hast proceeded to the fact, we reuoke the said collations. We hold them for hereticks whosoeuer are not of this beliefe. A Legate comes to Paris, and brings these brauing letters: By some of the Kings faithfull seruants they are violently snatched and pulled out of the Legates hands: by the Earle of Artois they are cast into the fire. The good King answeres the Pope, and payes him in as good coyne as he had sent. Philip by the grace of God King of the French, to Boniface calling and bearing himselfe the Soueraigne Bishop, little greeting or none at all. May thy exceeding sottishnesse vnderstand, that in Tem­porall causes we are not subiect vnto any mortall and earthly creature: that collating of Benefices and Prebends, by Regall right appertaineth to our office and place: that appropriating their fruits when they become void, belongeth to our selfe alone during their vacancie: that all collations by vs heretofore made, or to bee made hereafter, shall stand in force: that in the validitie and vertue of the said collations, wee will euer couragiously defend and maintaine, all Incumbents and possessors of Benefices and Prebends so by vs collated. We hold them all for sots and senselesse, whosoeuer are not of this beliefe. The Pope incensed herewith, excommunicates the King: but no man dares publish that censure, or become bearer thereof. [Page 413]The King notwithstanding the said proceedings of the Pope, assembles his Prelates, Barons, and Knights at Paris: askes the whole assembly, of whom they hold their Fees, with al other the Temporalties of the Church. They make answere with one voice, that in the said matters they disclaime the Pope, and know none other Lord beside his Maiestie. Meane while the Pope worketh with Germanie and the Low Countreis, to stirre them vp against France. But Philip sendeth William of Nogaret into Italy. William by the direction and aide of Sciarra Columnensis, takes the Pope at Anagnia, mounts him vpon a leane ill-fauoured iade, caries him prisoner to Rome; where ouercome with choller, anguish, and great indignation, he takes his last leaue of the Popedome and his life. All this notwithstanding, the King presently after, from the successours of Boniface receiues very ample and gratious Bulls, in which the memorie of all the former passages and actions is vtterly abolished. Extrauag. Meruit. Witnesse the Epistle of Clement 5. wherein this King is honoured with praises, for a pious and religious Prince, and his Kingdome is restored to the former estate. In that aage the French Nobi­litie caried other maner of spirits, then the moderne and present Nobilitie doe: I meane those by whom the L. Cardinal was applauded and assisted in his Oration. Yea, in those former times the Prelates of the Realme stood better affected towards their King, then the L. Cardinal himselfe now stan­deth: who could finde none other way to dally with, and to shift off this pregnant example, but by plaine glosing, that heresie and Apostasie was no ground of that question, or subiect of that controuersie. Wherein hee not onely condemnes the Pope, as one that proceeded against Philip with­out a iust cause & good ground; but likewise giues the Pope the Lie, who in his goodly letters but a little aboue recited, hath enrowled Philip in the list of heretiques. Hee saith moreouer, that indeed the knot of the question was touching the Popes pretence, in challenging to himselfe the temporall Soueraigntie of France, that is to say, in qualifying himselfe King of France: But indeed and indeed no such matter to be found. His whole pretence was the collating of Benefices, and to pearch aboue the King, to crow ouer his Crowne in Temporall causes. At which pretence his Ho­linesse yet aimeth, still attributing and challenging to himselfe plenarie power to depose the King. Now if the L. Cardinal shall yet proceed to ca­uill, that Boniface the eighth was taken by the French for an vsurper, and no lawfull Pope, but for one that crept into the Papacie by fraud and sy­monie; he must be pleased to set downe positiuely who was Pope, seeing that Boniface then sate not in the Papall chaire. To conclude, If hee that creepeth and stealeth into the Papacie by symonie, by canuases or labou­ring of suffrages vnder hand, or by bribery, be not lawfull Pope; I dare be bold to professe, there will hardly be found two lawfull Popes in the three last aages. See the trea­tise of Charles du Moulin con­trà paruas Da­tas, wherin he reporteth a notable De­cree of the Court vnder Charles 6.

Pope Benedict in the yeere 1408. being in choller with Charles the sixt, because Charles had bridled and curbed the gainefull exactions and extor­sions [Page 414]of the Popes Court, by which the Realme of France had bene exhau­sted of their treasure, sent an excommunicatorie Bull into France, against Charles the King, and all his Princes. The Vniuersitie of Paris made re­quest or motion that his Bull might be mangled, and Pope Benedict him­selfe, by some called Petrus de Luna, might be declared heretike, schismatike, and perturber of the peace. Theodoric. Nie­mens. in nemore vnion. Tract. 6. & somnium viridar ij. The said Bull was mangled and rent in pieces, ac­cording to the petition of the Vniuersitie, by Decree of Court vpon the tenth of Iune, 1408. Tenne dayes after, the Court rising at eleuen in the morning, two Bul-bearers of the said excommunicatorie censure vnder­went ignominious punishment vpon the Palace or great Hal staires. From thence were led to the Louure in such maner as they had bene brought from thence before: drawne in two tumbrels, clad in coates of painted linnen, wore paper-mytres on their heads, were proclaimed with sound of Trumpet, and euery where disgraced with publike derision: So litle recko­ning was made of the Popes thundering canons in those dayes. And what would they haue done, if the said Buls had imported sentence of deposi­tion against King Charles?

The French Church assembled at Tours in the yeere 1510. decreed that Lewis XII. might with safe conscience contemne the abusiue Bulls, and vn­iust censures of Pope Iulius the II. and by armes might withstand the Popes vsurpations, in case hee should proceed to excommunicate or depose the King. More, by a Councill holden at Pisa, this Lewis declared the Pope to bee fallen from the Popedome, and coyned crownes with a stampe of this inscription, I will destroy the name of Babylon. To this the L. of Perron makes answere, that all this was done by the French, as acknowledging these iars to haue sprung not from the fountaine of Religion, but from pas­sion of state: Wherein he condemneth Pope Iulius, for giuing so great scope vnto his publike censures, as to serue his ambition, and not rather to ad­uance Religion. He secretly teacheth vs besides, that when the Pope vn­dertakes to depose the King of France, then the French are to sit as Iudges concerning the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse of the cause; and in case they shall finde the cause to be vnlawfull, then to disanull his iudgements, and to scoffe at his thunderbolts.

Iohn d'Albret King of Nauarre, whose Realme was giuen by the fore­said Pope to Ferdinand King of Arragon, was also wrapped and entangled with strict bands of deposition. Now if the French had bene touched with no better feeling of affection to their King, then the subiects of Na­uarre were to the Nauarrois; doubtlesse France had sought a new Lord, by vertue of the Popes (as the L. Cardinall himselfe doeth acknowledge and confesse) vniust sentence. But behold, to make the said sentence against Iohn d'Albret seeme the lesse contrary to equitie, the L. Cardinall pretends, the Popes donation was not indeed the principall cause, Pag. 31. howsoeuer Ferdi­nand himselfe made it his pretence. But his Lo. giues this for the principall cause: that Iohn d'Albret had quitted his alliance made with condition; that [Page 415]in case the Kings of Nauarre should infringe the said alliance, and breake the league, then the kingdome of Nauarre should returne to the Crowne of Arragon. This condition, betweene Kings neuer made, and without all shew of probabilitie, serueth to none other purpose from the Cardinals mouth, but onely to insinuate and worke a perswasion in his King, that he hath no right nor lawfull pretension to the Crowne of Nauarre: and whatsoeuer hee now holdeth in the said kingdome of Nauarre, is none of his owne, but by vsurpation and vnlawfull possession. Thus his Lord­ship French-borne, makes himselfe an Aduocate for the Spanish King, a­gainst his owne King, and King of the French: who shalbe faine, as hee ought (if this Aduocats plea may take place) to draw his title and style of King of Nauarre out of his Royall titles, and to acknowledge that all the great endeuours of his predecessors to recouer the said Kingdome, were dishonourable and vniust. Is it possible, that in the very heart and head Citie of France, a spirit and tongue so licentious can be brooked? What, shall so great blasphemie (as it were) of the Kings freehold, bee powred foorth in so honourable an assembly, without punishment or fine? What, without any contradiction for the Kings right, and on the Kings behalfe? I may perhaps confesse the indignitie might bee the better borne, and the pretence alledged might passe for a poore excuse, if it serued his purpose neuer so little. For how doeth all this touch or come neere the questi­on? in which the Popes vsurpation in the deposing of Kings, and the re­solution of the French in resisting this tyrannicall practise, is the proper issue of the cause: both which points are neuer a whit more of the lesse con­sequence and importance, howsoeuer Ferdinand in his owne iustification stood vpon the foresaid pretence. Thus much is confessed, and wee aske no more: Pope Iulius tooke the Kingdome from the one, and gaue it vnto the other: the French thereupon resisted the Pope, and declared him to be fallen from the Papacie.

This noble spirit and courage of the French, in maintayning the dig­nitie and honour of their Kings Crownes, bred those ancient customes, which in the sequence of many aages haue bene obserued and kept in vse. This for one: That no Legate of the Pope, Pag. 26. Nisi de consen­su Regis Chri­stianissimi. nor any of his rescripts nor mandates, are admitted and receiued in France, without licence from the King: and vnlesse the Legate impart his faculties to the Kings Atturney Generall, to be perused and verified in Court of Parliament: where they are to be tyed by certaine modifications and restrictions, vnto such points as are not derogatorie from the Kings right, from the liberties of the Church, and from the ordinances of the Kingdome. When Cardinal Balua, Bochellus. contra­ry to this ancient forme, entred France in the yeere 1484. and there without leaue of the King did execute the office, & speed certaine Acts of the Popes Legate; the Court vpon motion made by the Kings Atturney Generall, decreed a Commission, to be informed against him by two Councellors of the said Court, and inhibited his further proceeding to vse any facultie or [Page 416]power of the Popes Legate, vpon paine of beeing proclaimed rebell.

In the yeere 1561. Iohannes Tanquerellus Batchelour in Diuinitie, by order of the Court was condemned to make open confession, that hee had indiscreetly and rashly without consideration defended this proposition, Indiscretè ac inconsideratè. The Pope is the Vicar of Christ, a Monarke that hath power both Spirituall and Secu­lar, and he may depriue Princes, which rebell against his commandements of their dig­nities. Doctrinaliter tantum & non iuridicè. Which proposition, howsoeuer he protested that he had propoun­ded the same onely to be argued, and not iudicially to be determined in the affirma­tiue, Tanquerellus neuerthelesse was compelled openly to recant. Here the L. Cardinall answeres; The historie of Tanquerellus is from the matter, be­cause his proposition treateth neither of Heresie nor of Infidelitie: but I answere, The said proposition treateth of both, forasmuch as it maketh mention of disobedience to the Pope. For I suppose hee will not denie, that whosoeuer shall stand out in Heresie, contrary to the Popes monito­rie proceedings, he shal shew but poore and simple obedience to the Pope. Moreouer, the case is cleare by the former examples, that no Pope will suffer his power to cast downe Kings, to be restrained vnto the cause of Heresie and Infidelitie.

In the heate of the last warres, raised by that holy-prophane League, ad­monitory Bulls were sent by Pope Gregorie 14. from Rome, Anno 1591. By these Bulls King Henrie 4. as an Heretike and relapse, was declared in­capable of the Crowne of France, and his Kingdome was exposed to ha­uocke and spoile. The Court of Parliament being assembled at Tours the 5. of August, decreed the said admonitorie Bulls to bee cancelled, torne in pieces, and cast into a great fire by the hand of the publike executioner. The Arrest it selfe or Decree is of this tenour: The Court duely pondering and approouing the concluding and vnanswerable reasons of the Kings Attourney Ge­nerall, hath declared, and by these present doeth declare, the admonitorie Bulls giuen at Rome the 1. of March 1591. to be of no validitie, abusiue, seditious, damna­ble, full of impietie and impostures, contrary to the holy decrees rights, franchises, and liberties of the French Church: doeth ordeine the Copies of the said Bulls, sealed with the seale of Marsilius Landrianus, and signed Septilius Lamprius, to bee rent in pieces by the publike executioner, and by him to be burnt in a great fire to be made for such purpose, before the great gates of the common Hall or Palace, &c. Then, euen then the L. of Perron was firme for the better part, and stood for his King against Gregorie the Pope, notwithstanding the crime of e­resie pretended against Henrie his Lord.

All the former examples by vs alledged, are drawen out of the times after Schooles of Diuinitie were established in France: For I thought good to bound my selfe within those dooles and limits of time, which the L. Cardinal himselfe hath set. Who goeth not sincerely to worke and in good earnest, where he telleth vs there be three instances (as if wee had no more) obiected against Papall power, to remooue Kings out of their chaires of State: Page 47. by name, the example of Philip the Faire, of Lewis XII. [Page 417] and of Tanquerellus: For in very trewth all the former examples by vs produced, are no lesse pregnant and euident, howsoeuer the L. Cardinall hath bene pleased to conceale them all for feare of hurting his cause.

Nay, France euen in the dayes of her sorest seruitude, was neuer vnfur­nished of great Diuines, by whom this vsurped power of the Pope, ouer the Temporalties and Crownes of Kings, hath beene vtterly misliked and condemned.

Robert Earle of Flanders was commanded by Pope Paschal 2. to perse­cute with fire and sword the Clergie of Liege, who then adhered and stood to the cause of the Emperour Henrie 4. whom the Pope had igno­miniously deposed. Robert by the Popes order and command, was to han­dle the Clergie of Liege in like sort as before hee had serued the Clergie of Cambray, who by the said Earle had beene cruelly stript both of goods and life: The Pope promised the said Earle and his army pardon of their sinnes for the said execution. The Clergie of Liege addressed answere to the Pope at large: They cried out vpon the Church of Rome, and called her Babylon: Told the Pope home, that God had commanded to giue vnto Caesar that which is Caesars: that euery soule must bee subiect vnto the su­periour powers: that no man is exempted out of this precept: and that e­uery oath of alleagiance is to be kept inuiolable; yea, that hereof they them­selues are not ignorant, in as much as they by a new Schisme, and new tra­ditions, making a separation and rent of the Priesthood from the King­dome, doe promise to absolue of periurie, such as haue perfidiously for­sworne themselues against their King. And whereas by way of despight and in opprobrious maner, they were excommunicated by the Pope, they gaue his Holinesse to vnderstand, that Dauids heart had vttered a good mat­ter, but Paschals heart had spewed vp sordid and railing words, like old bawdes and spinsters or websters of linnen, when they scold and brawle one with another. Finally, they reiected his Papal excommunication, as a sentence giuen without dis­cretion. This was the voyce and free speach of that Clergie, in the life time of their noble Emperour: But after hee was thrust out of the Empire by the rebellion of his owne sonne, instigated and stirred vp thereunto by the Popes perswasion and practise, and was brought vnto a miserable death; it is no matter of wonder, that for the safegard of their life, the said Clergie were driuen to sue vnto the Pope for their pardon. Bibliotheca Pa­trum Tom. 3.

Hildebert Bishop of Caenomanum vpon the riuer of Sartre, liuing vnder the reigne of King Philip the first, affirmeth in his Epistles 40. and 75. that Kings are to bee admonished and instructed, rather then punished: to be dealt with by counsell, rather then by command, by doctrine and instruction, rather then by corre­ction: For no such sword belongeth to the Church, because the sword of the Church is Ecclesiasticall discipline, and nothing else. De consider. lib. 1. cap. 6. Bernard writeth to Pope Eugenius af­ter this manner: Whosoeuer they bee that are of this mind and opinion, shall neuer be able to make proofe, that any one of the Apostles did euer fit in qualitie of Iudge or Diuider of lands. I reade where they haue stood to bee iudged, but neuer where they [Page 418]sate downe to giue iudgement. Againe, Your authoritie stretcheth vnto crimes, not vnto possessions: because you haue receiued the keies of the kingdome of heauen, not in regard of possessions, but of crimes, to keepe all that pleade by couin or collusion, and not lawfull possessors, out of the heauenly kingdome. A little after: These base things of the earth are iudged by the Kings and Princes of this world: wherefore doe you thrust your sickle into an others haruest? wherefore doe you incroach and intrude vpon an others limits? Lib. 2. cap. 6. Elsewhere. The Apostles are directly forbid to make them­selues Lords and rulers. Goe thou then, and beeing a Lord vsurpe Apostleship, or beeing an Apostle vsurpe Lordship. If thou needes wilt haue both, doubtlesse thou shalt haue neither.

Iohannes Maior Doctor of Paris: Dist. 24. quest. 3 The Soueraigne Bishop hath no temporall authoritie ouer Kings. The reason: Because it followes (the contrarie being once granted) that Kings are the Popes vassals. Now let other men iudge, whe­ther he that hath power to dispossesse Kings of all their Temporalties, hath not likewise authoritie ouer their Temporalties.

The same Author: Comment in l. 4. Sent. Dist. 24 fol. 214. The Pope hath no manner of title ouer the French or Spa­nish Kings in temporall matters. Where it is further added, That Pope Inno­cent 3. hath beene pleased to testifie, that Kings of France in Temporall causes doe acknowledge no superiour: For so the Pope excused himselfe to a certaine Lord of Montpellier, who in stead of suing to the King, had petitioned to the Pope for a dispensation for his bastard. But perhaps (as he speaketh) it will be alledged out of the glosse, that hee acknowledgeth no superiour by fact, and yet ought by right. But I tell you the glosse is an Aurelian glosse, which marres the text. Amongst other arguments, Maior brings this for one: This opinion ministreth matter vnto Popes, to take away an others Empire by force and violence: which the Pope shall neuer bring to passe, as we reade of Boniface 8. against Philip the Faire: Saith besides, That from hence proceede warres, in time of which many outragious mischiefes are done, and that Gerson calls them egregious flatterers by whom such opinion is maintained. In the same place Maior denies that Childeric was deposed by Pope Zacharie: The word, Hee deposed, saith Maior, is not so to bee vnderstood, as it is taken at the first blush or fight; but hee deposed, is thus expounded in the glosse, Hee gaue his consent vnto those by whom he was deposed.

Iohn of Paris: De potest. Regia & Papali. cap. 10. Were it graunted that Christ was armed with Temporall power, yet he committed no such power to Peter. A little after: The power of Kings is the highest power vpon earth: in Temporall causes it hath no superiour power aboue it selfe, no more then the Pope hath in spirituall matters. This author saith indeede, the Pope hath power to excommunicate the King; but he speaketh not of any power in the Pope to put downe the King from his regall dignity and authority: He onely saith, When a Prince is once excommunicated, hee may accidentally or by occasion be deposed: because his precedent excom­munication, incites the people to disarme him of all secular dignity and power. The same Iohn on the other side holdeth opinion; that in the Empe­rour there is inuested a power to depose the Pope, in case the Pope shall abuse his power.

[Page 419] Almainus Doctor of the Sorbonic schoole: Almain. de po­tesi. Eccl & La­ica Quest. 3. cap. 8. De deminio na­turali ciuil & Eccl. 5. vlt. pars. It is essentiall in the Lay-power to inflict ciuill punishment, as death, banishment, and priuation or losse of goods. But according to diuine institution, the power Ecclesiasticall can lay no such punish­ment vpon delinquents: nay more, not lay in prison, as to some Doctors it seemeth probable: but stretcheth and reacheth onely to spirituall punishment, as namely to ex­communication: all other punishments inflicted by the spirituall power, are meerely by the Lawe positiue. If then Ecclesiasticall power by Gods Lawe hath no authoritie to depriue any priuate man of his goods; how dares the Pope and his flatterers build their power to depriue Kings of their scepters vpon the word of God?

The same author in an other place: Quaest. 1. de po­test. Eccles. & laic. c. 12. & 14 Bee it graunted that Constantine had power to giue the Empire vnto the Pope; yet is it not hereupon to bee inferred, that Popes haue authority ouer the Kingdome of France, because that Kingdome was ne­uer subiect vnto Constantine: For the King of France neuer had any superiour in Temporall matters. A little after: It is not in any place to bee found, that God hath giuen the Pope power to make and vnmake Temporall Kings.

He maintaineth elsewhere, that Zacharie did not depose Childeric, Quaest. 2. c. 8. & sic nond: posuit autoruat [...]. but onely consented to his deposing; and so deposed him not as by authoritie. In the same booke, taking vp the words of Occam, whom he styles the Doctor: The Emperour is the Popes Lord in things Temporall, and the Pope calls him Lord, Quae. 3. c. 2. Quaest. 11. can. Sacerd. as it is witnessed in the body of the Text. The Lord Cardinall hath dissembled and concealed these words of Doctor Almainus, with many like places: and hath beene pleased to alledge Almainus reciting Occams authoritie, in stead of quoting Almainus himselfe in those passages, where he speaketh as out of his owne opinion, and in his owne words. A notable piece of slie and cunning conueiance: For what heresie may not be fathered and faste­ned vpon S. Augustine, or S. Hierome, if they should be deemed to approoue all the passages which they alledge out of other authors? And that is the reason wherefore the L. Cardinall doeth not alledge his testimonies whole and perfect, as they are couched in their proper texts, but clipt and cur­taild. Thus he dealeth euen in the first passage or testimonie of Almainus; he brings it in mangled and pared: he hides and conceales the words added by Almainus, to contradict and crosse the words going before: For Almainus makes this addition and supply; Howsoeuer some other Doctors doe stand for the negatiue, and teach the Pope hath power onely to declare that Kings and Princes are to be deposed. And so much appeareth by this reason; because this am­ple and Soueraigne power of the Pope, might giue him occasion to be puft vp with great pride, and the same fulnesse of power might prooue ex­treamely hurtfull to the subiects, &c.

The same Almainus brings in Occams opinion in expresse tearmes deci­ding the question, Quaest. 2. de po­test. Eccl. & Laic. cap. 12. and there ioynes his owne opinion with Occams. The Doctors opinion, saith Almainus, doeth simply carrie the most probabilitie; that a Pope hath no power, neither by excommunication, nor by any other meanes, to depose a Prince from his Imperiall and Royall dignitie. In cap. 9 10. & 11. And a little before, hauing main­tained [Page 420]the Greeke Empire was neuer transported by the Pope to the Ger­maines, and that when the Pope crownes the Emperour, he doeth not giue him the Empire, no more then the Archbishop of Reims when he crownes the King of France, doth giue him the kingdom; he drawes this conclusion according to Occams opinion: I denie that an Emperour is bound by oath to pro­mise the Pope allegiance. On the other side, if the Pope hold any Temporall possessi­ons, hee is bound to sweare allegiance vnto the Emperour, and to pay him tribute. The said Occam alledged by Almainus doeth further auerre, that Iustinian was acknowledged by the Pope for his superiour in Temporall causes: for as much as diuers Lawes which the Pope is bound to keepe and obserue, were enacted by Iustinian; as by name the Law of prescription for an hun­dred yeeres: which Law standeth yet in force against the Bishop of Rome. And to the end that all men may clearely see, how great distance there is betweene Occams opinion and the L. Cardinals, who towards the end of his Oration, exhorts his hearers at no hand to dissent from the Pope; take you here a view of Occams owne words, as they are alledged by Almainus: The Doctour assoyles the arguments of Pope Innocent, Quest. 1. cap. 14. by which the Pope would prooue out of these words of CHRIST, Whatsoeuer thoushalt binde, &c. that fulnesse of power in Temporall matters, belongeth to the Soueraigne Bishop: For Innocent saith, Whatsoeuer, excepteth nothing: But Occam assoyles Innocents authoritie, as not onely false, but also hereticall; and saith withall, that many things are spoken by Innocent, which by his leaue sauour and smell of herefie, &c.

The L. Pag. 40. Cardinall with lesse fidelitie alledgeth two places out of Thomas his Summe. The first, in the second of his second, Quest. 10. Art. 10. in the body of the Article; In which place (let it bee narrowly examined) Thomas will easily bee found to speake, not of the subiection of beleeuing Subiects vnder Infidel Kings, as the Lord Cardinall pretendeth, but of be­leeuing seruants that liue vnder Masters, whether Iewes or Infidels: As when a Iew keepeth seruants which professe Iesus Christ; or as when some of the faithfull kept in Caesars house; who are not considered by Thomas as they were subiects of the Empire, but as they were seruants of the family. The other place is taken out of Quest. 11. and 2. Art. in the body of the ar­ticle: where no such matter as the L. Cardinal alledgeth can be found.

With like fidelitie he taketh Gerson in hand: Pag. 44. who indeed in his booke of Ecclesiasticall power, and 12. Consider. doeth affirme, When the abuse of Se­cular power redoundeth to manifest impugning of the faith, and blaspheming of the Creator, then shall it not bee amisse to haue recourse vnto the last branch of this 12. Consider. where, in such case as aforesaid, a certaine regitiue, directiue, regulatiue, and ordinatiue authoritie is committed to the Ecclesiasticall power. His very words: which make no mention at all of deposing, or of any compulsiue power ouer Soueraigne Princes: For that forme of rule and gouernment where­of Gerson speaketh, is exercised by Ecclesiasticall censures and excommuni­cations; not by losse of goods, of Kingdomes, or of Empires. This place then is wrested by the L. Cardinall to a contrary sense. Neither should his [Page 421]Lordship haue omitted, that Gerson, in the question of Kings subiection in Temporall matters, or of the dependance of their Crownes vpon the Popes power, excepteth alwayes the King of France: witnesse that which Gerson a little before the place alleadged by the Cardinall, hath plainely af­firmed: Now since Peters time, saith Gerson, all Imperiall, Regall, and Secular power is not immediatly to draw vertue and strength from the Soueraigne Bishop: as in this maner the most Christian King of France hath no Superiour, nor acknow­ledgeth any such vpon the face of the earth. Now here need no great sharpe­nesse of wit for the searching out of this deepe mysterie; that if the Pope hath power to giue or take away Crownes for any cause or any preten­ded occasion whatsoeuer, the Crowne of France must needs depend vpon the Pope.

But for as much as we are now hit in with Gerson, Pag. 108.109.119. where the Card. takes Char. 7. for Charl. 6. we will examine the L. Cardinals allegations towards the end of his Oration, taken out of Ger­sons famous Oration made before Charles the 6. for the Vniuersitie of Pa­ris: where he brings in Gerson to affirme, That killing a Tyrant is a sacrifice ac­ceptable to God. But Gerson (let it be diligently noted) there speaketh not in his owne person: he there brings in sedition speaking the words: Of which wordes vttered by sedition, and other like speeches, you shall now heare what iudgement Gerson himselfe hath giuen. When sedition had spoken with such a furious voyce, I turned away my face as if I had bene smitten with death, to shew that I was not able to endure her madnesse any longer. And indeed when dissimulation on the one side, and sedition on the other, had sugge­sted the deuises of two contrary extremes, hee brings foorth Discretion as a Iudge, keeping the meane betweene both extremes, and vttering those words which the L. Cardinall alledgeth against himselfe. If the head, ( saith Gerson) or some other member of the ciuill body, should grow to so desperate a passe, that it would gulpe and swallow downe the deadly poyson of tyrannie; euery member in his place, with all power possible for him to raise by expedient meanes, and such as might preuent a greater inconuenience, should set himselfe against so madde a purpose, and so deadly practise: For if the head be grieued with some light paine, it is not fit for the hand to smite the head: no that were but a foolish and a mad part: Nor is the hand forthwith to chop off or separate the head from the body, but rather to cure the head with good speach and other meanes, like a skilfull and wise Physitian: Yea nothing would be more cruel or more voyd of reason, then to seeke to stop the strong and violent streame of tyrannie by sedition. These words, me thinke, doe make very strongly and expresly against butchering euen of Tyrannical Kings. And whereas a little after the said passage, he teacheth to expell Tyrannie, he hath not a word of expelling the Tyrant, but onely of breaking and sha­king off the yoke of Tyrannie. Yet for all that, he would not haue the re­medies for the repressing of Tyrannie, to be fetcht from the Pope, who pre­sumeth to degrade Kings, but from Philosophers, Lawyers, Diuines, and perso­nages of good conuersation. It appeareth now by all that hath bin said before, that whereas Gerson in the 7. Considerat. against Flatterers, doeth affirme: [Page 422] Whensoeuer the Prince doeth manifestly pursue and prosecute his naturall subiects, and shew himselfe obstinately bent with notorious iniustice, to vexe them of set pur­pose, and with full consent, so farre as to the fact; then this rule and law of Nature doeth take place, It is lawfull to resist and repell force by force; and the sentence of Se­neca, There is no sacrifice more acceptable to God, then a tyrant offered in sacrifice; the words, doeth take place, are so to be vnderstood, as he speaketh in ano­ther passage, to wit, with or amongst seditious persons. Or else the words, doeth take place, doe onely signifie, is put in practise. And so Gerson there speaketh not as out of his owne iudgement.

His Lordship also should not haue balked and left out Sigebertus, who with more reason might haue passed for French, then Thomas and Occam, whom hee putteth vpon vs for French. Sigebertus in his Chronicle vpon the yeere 1088. speaking of the Emperours deposing by the Pope, hath words of this tenour: This Heresie was not crept out of the shell in those dayes, that his Priests, who hath said to the King Apostata, and maketh an hypocrite to rule for the sinnes of the people, should teach the people they owe no subiection vnto wicked Kings, nor any alleagiance, notwithstanding they haue taken the oath of alleagiance.

Now after the L. Cardinal hath coursed in this maner through the histo­ries of the last aages (which in case they all made for his purpose, doe lacke the weight of authority) in stead of searching the will of God in the sacred Oracles of his word and standing vpon examples of the ancient Church; at last, leauing the troupe of his owne allegations, he betakes himselfe to the sharpening and rebating of the points of his aduersaries weapons.

For the purpose, he brings in his aduersaries, the champions of Kings Crownes, & makes them to speake out of his own mouth (for his Lordship saith it will be obiected) after this maner: Pag. 52. & se­quentibus. It may come to passe, that Popes either ‘ caried with passion, or misled by sinister information, may without iust cause fasten vpon Kings the imputation of heresie or apostasie. Then for King-deposers he frames this answere: That by heresie they vnderstand notorious heresie, and for­merly condemned by sentence of the Church. Moreouer, in case the Pope hath erred in the fact, it is the Clergies part adhering to their King, to make remonstrances vnto the Pope, and to require the cause may be referred to the iudgement of a full Councel, the French Church then and there being present.’ Now in this answere, the L. Cardinall is of another mind then Bellarmine his brother Cardinall: Aduers. Bar­claium. For hee goes thus farre, That a Prince condemned by vniust sentence of the Pope, ought neuerthelesse to quit his Kingdome, and that his Pastors vn­iust sentence shall not redound to his detriment; prouided that hee giue way to the said sentence, and shew himselfe not refractarie, but stay the time in patience, vntil the holy Father shall renounce his error, and reuoke his foresaid vniust sentence. In which case these two material points are to be presupposed: The one, That he who now hath seized the kingdome of the Prince displaced, wil forthwith (if the Pope shall sollicit and intercede) returne the Kingdome to the hand of the late possessor: The other, That in [Page 423]the interim the Prince vniustly deposed, shall not need to feare the bloody murderers mercilesse blade and weapon. But on the other side, the Popes power of so large a size, as Bellarmine hath shaped, is no whit pleasing to the L. Cardinals eye. For in case the King should be vniustly deposed by the Pope not well informed, he is not of the minde the Kingdome should stoupe to the Popes behests, but will rather haue the Kingdome to deale by remonstrance, and to referre the cause vnto the Council: Wherein he makes the Council to be of more absolute and supreme authority then the Pope; a straine to which the holy father will neuer lend his eare. And yet doubt­lesse, the Council required in this case must be vniuersall; wherein the French, for so much as they stand firme for the King and his cause, can be no Iudges: and in that regard the L. Cardinal requireth onely the presence of the French Church. Who seeth not here into what pickle the French cause is brought by this meanes? The Bishops of Italie forsooth, of Spaine, of Sicilie, of Germanie, the subiects of Soueraignes many times at profes­sed or priuie enmitie with France, shall haue the cause compremitted and referred to their iudgement, whether the Kindome of France shall driue out her Kings, and shall kindle the flames of seditious troubles, in the ve­ry heart and bowels of the Realme. But is it not possible, that a King may lacke the loue of his owne subiects, and they taking the vantage of that occasion, may put him to his trumps in his owne Kingdome? Is it not possible, that calumniations whereby a credulous Pope hath beene sedu­ced, may in like maner deceiue some part of a credulous people? Is it not possible that one part of the people may cleaue to the Popes Faction, another may hold and stand out for the Kings rightfull cause, and ciuill warres may be kindled by the splene of these two sides? Is it not possible, that his Holinesse will not rest in the remonstrances of the French, and will no further pursue his cause? And whereas now a dayes a Generall Councill cannot be held, except it be called and assembled by the Popes authority; is it credible, the Pope will take order for the conuocation of a Council, by whom he shall be iudged? And how can the Pope be Presi­dent in a Councill, where himselfe is the party impleaded? and to whom the sifting of his owne sentence is referred, as it were to Committies, to ex­amine whether it was denounced according to Law, or against Iustice? But in the meane time, whilest all these remonstrances and addresses of the Council are on foot; behold, the Royall Maiestie of the King hangeth as it were by loose gimmals, and must stay the iudgement of the Council to whom it is referred. Well: what if the Councill should happe to be two or three yeeres in assembling, and to continue or hold eighteene yeeres, like the Councill of Trent; should not poore France, I beseech you, be reduced to a very bad plight? should she not be in a very wise and warme taking? To be short; His Lordships whole speach for the vntying of this knot, not onely surmounteth possibilitie, but is stuft with ridiculous toyes. This I make manifest by his addition in the same passage. If the Pope deceiued [Page 424]in fact, shall rashly and vniustly declare the King to be an heretike; then the Popes declaration shall not be seconded with actuall deposition, vnles the Realme shall con­sent vnto the Kings deposing. What needes any man to bee instructed in this doctrine? Who doth not knowe, that a King, so long as he is vpheld and maintained in his Kingdome by his people, cannot actually and effectually be deposed from his Throne? Hee that speaketh such language and phrase, in effect saith, and saith no more then this: A King is neuer depriued of his Crowne, so long as he can keepe his Crowne on his head: a King is neuer turned and stript naked, so long as he can keepe his cloathes on his backe: a King is neuer deposed, so long as he can make the stronger partie and side against his enemies: in briefe, a King is King, and shall still remaine King, so long as he can hold the possession of his Kingdome, and sitfast in his Chaire of Estate. Howbeit, let vs here by the way, take notice of these words vttered by his Lordship: That for the deposing of a King, the consent of the people must be obtained: For by these words the people are exalted aboue the King, and are made the Iudges of the Kings deposing.

But here is yet a greater matter: Can. Si Papa, Dist. 40. Nisi sit à side demins. For that Popes may erre in faith, it is ac­knowledged by Popes themselues: For some of them haue condemned Pope Honorius for a Monothelite: S. Hierome, and S. Hilarius, and S. Athanasius doe testifie, that Pope Liberius started aside, and subscribed to Arrianisme: Pope Iohn 23. was condemned in the Councill of Constance, for maintai­ning there is neither hell nor heauen: Diuerse other Popes haue been tain­ted with errour in faith. If therefore any Pope hereticall in himselfe, shall depose an Orthodoxe King for heresie; can it be imagined, that he which boasts himselfe to beare all diuine and humane lawes in the priuy coffer or casket of his breast, Omnia [...]a in serinio pectoris. will stoope to the remonstrances of the French, and vayle to the reasons which they shall propound, though neuer so iustifia­ble, and of neuer so great validitie? And how can he, that may be infected with damnable heresie (when himselfe is not alwayes free from heresie) be a iudge of heresie in a King? In this question some are of opinion, that as a man, the Pope may fall into error, but not as Pope. Very good: I de­mand then vpon the matter, wherefore the Pope doth not instruct and reforme the man? or wherefore the man doth not require the Popes in­structions? But whether a King be deposed by that man the Pope, or by that Pope the man, is it not all one? is he not deposed? Others affirme, the Pope may erre in a question of the fact, but not in a question of the right. An egregious gullery and imposture: For if he may be ignorant whether Iesus Christ died for our sinnes, doubtles he may also be to seeke, whether we should repose all our trust and assured confidence in the death of Christ. Consider with me the Prophets of olde: They were all inspired and taught of God, to admonish and reprooue the Kings of Iudah and Is­rael: they neither erred in matter of fact, nor in point of right: they were as farre from being blinded and fetcht ouer by deceitfull calumniations, as from beeing seduced by the painted shew of corrupt and false doctrine: As [Page 425]they neuer trode awry in matter of faith; so they neuer whetted the edge of their tongue or style against the faultlesse. Had it not beene a trimme deuice in their times, to say, that as Esay and as Daniel they might haue sunke into heresie, but not as Prophets? For doubtlesse in this case, that Esay would haue taken counsell of the Prophet which was himselfe. To be short; If Kings are onely so long to be taken for Kings, vntill they shall be declared heretikes, and shall be deposed by the Pope; they continually stand in extreame danger, to vndergoe a very heauy and vniust sentence. Their safest way were to know nothing, and to beleeue by proxie; least, if they should happen to talke of God, or to thinke of religion, they should be drawne for heretikes into the Popes Inquisition.

All the examples hitherto produced by the Lord Cardinall on a rowe, are of a latter date, they lacke weight, are drawne from the time of bon­dage, and make the Popes themselues witnesses in their owne cause: They descant not vpon the point of deposition, but onely strike out and sound the notes of excommunication and interdiction, which make nothing at all to the musicke of the question. And therefore hee telleth vs (in kindnesse as I take it) more oftentimes then once or twice, that hee speaketh onely of the fact; as one that doeth acknow­ledge himselfe to bee out of the right: Hee relates things done, but neuer what should bee done: which, as the Iudicious know, is to teach nothing.

THE SECOND INCON­VENIENCE EXAMINED.

THE second Iuconuenience like to grow, Pag. 86. (as the Lord Car­dinall seemeth to be halfe afraid) if the Article of the third Estate might haue passed with approbation, is couched in these words: ‘ Lay-men shall by authoritie bee strengthened with power, to iudge in matters of Religion; as also to determine the doctrine comprised in the said Article to haue requisite conformitie with Gods word: yeathey shall haue it in their hands to compell Ecclesiastics by necessitie, to sweare, preach, and teach the opinion of the one fide,’ as also by Sermons and publike writings to impugne the other. This inconuenience he aggrauateth with swelling words, and breaketh out into these vehement exclamations: O reproach, O scandall, O gate set open to a world of heresies. He therefore laboureth both by reasons, and by authorities of holy Scripture, to make such vsurped power of Laics, a fowle, shameful, and odious practise. In the whole, his Lordship toyles him­selfe in vaine, & maketh suppositions of castles in the aire. For in preferring this Article, the third Estate haue born themselues not as iudges or vmpires, [Page 426]but altogether as petitioners: requesting the said Article might be recei­ued into the number of the Parliament bookes to bee presented vnto the King and his Counsell, vnto whom in all humilitie they referred the iudg­ment of the said Article; conceiuing all good hope the Clergie and Nobili­tie would be pleased to ioyne for the furtherance of their humble petition. They were not so ignorant of State-matters, or so vnmindfull of their owne places and charges, to beare themselues in hand, that a petition put vp and preferred by the third Estate, can carry the force of a Law or Sta­tute, so long as the other two Orders withstand the same, and so long as the King himselfe holds backe his Royall consent. Besides, the said Article was not propounded as a point of Religious doctrine; but for euer after to remaine and continue a fundamentall Law of the Common-wealth and State it selfe, the due care whereof was put into their handes, and com­mitted to their trust. If the King had ratified the said Article with Royall consent, and had commanded the Clergie to put in execution the contents thereof; it had bene their duetie to see the Kings will and pleasure fulfil­led, as they are subiects bound to giue him aide in all things, which may any way serue to procure the safetie of his life, and the tranquilitie of his Kingdome: Which if the Clergie had performed to the vttermost of their power, they had not shewed obedience as vnderlings, vnto the third Estate, but vnto the King alone; by whom such command had bene imposed, vp­on suggestion of his faithfull subiects, made the more watchfull by the negligence of the Clergie; whom they perceiue to be lincked with stri­cter bandes vnto the Pope, then they are vnto their King. Here then the Cardinall fights with meere shadowes, and mooues a doubt whereof his aduersaries haue not so much as once thought in a dreame: But yet, ac­cording to his great dexteritie and nimblenesse of spirit, by this deuice he cunningly takes vpon him to giue the King a lesson with more libertie; making semblance to direct his masked Oration to the Deputies of the people, when hee shooteth in effect, and pricketh at his King, the Princes also and Lords of his Counsell, whom the Cardinall compriseth vnder the name of Laics; whose iudgment (it is not vnlikely) was apprehended much better by the Clergie, then the iudgement of the third Estate. Now these are the men whom he tearmes intruders into other mens charges, and such as open a gate for I wot not how many legions of heresies, to rush into the Church: For if it be proper to the Clergie and their Head, to iudge in this cause of the Right of Kings; then the King himselfe, his Princes, and Nobilitie, are debarred and wiped of all iudgement in the same cause, no lesse then the representatiue body of the people.

Well then, Pag. 61. the L. Cardinall showres downe like haile sundry places and testimonies of Scripture, where the people are commanded to haue their Pastors in singular loue, and to beare them all respects of due obseruance. Be it so; yet are the said passages of Scripture no barre to the people, for their vigilant circumspection, to preserue the life and Crowne of their Prince, [Page 427]against all the wicked enterprises of men stirred vp by the Clergie, who haue their Head out of the Kingdome, and hold themselues to be none of the Kings subiects: a thing neuer spoken by the sacrificing Priests and Prelates, mentioned in the passages alleadged by the Lord Cardinal. He likewise produceth two Christian Emperours, Pag 62. Constantine and Valentinian by name; the first refusing to meddle with iudgement in Episcopall cau­ses: the other forbearing to iudge of subtile Questions in Diuinity, with protestation, that Hee would neuer bee so curious, to diue into the streames, or sound the bottome of so deepe matters. But who doth not know, that working and prouiding for the Kings indemnitie and safetie, is neither Episcopall cause, nor matter of curious and subtile inquisition? The same answere meets with all the rest of the places produced by the L. Orat. ad ciues timme percul­sos. Cardinal out of the Fathers. And that one for example, out of Gregory Nazianzenus, is not ci­ted by the Cardinall with faire dealing. For Gregory doeth not boord the Emperour himselfe, but his Deputy or L. President, on this maner: [...] For we also are in authoritie and place of a Ruler, we haue command aswell as your selfe: wheras the the L. Cardinal with foule play, turnes the place in these termes, We also are Emperours. Which words can beare no such interpretation, as well because he to whom the Bishop then spake, was not of Imperiall dig­nitie; as also because if the Bishop himselfe, a Bishop of so small a citie as Na­zianzum, had qualified himselfe Emperour, hee should haue passed all the bounds of modestie, and had shewed himselfe arrogant aboue measure. For as touching subiection due to Christian Emperours, hee freely acknow­ledgeth a little before, [...] that himselfe and his people are subiect vnto the superiour powers, yea bound to pay them tribute. The historie of the same Gregories life doeth testifie, that he was drawen by the Arrians before the Consuls iudge­ment seate, and from thence returned acquitted, without either stripes or any other kinde of contumelious entreatie and vse: yet now at last vp starts a Prelate, who dares make this good Father vaunt himselfe to be an Emperour. It is willingly granted, that Emperours neuer challenged, neuer arrogated, to bee Soueraigne Iudges in controuersies of doctrine and faith; neuerthelesse it is clearer then the Sunnes light at high noone, that for moderation at Synods, for determinations and orders established in Councils, and for the discipline of the Church, they haue made a good and a full vse of their Imperiall authoritie. Vide Canones Graecos à Tilio editos. The first Council held at Con­stantinople, beares this title or inscription; The dedication of the holy Synode to the most religious Emperour Theodosius the Great, to whose will and pleasure they haue submitted these Canons by them addressed and established in Councill. And there they also beseech the Emperour, to confirme and approue the said Canons. The like hath bene done by the Council of Trullo, by whom the Canons of the fift and sixt Councils were put foorth and published. This was not done, because Emperours tooke vpon them to bee infallible Iudges of doctrine; but onely that Emperours might see and iudge, whe­ther Bishops (who feele the pricke of ambition as other men doe) did [Page 428]propound nothing in their Conuocations and Consultations, but most of all in their Determinations, to vndermine the Emperours authoritie, to disturbe the tranquilitie of the Common-wealth, and to crosse the deter­minations of precedent Councils. Now to take the cognizance of such matters out of the Kings hand or power; what is it but euen to transforme the King into a standing Image, to wring and wrest him out of all care of himselfe and his Kingly Charge, yea to bring him downe to this basest condition, to become onely an executioner, and (which I scorne to speake) the vnhappy hangman of the Clergies will, without any further cogni­zance, not so much as of matters which most neerely touch himselfe, and his Royall estate?

I grant it is for Diuinitie Scholes, to iudge how farre the power of the Keyes doth stretch: I grant againe, that Clerics both may, and ought also to display the colours and ensignes of their censures against Princes, who violating their publike and solemne oath, doe raise and make open warre against Iesus Christ: I grant yet againe, that in this case they need not admit Laics to be of their counsell, nor allow them any scope or libertie of iudge­ment. Yet all this makes no barre to Clerics, for extending the power of their keyes, many times a whole degree further then they ought; and when they are pleased, to make vse of their said power, to depriue the people of their goods, or the Prince of his Crowne: all this doeth not hinder Prince or people from taking care for the preseruation of their owne rights and estates, nor from requiring Clerics to shew their cards, and produce their Charts, and to make demonstration by Scripture, that such power as they assume and challenge, is giuen them from God. For to leaue the Pope ab­solute Iudge in the same cause, wherein hee is a partie, and (which is the strongest rampier and bulwarke, yea the most glorious and eminent point of his domination) to arme him with power to vnhorse Kings out of their seates; what is it else but euen to draw them into a state of despaire for e­uer winning the day, or preuailing in their honourable and rightful cause?

It is moreouer granted, if a King shall command any thing directly con­trary to Gods word, and tending to the subuerting of the Church; that Clerics in this case ought not onely to dispense with subiects for their o­bedience, but also expresly to forbid their obedience: For it is alwayes better to obey God then man. Howbeit in all other matters, whereby the glory and maiestie of God is not impeached or impaired, it is the duety of Clerics to plie the people with wholesome exhortation to constant obedi­ence, and to auert by earnest disswasions the said people from tumultu­ous reuolt and seditious insurrection. This practise vnder the Pagan Em­perours, was held and followed by the ancient Christians; by whose godly zeale and patience in bearing the yoke, the Church in times past grew and flourished in her happy and plentifull increase, farre greater then Poperie shall euer purchase and attaine vnto by all her cunning deuices and sleights: as namely by degrading of Kings, by interdicting of Kingdoms, by appo­sted [Page 429]murders, and by Diabolicall traines of Gunne-powder-mines.

The places of Scripture alleadged in order by the Cardinal, Pag 66. in fauour of those that stand for the Popes claime of power and authoritie to depose Kings, are cited with no more sincerity then the former: ‘ They alledge (these are his words) that Samuel deposed King Saul, or declared him to bee deposed, be­cause hee had violated the Lawes of the Iewes Religion:’ His Lordship auouch­eth elsewere, that Saul was deposed, because he had sought prophanely to vsurpe the holy Priesthood. Both false and contrary to the tenour of trewth in the sacred history: For Saul was neuer deposed according to the sense of the word (I meane, depose) in the present question; to wit, as depo­sing is taken for despoiling the King of his royall dignitie, and reducing the King to the condition of a priuate person: But Saul held the title of King, and continued in possession of his Kingdome, euen to his dying day. 1. Sam. 23.20. & 24.15. & 2. Sam. 2.5. Yea, the Scripture styles him King, euen to the periodicall and last day of his life, by the testimony of Dauid himselfe, who both by Gods promise, and by precedent vnction, was then heire apparant as it were to the Crown, in a maner then ready to gird and adorne the temples of his head. For if Samuel, by Gods commandement, had then actually remooued Saul from his Throne, doubtlesse the whole Church of Israel had committed a grosse errour, in taking and honouring Saul for their King, after such depo­sition: doubtlesse the Prophet Samuel himselfe, making knowen the Lords Ordinance vnto the people, would haue enioyned them by strict prohi­bition to call him no longer the King of Israel: Doubtlesse, Dauid would neuer haue held his hand from the throat of Saul, 1. Sam. 26.11 for this respect and consi­deration, because he was the Lords Anointed. For if Saul had lost his King­ly authority, from that instant when Samuel gaue him knowledge of his reiection; then Dauid, lest otherwise the Body of the Kingdome should want a Royall Head, was to beginne his Reigne, and to beare the Royall scepter in the very same instant: which were to charge the holy Scriptures with vntrewth, in as much as the sacred historie begins the computation of the yeeres of Dauids Reigne, from the day of Sauls death. Trew it is, that in the 1. Sam. cap. 15. Saul was denounced by Gods owne sentence, a man reiected, and as it were excommunicated out of the Kingdome, that hee should not rule and reigne any longer as King ouer Israel, neuerthelesse, the said sentence was not put in execution, before the day when God, ex­ecuting vpon Saul an exemplarie iudgement, did strike him with death. From whence it is manifest and cleare, 1. Sam. 16.23. that when Dauid was annointed King by Samuel, that action was onely a promise, and a testimony of the choice, which God had made of Dauid for succession immediately after Saul; and not a present establishment, inuestment, or installment of Da­uid in the Kingdome. Wee reade the like in 1. King. cap. 19. where God commandeth Elias the Prophet, to annoint Hasael King of Syria: For can any man bee so blinde and ignorant in the sacred historie, to beleeue the Prophets of Israel established, or sacred the Kings of Syria? For this [Page 430]cause, 2. Sam. 2.4. when Dauid was actually established in the Kingdome, hee was an­nointed the second time.

In the next place he brings in the Popes champions vsing these words; Rehoboam was deposed by Ahiah the Prophet, 1 King. 12. from his Royall right ouer the tenne ‘ Tribes of Israel, because his father Salomon had played the Apostata, in falling from the Law of God.’ This I say also is more, then the trewth of the sacred history doeth afoard: For Ahiah neuer spake to Rehoboam (for ought we reade,) nor brought vnto him any message from the Lord; As for the passage quoted by the L. Cardinal out of 3. Reg. chap. 11. it hath not reference to the time of Rehoboams raigne, but rather indeed to Salomons time: nor doeth it carry the face of a iudicatorie sentence for the Kings deposing, but rather of a Propheticall prediction: For how could Rehoboam, before hee was made King, be depriued of the Kingdome? Last of all, but worst of all; to al­leadge this passage for an example of a iust sentence in matter of deposing a King, is to approoue the disloyall treacherie of a seruant against his master, and the rebellion of Ieroboam branded in Scripture with a marke of perpe­tuall infamie for his wickednesse and impietie.

He goes on with an other example of no more trewth; 1. King. 19. King Achab was ‘ deposed by Elias the Prophet, because he imbraced false religion, and worshipped false gods.’ False too like the former; King Achab lost his crowne and his life both together. The Scripture, that speaketh not according to mans fancie, but according to the trewth, doeth extend and number the yeeres of Achabs raigne, to the time of his death. Predictions of a Kings ruine, are no sen­tences of deposition. Elias neuer gaue the subiects of Achab absolution from their oath of obedience; neuer gaue them the least inckling of any such absolution; neuer set vp, or placed any other King in Achabs throne.

That of the L. Cardinall a little after, Pag. 68. is no lesse vntrew: That King Vz­ziah ‘ was driuen from the conuersation of the people by Azarias the Priest, and there­by the administration of his Kingdome was left no longer in his power.’ Nor so: For when God had smitten Vzziah with leprosie in his forehead, 2. Chro. 26. he withdrew himselfe, or went out into an house apart, for feare of infecting such as were whole by his contagious disease. The high Priest smote him not with any sentence of deposition, or denounced him suspended from the administra­tion of his Kingdome. No: the dayes of his raigne are numbred in Scrip­ture, to the day of his death. And whereas the Priest, according to the Law in the 13. of Leuit. iudged the King to be vncleane; he gaue sentence against him, not as against a criminall person, and thereby within the compasse of deposition; but as against a diseased body: For the Law inflicteth punish­ments, not vpon diseases, but vpon crimes. Hereupon, whereas it is recor­ded by Iosephus in his Antiquities, Antiq. l. 9. cap. 11. that Vzziah led a priuate, and in a maner, a solitarie life; the said author doeth not meane, that Vzziah was deposed, but onely that he disburdened himselfe of care to mannage the publique affaires.

The example of Mattathias, Pag. 69. by whom the Iewes were stirred vp to rebel [Page 431]against Antiochus, is no better worth: For in that example we finde no sen­tence of deposition, but onely an heartning and commotion of a people then grieuously afflicted and oppressed. He that makes himselfe the ring­leader of conspiracie against a King, doeth not foorthwith assume the per­son, or take vp the office and charge of a Iudge, in forme of Law, and iuri­dically to depriue a King of his Regall rights, and Royall prerogatiues. Mattathias was chiefe of that conspiracie, not in qualitie of Priest, but of cheiftaine, or leader in warre and a man the best qualified of all the people. Things acted by the suddaine violence of the base vulgar, must not stand for Lawes, nor yet for proofes and arguments of ordinarie power, such as the Pope challengeth to himselfe, and appropriateth to his triple-Crowne.

These be our solide answeres: Page 67. we disclaime the light armour which the L. Cardinall is pleased to furnish vs withall, forsooth to recreate himselfe, in rebating the points of such weapons, as hee hath vouchsafed to put into our hands. Now it wil be worth our labour to beate by his thrusts, fetcht from the ordinary mission of the New Testament, from leprosie, stones, and locks of wooll: A leach no doubt of admirable skill, one that for sub­iecting the Crownes of Kings vnto the Pope, is able to extract arguments out of stones; yea, out of the leprosie, and the drie scab, onely forsooth be­cause heresie is a kind of leprosie, and an heretike hath some affinitie with aleper. But may not his Quoniam, Page 66. bee as fitly applyed to any contagious and inueterate vice of the minde beside heresie? His warning-piece there­fore is discharged to purpose, whereby hee notifies that hee pretendeth to handle nothing with resolution: For indeed vpon so weake arguments, a resolution is but ill-fauouredly and weakely grounded.

His bulwarkes thus beaten downe, Page 69. let vs now view the strength of our owne. First, he makes vs to fortifie on this maner: ‘ They that are for the ne­gatiue, doe alleadge the authoritie of S. Paul; Let euery soule bee subiect vnto the higher powers: For whosoeuer resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And likewise that of S. Peter; Submit your selues, whether it be vnto the King, as vnto the superiour, or vnto gouernours, &c. Vpon these passages, and the like, they in­ferre, that obedience is due to Kings by the Law of God, and not dispensable by any Spirituall or Temporall authoritie.’ Thus he brings vs in with our first wea­pon. But here the very chiefe sinew and strength of our argument, hee doeth wittingly balke, and of purpose conceale: To wit; That all the Em­perors of whom the said holy Apostles haue made any mention in their di­uine Epistles, were professed enemies to CHRIST, Pagans, Infidels, feare­full and bloody Tyrants: to whom notwithstanding euery soule, and there­fore the Bishop of Rome for one, is commanded to submit himselfe, and to professe subiection. Thus much Chrysostome hath expresly taught in his Hom. 23. vpon the Epistle to the Romanes; The Apostle giues this comman­dement vnto all: euen to Priests also, and cloistered Monkes not onely to Secular: be thou an Apostle an Euangelist, a Prophet, &c. Besides, it is here worthy to be noted, that howsoeuer the Apostles rule is generall, and therefore bindeth [Page 432]all the faithfull in equall bands; yet is it particularly, directly and of pur­pose addressed to the Church of Rome by S. Paul, as by one who in the spi­rit of an Apostle did foresee, that rebellion against Princes was to rise and spring from the citie of Rome. Now in case the Head of that Church by warrant of any priuiledge, contained in the most holy Register of Gods holy word, is exempted from the binding power of this generall precept or rule; did it not become his Lordship to shew by the booke, that it is a booke case, and to lay it foorth before that honourable assembly, who no doubt expected and waited to heare when it might fall from his learned lips? But in stead of any such authenticall and canonicall confirmation, he flieth to a sleight shift, and with a cauill is bold to affirme the foundation, laid by those of our side, doeth no way touch the knot of the controuersie. Let vs heare him speake: ‘ It is not in controuersie, whether obedience be due to kings by Gods Law, so long as they are kings, or acknowledged for Kings, but our point controuerted, is whether by Gods Law it be required, that hee who hath bene once re­cognised and receiued for King by the body of Estates, can at any time be taken and reputed as no King, that is to say can doe no maner of acte whereby hee may loose his right, and so cease to be saluted King.’ This answere of the L. Cardinall is the rare deuise euasion, and starting hole of the Iesuites: In whose eares of de­licate and tender touch, King-killing soundeth very harsh; but forsooth to vn-king a King first, and then to giue him the stab, that is a point of iust and trew descant: For to kill a King, once vnking'd by deposition, is not killing of a King: For the present, I haue one of that Iesuiticall Order in prison, who hath face enough to speake this language of Ashdod, and to maintaine this doctrine of the Iesuites Colledges. The L. Cardinall harpes vpon the same string; He can like subiection and obedience to the King, whilest he sitteth King: but his Holinesse must haue all power, and giue order withall, to hoyst him out of his Royall Seat. I therefore now answer, that in very deed the former passages of S. Paul and S. Peter should come no­thing neere the question, if the state of the question were such as he brings it, made and forged in his owne shop. But certes the state of the question is not, whether a King may doe some acte, by reason whereof hee may fall from his right, or may not any longer be acknowledged for King: For all our contention is, concerning the Popes power to vn-authorize Princes; wheras in the question framed and fitted by the L. Cardinal, not a word of the Pope. For were it granted and agreed on both sides, that a King by ele­ction might fal from his Kingdom, yet stil the knot of the question would hold, whether he can be dispossessed of his Regal authoritie, by any power in the Pope, & whether the Pope hath such fulnes of power, to strip a King of those Royall robes, rights, and reuenewes of the Crowne, which were neuer giuen him by the Pope; as also by what authoritie of holy Scripture, the Pope is able to beare out himselfe in this power, and to make it good.

But here the L. Card. stoutly saith in his owne defence by way of reioin­der; Page 71. ‘ As one text hath, Let euery soule be subiect vnto the higher powers; in like maner [Page 433]an other text hath, Obey your Prelates, and be subiect vnto your Pastors:for they watch ouer your soules, as men that shall giue an accompt for your soules.’ This rea­son is void of reason, and makes against himselfe: For may not Prelates be obeyed and honoured, without Kings be deposed? If Prelates preach the doctrine of the Cospell, will they in the pulpit stirre vp subiects to rebell against Kings? Moreouer, whereas the vniuersall Church in these daies is diuided into so many discrepant parts, that now Prelates neither doe nor can draw all one way; is it not exceeding hard, keeping our obedience to­wards God, to honour them all at once with due obedience? Nay is not here offered vnto me a dart out of the L. Cardinals armorie, to cast at him­selfe? For as God chargeth all men with obedience to Kings, and yet from that commaundement of God, the L. Cardinall would not haue it infer­red, that Kings haue power to degrade Ecclesiasticall Prelates: euen so God giueth charge to obey Prelates, yet doeth it not follow from hence, that Prelates haue power to depose Kings. These two degrees of obedi­ence agree well together, and are each of them bounded with peculiar and proper limits.

But for so much as in this point, we haue on our side the whole auncient Church, which, albeit she liued and groned for many aages together vnder heathen Emperours, heretikes, and persecuters, did neuer so much as whis­per a word about rebelling and falling from their Soueraigne Lords, and was neuer by any mortall creature freed from the oath of allegiance to the Emperour; the Cardinall is not vnwilling to graunt, that ancient Chrisu­ans in those times were bound to performe such fidelity and allegiance, for as much as the Church (the Cardinall for shame durst not say the Pope) then had not absolued them of their oath. No doubt a pleasant dreame, or a merry conceit rather, to imagine the Bishop of Rome was armed with power to take away the Empire of the world from Nero, or Claudius, or Domitianus; to whom it was not knowen, whether the citie of Rome had any Bishop at all. Is it not a master-iest, of a straine most ridiculous, to pre­suppose the Grand-masters and absolute Lords of the whole world, had a sent so dull, that they were not able to smell out, and to nose things vnder their owne noses? that they saw so little with other mens eies and their owne, that within their capitall citie, they could not spie that Soueraigne armed with ordinary and lawfull authority to degrade, and to turne them out of their renowned Empire? Doubtlesse the said Emperours, vassals be­like of the Popes Empire, are to be held excused for not acknowledging and honouring the Pope in quality of their Lord, as became his vassals; be­cause they did not know there was any such power in the world, as after­times haue magnified and adored vnder the qualitie of Pope: For the Bi­shops of Rome in those times, were of no greater authoritie, power, and meanes, then some of the Bishops are in these daies within my Kingdomes.

But certes those Popes of that primitiue aage, thought it not expedient in the said times to draw their swords: they exercised their power in a more [Page 434]mild and soft kind of carriage toward those miserable Emperours, for three seuerall reasons alledged by the L. Cardinall.

The first: because the Bishops then durst not by their censures whet and prouoke those Emperours, for feare of plunging the Church in a Sea of persecutions. But if I be not cleane voide of common sense, this reason ser­ueth to charge not onely the Bishops of Rome, but all the auncient pro­fessors of Christ besides, with deepe dissimulation and hypocrisie: For it is all one as if he had professed, that all their obedience to their Soueraignes, was but counterfeit, and extorted, or wrong out of them by force; that all the submissiue supplications of the auncient Fathers, the assured testimonies and pledges of their allegiance, humilitie, and patience, were but certaine formes of disguised speech, proceeding not freely from the suggestions of fidelity, but faintly and fainedly, or at least from the strong twitches and violent conuulsions of feare. Whereupon it followes, that all their tor­ments and punishments, euen to the death, are wrongfully honoured with the title, and crowned with the crowne of Martyrdome; because their pa­tience proceeded not from their owne free choice and election, but was taught by the force of necessitie, as by compulsion: and whereas they had not mutinously and rebelliously risen in armes, to asswage the scorching heat and burning flames of tyrannicall persecuters, it was not for want of will, but for lacke of power. Which false and forged imputation, the Fa­thers haue cleared themselues of in their writings. Tert. Apol. cap. 37. Hesterni sumus & omnia restra impleuimus. Tertullian in his Apo­loget: All places are full of Christians, the cities, isles, castles, burroughs, armies, &c. If we that are so infinite a power, and multitude of men, had broken from you into some remote nooke or corner of the world, the cities no doubt had become naked and solitarie: there had beene a dreadfull and horrible filence ouer the face of the whole Empire: the great Emperours had beene driuen to seeke out newe cities, and to disconer newe nations, ouer whom to beare Soueraigne sway and rule; there had remained more enemies to the State, then subiects and friends. Cypr. cont. Demetr. Cyprian also against Deme­trianus: None of vs all, howsoeuer we are a people mighty and without number, haue made resistance against any of your vniust and wrongfull actions, executed with all violence; neither haue sought by rebellious armes, or by any other sinister practises, to crie quittance with you at any time for the righting of our selues. Certaine it is, that vnder Iulianus, the whole Empire in a manner professed the Christian Religion; yea, that his Leiftenants and great Commanders, as Iouinianus, and Valentinianus by name, professed Christ: Which two Princes not long after attained to the Imperiall dignitie, but might haue solicited the Pope sooner to degrade Iulianus from the Imperiall Throne. For say that Iulians whole army had renounced the Christian Religion: (as the L. Cardinall against all shew and appearance of trewth would beare vs in hand, and contrary to the generall voice of the said whole army, making this professi­on with one consent when Iulian was dead, Socr. lib 3. cap 19. Theod. lib. 4. cap. 1. Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 1. Wee are all Christians:) yet Italie then persisting in the faith of Christ, and the army of Iulian then lying quartered in Persia, the vtmost limit of the Empire to the East, the Bishop of [Page 435] Rome had fit opporunitie to draw the sword of his authoritie (if hee had then any such sword hanging at his Pontificall side) to make Iulian feele the sharpe edge of his weapon, and thereby to pull him downe from the stately pearch of the Romane Empire. I say moreouer, that by this gene­rall and sudden profession of the whole Caesarian armie, Wee are all Chri­stians, it is clearely testified, that if his armie or souldiers were then ad­dicted to Paganisme, it was wrought by compulsion, and cleane con­trary to their setled perswasion before: and then it followes, that with greater patience they would haue borne the deposing of Iulian, then if hee had suffered them to vse the libertie of their conscience. To bee short in the matter; S. Augustine makes all whole, and by his testimony doth euince, that Iulians armie perseuered in the faith of Christ. August. in Psal. 124. The souldiers of Christ serued a Heathen Emperour: But when the cause of Christ was called in question, they acknowledged none but Christ in heauen: When the Emperor would haue them to serue, and to perfume his idols with frankincense, they gaue obedience to God, rather then to the Emperour. After which words, Page 82. the very same words alleadged by the L. Cardinall against himselfe doe follow; They did then distinguish be­tweene the Lord Eternal, and the Lord temporall: neuerthelesse, they were subiect vn­to the Lord temporall, for the Lord Eternall. It was therefore to pay God his duetie of obedience, and not for feare to incense the Emperour, or to draw persecution vpon the Church (as the L. Cardinal would make vs beleeue) that Christians of the Primitiue Church, and Bishops by their censures, durst not anger and prouoke their Emperours. But his Lordship by his co­loured pretences doeth manifestly prouoke and stirre vp the people to re­bellion, so soone as they know their own strength to beare out a rebellious practise: Whereupon it followes, that in case their conspiracie shall take no good effect, all the blame and fault must lie, not in their disloyalty and trea­son, but in the bad choice of their times for the best aduantage, and in the want of taking a trew sight of their owne weakenesse. Let stirring spirits be trained vp in such practicall precepts, let desperate wits be seasoned with such rules of discipline; and what need we, or how can wee wonder they contriue Powder-conspiracies, and practise the damnable art of parricides?

After Iulian, his Lordship falles vpon Valentinian the younger, who maintaining Arrianisme with great and open violence, might haue bene deposed by the Christians from his Empire, and yet (say wee) they neuer dream'd of any such practise. Heere the L. Cardinall maketh answere: Pag. 82. ‘ The Christians mooued with respect vnto the fresh memory both of the brother and father, as also vnto the weake estate of the sonnes young yeeres, abstained from all counsels and courses of sharper effect and operation.’ To which answere I replie: these are but friuolous coniectures, deuised and framed to ticle his owne fancie: For had Valentinianus the younger beene the sonne of an Arrian, and had then also attained to threescore yeeres of aage, they would neuer haue borne themselues in other fashion then they did, towards their Empe­rour. Then the Cardinall goeth on: The people would not abandon the [Page 436]factious and seditious party, but were so firme or obstinate rather for the faction, that Valentinian for feare of the tumultuous vproares was constrai­ned to giue way, and was threatened by the souldiers, that except hee would adhere vnto the Catholikes, they would yeeld him no assistance, nor stand for his partie. Now this answere of the L. Cardinall makes no­thing to the purpose, concerning the Popes power to pull downe Kings from their stately nest. Let vs take notice of his proper consequence. Va­lentinian was afraid of the popular tumult at Milan: the Pope therefore hath power to curbe Hereticall Kings by deposition. Now marke what distance is betweene Rome and Milan, what difference betweene the peo­ple of Milan, and the Bishop of Rome; betweene a popular tumult, and a iu­dicatorie sentence; betweene fact and right, things done by the people or souldiers of Milan, and things to be done according to right and law by the Bishop of Rome; the same distance, the same difference (if not farre grea­ter) is betweene the L. Cardinals antecedent and his consequent, betweene his reason, and the maine cause or argument which we haue in hand. The mad commotion of the people was not heere so much to bee regarded, as the sad instruction of the Pastour, of their good and godly Pastour S. Am­brose so farre from hartening the people of Milan to rebel, that being Bishop of Milan, he offered himselfe to suffer Martydome: If the Emperour abuse his Imperiall authority, (for so Theodoret hath recited his words) to tyrannize there­by, heere am I ready to suffer death. And what resistance he made against his L. Emperor, was onely by way of supplication in these termes, Wee beseech thee, O Augustus, as humble suppliants; we offer no resistance: we are not in feare, but we flie to supplication. Epist. lib. 5. Epist. 33. Againe, If my patrimony be your marke, enter vpon my pa­trimony, if my body, I wil goe and meet my torments. Shall I be drag'd to prison or to death? Epist. lib. 5. I will take delight in both. Item, in his Oration to Auxentius; I can afflict my soule with sorrow, I can lament, I can send forth grieuous groanes: My weapons a­gainst either of both, souldiers or Goths, are teares: A Priest hath none other wea­pons of defence: I neither can resist, nor ought in any other maner to make resistance.

Iustinian the Emperour in his old aage fell into the heresie of the Aph­thartodocites. Against Iustinian, though few they were that fauoured him in that heresie, the Bishop of Rome neuer darted with violence any sen­tence of excommunication, interdiction, or deposition.

The Ostrogot Kings in Italie, the Visigot in Spaine, the Vandal in Africa were all addicted to the Arrian impietie, and some of them cruelly perse­cuted the trew professours. The Visigot and Vandall were no neighbours to Italie. The Pope thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes, if they had bene angred. The Pope for all that neuer had the hu­mour to wrestle or iustle with any of the said Kings in the cause of depo­sing them from their Thrones. But especially the times when the Vandals in Affricke, and the Goths in Italie by Belisarius and Narses, professours of the Orthodoxe Faith, were tyred with long warres, and at last were vtterly defeated in bloody battels, are to bee considered. Then were the times [Page 437]or neuer, for the Pope to vnsheath his weapons, and to vncase his arrowes of deposition; then were the times to draw them out of his quiuer, and to shoot at all such Arrian heads; then were the times by dispensations to re­lease their subiects of their oathes, by that peremptorie meanes to aide and strengthen the Catholique cause: But in that aage the said weapons were not knowne to haue bene hammered in the Pontificall forge.

Gregorie the I. made his boasts, that he was able to ruine the Lombards, (for many yeeres together sworne enemies to the Bishops of Rome) their state present, and the hope of all their future prosperitie. But he telleth vs, that by the feare of God before his eyes and in his heart, he was bridled and restrained from any such intent; as elsewhere we haue obserued: In Apol. pro iuram fidel. His owne words lib. 7. Epist. 1. If I would haue medled with practising and procuring the death of the Lombards, the whole na­tion of the Lombards at this day had bene robbed of their Kings, Dukes, Earles, they had bene reduced to the tearmes of extreame confusion. He might at least haue deposed their King, (if the credit of the L. Cardinals iudgement be currant) without polluting or stayning his owne conscience.

What can we tearme this assertion of the L. Cardinal, but open charging the most ancient Bishops of Rome with crueltie, when they would not succour the Church of CHRIST oppressed by tyrants, whose oppression they had power to represse by deposing the oppressors. Is it credible, that IESVS CHRIST hath giuen a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many aages, without any power to execute their Commission, or to make any vse thereof by practise? Is it credible, that hee hath giuen them a sword to bee kept in the scabbard, without drawing once in a thousand yeeres? Is it credible, that in the times when Popes were most deboshed, a­bandoning themselues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious courses, as is testi­fied by their owne flatterers and best affected seruants; is it credible that in those times they began to vnderstand the vertue & strength of their Com­mission? For if either feare or lacke of power, was the cause of holding their hands, and voluntarie binding of themselues to the Peace or good behaui­our: wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced, who hath complai­ned that he was hindered from executing the power that CHRIST had conferred vpon his Pontificall See? Wherefore is not some one of the an­cient and holy Fathers alledged, by whom the Pope hath bene aduised and exhorted to take courage, to stand vpon he vigor and sinewes of his Papall Office, to vnsheath and vncase his bolts of thunder against vngodly Prin­ces, and grieuous enemies to the Church? wherefore liuing vnder Chri­stian and gracious Emperours, haue they not made knowne the reasons, why they were hindred from drawing the pretended sword; lest long cu­stome of not vsing the sword so many aages, might make it so to rust in the scabbard, that when there should be occasion to vse the said sword, it could not be drawne at all; and lest so long custome of not vsing the same, should confirme prescription to their greater preiudice? If weakenesse be a iust let, how is it come to passe, that Popes haue enterprised to depose [Page 438] Philip the Faire, Lewis the XII. and ELIZABETH my predecessor of happy memorie; (to let passe others) in whom experience hath well proued, how great inequalitie was betweene their strengths? Yea, for the most part from thence grow most grieuous troubles and warres, which iustly recoile and light vpon his owne head; as happened to Gregorie the VII. and Boni­face the VIII. This no doubt is the reason, wherefore the Pope neuer sets in (for feare of such inconueniences) to blast a King with lightning and thunder of deposition, but when hee perceiues the troubled waters of the Kingdome by some strong faction setled in his Estate; or when the King is confined and bordered by some Princemore potent, who thirsteth after the prey, and is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell. The King standing in such estate, is it not as easie for the Pope to pull him downe, as it is for a man with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall, when the groundsill is rotten, the studdes vnpind and nodding or ben­ding towards the ground? But if the King shall beare downe and breake the faction within the Realme; if hee shall get withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdome; then the holy Father presents him with pardons neuer sued for, neuer asked, and in afathers indulgence forsooth, giues him leaue still to hold the Kingdome, that hee was not able by all his force to wrest and wring out of his hand, no more then the club of Her­cules out of his fist. How many worthy Princes, incensed by the Pope, to conspire against Soueraigne Lords their Masters, and by open rebellion to worke some change in their Estates, haue miscarried in the action, with losse of life, or honour, or both? For example; Rodulphus Duke of Sueuia was eg'd on by the Pope, against Henry IIII. of that name Empe­rour. How many massacres, how many desolations of Cities and townes, how many bloody battels ensued thereupon? Let histories bee searched, let iust accompts be taken, and beside sieges layde to Cities, it will appeare by trew computation, that Henry the IIII. and Frederic the fist, fought a­boue threescore battels, in defence of their owne right against enemies of the Empire, stirred vp to armes by the Pope of Rome. How much Christian blood was then spilt in these bloody battels, it passeth mans wit, penne, or tongue to expresse. And to giue a little touch vnto mat­ters at home; doeth not his Holinesse vnderstand right well the weake­nesse of Papists in my Kingdome? Doeth not his Holmesse neuerthesesse animate my Papists to rebellion, and forbid my Papists to take the Oath of Allegiance? Doeth not his Holinesse by this meanes draw (so much as in him lyeth) persecution vpon the backes of my Papists as vpon rebels, and expose their life as it were vpon the open stall, to be sold at a very easie price? All these examples, either ioynt or seuerall, are manifest and eui­dent proofes, that feare to draw mischiefe and persecution vpon the Church, hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperours and Kings, whensoeuer they conceiued any hope, by their fulminations to aduance their greatnesse.

[Page 439]Last of all; I referre the matter to the most possessed with preiudice, euen the very aduersaries, whether this doctrine, by which people are trained vp in subiection vnto Infidel or hereticall Kings, vntill the subiects be of sufficient strength to mate their Kings, to expell their Kings, and to depose them from their Kingdomes, doth not incense the Turkish Empe­rours and other Infidell Princes, to roote out all the Christians that drawe in their yoke, as people that waite onely for a fit occasion to rebell, and to take themselues ingaged for obedience to their Lords, onely by con­straint and seruile feare. Let vs therefore now conclude with Ozius, in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian heretike: Apud Athan [...]in E [...]st. ad solit [...]. vitam a [...]gentes. As hee that by secret practise or open violence would bereaue thee of thy Empire, should violate Gods ordinance: so bee thou touched with feare, least, by vsurping authoritie ouer Church matters, thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime. Where this holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinals ex­ception; to wit, the right of the Church alwaies excepted and saued, when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperours. Nei­ther speaks the same holy Bishop of priuate persons alone, or men of some particular condition and calling; but hee setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees, neuer to impeach Imperiall Maiestie vpon any pretext what­soeuer.

As his Lordships first reason drawne from weakenesse is exceeding weake: so is that which the L. Cardinall takes vp in the next place: The 2. reas. Pag. 77. ‘ He tel­leth vs there is very great difference betweene Pagan Emperours, and Christian Prin­ces: Pagan Emperours who neuer did homage to Christ, who neuer were by their sub­iects receiued, with condition to acknowledge perpetuall subiection vnto the Empire of Christ; who neuer were bound by oath and mutuall contract betweene Prince and subiect. Christian Princes who slide backe by Apostasie, degenerate by Arrianisme, or fall away by Mahometisme.’ Touching the latter of these two, (as his Lord­shippe saith) ‘ If they shall as it were take an oath, and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed, and contrary to the con­dition vnder which they receiued the Scepter of their Fathers; if they withall shall turne persecutors of the Catholike religion;’ touching these I say, the L. Cardinal holds, that without question they may bee remooued from their King­domes: He telleth vs not by whom, but euery where he meaneth by the Pope. Touching Kings deposed by the Pope vnder pretence of stupidity, as Childeric; or of matrimoniall causes, as Philip I. or for collating of benefi­ces, as Philip the Faire; not one word: By that point he easily glideth, and shuffles it vp in silence, for feare of distasting the Pope on the one side, or his auditors on the other.

Now in alledging this reason, his Lordship makes all the world a witnes, that in deposing of Kings, the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie of the Church: For such Princes as neuer suckt other milke then that of Infidelitie, and persecution of Religion, are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the Church, then if they had sucked of the Chur­ches [Page 440]breasts. And as for the greatnesse of the sinne or offence, it seemes to me there is very little difference in the matter. For a Prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to Iesus Christ, is bound no lesse to such o­bedience, then if he had taken a solemne oath: As the sonne that rebelli­ously stands vp against his father, is in equall degree of sinne, whether he hath sworne or not sworne obedience to his father; because he is bound to such obedience, not by any voluntarie contract or couenant, but by the law of Nature. The commaundement of God to kisse the Sonne, whom the Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings, doeth equally bind all Kings, as well Pagans as Christians. On the other side, who denies, who doubts, that Constantius Emperour at his first steppe or entrance into the Empire, did not sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe, to keepe the rules and to maintaine the precepts of the Orthodox faith, or that he did not receiue his fathers Empire vpon such condition? This notwithstan­ding, the Bishop of Rome pulled not Constantius from his Imperiall throne, but Constantius remooued the Bishop of Rome from his Papall See. And were it so, that an oath taken by a King at his consecration, and after viola­ted, is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an Apostate or hereticall Prince; then by good consequence the Pope may in like sort depose a King, who beeing neither dead in Apostasie, nor sicke of Heresie, doeth neglect onely the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects: For his oath ta­ken at consecration importeth likewise, that he shall minister iustice to his people. A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinall, who dares prescribe new lawes to the Pope, and presumes to limit his ful­nesse of power, within certaine meeres and head-lands, extending the Popes power only to the deposing of Christian Kings, when they turne Apostats forsaking the Catholike faith; and not such Princes as neuer breathed any thing but pure Paganisme, and neuer serued vnder the colours of Iesus Christ. Meane while his Lordship forgets, that King Attabaliba was depo­sed by the Pope from his Kingdome of Peru, and the said Kingdome was conferred vpon the King of Spaine, though the said poore King of Peru, ne­uer forsooke his heathen superstition; and though the turning of him out of his terrestriall Kingdome was no way to conuert him vnto the faith of Christ. Pag. 77. Yea his Lordship a little after telleth vs himselfe, that Be the Turkes possession in the conquests that he maketh ouer Christians neuer so auncient, yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer, can he gaine so much as a thumbes breadth of prescrip­tion: that is to say, the Turke for all that is but a disseisor, one that violently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne, and by good right may be dispossessed of the same: whereas notwithstanding the Turkish Emperours neuer fauoured nor sauoured Christianitie. Let vs runne ouer the exam­ples of Kings whom the Pope hath dared and presumed to depose; and hardly will any one be found, of whom it may be trewly auouched, that he hath taken an oath contrary to his oath of subiection to Iesus Christ, or that he hath wilfully cast himselfe into Apostaticall defection.

[Page 441]And certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration, it wil be found apparantly false, that Kings of France haue bene receiued of their subiects at any time, with condition to serue IESVS CHRIST. They were actually Kings before they came forth to the solemnitie of their sa­cring, before they vsed any stipulation or promise to their subiects. For in hereditary kingdoms, (nothing more certaine, nothing more vncontroule­able) the Kings death instantly maketh liuery and seisin of the Royaltie, to his next successour. Nor is it materiall to replie, that a King succeeding by right of inheritance, takes an oath in the person of his predecessor. For euery oath is personall, proper to the person by whom it is taken: and to God no liuing creature can sweare, that his owne sonne or his heire shall proue an honest man. Well may the father, and with great solemnitie, pro­mise that he will exhort his heire apparant with all his power and the best of his endeauours, to feare God and to practise piety. If the fathers oath be agreeable to the dueties of godlinesse, the sonne is bound thereby, whether he take an oath, or take none. On the other side, if the fathers oath come from the puddles of impietie, the sonne is bound thereby to goe the con­trary way. If the fathers oath concerne things of indifferent nature, and such as by the variety or change of times, become either pernicious or im­possible; then it is free for the Kings next successor and heire, prudently to fit and proportion his Lawes vnto the times present, and to the best benefit of the Common-wealth.

When I call these things to mind with some attention, I am out of all doubt, his Lordship is very much to seeke, in the right sense and nature of his Kings oath taken at his Coronation, to defend the Church, and to per­seuere in the Catholike faith: For what is more vnlike and lesse credible then this conceit, that after Clouis had reigned 15. yeeres in the state of Pa­ganisme, and then receiued holy Baptisme, he should become Christian vp­on this condition, That in case hee should afterward reuolt from the Faith, it should then bee in the power of the Church, to turne him out of his Kingdome? But had any such conditionall stipulation beene made by Clouis, in very good earnest and trewth; yet would hee neuer haue in­tended, that his deposing should bee the acte of the Romane Bishop, but rather of those (whether Peeres or people, or whole body of the State) by whom he had bene aduanced to the Kingdome. Let vs heare the trewth, and this is the trewth: It is farre from the customary vse in France, for their Kings to take any such oath, or to vse any such stipulation with their sub­iects. If any King or Prince wheresoeuer, doth vse an oath or solemne pro­mise in these expresse termes, Let me lose my Kingdome, or my life, be that day my last both for life and reigne, when I shall first reuolt from the Christian Religion: By these words he calleth vpon God for vengeance, hee vseth imprecation a­gainst his owne head: but hee makes not his Crowne to stoupe by this meanes to any power in the Pope, or in the Church, or in the people.

And touching inscriptions vpon coynes, of which point his Lordship [Page 442]speaketh by the way; verely the nature of the money or coine (the stam­ping and minting whereof is one of the marks of the Prince his dignity and Soueraignty) is not changed by bearing the letters of Christs Name on the reuerse or on the front. Such characters of Christs Name, are aduertise­ments and instructions to the people, that in shewing and yeelding obedi­ence vnto the King, they are obedient vnto Christ; & those Princes likewise, who are so wel aduised, to haue the most sacred Names inscribed and prin­ted in their coines, doe take and acknowledge Iesus Christ for supreme King of Kings. The said holy characters are no representation or profession, that any Kings Crowne dependeth vpon the Church, or can be taken away by the Pope. The L. Cardinal indeed so beareth vs in hand. But he inuerts the words of Iesus Christ, and wrings them out of the right ioynt: For Christ without all ambiguitie and circumlocution, by the image and in­scription of the money, doeth directly and expressely prooue Caesar to bee free from subiection, and entirely Soueraigne. Now if such a supreme and Soueraigne Prince, at any time shall bandie and combine against God, and thereby shall become a rebellious and perfidious Prince; doubtlesse for such disloyaltie he shall deserue, that God would take from him all hope of life eternall: and yet hereby neither Pope nor people hath reason to bee puft vp, in their power to depriue him of his temporall Kingdome.

‘The L. Page 76. Cardinall saith besides; The champions of the Popes power to depose Kings, doe expound that commandement of S. Paul, whereby euery soule is made sub­iect vnto the superiour powers, to bee a prouisionall precept or caution accommodated to the times; and to stand in force, onely vntll the Church were growen in strength vn­to such a scantling, that it might be in the power of the faithfull, without shaking the pillars of Christian state, to stand in the breach, and cautelously to prouide that none but Christian Princes might be receiued; according to the Law in Deut Thou shalt make thee a King from among thy brethren. The reason whereupon they ground, is this: Because Paul saith, It is a shame for Christians to be iudged vnder vniust Infi­dels, in mattrs or businesse, which they had one against another: For which inconueni­ence, Iustinian after prouided by Law; when hee ordeined that no Infidel nor Here­tike might be admitted to the administration of iustice in the Common-wealth.’

In which words of the Cardinall, the word Receiued, is to bee obserued especially and aboue the rest: For by chopping in that word, hee doeth nimbly and with a tricke of Legier-demain, transforme or change the very state of the question. For the question or issue of the cause, is not about receiuing, establishing, or choosing a Prince; (as in those Nations where the Kingdome goes by election) but about doing homage to the Prince, when God hath setled him in the Kingdome, and hath cast it vpon a Prince by hereditary succession: For that which is writtten, Thou shalt make thee a King, doeth no way concerne and touch the people of France in these dayes: because the making of their King hath not of long time been tyed to their election. The passage therefore in Deuter. makes nothing to the purpose; no more then doth Iustinians law: For it is our free and voluntary [Page 443]confession, that a Christian Prince is to haue speciall care of the Lawes, and to prouide that no vnbeleeuer be made Lord Chiefe-Iustice of the Land, that no Infidel be put in trust with administration of Iustice to the people. But here the issue doeth not direct vs to speake of Delegates, of subordi­nate Magistrates, and such as are in Commission from the Prince, but of the supreame Prince himselfe, the Soueraigne Magistrate ordained by na­ture, and confirmed by succession. Our question is, whether such a Prince can be vnthroned by the Pope, by whom he was not placed in the Throne; and whether the Pope can despoile such a Prince, of that Royaltie which was neuer giuen him by the Pope, vnder any pretended colour and impu­tation of heresie, of stupiditie, or infringing the priuiledges of Monaste­ries, or transgressing the Lawes and lines of holy Matrimonie.

Now that S. Pauls commandement which bindeth euery soule in the bands of subiection vnto the higher powers, is no precept giuen by way of prouiso, and onely to serue the times, but a standing and a perpetuall rule, it is hereby more then manifest. S. Paul hath grounded this commande­ment vpon certaine reasons, not onely constant and permanent by their proper nature, but likewise necessary for euery state, condition, and reuo­lution of the times. His reasons; Because all powers are ordained of God: be­cause resisting of powers is resisting the ordinance of God: because the Magistrate beares the sword to execute iustice: because obedience and subiection to the Magi­strate is necessary, not onely for feare of his wrath, or feare of punishment, but also for conscience sake. It is therefore a case grounded vpon conscience, it is not a Law deuised by humane wisedome; it is not fashionable to the qualities of the times. Apostolicall instructions for the right informing of ma­ners, are not changeable according to times and seasons. To vse the L. Car­dinals language, and to follow his fancie in the matter, is to make way for two pestiferous mischiefes: First, let it be free and lawfull for Christians, to hold the commanding rules of GOD for prouisionall cautions, and what followes? Men are ledde into the broad way of impietie, and the whole Scripture is wiped of all authoritie. Then againe, for the other mis­chiefe: The glorious triumphes of most blessed Martyrs in their vnspeak­able torments and sufferings, by the L. Cardinals position shall bee iudged vnworthy to weare the title and Crowne of Martyrdome. How so? Be­cause (according to his new fiction) they haue giuen place to the violence and furie of heathen Magistrates, not in obedience to the necessary and cer­taine Commandement of God, but rather to a prouisionall direction, ac­cōmodated to the humours of the times. And therfore the L. Cardinal hath vsed none other clay wherewith to dawbe ouer his deuise, but plaine falsi­fication of holy Scripture: For he makes the Apostle say to the Corinthi­ans, It is a shame for Christians to bee iudged vnder vnbeleeuing Magistrates; whereas in that whole context of Paul, there is no such matter. For when the Apostle saith, I speake it euen to your shame; [...] he doeth not say it is a shame for a beleeuer to be iudged vnder an Infidel, but he makes them ashamed of [Page 444]their vngodly course, and vnchristian practise, that in suing and impleading one another, they layd their actions of cōtention in the Courts of vnbelee­uing Iudges. The shame was not in bearing that yoke which God had char­ged their necks withall, but in deuouring and eating vp one an other with Writs of habeas corpus, and with other Processes; as also in vncouering the shame, in laying open the shamefull parts and prankes played by Christi­ans, before Infidels, to the great scandall of the Church. Here I say the L. Cardinall is taken in a tricke of manifest falsification. If therefore a King when he salls to play the heretike, deserueth to be deposed; why should not a Cardinall when he falls to play the iuggler with holy Scripture, deserue to be disrobed?

Meane while the indifferent Reader is to consider, how greatly this do­ctrine is preiudicial, and how full of danger, to Christians liuing vnder he­reticall or Pagan Princes. For make it once knowne to the Emperour of Turkes, let him once get neuer so little a smacke of this doctrine; that Christians liuing vnder his Empire doe take Gods commandement, for obedience to Princes whom they count Infidels, to be onely a prouisional precept for a time, and wait euery houre for all occasions to shake off the yoke of his bondage; doubtlesse he will neuer spare with all speed to roote the whole stocke, with all the armes and branches of Christians out of his dominions. Adde hereunto the L. Cardinals former determination; that possession kept neuer so long by the Turke in his Conquests ouer Christi­ans, gaines him not by so long tract of time one inch of prescription; and it will appeare, that his Lordship puts the Turkish Emperour in minde, and by his instruction leades the said Emperour as it were by the hand, to haue no maner of affiance in his Christian subiects; and withall to afflict his poore Christians with all sorts of most grieuous and cruell torments. In this regard the poore Christans of Graecia and Syria, must needs be very little beholden to his Lordship. As for my selfe, and my Popish Subiects, to whom I am no lesse then an heretike forsooth am not I by this doctrine of the Cardinall, pricked and whetted against my naturall inclination, to turne clemencie into rigour; seeing that by his doctrine my subiects are made to beleeue, they owe me subiection onely by way of prouiso, and with waiting the occasion to worke my vtter destruction and finall ruine; the rather, because Turkes, miscreants, and heretikes are marshalled by the Cardinall in the same ranke; and heretikes are counted worse, yea more iustly deposeable, then Turkes and Infidels, as irreligious breakers and vio­laters of their oath? Who seeth not here how great indignitie is offered to me a Christian King, paralleld with Infidels, reputed worse then a Turke, taken for an vsurper of my Kingdomes, reckoned a Prince, to whom sub­iects owe a forced obedience by way of prouision, vntill they shall haue meanes to shake off the yoke, and to bare my temples of the Crowne, which neuer can be pulled from the sacred Head, but with losse of the head it selfe?

[Page 445]Touching the warres vndertaken by the French, English, and Germaines, in their expedition for Ierusalem, it appeares by the issue and euent of the said warres, that God approoued them not for honourable. That expedi­tion was a deuise and inuention of the Pope, whereby he might come to be infeoffed in the Kingdomes of Christian Princes. For then all such of the French, English or Germaines, as vndertooke the Croisade, became the Popes meere vassals. Then all robbers by the high way side, adulterers, cut­throats, and base bankerupts, were exempted from the Secular and Ciuill power, their causes were sped in Consistorian Courts, so soone as they had gotten the Crosse on their cassocks or coat-armours, and had vowed to serue in the expedition for the Leuant. Then for the Popes pleasure and at his commaundement, whole countryes were emptied of their Nobles and common souldiers. Then they made long marches into the Leuant: For what purpose? Onely to die vpon the points of the Saracens pikes, or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses, battle-axes, fauchions, and other weapons, without any benefit and aduantage to themselues or others. Then the Nobles were driuen to sell their goodly Mannors, and auncient demaines to the Church-men, at vnder prises and low rates; the very roote from which a great part of the Church and Church-mens reuenewes hath sprung and growne to so great height. Then, to be short, See the Bull of Innoc. 3. at the end of the Lat. ter. Conc. his most boun­tifull Holinesse gaue to any of the riffe-raffe-ranke, that would vndertake this expedition into the Holy land, a free and full pardon for all his sinnes, besides a degree of glory aboue the vulgar in the Celestiall Paradise. Mili­tary vertue, I confesse, is commendable and honourable; prouided it bee employed for iustice, and that generous noblenesse of valiant spirits bee not vnder a colour and shadow of piety, fetcht ouer with some casts or deuises of Italian cunning.

Now let vs obserue the wisedome of the Lord Cardinall through this whole discourse. His Lordship is pleased in his Oration, to cite certaine few passages of Scripture, culls and picks them out for the most gracefull in shewe: leaues out of his list whole troupes of honourable witnesses, vpon whose testimonie, the Popes themselues and their principall adhe­rents doe build his power to depose Kings, and to giue order for all Tem­porall causes. Take a sight of their best and most honourable witnesses. Peter said to Christ, See here two swords; and Christ answered, It is sufficient. Christ said to Peter, Put vp thy sword in to thy sheath. God said to Ieremie, Ier. 1. I haue established thee ouer Nations and Kingdomes. 1. Cor. 2. Paul said to the Corinthi­ans, The spirituall man discerneth all things. Christ said to his Apostles, What­soeuer yee shall loose vpon earth: by which words the Pope hath power for­sooth to loose the oath of allegiance. Moses said, In the beginning God created the heauen and the earth. Vpon these passages, Pope Boniface 8. Extrauag. Vnam Sanctam. grapling and tugging with Philip the Faire, doth build his Temporall power. Other Popes and Papists auouch the like authorities. Christ said of himselfe, All things are giuen to me of my Father, and all power is giuen vnto me in heauen and in [Page 446]earth. The Deuils said, If thou cast vs out, send vs into this herd of swine. Christ said to his Disciples, Yee shall finde the colt of an asse bound, loose it and bring it vnto me. By these places the aduersaries prooue, that Christ disposed of Temporall matters; and inferre thereupon, why not Christs Vicar as well as Christ himselfe. The places and testimonies now following are very ex­presse: Psal. 45. In stead of thy fathers shall be thy children: thou shalt make them Princes through all the earth. Item, Iesus Christ not onely commaunded Peter to feed his lambs; but said also to Peter, Arise, kill, and eat: the pleasant glosse, the rare inuention of the L. Ioh. 12. Cardinall Baronius. Christ said to the people, If I were lift vp from the earth, I will draw all things vnto me. who lets, what hin­ders this place from fitting the Pope? Paul said to the Corinthians, Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels? how much more then the things that pertaine vn­to this life? A little after, Haue not we power to eate? These are the chiefe pas­sages, on which as vpon maine arches, the roofe of Papall Monarchie, con­cerning Temporall causes, hath rested for three or foure aages past. And yet his Lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firme standing to beare vp the said roofe of Temporall Monarchie, for feare of making his auditors to burst with laughter. A wise part without question, if his Lordship had not defiled his lips before, with a more ridiculous argument drawne from the leprosie and drie scab.

Let vs now by way of comparison behold Iesus Christ paying tribute vnto Caesar, and the Pope making Caesar to pay him tribute: Iesus Christ perswading the Iewes to pay tribute vnto an heathen Emperour, and the Pope dispensing with subiects for their obedience to Christian Empe­rours: Iesus Christrefusing to arbitrate a controuersie of inheritance part­able betweene two priuate parties, and the Pope thrusting in himselfe without warrant or Commission to bee absolute Iudge in the deposing of Kings: Iesus Christ professing that his Kingdome is not of this world, and the Pope establishing himselfe in a terrene Empire. In like manner the Apostles forsaking all their goods to followe Christ, and the Pope robbing Christians of their goods; the Apostles persecuted by Pagan Emperours, and the Pope now setting his foote on the very throate of Christian Empe­rours, then proudly treading Imperiall Crownes vnder his feete. By this comparison, the L. Cardinals allegation of Scripture in fauour of his Ma­ster the Pope, is but a kind of puppet-play, to make Iesus Christ a mocking stocke, rather then to satisfie his auditors with any sound precepts and wholefome instructions. Hereof he seemeth to giue some inckling him­selfe: For after he hath beene plentifull in citing authorities of Scripture, and of newe Doctors, which make for the Popes power to depose Kings; at last he comes in with a faire and open confession, Pag. 85. that neither by diuine Oracles, nor by honourable antiquitie, this controuersie hath beene yet determined: and so pulls downe in a word with one hand, the frame of worke that he had built and set vp before with an other; discouering with­all, the reluctation and priuie checkes of his owne conscience.

[Page 447]There yet remaineth one obiection, the knot whereof the L. Cardinall in a maner sweateth to vntie. His words be these: Page 84. The champions for the ‘ ne­gatiue flie to the analogie of other proceedings and practises in the Church: They af­firme that priuate persons, masters or owners of goods and possessions among the common people, are not depriued of their goods for Heresie; and consequently that Princes much more should not for the same crime bee depriued of their estates.’ For answere to this reason, he brings in the defendants of deposition, speaking ‘after this maner; In the Kingdome of France the strict execution of lawes decreed in Court against Heretikes, is fauourably suspended and stopped, for the preseruation of peace and publike tranquilitie. He saith elsewhere; Conniuence is vsed towards these Heretikes inregard of their multitude, because a notable part of the French Na­tion and State is made all of Heretikes.’ I suppose that out of speciall charitie, he would haue those Heretikes of his owne making, forewarned what courte­ous vse and entreaty they are to expect; when he affirmeth that execution of the lawes is but suspended: For indeed suspensions hold but for a time. But in a cause of that nature and importance, I dare promise my selfe, that my most honoured brother the King of France, will make vse of other counsell: will rather seeke the amitie of his neighbour Princes, and the peace of his Kingdome: will beare in mind the great and faithfull seruice of those, who in matter of religion dissent from his Maiestie, as of the onely men that haue preserued and saued the Crowne for the King his father, of most glorious memorie. I am perswaded my brother of France wil beleeue, that his liege people pretended by the L. Cardinall to bee heretikes, are not halfe so bad as my Romane Catholike subiects, who by secret practises vn­dermine my life, serue a forreine Souereigne, are discharged by his Bulls of their obedience due to me their naturall Souereigne, are bound (by the maximes and rules published and maintained in fauour of the Pope, be­fore this full and famous assemblie of the Estate at Paris; if the said ma­ximes be of any weight and authoritie) to hold mee for no lawfull King, are there taught and instructed, that Pauls commandemement concerning subiection vnto the higher Powers, aduerse to their professed religion, is onely a prouisionall precept, framed to the times, and watching for the opportunitie to shake off the yoake. All which notwithstanding, I deale with such Romane-Catholikes by the rules and wayes of Princely cle­mencie; their heinous and pernicious error, in effect no lesse then the capi­tall crime of high treason, I vse to call some disease or distemper of the mind. Last of all, I beleeue my said brother of France will set downe in his tables, as in record, how little hee standeth ingaged to the L. Cardinall in this be­halfe: For those of the reformed Religion professe and proclaime, that next vnder God, they owe their preseruation and safetie to the wisedome and benignity of their Kings. But now comes the Cardinall, and he seekes to steale this perswasion out of their hearts: He tells them in open Parlia­ment, and without any going about bushes, that all their welfare and se­curitie standeth in their multitude, and in the feare which others conceiue [Page 448]to trouble the State, by the strict execution of lawes against Heretikes.

He addeth moreouer, Note by the way that here the Church of Rome is called a Sect. that In case a third Sect should peepe out and growe vp in France, the professors thereof should suffer confiscation of their goods, with losse of life it selfe; as hath bene practised at Geneua against Seruetus, and in England against Arians. My answere is this, That punishments for heretikes, duely and according to Law conuicted, are set downe by decrees of the ciuill Ma­gistrate, bearing rule in the countrey where the said heretikes inhabite, and not by any ordinances of the Pope. I say withall, the L. Cardinall hath no reason to match and parallell the reformed Churches with Seruetus and the Arians: For those heretikes were powerfully conuicted by Gods word, and lawfully condemned by the ancient Generall Councils, where they were permitted and admitted to plead their owne cause in person. But as for the trewth professed by me, and those of the reformed Religion, it was neuer yet hissed out of the Schooles, nor cast out of any Council, (like some Parliament bills) where both sides haue bene heard with like indif­ferencie. Yea, what Council soeuer hath bene offered vnto vs in these latter times, it hath bene proposed with certaine presuppositions: as, That his Holinesse (beeing a partie in the cause, and consequently to come vnder iudgement as it were to the barre vpon his triall) shall be the Iudge of As­size with Commission of Oyer and Determiner: it shall bee celebrated in a citie of no safe accesse, without safe conduct or conuoy to come or goe at pleasure, and without danger: it shall be assembled of such persons with free suffrage and voyce, as vphold this rule, (which they haue already put in practise against Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prage) that faith giuen, and oath taken to an Heretike, must not be obserued.

Now then to resume our former matter; If the Pope hitherto hath ne­uer presumed, for pretended heresie to confiscate by sentence, either the lands or the goods of priuate persons, or common people of the French Nation, wherefore should hee dare to dispossesse Kings of their Royall thrones? wherefore takes he more vpon him ouer Kings, then ouer priuate persons; wherefore shall the sacred heads of Kings be more churlishly, vn­ciuilly, and rigorously handled, then the hoods of the meanest people? Here the L. Cardinal in stead of a direct answer, breakes out of the lists, alledging cleane from the purpose examples of heretikes punished, not by the Pope, but by the ciuill Magistrate of the Countrey: But Bellarmine speakes to the point with a more free and open heart: hee is absolute and resolute in this opinion, that his Holinesse hath plenary power to dispose all Tempo­rall estates and matters in the whole world; I am confident (saith Bellarmine) and I speake it with assurance, Contr. Barclai­um, cap. 27. that our Lord Iesus Christ in the dayes of his mor­talitie, had power to dispose of all Temporall things yea, to strip Souereigne Kings and absolute Lords of their Kingdomes and Seignories: and without all doubt hath gran­ted and left euen the same power vnto his Vicar, to make vse thereof whensoeuer hee shall thinke it necessary for the saluation of soules. And so his Lordship speaketh without exception of any thing at all: For who doth not know, that Iesus [Page 449]Christ had power to dispose no lesse of priuate mens possessions, then of whole Realmes and Kingdomes at his pleasure, if it had beene his pleasure to display the ensignes of his power? The same fulnesse of power is likewise in the Pope. In good time: belike his Holinesse is the sole heire of Christ, in whole and in part. Sess. 9. The last Lateran Council fineth a Laic that speaketh blasphemie, for the first offence (if he be a gentleman) at 25. ducats, and at 50. for the second. It presupposeth and taketh it for graunted, that the Church may rifle and ransacke the purses of priuate men, and cast lots for their goods. The Councill of Trent diggeth as deepe for the same veine of gold and siluer. It ordaines; That Emperours, Kings, Dukes Princes, Sess. 25. cap. 19. and Lords of cities, castles, and territories holding of the Church, in case they shall assigne any place within their limits or liberties for the duell betweene two Christians, shall be de­priued of the said citie, castle, or place, where such duell shall be performed, they holding the said place of the Church by any kind of tenure: that all other Estates held in fee where the like offence shall be committed, shall forthwith fall and become forfeited to their immediate and next Lords: that all goods, possessions, and estates, as well of the combatants themselues, as of their seconds shall bee confiscate. This Councill doeth necessarily presuppose, it lieth in the hand and power of the Church, to dispose of all the lands and estates, held in fee throughout all Christen­dome; (because the Church forsooth can take from one, and giue vnto an other all estates held in fee whatsoeuer, as well such as hold of the Church, as of secular Lords) and to make ordinances for the confiscation of all pri­uate persons goods. By this Canon the Kingdome of Naples hath need to looke well vnto it selfe. For one duell it may fall into the Exchecquer of the Romane Church; because that Kingdome payeth a Reliefe to the Church, as a Royaltie or Seignorie that holdeth in fee of the said Church. And in France there is not one Lordship, not one Mannor, not one farme which the Pope by this meanes cannot shift ouer to a new Lord. His Lordship therefore had carried himselfe and the cause much better, if in stead of see­king such idle shifts, he had by a more large assertion maintained the Popes power to dispose of priuate mens possessions, with no lesse right and au­thoritie then of Kingdomes: For what colour of reason can bee giuen, for making the Pope Lord of the whole, and not of the parts? for making him Lord of the forrest in grosse, and not of the trees in parcell? for ma­king him Lord of the whole house, and not of the parlour or the di­ning chamber?

His Lordship alleadgeth yet an other reason, but of no better weight: Betweene the power of priuate owners ouer their goods, and the power of Kings ouer their estates, there is no little difference: For the goods of priuate persons are or­dained for their owners, and Princes for the benefit of their Common-wealths. Heare me now answere. If this Cardinal-reason hath any force to inferre, that a King may lawfully be depriued of his Kingdome for heresie, but a priuate person cannot for the same crime be turned out of his mansion house; then it shall follow by the same reason, that a Father for the same cause may [Page 450]bee depriued of all power ouer his children, but a priuate owner cannot be depriued of his goods in the like case: because goods are ordeined for the benefit and comfort of their owners, but fathers are ordeined for the good and benefit of their children: But most certain it is, that Kings repre­senting the image of God in earth and Gods place, haue a better and closer seate in their chaires of Estate, then any priuate persons haue in the saddle of their inheritances and patrimonies, which are dayly seene for sleight cau­ses, to flit and to fall into the hands of new Lords: Whereas a Prince being the Head, cannot bee loosed in the proper ioynt, nor dismounted; like a cannon when the carriage thereof is vnlockt, without a sore shaking and a most grieuous dislocation of all the members, yea, without subuerting the whole bodie of the State, whereby priuate persons without number are inwrapped together in the same ruine; euen as the lower shrubs and other brush-wood are crushed in pieces altogether by the fall of a great oake. But suppose his Lordships reason were somewhat ponderous and solide withall, yet a King (which would not bee forgotten) is endowed not onely with the Kingdome, but also with the ancient Desmenes and Crowne-lands, for which none can be so simple to say, The King was or­deined and created King; which neuerthelesse he loseth when hee loseth his Crowne. Admit againe this reason were of some pith, to make mighty Kings more easily deposeable then priuate persons from their patrimonies; yet all this makes nothing for the deriuing and fetching of deposition from the Popes Consistorie. What hee neuer conferred, by what right or power can he claime to take away?

But see heere no doubt a sharpe and subtile difference put by the L. Car­dinall betweene a Kingdome, and the goods of priuate persons. Goods, as ‘his Lordship saith, are without life: they can be constrained by no force, by no ex­ample, by no inducement of their owners to lose eternall life: Subiects by their Prin­ces may.’ Now I am of the contrary beliefe, That an hereticall owner, or master of a family, hath greater power and meanes withall, to seduce his owne seruants and children, then a Prince hath to peruert his owne sub­iects; and yet for the contagion of Heresie, and for corrupt religion, chil­dren are not remoued from their parents, nor seruants are taken away from their masters. Histories abound with examples of most flourishing Chur­ches, vnder a Prince of contrary religion. And if things without life or soule are with lesse danger left in an heretikes hands; why then shall not an hereticall King with more facilitie and lesse danger keepe his Crowne, his Royall charge, his lands, his customes, his imposts, &c? For will any man, except he bee out of his wits, affirme these things to haue any life or soule? Or why shall it bee counted folly, to leaue a sword in the hand of a mad Bedlam? Is not a sword also without life and soule? For my part, I should rather be of this minde; that possession of things without reason, is more dangerous and pernicious in the hands of an euill master, then the possession of things endued with life and reason: For things without [Page 451]life lacke both reason and iudgement, how to exempt and free themselues from being instruments in euill and wicked actions, from being emploied to vngodly and abominable vses. I will not deny, that an hereticall Prince is a plague, a pernicious and mortall sickenesse to the soules of his subiects: But a breach made by one mischiefe, must not bee filled vp with a greater inconuenience: An errour must not be shocked and shouldered with dis­loialtie, nor heresie with periurie, nor impietie with sedition and armed rebellion against GOD and the King. GOD, who vseth to try and to schoole his Church, will neuer forsake his Church; nor hath need to pro­tect his Church by any proditorious and prodigious practises of perfidi­ous Christians: For he makes his Church to be like the burning bush: In the middest of the fire and flames of persecutions, hee will prouide that she shall not be consumed, because hee standeth in the midst of his Church. And suppose there may be some iust cause for the French, to play the rebels against their King; yet will it not follow, that such rebellious motions are to be raised by the bellowes of the Romane Bishop, to whose Pastorall charge and office it is nothing proper, to intermeddle in the ciuill affaires of forraine Kingdomes.

Here is the summe and substance of the L. Cardinals whole discourse, touching his pretence of the second inconuenience. Which discourse hee hath closed with a remarkeable confession: to wit, that neither by the au­thoritie of holy Scripture, nor by the the testimonie and verdict of the Pri­mitiue Church, there hath bene any full decision of this question. In re­gard whereof he falleth into admiration, that Lay-people haue gone so farre in audaciousnesse, as to labour that a doubtfull doctrine might for euer passe currant, and be taken for a new article of faith. ‘ What a shame, what a reproach is this? how full of scandall? for so his Lordship is pleased to cry out. This breakes into the seueralls and inclosures of the Church: this lets in whole herds of heresies to grase in her greene and sweet pastures.’ On the other side, without any such Rhetoricall outcries, I simply affirme: It is a reproach, a scandall, a crime of rebellion, for a subiect hauing his full charge and loade of benefits, in the new spring of his Kings tender aage, his King-fathers blood yet reeking, and vpon the point of an addresse for a double match with Spaine; in so honourable an assembly, to seeke the thraldome of his Kings Crowne, to play the captious in cauilling about causes of his Kings deposing, to giue his former life the Lye with shame enough in his old aage, and to make himselfe a common by-word, vnder the name of a Pro­blematicall Martyr; one that offers himselfe to fagot and fire, for a point of doctrine but problematically handled, that is, distrustfully and onely by way of doubtfull and questionable discourse: yea for a point of doctrine, in which the French (as he pretendeth) are permitted to thwart and crosse his Holines in iudgement, prouided they speake in it as in a point, not cer­taine and necessary, but onely doubtfull and probable.

THE THIRD INCON­VENIENCE EXAMINED.

THe third Inconuenience pretended by the L. Pag. 87. Cardinall to grow by admitting this Article of the third Estate, is flou­rished ‘in these colours: It would breed and bring foorth an open and vnauoydeable schisme against his Holinesse, and the rest of the whole Ecclesiasticall body: For thereby the doctrine long approued and ratified by the Pope and the rest of the Church, should now be taxed and con­demned of impious and most detestable consequence; yea the Pope and the Church, euen in faith and in points of saluation, should be reputed and beleeued to be erroni­ously perswaded.’ Hereupon his Lordship giues himselfe a large scope of the raines, to frame his elegant amplifications against schismes and schis­matikes.

Now to mount so high, and to flie in such place vpon the wings of am­plification for this Inconuenience, what is it else but magnifically to report and imagine a mischiefe by many degrees greater then the mischiefe is? The L. Cardinal is in a great errour, if hee make himselfe beleeue, that other nations wil make a rent or separation from the communion of the French, because the French stand to it tooth and naile, that French Crownes are not liable or obnoxious to Papall deposition; howsoeuer there is no schisme that importeth not separation of communion. The most illustrious Re­publike of Venice, hath imbarked herselfe in this quarrell against his Holi­nesse, hath played her prize, and caried away the weapons with great ho­nour. Doeth she, notwithstanding her triumph in the cause, forbeare to participate with all her neighbours in the same Sacraments? doeth she liue in schisme with all the rest of the Romane Church? No such matter. When the L. Cardinal himselfe not many yeeres past, maintained the Kings cause, and stood honourably for the Kings right against the Popes Temporall vsurpations, did he then take other Churches to be schismaticall, or the rot­ten members of Antichrist? Beleeue it who list, I beleeue my Creed. Nay, his Lordship telleth vs himselfe a little after, that his Holinesse giues the French free scope, to maintaine either the affirmatiue or negatiue of this question. And will his Holinesse hold them schismatikes, that dissent from his opinion and iudgement in a subiect or cause esteemed proble­maticall? Farre be it from his Holinesse. The King of Spaine, reputed the Popes right arme, neuer gaue the Pope cause by any acte or other decla­ration, to conceiue that he acknowledged himselfe deposeable by the Pope for heresie, or Tyrannie, or stupiditie. But being well assured the Pope standeth in greater feare of his arme, then hee doeth of the Popes head and [Page 453]shoulders, he neuer troubles his owne head about our question. More, when the booke of Cardinall Baronius was come foorth, in which booke the Kingdome of Naples is descried and publiquely discredited (like false money) touching the qualitie of a Kingdome, and attributed to the King of Spaine, not as trew proprietary thereof, but onely as an Estate held in fee of the Romane Church; the King made no bones to condemne and to banish the said booke out of his dominions. The holy Father was conten­ted to put vp his Catholike sonnes proceeding to the Cardinals disgrace, ne­uer opened his mouth against the King, neuer declared or noted the King to be schismaticall. He waits perhaps for some fitter opportunitie; when the Kingdome of Spaine groaning vnder the burthens of intestine dissen­tions and troubles, hee may without any danger to himselfe giue the Ca­tholike King a Bishops mate. Yea, the L. Cardinal himselfe is better seene in the humors and inclinations of the Christian world, then to be grosly per­swaded, that in the Kingdome of Spaine, and in the very heart of Rome it selfe there be not many, which either make it but a ieast, or else take it in fowle scorne, to heare the Popes power ouer the Crownes of Kings once named: especially since the Venetian Republike hath put his Holinesse to the worse in the same cause, and cast him in Law.

What needed the L. Cardinall then, by casting vp such mounts and trenches, by heaping one amplification vpon an other, to make schisme looke with such a terrible and hideous aspect? Who knowes not how great an offence, how heinous a crime it is to quarter not IESVS CHRISTS coat, but his body, which is the Church? And what needed such terrifying of the Church with vglinesse of schisme, whereof there is neither colou­rable shew, nor possibilitie?

The next vgly monster, after schisme, shaped by the L. Cardinall in the third supposed and pretended inconuenience, is heresie. Pag. 89. His Lordship ‘saith for the purpose: By this Article we are cast headlong into a manifest heresie, as binding vs to confesse, that for many aages past, the Catholike Church hath bene banished out of the whole world. For if the champions of the doctrine contrary to this Article, doe hold an impious and a detestable opinion, repugnant vnto Gods word, then doubtlesse the Pope for so many hundred yeeres expired, hath not bene the head of the Church, but an heretike and the Antichrist. He addeth moreouer; That the Church long agoe hath lost her name of Catholike, and that in France there hath no Church flourished, nor so much as appeared these many and more then many yeeres: for as much as all the French doctors for many yeres together, haue stood for the contrary opinion. We can erect and set vp no trophey more honorable for heretikes in token of their victory, then to auow that Christs visible Kingdom is perished from the face of the earth, and that for so many hundred yeres there hath not bene any Temple of God, nor any spouse of Christ, but euery where, and all the world ouer, the kingdom of Anti­christ, the synagogue of Satan, the spouse of the diuel, hath mightily preuailed and borne all the sway. Lastly, what stronger engines can these heretikes wish or desire, for the battering and the demolishing of transubstantiation, of auricular confession, and other [Page 454]like towers of our Catholike Religion, then if it should bee granted the Church hath decided the said points without any authoritie? &c.’

Mee thinkes the L. Cardinal in the whole draught and course of these words doeth seeke not a little to blemish the honour of his Church, and to marke his religion with a blacke coale: For the whole frame of his Mother-Church is very easie to be shaken, if by the establishing of this Ar­ticle she shall come to finall ruine, and shall become the Synagogue of Sa­tan. Likewise, Kings are brought into a very miserable state and conditi­on, if their Souereigntie shall not stand, if they shall not bee without dan­ger of deposition, but by the totall ruine of the Church, and by holding the Pope, whom they serue, to be Antichrist. The L. Cardinall himselfe (let him be well sifted) herein doeth not credit his owne words: For doeth not his Lordship tell vs plaine, that neither by Diuine testimony, nor by any sentence of the ancient Church, the knot of this controuersie hath bene vntied? againe, that some of the French, by the Popes fauourable in­dulgence, are licensed or tolerated to say their mind, to deliuer their opi­nion of this question, though contrary to the iudgement of his Holinesse; prouided they hold it onely as problematicall, and not as necessary? What? Can there be any assurance for the Pope, that hee is not Antichrist; for the Church of Rome, that she is not a Synagogue of Satan, when a mans assurance is grounded vpon wauering and wilde vncertainties, without Canon of Scripture, without consent or countenance of antiquitie, and in a cause which the Pope by good leaue suffereth some to tosse with winds of problematicall opinion? It hath beene shewed before, that by Gods word, whereof small reckoning perhaps is made, by venerable anti­quitie, and by the French Church in those times when the Popes power was mounted aloft, the doctrine which teacheth deposing of Kings by the Pope, hath bene checked and countermanded. What, did the French in those dayes beleeue the Church was then swallowed vp, and no where visible or extant in the world? No verely; Those that make the Pope of Soueraigne authoritie for matters of Faith, are not perswaded that in this cause they are bound absolutely to beleeue and credit his doctrine. Why so? Because they take it not for any decree or determination of Faith; but for a point perteining to the mysteries of State, and a pillar of the Popes Temporall Monarchie; who hath not receiued any promise from God, that in causes of this nature hee shall not erre: For they hold, that errour by no meanes can crawle or scramble vp to the Papall See, so highly moun­ted; but grant ambition can scale the highest walls, and climbe the loftiest pinacles of the same See. They hold withall, that in case of so speciall ad­uantage to the Pope, whereby he is made King of Kings, and as it were the pay-master or distributer of Crownes, it is against all reason that hee should sit as Iudge, to carue out Kingdomes for his owne share. To bee short, let his Lordship be assured that he meeteth with notorious blocke­heads, more blunt-witted then a whetstone, when they are drawen to be­leeue [Page 455]by his perswasion, that whosoeuer beleeues the Pope hath no right nor power to put Kings beside their Thrones, to giue and take away Crownes, are all excluded and barred out of the heauenly Kingdome.

But now followes a worse matter: For they whom the Cardinall re­proachfully calls heretikes, haue wrought and wonne his Lordship (as to mee seemeth) to plead their cause at the barre, and to betray his owne cause to these heretikes: For what is it in his Lordship, but plaine playing the Praeuaricator, when he crieth so lowd, that by admitting and establishing of this Article, the doctrine of Cake-incarnation and priuie Confession to a Priest, is vtterly subuerted? Let vs heare his reason, and willingly ac­cept the trewth from his lips. The Articles (as his Lordship granteth) of Transubstantiation, auricular Confession, and the Popes power to depose Kings, are all grounded alike vpon the same authoritie. Now he hath ac­knowledged the Article of the Popes power to depose Kings, is not deci­ded by the Scripture, nor by the ancient Church, but within the compasse of certaine aages past, by the authoritie of Popes and Councils. Then he goes on well, and inferres with good reason, that in case the point of the Popes power be weakened, then the other two points must needs bee sha­ken, and easily ouerthrowen: So that hee doeth confesse the monstrous birth of the breaden-God, and the blind Sacrament or vaine fantasie of au­ricular confession, are no more conueyed into the Church by pipes from the springs of sacred Scripture, or from the riuers of the ancient Church, then that other point of the Popes power ouer Kings and their Crownes. Very good: For were they indeed deriued from either of those two heads, that is to say, were they grounded vpon the foundation of the first or second authoritie; then they could neuer bee shaken by the downefall of the Popes power to depose Kings. I am well assured, that for vsing so good a reason, the world will hold his Lordship in suspicion, that he still hath somesmacke of his fathers discipline and instruction, who in times past had the honour to be a Minister of the holy Gospel.

Howbeit he playeth not faire, nor vseth sincere dealing in his procee­ding against such as he calls heretikes; when hee casts in their dish, and beares them in hand they frowardly wrangle for the inuisibilitie of the Church in earth: For indeed the matter is nothing so. They freely ac­knowledge a visible Church: For howsoeuer the assembly of Gods elect, doth make a body not discerneable by mans eye; yet we assuredly beleeue, and gladly professe, there neuer wanted a visible Church in the world; yet onely visible to such as make a part of the same. All that are without, see no more but men, they doe not see the said men to be the trew Church. Wee beleeue moreouer of the vniuersall Church visible, that it is composed of many particular Churches, whereof some are better fined and more cleane from lees and dregs then other: and withall, we de­nie the purest Churches to be alwayes the grea­test and most visible.

THE FOVRTH AND LAST INCONVENIENCE EXAMINED.

THE Lord Cardinall before he looketh into the last Incon­uenience, vseth a certaine preamble of his owne life past, and seruices done to the Kings, Henry the III. and IIII. Tou­ching the latter of which two Kings, his Lordship saith in a straine of boasting, after this manner: I, by the grace of God, or the grace of God by mee rather, reduced him to the Catholike religion. I ob­tained at Rome his absolution of Pope Clement 8. I reconciled him to the holy See. Touching the first of these points; I say the time, the occasions, and the foresaid Kings necessary affaires doe sufficiently testifie, that he was indu­ced to change his mind, and to alter his religion, vpon the strength of o­ther manner of arguments then Theologicall schooles, or the perswasions of the L. Cardinals fluent Rhetoricke, doe vsually afford, or could possibly suggest. Moreouer, who doeth not know, that in affaires of so high na­ture and consequence, resolutions once taken, Princes are to proceede with instructions by a formall course? As for the Kings absolution, pretended to bee purchased of Clement 8. by the L. Cardinals good seruice; it had beene the part of so great a Cardinall, for the honour of his King, of the Realme, and of his owne place, to haue buried that piece of his notable seruice in perpetuall silence, and in the darke night of eternall obliuion: For in this matter of reconcilement, it is not vnknowne to the world, how shamefully and basely hee prostituted the inuiolable dignity of his King, when his Lordship representing the person of his King, and couching on the ground by way of sufficient penance, was glad (as I haue noted in the Preface to my Apologie) to haue his venerable shoulders gracefully saluted with stripes, and reuerently worshipped with bastonados of a Pontificiall cudgell. Which gracefull, or disgracefull blemish rather, it pleased Pope Clement of his rare clemencie, to grace yet with a higher degree of spirituall graces; in giuing the L. Cardinall then Bishop of Eureux, a certaine quantity of holy graines, crosses, and medals, or little plates of siluer, or some other mettall, to hang about the necke, or to bee borne about against some euill: Which treasures of the Popes grace, whosoeuer should graciously and reuerently kisse, they should without faile purchase vnto themselues a pardon for one hundred yeeres. These feate and prety gugawes for children, were no doubt a speciall comfort vnto the good Kings heart, after his Maiestie had beene handsomely basted vpon the L. Bishops backe. But with what face can his Lordship brag, that he preuailed with Pope Clement for the Kings absolution? The late Duke of Neuers, not long before had solicited his [Page 457]Holines, with all earnest and humble instance to the same purpose; how­soeuer, the Kings affaires then seeming desperate in the Popes eye, he was licensed to depart for France, without any due and gracious respect vnto his errand. But so soone as the Pope receiued intelligence, of the Kings for­tunes growing to the full, and the affaires of the League to be in the wane, and the principall cities, the strongest places of garrison through all France to strike tops and tops gallant, and to hale the King; then the holy Ghost in good time inspired the holy Father with a holy desire and tender affection, to receiue this poore wandring sheep againe into the flocke of Christ, and bosome of holy Church. His Holinesse had reason: For he feared by his obstinate seuerity to prouoke the patience of the French, and to driue that Nation (as they had many times threatned before) then to put in execution their auncient designe; which was, to shake off the Pope, and to set vp some of their owne tribes or kinreds for Patriarch ouer the French Church. But let his Lordshippe vouchsafe to search the secret of his owne bosome, and no doubt he wil not sticke to acknowledge, that before he stirred one foote out of France, he had good assurance of the good successe and issue of his honourable embassage.

Now the hearers thus prepared by his Preface, the L. Cardinall procee­deth in his purpose; namely to make proofe, how this Article of the third Estate, wherein doubtfull and questionable matters are mingled and con­founded with certaine and indubitable principles, doth so debilitate and weaken the sinewes and vertue of any remedy intended for the danger of Kings, as it maketh all remedies and receipts prescribed for that purpose, to become altogether vnprofitable, and without effect. He yeelds this rea­son, (take it forsooth vpon my warrant) a reason full of pith and substance: The onely remedie against parricides, is to thunder the solemne curses of the Church, and the punishments to be inflicted after death: which points, if they be not grounded vpon infallible authoritie, will neuer be setled in mens perswasions with any certaine assurance. Now in the solemne cur­ses of the Church, no man can attaine to the said assurance, if things not de­nied be mingled with points not graunted, and not consented vnto by the Vniuersall Church. By a thing not denied and not contested, the L. Cardi­nall meanes prohibiting and condemning of King-killing: and by points contested, he meanes denying of the Popes power to depose Kings.

In this whole discourse, I find neither pith of argument, nor course of proofe; but onely a cast of the L. Cardinalls office by way of counsell: whereunto I make this answere. If there be in this Article of the third E­state any point, wherein all are not of one mind and the same iudgement; in whom lieth all the blame, from whence rises the doubt, but from the Popes and Popish parasites, by whom the certaintie of the said point hath bin cunningly remooued and conueied away, and must be restored againe by publike authority? Now the way to restore certainty vnto a point, which against reason is called into doubt and question, is to make it vp in one [Page 458]masse, or to tie it vp in the same bundle, with other certaine points of the same nature.

Here I am forced to summon the consciences of men, to make some stand or stay vpon this point, and with me to enter into deepe consideration, how great and vnuanquishable force is euer found in the trewth: For these two questions, Whether Kings may lawfully be made away by assassins waged and hired for the act; and Whether the Pope hath lawfull power to chase Kings out of their Thrones, are by the L. Cardinals owne confession, in so full aspect of coniunction, that if either bee brought vnder any degree of doubt, the other also is fetcht within the same compasse. In which words he directly pointeth as with a finger to the very trew source of the maine mis­chiefe, and to the basilique and liuer veine, infected with pestilential blood, inflamed to the destruction of Basilicall Princes by detestable parricide: For whosoeuer shall confidently beleeue that Popes are not armed with power to depose Kings; will beleeue with no lesse confidence and assurance, it is not lawful by sudden assaults to flie at their throats. For are not all desperate villaines perswaded, when they are hired to murder Kings, that in doing so damnable a feate, they doe it for a piece of notable and extraordinary seruice to the Pope? This maxime therfore is to be held for a principle vnmoouea­ble and indubitable; that, If subiects desire the life of their Kings to bee se­cured; they must not yeeld the Pope one inch of power, to depriue their Kings of their Thrones and Crownes, by deposing their Kings.

‘The Lord Cardinall testifieth no lesse himselfe in these words: If those monsters of men, and furies of hell, by whom the life-blood of our two last Kings was let out, had euer beene acquainted with Lawes Ecclesiasticall, they might haue read themselues adiudged by the Councill of Constance to expresse damnation.’ For in these words, the L. Cardinall preferreth a bill of inditement to cast his Holinesse; who, vpon the commencing of the Leaguers warres, in stead of giuing order for the publishing of the said Ecclesiasticall Lawes for the re­straining of all parricidicall practises and attempts, fell to the terrour of his fulminations, which not long after were seconded and ratified by the most audatious and bloody murder of King Henry III. In like manner, the whole Clergy of France are wrapped vp by the L. Cardinals words, and inuolued in the perill of the said inditement: For in stead of preaching the said Ec­clesiasticall Lawes, by which all King-killing is inhibited; the Priests taught, vented, and published nothing but rebellion; and when the people in great deuotion came to powre their confessions into the Priests eares; then the Priests, with a kind of counterbuffe in the second place when their turne was come, and with greater deuotion, powred blood into the eares of the people; out of which roote grewe the terrour of those cruell warres, and the horrible parricide of that good King.

But let vs here take some neere sight of these Ecclesiasticall Lawes, whereby subiects are inhibited to kill, or desperately to dispatch their Kings out of the way. The Lord Cardinall, for full payment of all scores [Page 459]vpon this reckoning, layeth downe the credit of the Councill at Constance, which neuerthelesse affoardeth not one myte of trew and currant pay­ment. The trewth of the history may bee taken from this briefe relation. Iohn Duke of Burgundy, procured Lewis Duke of Orleans to be murthered in Paris: To iustifie and make good this bloody acte, he produced a cer­taine petimaster, one called by the name of Iohn Petit. This little Iohn cau­sed nine propositions to be giuen foorth or set vp, to bee discussed in the famous Vniuersitie of Paris: The summe of all to this purpose; It is law­full, iust, and honourable, for euery subiect or priuate person either by open force and violence, or by deceit and secret lying in waite, or by some wittie stratagem, or by any other way of fact, to kil a Tyrant practising against his King, and other higher powers; yea the King ought in reason, to giue him a pension or stipend, that hath killed any person disloyal to his Prince. The words of Petits first proposition be these: It is lawfull for euery subiect, Gerson. with­out any command or commission from the higher powers by all the Lawes of nature, of man, and of God himselfe, to kill or cause to be killed any Tyrant, who either by a couetous and greedie desire, or by fraud, by diuination vpon casting of Lots, by double and treacherous dealing, doeth plot or practise against his Kings corporall health, or the health of his higher powers. In the third proposition: It is lawfull for euery subiect honourable and meritorious, to kill the said Tyrant, or cause him to be killed as a Traitor, disloyall and trecherous to his King. In the sixt proposition: The King is to appoint a salarie and recompence for him that hath killed such a Ty­rant, or hath caused him to bee killed. These propositions of Iohannes Paruus, were condemned by the Councill of Constance, as impious, and tending to the scandall of the Church. Now then, whereas the said Councill no doubt vnderstood the name or word Tyrant in the same sense, wherein it was taken by Iohannes Paruus; certaine it is, the Councill was not of any such iudgement or mind, to condemne one that should kill a King or So­ueraigne Prince; but one that by treason, and without commandement should kill a subiect, rebelling and practising against his King. For Iohn Petit had vndertaken to iustifie the making away of the Duke of Orleans to be a lawfull acte, and calls that Dukea Tyrant, albeit hee was no Soue­raigne Prince; as all the aboue recited words of Iohn Petit doe testifie, that he speaketh of such a Tyrant, as being in state of subiection, rebelleth a­gainst his free and absolute Prince: So that whosoeuer shall narrowly search and looke into the mind and meaning of the said Council, shal easily perceiue, that by their decrees the safetie of Kings was not confirmed but weakened, not augmented but diminished; for as much as they inhibited priuate persons to kill a Subiect, attempting by wicked counsels and pra­ctises to make away his King.

But be it granted, the Councill of Constance is flat and altogether direct against King-killers; For I am not vnwilling to be perswaded, that had the question then touched the murdering of Soueraigne Princes, the said Councill would haue passed a sound and holy decree: But, I say, this gran­ted, [Page 460]what sheild of defence is hereby reached to Kings, to ward or beat off the thrust of a murderers weapon, and to saue or secure their life? seeing the L. Cardinall, building vpon the subtile deuise and shift of the Iesuites, hath taught vs out of their Schooles, that by Kings are vnderstood Kings in esse, not yet fallen from the supreame degree of Soueraigne Royaltie: For be­ing once deposed by the Pope, (say the Iesuites) they are no longer Kings, but are fallen from the rights of Soueraigne dignitie; and consequently to make strip and wast of their blood, is not forsooth to make strip and wast of Royall blood. The Iesuiticall masters, in the file of their words are so supple and so limber, that by leauing still in their speech some starting hole or other, they are able by the same, as by a posterne or backdoore, to make an escape.

Meane while the Readers are here to note (for well they may) a tricke of monstrous and most wicked cunning. The L. Cardinall contends for the bridling and hampering of King-killers by the Lawes Ecclesiasticall. Now it might be presumed, that so reuerend and learned a Cardinal inten­ding to make vse of Ecclesiasticall Lawes, by vertue whereof the life of Kings may be secured, would fill his mouth and garnish the point with di­uine Oracles, that wee might the more gladly and willingly giue him the hearing, when hee speakes as one furnished with sufficient weight and au­thoritie of sacred Scripture. But behold, in stead of the authenticall and most ancient word, hee propounds the decree of a lateborne Councill at Constance, neither for the Popes tooth, nor any way comming neere the point in controuersie. And suppose it were pertinent vnto the purpose, the L. Cardinall beareth in his hand a forke of distinction, with two tines or teeth to beare off, nay to shift off and to auoid the matter with meere dalliance. The shortest and neerest way (in some sort of respects) to esta­blish a false opinion, is to charge or set vpon it with false and with ridicu­lous reasons. The like way to worke the ouerthrow of trew doctrine, is to rest or ground it vpon friuolous reasons or authorities of stubble-weight. For example; if we should thus argue for the immortalitie of the soule with Plato: In Phaedone. The swan singeth before her death; ergo, the soule is immortall. Or thus with certaine seduced Christians: The Pope hath ordained the word of God to be authenticall: ergo, all credit must be giuen to diuine Scripture. Vpon the spurkies or hookes of such ridiculous arguments and friuolous reasons, the L. Cardinall hangs the life and safetie of Kings.

With like artificiall deuises hee pretendeth to haue the infamous mur­ders, and apposted cutting of Kings throats in extreame detestation; and yet by deposing them from their Princely dignities, by degrading them from their supreame and Soueraigne authorities, hee brings their sacred heads to the butchers blocke: For a King deposed by the Pope, (let no man doubt) will not leaue any stone vnremooued, nor any meanes and wayes vnattempted, nor any forces or powers of men vnleuied or vnhired, to de­fend himselfe and his Regall dignitie, to represse and bring vnder his re­bellious [Page 461]people, by the Pope discharged of their alleagiance. In this per­plexitie of the publike affaires, in these tempestuous perturbations of the State, with what perils is the King not besieged and assaulted? His head is exposed to the chances of warre; his life a faire marke to the insidious pra­ctises of a thousand traitours; his Royall person obuious to the dreadfull storme of angry fortune, to the deadly malice, to the fatall and mortall wea­pons of his enemies. The reason: He is presupposed to be lawfully and or­derly stripped of his Kingdome. Wil he yet hold the sterne of his Royall e­state? Then is he necessarily taken for a Tyrant, reputed an vsurper, and his life is exposed to the spoile: For the publike lawes make it lawful and free, for any priuate person to enterprise against an vsurper of the Kingdome: Euery man, saith Tertullian, is a souldier, In reos Maie­statis, [...] pub­l [...]cos hostes om­nis hom omiles est. Tertul. a­pol. cap. 2. to beare armes against all traitors and pub­like enemies. Take from a King the title of lawfull King, you take from him the warrant of his life, and the weapons whereby he is maintained in greater securitie, then by his Royall Guard armed with swords and hal­berds, through whose wards and ranks, a desperate villaine will make him­selfe an easie passage, being master of another mans life, because he is pro­digall and carelesse of his owne. Such therefore as pretend so much pity towards Kings, to abhorre the bloody opening of their liuer-veine, and yet withall, to approoue their hoysting out of the Royall dignity, are iust in the veine and humour of those that say, Let vs not kill the King, but let vs disarme the King that he may die a violent death: let vs not depriue him of life, but of the meanes to defend his life: let vs not strangle the King and stop his vitall breath, so long as he remaineth King; O that were impious, O that were horrible and abominable; but let him be deposed, and then whosoeuer shall runne him through the body with a weapon vp to the very hilts, shall not beare the guilt of a King-killer. All this must be vnderstood to be spoken of Kings, who after they are despoiled of Regalitie, by sentence of deposition giuen by the Pope, are able to arme themselues, and by valiant armes doe defend their Soueraigne rights. But in case the King, blasted with Romane lightning, and stricken with Papall thunder, shall actually and speedily bee smitten downe from his high Throne of Regality, with present losse of his Kingdome; I beleeue it is almost impossible for him to warrant his owne life, who was not able to warrant his owne Kingdome. Let a cat be throwen from a high roofe to the bottome of a cellour or vault, she lighteth on her feet, and runneth a­way without taking any harme. A King is not like a cat, howsoeuer a cat may looke vpon a King: he cannot fall from the loftie pinacle of Royalty, to light on his feet vpon the hard pauement of a priuate state, without crushing all his bones in pieces. It hath bene the lot of very few Emperors and Kings, to outliue their Empire: For men ascend to the loftie Throne of Kings, with a soft and easie pace, by certaine steps and degrees; there be no stately staires to come downe, they tumble head and heeles together when they fall. He that hath once griped anothers Kingdome, thinks him­selfe [Page 462]in little safetie, so long as he shall of his courtesie suffer his disseised pre­decessour to draw his breath. And say that some Princes, after their fall from their Thrones, haue escaped both point and edge of the Tyrants wea­pon; yet haue they wandred like miserable fugitiues in forreine countreys, or else haue bene condemned like captiues to perpetuall imprisonment at home, a thousand-fold worse and more lamentable then death it selfe. Dio­nysius the Tyrant of Syracusa, from a great King in Sicilie tur'nd Schoole­master in Corinth. It was the onely calling and kind of life, that as he thought bearing some resemblance of rule and gouernment, might recreate his mind, as an image or picture of his former Soueraigntie ouer men. This Dionysius was the onely man (to my knowledge) that had a humour to laugh after the losse of a Kingdome, and in the state of a Pedant or go­uernour of children, merily to ieast and to scorne his former state and condition of a King. In this my Kingdome of England, sundry Kings haue seene the walls as it were of their Princely fortresse dismantled, razed, and beaten downe. By name, Edward and Richard, both II. and Henrie the VI. all which Kings were most cruelly murdered in prison. In the reigne of Edward III. by Acte of Parliament, Whosoeuer shall imagine, (that is the very word of the Statute) or machinate the Kings death, are declared guiltie of Re­bellion and high Treason. The learned Iudges of the Land, grounding vpon this Law of Edward the third, haue euer since reputed and iudged them traitors according to Law, that haue dared onely to whisper or talke softly betweene the teeth, of deposing the King: For they count it a cleare case, that no Crowne can be taken from a Kings head, without losse of Head and Crowne together, sooner or later.

The L. Cardinal therefore in this most weightie and serious point doth meerely dally and flowt after a sort, Page 95. when hee tells vs, The Church doeth not intermeddle with releasing of subiects, and knocking off their yrons of obedience, but onely before the Ecclesiasticall tribunall seat; and that besides this double censure, of absolution to subiects, and excommunication to the Prince, the Church imposeth none other penaltie. Vnder pretence of which two censures, so farre is the Church (as the L. Cardinall pretendeth) from consenting that any man so censured should bee tou­ched for his life, that she vtterly abborreth all murder whatsoeuer; but especially all sudden and vnprepenced murders for feare of casting away both body and soule; which often in sudden murders goe both one way. It hath bene made manifest before, that all such proscription and setting forth of Kings to port-sale, hath al­waies for the traine thereof, either some violent and bloody death, or some other mischiefe more intolerable then death it selfe. What are we the bet­ter, that parricides of Kings are neither set on, nor approued by the Church in their abominable actions; when shee layeth such plots, and taketh such courses, as necessarily doe inferre the cutting of their throates? In the next place be it noted, that his Lordship against all reason, reckons the ab­soluing of subiects from the oath of alleagiance, in the ranke of penalties a­warded and enioyned before the Ecclesiasticall tribunall seate: For this [Page 463]penaltie is not Ecclesiasticall, but Ciuill, and consequently not triable in Ecclesiasticall Courts, without vsurping vpon the Ciuill Magistrate. But I wonder with what face the L. Cardinall can say, The Church neuer con­senteth to any practise against his life, whom she hath once chastised with seuere censures: For can his Lordship be ignorant, what is written by Pope Vrbanus, Can. Excommunicatorum. Can. exco [...]. Caus. 23. Quaest. 6. Wee take them not in any wise to bee man-slayers, who in a certaine heat of zeale towards the Catholike Church their Mother, shall happen to kill an excommunicate person. More, if the Pope doth not approoue and like the practise of King-killing, wherefore hath not his Holinesse imposed some seuere censure vpon the booke of Mariana the Ie­suite (by whom parricides are commended, nay highly extolled) when his Holinesse hath beene pleased to take the paines to censure and call in some other of Mariana's bookes? Againe, wherefore did his Holinesse ad­uise himselfe to censure the Decree of the Court of Parliament in Paris a­gainst Iohn Chastell? Wherefore did hee suffer Garnet and Oldcorne my pow­der-miners, both by bookes and pictures vendible vnder his nose in Rome, to be inrowled in the Canon of holy Martyrs? And when hee saw two great Kings murdered one after another, wherefore by some publike declaration did not his Holinesse testifie to all Christendome, his inward sense and trew apprehension of so great misfortune, as all Europe had iust cause to lament on the behalfe of France? Wherefore did not his Holinesse publish some Law or Pontificiall Decree, to prouide for the securitie of Kings in time to come? Trew it is, that he censured Becanus his booke: But wherefore? That by a captious and sleight censure, he might preuent a more exact and rigorous Decree of the Sorbone Schoole: For the Popes checke to Becanus, was onely agenerall censure and touch, without any particular specification of matter touching the life of Kings. About some two moneths after, the said booke was printed againe, with a dedication to the Popes Nuntio in Germany; yet without any alteration, saue onely of two articles conteining the absolute power of the people ouer Kings. In recompence and for a counterchecke whereof, three or foure articles were inserted into the said booke, touching the Popes power ouer Kings; arti­cles no lesse wicked & iniurious to Regall rights; nay more iniurious then any of the other clauses, whereof iust cause of exception and complaint had bene giuen before. If I would collect and heape vp examples of anci­ent Emperours, (as of Henrie IV. whose dead corps felt the rage and furie of the Pope; or of Frederic II. against whom the Pope was not ashamed to whet and kindle the Sultane; or of Queene Elizabeth our Predecessour, of glorious memorie, whose life was diuers times assaulted by priuie mur­derers, expresly dispatched from Rome for that holy seruice) if I would gather vp other examples of the same stampe, which I haue layd forth in my Apologie for the oath of alleagiance; I could make it more cleare then day-light, how farre the L. Cardinals words are discrepant from the trewth, where his Lordship out of most rare considence is bold to auow, Page 97. That neuer [Page 464]any Pope went so farre, as to giue consent or counsell for the desperate murdering of Princes. That which already hath bene alleadged may suffice to conuince his Lordship: I meane, that his Holinesse by deposing of Kings, doeth lead them directly to their graues and tombes.

The Cardinall himselfe seemeth to take some notice hereof. The Church (as he speaketh) abhorreth sudden and vnprepensed murders aboue therest. Pag. 95. Doth not his Lordship in this phrase of speech acknowledge, that murders com­mitted by open force, are not so much disauowed or disclaimed by the Church? A little after he speakes not in the teeth, as before, but with full and open mouth; that hee doeth not dislike a King once deposed by the Pope, should be pursued with open warre: Whereupon it followes, that in warre the King may be lawfully slaine. No doubt a remarkeable degree of his Lordships clemencie. A King shall bee better entreated and more mildly dealt withal, if he be slaine by the shot of an harquebuse or caleeuer in the field, then if hee bee stabd by the stroke or thrust of a knife in his chamber: or if at a siege of some city hee be blowne vp with a myne, then by a myne made, and a traine of gunpowder laid vnder his Palace or Par­liament house in time of peace. His reason: Forsooth, because in sudden murders, oftentimes the soule and the body perish both together. O singu­lar bountie, and rare clemencie! prouokers, instigators, strong puffers and blowers of parricides, in mercifull compassion of the soule, become vn­mercifull and shamefull murderers of the body. This deuice may well claime and challenge kinred of Mariana the Iesuites inuention: For he liketh not at any hand the poisoning of a Tyrant by his meat or drinke; for feare lest he taking the poison with his owne hand, and swallowing or gulping it downe in his meate or drinke so taken, should be found felo de se, (as the common Lawyer speaketh) or culpable of his owne death. But Mariana likes better, to haue a Tyrant poysoned by his chaire, or by his apparell and robes, after the example of the Mauritanian Kings; that being so poysoned onely by sent, or by contact, he may not be found guiltie of selfe-fellonie, and the soule of the poore Tyrant in her flight out of the body may be in­nocent. O hel-hounds, O diabolical wretches, O infernall monsters! Did they onely suspect and imagine, that either in Kings there is any remain­der of Kingly courage, or in their subiects any sparke left of ancient liber­tie; they durst as soone eat their nailes, or teare their owne flesh from the bones, as once broach the vessell of this diabolicall deuice. How long then, how long shall Kings whom the Lord hath called his Anointed, Kings the breathing Images of God vpon earth; Kings that with a wry or frowning looke, are able to crush these earth-wormes in pieces; how long shall they suffer this viperous brood, scotfree and without punishment, to spit in their faces? how long, the Maiestie of GOD in their person and Royall Maiestie, to be so notoriously vilified, so dishonourably trampled vnder foot?

The L. Cardinall borads vs with a like manifest ieast, and notably trifles; [Page 465]first, distinguishing betweene Tyrants by administration, and Tyrants by vsurpation; then shewing that he by no meanes doeth approue those pro­phane and heathenish Lawes, whereby secret practises and conspiracies ‘against a Tyrant by administration are permitted. His reason; Because after deposition there is a certaine habitude to Royall dignitie, and as it were a kinde of politicke Character inherent in Kings, by which they are discerned from persons meerely priuate, or the common sort of people; and the obstacle, crosse-barre, or sparre once remooued and taken out of the way, the said Kings deposed are at length reinuested and endowed againe with lawfull vse of Royall dignitie, and with law­full administration of the Kingdome.’ Is it possible that his Lordship can speake and vtter these words according to the inward perswasion of his heart? I beleeue it not. For admit a King cast out of his Kingdome were sure to es­cape with life; yet being once reduced to a priuate state of life, after hee hath wound or wrought himselfe out of deadly danger, so farre he is from holding or retayning any remainder of dignity or politike impression, that on the contrary he falleth into greater contempt and misery, then if he had bene a very peasant by birth, and had neuer held or gouerned the sterne of Royall estate. What fowle is more beautifull then the peacocke? Let her be plumed and bereft of her feathers; what owle, what iacke-daw more ridiculous, more without all pleasant fashion? The homely sowter, the infamous catchpol, the base tincker, the rude artificer, the pack-horse­porter, then liuing in Rome with libertie, when Valentinian was detain'd captiue by Saporas the Persian King, was more happie then that Romane Emperour. And in case the L. Cardinall himselfe should bee so happie (I should say so vnfortunate) to be stript of all his dignities and Ecclesiasticall promotions; would it not redound to his Lordships wonderfull consola­tion, that in his greatest extremity, in the lowest of his barenesse and na­kednesse, he still retaineth a certaine habituall right and character of a Car­dinall, whereby to recouer the losse of his former dignities and honours? when hee beholds these prints and impressions of his foresaid honours; would it not make him the more willing and glad, to forsake the backe of his venerable mule, to vse his Cardinals foot-cloath no longer, but euer af­ter like a Cardinall in print and character, to walke on foot?

But let vs examine his Lordships consolation of Kings, thrust out of ‘their kingdomes by the Pope for heresie. The obstacle (as the L. Cardinall speaketh) being taken away; that is to say, when the King shall be reformed; th [...] habituall right and character yet inherent in the person of a King, restores him to the lawfull administration of his Kingdome.’ I take this to be but a cold com­fort: For here his Lordship doeth onely presuppose, and not prooue, that after a King is thrust out of his Throne, when hee shall repent and turne trew Romane Catholike the other by whom he hath bene cast out, and by force disseised, will recall him to the Royall seat, and faithfully settle him a­gaine in his ancient right, as one that reioyceth for the recouery of such a lost sheepe. But I should rather feare, the new King would presse and stand [Page 466]vpon other termes; as a terme of yeeres for a triall, whether the repentance of the King displaced be trew & sound to the coare, or counterfeit, dissem­bled, and painted holines; for the words, the sorrowfull and heauie lookes, the sad and formall gestures, of men pretending repentance, are not al­wayes to bee taken, to be respected, to be credited. Againe, I should feare the afflicted King might be charged and borne downe too, that albeit hee hath renounced his former heresie, hee hath stumbled since at an other stone, and runne the ship of his faith against some other rocke of new here­ticall prauitie. Or I should yet feare, he might be made to beleeue that he­resie maketh a deeper impression, and a character more indeleble in the person, then is the other politike character of Regal Maiestie. Alas, good Kings! in how hard, in how miserable a state doe they stand? Once de­posed, and euer barred of repentance: As if the scapes and errors of Kings, were all sinnes against the Holy Ghost, or sinnes vnto death, for which it is not lawfull to pray. Falls a pruiate person? he may be set vp, and new esta­blished. Falls a King? is a King deposed? his repentance is euer fruitlesse, euer vnprofitable. Hath a priuate person a traine of seruants? He can not be depriued of any one without his priuitie and consent. Hath a King mil­lions of subiects? He may be depriued by the Pope of a third part, when his Holinesse will haue them turne Clerics or enter Cloisters, without ask­ing the King leaue: and so of subiects they may be made non-subiects.

But I question yet further. A King falling into heresie, is deposed by the Pope; his sonne stands pure Catholike; The Regal seat is empty. Who shall succeed in the deposed Kings place? Shall a stranger be preferred by the Pope? That were to doe the innocent sonne egregious and notorious wrong. Shall the sonne himselfe? That were a more iniurious part in the sonne against his father: For if the sonne bee touched with any feare of God, or mooued with any reuerence towards his father, hee will diligently and seriously take heed, that hee put not his father by the Kingdome, by whose meanes he himselfe is borne to a Kingdome. Nor will hee tread in the steps of Henry the V. Emperour, who by the Popes instigation, expelled and chased his aaged father out of the Imperiall dignitie. Much lesse wil he hearken to the voice and aduise of Doctor Suares the Iesuite, Lib. 6. cap. 4. Si Papa Regem depenat, ab illis tantum poterit, expells vet in­terfics, quibus ipse id commi­serit. who, in his booke written against my selfe, a booke applauded and approoued of many Doctours, after hee hath like a Doctour of the chaire, pronoun­ced, That a King deposed by the Pope, cannot bee lawfully expelled or killed, but onely by such as the Pope hath charged with such execution: falleth to adde a little after: If the Pope shall declare a King to bee an heretike, and fallen from the Kingdome, without making further declaration touching execution; that is to say, without giuing expresse charge vnto any to make away the King: then the lawfull successour beeing a Catholike, hath power to doe the feate; and if he shall refuse, or if there shall be none such, then it appertaineth to the com­minaltie or body of the Kingdome. A most detestable sentence: For in he­reditarie Kingdomes, who is the Kings lawfull successour, but his sonne? [Page 467]The sonne then by this doctrine, shall imbrew his hands in his owne fa­thers blood, so soone as he shall be deposed by the Pope. A matter so much the neerer and more deepely to bee apprehended, because the said most outragious booke flyeth like a furious mastiffe directly at my throat, and withall instilleth such precepts into the tender disposition of my sonne, as if hereafter hee shall become a Romane Catholike, so soone as the Pope shall giue me the lift out of my Throne, shall bind him forthwith to make effusion of his owne fathers blood. Such is the religion of these reuerend Fathers, the pillars of the Pontificiall Monarchie: In comparison of whose religion and holinesse, all the impietie that euer was among the Infidels, and all the barbarous crueltie that euer was among the Canibals, may passe hencefoorth in the Christian world for pure clemencie and huma­nitie. These things ought his Lordship to haue pondered, rather then to babble of habitudes and politike characters, which to the common peo­ple are like the Bergamasque or the wilde-Irish forme of speach, and passe their vnderstanding.

All these things are nothing in a maner, if we compare them with the last clause, which is the closer, and as it were the vpshot of his Lordships discourse: For therein he laboureth to perswade concerning this Article, framed to bridle the Popes tyrannicall power ouer Kings, if it should re­ceiue gracious entertainement, and generall approbation; ‘ That it would breed great danger, and worke effects of pernicious consequence vnto Kings. The reason: because it would prooue an introduction to schisme; and schisme would stirre vp ciuil warres, contempt of Kings, distempered inclinations and motions to intrap their life; and which is worst of all, the fierce wrath of God, inflicting all sorts of calamities.’ An admirable paradoxe, and able to strike men stone-blind: that his Holinesse must haue power to depose Kings, for the better security and safegard of their life; that when their Crownes are made subiect vnto anothers will and pleasure, then they are come to the highest altitude and eleuation of honour; that for the onely warrant of their life, their supreme and absolute greatnesse must be depressed; that for the longer keeping of their Crownes, another must plucke the Crowne from their heads. As if it should be said, Would they not be stript naked by another? the best way is, for themselues to vntrusse, for themselues to put off all, and to goe naked of their owne accord. Wil they keepe their Souereigntie in safetie for euer? The best way is to let another haue their Soueraigne authoritie and su­preme Estate in his power. But I haue bene euer of this mind, that when my goods are at no mans command or disposing but mine own, then they are trewly and certainly mine owne. It may be this error is growen vpon me and other Princes for lacke of braines: whereupon it may be feared, or at least coniectured, the Pope meanes to shaue our crownes, and thrust vs into some cloister, there to hold ranke in the brotherhood of good King Childerie. Forasmuch then as my dull capacitie doeth not serue mee to reach or comprehend the pith of this admirable reason, I haue thought [Page 468]good to seeke and to vse the instruction of old and learned experience, which teacheth no such matter: by name, that ciuill warres and fearefull perturbations of State in any nation of the world, haue at any time growen from this faithful credulity of subiects, that Popes in right haue no power to wrest and lift Kings out of their dignities and possessions. On the other side, by establishing the contrary maximes, to yoke and hamper the peo­ple with Pontificiall tyrannie, what rebellious troubles and stirres, what extreme desolations hath England bene forced to feare and feele, in the Reigne of my Predecessours Henrie II. Iohn and Henrie III? These be the maximes and principles, which vnder the Emperour Henrie IV. and Fre­deric the I. made all Europe flowe with channels and streames of blood, like a riuer with water, while the Saracens by their incursions and victo­ries ouerflowed, and in a manner drowned the honour of the Christian name in the East. These be the maximes and principles, which made way for the warres of the last League into France; by which the very bowels of that most famous and flourishing Kingdome were set on such a com­bustion, that France her selfe was brought within two fingers breadth of bondage to another Nation, and the death of her two last Kings most villenously and traiterously accomplished. The L. Cardinall then giuing these diabolicall maximes for meanes to secure the life and Estate of Kings, speaketh as if he would giue men counsell to dry themselues in the riuer, when they come as wet as a water spaniell out of a pond; or to warme themselues by the light of the Moone, when they are stark-naked, and well neere frozen to death.

THE CONCLVSION OF THE LORD OF PERRON EXAMINED.

AFter the L. Cardinal hath stoutly shewed the strength of his arme, and the deepe skill of his head in fortification; at last he leaues his loftie scaffolds, and falls to worke neerer the ground, with more easie tooles of humble praiers and gen­tle exhortations. The summe of the whole is this: He ad­iures his auditors neuer to forge remedies, neuer so to prouide for the temporall safe­tie of Kings, as thereby to worke their finall falling from eternall saluation: neuer to make any rent or rupture in the vnitie of the Church, in this corrupt aage in­fected with pestilent Heresies, which already hauing made so great a breach in the walles of France, will no doubt double their strength by the dissentions, diuisions, and schismes of Catholikes. If this infectious plague shall still increase and grow to a car­buncle, it can by no meanes poyson Religion, without bringing Kings to their winding sheetes and wofull hearses. The first rowlers of that stone of offence, aimed at no [Page 469]other marke, then to make an ignominious and lamentable rent in the Church. Hee thinks the Deputies of the third Estate, had neither head nor first hand in contriuing this Article; but holds it rather a new deuice and subtile inuention, suggested by per­sons, which beeing already cut off by their owne practises from the body of the Romane Church, haue likewise inueigled and insnared some that beare the name of Catholiks, with some other Ecclesiastics; and vnder a faire pretence and goodly cloake, by name, the seruice of the King, haue surprised and played vpon their simplicitie. These men (as the Cardinall saith) doe imitate Iulian the Apostata, who to bring the Chri­stians to idolatrous worship of false gods, commaunded the idols of Iupiter and Ve­nus to be intermingled with Imperiall statues, and other Images of Christian Empe­rours, &c. Then after certaine Rhetoricall flourishes, his Lordship fals to prosecute his former course, and cries out of this Article; A monster hauing the tayle of a fish, as if it came cutting the narrow Seas out of England: For in full effect it is downright the English oath; sauing that indeed the oath of England run­neth in a more mild forme, and a more moderate straine. And here he suddenly takes occasion to make some digression: For out of the way, and cleane from the matter, he entreth into some purpose of my praise and commendation: He courteously for sooth is pleased to grace mee with knowledge of learning, and with ciuill vertues: He seemeth chiefly to reioyce in his owne behalfe, and to giue me thanks, that I haue done him the honour to enter the lists of Theologicall dispute against his Lordship. Howbeit he twitches and carpes at me withall, as at one that soweth seeds of dissention and schisme amongst Romane Ca­tholiks: And yet he would seeme to qualifie the matter, and to make all whole againe, by saying, That in so doing I am perswaded I doe no more then my duetie requires. But now (as his Lordship followes the point) it standeth neither with godlinesse, nor with equity, nor with reason, that Acts made, that Statutes, De­crees, and Ordinances ratified for the State and Gouernement of England, should be thrust for binding Laws vpon the Kingdome of France: nor that Catholikes, and much lesse that Ecclesiastics, to the ende they may liue in safetie, and freely enioy their priuiledges or immunities in France, should be forced to beleeue, and by oath to seale the same points, which English Catholikes to the end they may purchase libertie onely to breath, nay sorrowfully to sigh rather, are constrained to allow and to aduow besides. And where as in England There is no small number of Catholikes, that lacke not con­stant and resolute minds to endure all sorts of punishment, rather then to take that oath of allegiance; will there not be found an other manner of number in France, armed with no lesse constancie and Christian resolution? There will, most honourable Audi­tors, there will without all doubt: and we all that are of Episcopall dignity will sooner suffer Martyrdome in the cause. Then out of the super-abundance and ouer­weight of his Lordships goodnes, he closely coucheth and conuayeth a cer­taine distastfull opposition betweene mee and his King; with praises and thanks to God, that his King is not delighted, & takes no pleasure to make Martyrs.

All this Artificiall and swelling discourse like vnto puffe-past, if it be viewed at a neere distance, will be found like a bladder full of wind, with­out any soliditie of substantiall matter. For the Deputies of the third [Page 470]Estate were neuer so voide of vnderstanding, to beleeue that by prouiding for the life and safety of their King, they should thrust him headlong into eternall damnation. Their braines were neuer so much blasted, so farre be­nummed, to dreame the soule of their King cannot mount vp to heauen, except he be dismounted from his Princely Throne vpon earth, whensoe­uer the Pope shall hold vp his finger.

And whereas he is bold to pronounce, that heretikes of France doe make their benefit and aduantage of this diuision; that speech is grounded vpon this proposition; That professors of the Christian Religion reformed (which is to say, purged and cleansed of all Popish dregs) are heretikes in fact, and ought so to bee reputed in right: Which proposition his Lord­ship will neuer soundly and sufficiently make good, before his Holinesse hath compiled an other Gospell, or hath forged an other Bible at his Ponti­ficiall anuile. The L. Cardinall vndertooke to reade mee a lecture vpon that argument; but euer since hath played Mum-budget, and hath put himselfe to silence, like one at a Non-plus in his enterprise. There be three yeeres already gone and past, since his Lordship beganne to shape some an­swere to a certaine writing dispatched by mee in few daies: With forming and reforming, with filing and polishing, with labouring and licking his answere ouer and ouer againe, with reiterated extractions and calci­nations, it may be coniectured that all his Lordships labour and cost is long since evaporated and vanished in the aire. Howbeit, as well the friend­ly conference of a King, (for I will not call it a contention) as also the dig­nitie, excellencie, and importance of the matter, long since deserued, and as long since required the publishing of some or other answere. His Lordships long silence will neuer be imputed to lacke of capacity, wherewith who knoweth not how abundantly he is furnished; but rather to well aduised agnition of his owne working and building vpon a weake foundation.

But let vs returne vnto these heretikes, that make so great gaine by the disagreement of Catholikes. It is no part of their dutie to aime at sowing of dissentions; but rather to intend and attend their faithfull performance of seruice to their King. If some be pleased, and others offended, when so good and loyall duties are sincerely discharged; it is for all good subiects to grieue and to be sory, that when they speake for the safetie of their King & honour of the trewth, it is their hard hap to leaue any at all vnsatis­fied. But suppose the said heretiks were the Authors of this article preferred by the third Estate: What need they to conceale their names in that regard? What need they to disclaime the credit of such a worthy act? Would it not redound to their perpetuall honour, to be the onely subiects that kept watch ouer the Kings life and Crowne, that stood centinell, and walked the rounds for the preseruation of his Princely diademe, when all other had no more touch, no more feeling thereof then so many stones? And what neede the Deputies for the third Estate, to receiue instructions from for­raine Kingdomes, concerning a cause of that nature; when there was [Page 471]no want of domesticall examples, and the French histories were plentifull in that argument? What neede they to gape for this reformed doctrine, to come swimming with a fishes tayle out of an Island to the mayne con­tinent, when they had before their eyes the murders of two Kings, with diuerse ciuill warres, and many Arrests of Court, all tending to insinuate and suggest the introduction of the same remedy? Suggestions are need­lesse from abroad, when the mischiefe is felt at home. it seemes to me that his Lordship in smoothing and tickling the Deputies for the third Estate, doth no lesse then wring and wrong their great sufficiencie with contume­ly and outragious abuse; as if they were not furnished with sufficient fore­sight, and with loyall affection towards their King, for the preseruation of his life and honour, if the remedie were not beaten into their heads by those of the Religion, reputed heretikes.

Touching my selfe, ranged by his Lordship in the same ranke with sowers of dissention; I take my God to witnes, and my owne conscience, that I neuer dream'd of any such vnchristian proiect. It hath beene hitherto my ordinary course to follow honest counsells, and to walke in open waies. I neuer wonted my selfe to holes and corners, to crafty shifts, but euermore to plaine and open designes. I neede not hide mine intentions for feare of any mortall man, that puffeth breath of life out of his nostrils. Nor in any sort doe I purpose, to set Iulian the Apostata before mine eyes, as a pat­terne for me to follow. Iulian of a Christian became a Pagan: I professe the same faith of Christ still, which I haue euer professed: Iulian went a­bout his designes with crafty conueiances; I neuer with any of his capti­ous and cunning sleights: Iulian forced his subiects to infidelitie against I e­sus Christ; I labour to induce my subiects vnto such tearmes of loyalty towards my selfe, as Iesus Christ hath prescribed and taught in his word. But how farre I differ from Iulian, it is to be seene more at large in my an­swere to Bellarmines Epistles written to Blackwell; from whence the Lord Cardinall borrowing this example, it might well haue beseemed his Lord­ship to borrow likewise my answere from the same place.

Now as it mooues me nothing at all, to be drawne by his Lordship into suspitions of this nature and qualitie: so by the prayses, that he rockes me withall, I will neuer be lulled asleepe. To commend a man for his know­ledge, and withall to take from him the feare of God, is to admire a souldi­er for his goodly head of haire or his curled locks, and withall to call him base coward, faint-hearted and fresh-water souldier. Knowledge, wit, and learning in an hereticke, are of none other vse and seruice, but only to make him the more culpable, & consequently obnoxious to the more grieuous punishments. All vertues turne to vices, when they become the seruants of impietie. The hand-maids which the Soueraigne Lady Wisedome calleth to be of her traine in the 9. Prouerb. are morall vertues, and hu­mane sciences; which then become pernicious, when they run away from their Soueraigne Lady-Mistris, and put ouer themselues in seruice to the [Page 472]diuel. What difference is betweene two men, both alike wanting the knowledge of God; the one furnished with arts and ciuill vertues, the o­ther brutishly barbarous and of a deformed life, or of prophane maners? What is the difference betweene these two? I make this the onely difference: the first goeth to hell with a better grace, and falleth into perdition with more facilitie, then the second: But hee becommeth exceedingly wicked, euen threefold and fourefold abominable, if he wast his treasure and stocke of ciuill vertues in persecuting the Church of CHRIST: and if that may be layd in his dish which was cast in Caesars teeth, that in plaine sobernes and well-setled temper, he attempts the ruine of the Common-wealth, which from a drunken sot might receiue perhaps a more easie fall. In briefe, I scorne all garlands of praises, which are not euer greene; but being dry and withered for want of sap and radicall moysture, doe flagge about barba­rous Princes browes. I defie and renounce those praises, which fit mee no more then they fit a Mahumetane King of Marocco. I contest against all praises which grace me with petie accessories, but rob me of the principall, that one thing necessary; namely, the feare and knowledge of my GOD: vnto whose Maiestie alone, I haue deuoted my Scepter, my sword, my penne, my whole industrie, my whole selfe, with all that is mine in whole and in part. I doe it, I doe it in all humble acknowledgement of his vn­speakable mercie and fauour, who hath vouchsafed to deliuer me from the erroneous way of this aage, to deliuer my Kingdome from the Popes ty­rannicall yoke, vnder which it hath lyen in times past most grieuously op­pressed: My Kingdom where God is now purely serued, and called vpon in a tongue which all the vulgar vnderstand: My Kingdome, where the peo­ple may now reade the Scriptures without any special priuiledge from the Apostolike See, and with no lesse libertie then the people of Ephesus, of Rome, and of Corinth did reade the holy Epistles, written to their Chur­ches by S. Paul: My Kingdome, where the people now pay no longer any tribute by the poll for Papall indulgences, Aliquot annis post, Apostolicae sedis nuncius in Angliam ad colligendum S. Petri vectigal missus. O nu­phri. in vit. Paul. 4. Vide & Math. Pa­ris. as they did about an hundred yeeres past, and are no longer compelled to the mart, for pardons beyond the Seas and mountaines, but haue them now freely offered from God, by the doctrine of the Gospel preached at home within their owne seuerall parishes and iurisdictions. If the Churches of my Kingdome, in the L. Cardinals accompt, bee miserable for these causes and the like; let him dreame on, and talke his pleasure: for my part I will euer auow, that more worth is our misery then all his felicitie. For the rest, it shal by Gods grace be my daily endeauour and serious care, to passe my daies in shaping to my selfe such a course of life, that without shamefull calumniating of my per­son, it shall not rest in the tip of any tongue, to touch my life with iust re­prehension or blame. Nor am I so priuie to mine owne guiltinesse, as to thinke my state so desperate, so deplorable, as Popes haue made their owne: For some of them haue bene so open-hearted and so tongue-free, to pro­nounce that Popes themselues, the key-bearers of Heauen and hell, cannot [Page 473]be saued. Two Popes, O [...]up. de vitis Pontisan vit. Mar. 2. doeth testifie, that Marcel. also after Adr. an the 4. vsed these words: Non video quo modo qui Incum hunc artiss [...]te­nent, saluati possint. reckoned among the best of the whole bunch or packe, namely, Adrian the IV. and Marcelline the II. haue both sung one and the same note; that in their vnderstanding they could not conceiue any reason why, or any meanes how those that sway the Popedome can be partakers of saluation; But for my particular, grounding my faith vpon the promises of God contained in the Gospel, I doe confidently and assuredly beleeue, that repenting me of my sinnes, and reposing my whole trust in the merits of IESVS CHRIST, I shall obtaine forgiuenesse of my sinnes through his Name. Nor doe I feare, that I am now, or shall be hereafter cast out of the Churches lap and bosome; that I now haue or hereafter shall haue no right to the Church as a putrified member thereof, so long as I do or shall cleaue to CHRIST IESVS, the Head of the Church: the appel­lation and name whereof, serueth in this corrupt aage, as a cloake to couer a thousand new inuentions; and now no longer signifies the assembly of the faithfull or such as beleeue in IESVS CHRIST according to his word, but a certaine glorious ostentation and temporall Monarchie, whereof the Pope forsooth is the supreame head.

But if the L. Cardinall by assured and certaine knowledge (as perhaps he may by common fame) did vnderstand the horrible conspiracies that haue bin plotted and contriued, not against my person and life alone, but also a­gainst my whole stocke: if he rightly knew & were inly perswaded, of how many fowle periuries & wicked treasons, diuers Ecclesiastical persons haue bene lawfully conuicted: in stead of charging me with false imputations, that I suffer not my Catholiks to fetch a sigh, or to draw their breath; and that I thrust my Catholikes vpon the sharpe edge of punishment in euery kinde; he would, and might well, rather wonder, how I my selfe, after so many dangers run, after so many proditorious snares escaped, do yet fetch my owne breath, and yet practise Princely elemencie towards the said Catholiks, notorious trāsgres­sors of diuine & humane lawes. If the French king in the heart of his king­dom, should nourish and foster such a nest of stinging hornets and busie wasps, I meane such a pack of subiects, denying his absolute Soueraignty, as many Romane Catholiks of my Kingdome do mine: It may wel be doub­ted, whether the L. Cardinal would aduise his king stil to feather the nest of the said Catholiks, stil to keep them warme, stil to beare them with an easie and gentle hand: It may wel be doubted, whether his Lordship would ex­tol their constancie, that would haue the courage to sheath vp their swords in his Kings bowels, or blow vp his King with gun-powder, into the nea­ther station of the lowest regiō: It may wel be doubted, whether he would indure that Orator, who (like as himselfe hath done) should stir vp others to suffer Martyrdome after such examples, and to imitate parricides & traitors in their constancy. The scope then of the L. Cardinall, in striking the sweet strings, and sounding the pleasant notes of praises, which faine he would fil mine eares withal; is only by his excellent skil in the musick of Oratory, to bewitch the harts of my subiects, to infatuate their minds, to settle them in a [Page 474]resolution to depriue me of my life. The reason: Because the plotters and practisers against my life, are honoured and rewarded with a glorious name of Martyrs: their constancie (what els?) is admired, when they suf­fer death for treason. Wheras hitherto during the time of my whole raigne to this day, (I speake it in the word of a King, and trewth it selfe shall make good the Kings word) no man hath lost his life, no man hath indured the Racke, no man hath suffered corporall punishment in other kinds, meerely or simply, or in any degree of respect, for his conscience in matter of religi­on; but for wicked conspiring against my life, or Estate, or Royall digni­tie; or els for some notorious crime, or some obstinate and wilfull disobe­dience: Of which traiterous and viperous brood, I commanded one to be hanged by the necke of late in Scotland; a Iesuite of intolerable impu­dencie, who at his arraignment and publike triall, stiffely maintained, that I haue robbed the Pope of his right, and haue no manner of right in the possession of my Kingdome. His Lordship therefore in offering him­selfe to Martyrdome, after the rare example of Catholiks, as he saith, suf­fering all sort of punishment in my Kingdome, doeth plainely professe himselfe a follower of traytors and parricides. These be the Worthies, these the heroicall spirits, these the honourable Captaines and Coronels, whose vertuous parts neuer sufficiently magnified and praysed, his Lordshippe propoundeth for imitation to the French Bishops. O the name of Martyrs, in olde times a sacred name! how is it now derided and scoffed? how is it in these daies filthily prophaned? O you the whole quire and holy compa­ny of Apostles, who haue sealed the trewth with your dearest blood! how much are you disparaged? how vnfitly are you paragoned and matched, when traytors, bloody butchers, and King-killers are made your assistants, and of the same Quorum; or to speake in milder tearmes, when you are cou­pled with Martyrs that suffer for maintaining the Temporall rites of the Popes Empire? with Bishops that offer themselues to a Problematicall Martyrdome, for a point decided neither by the authorities of your Spirit-inspired pens, nor by the auncient and venerable testimonie of the Primi­tiue Church? for a point which they dare not vndertake to teach, other­wise then by a doubtfull, cold, fearefull way of discourse, and altogether without resolution. In good sooth, I take the Cardinall for a personage of a quicker spirit and clearer sight, (let his Lordship hold mee excused) then to perswade my selfe, that in these matters his tongue and his heart, his pen and his inward iudgement, haue any concord or correspondence one with another: For beeing very much against his minde (as hee doeth confesse) thrust into the office of an Aduocate to pleade this cause; he suffered him­selfe to bee carried (after his engagement) with some heat, to vtter some things against his conscience, murmuring and grumbling the contrary within; and to affirme some other things with confidence, whereof hee had not beene otherwise informed, then onely by vaine and lying report. Of which ranke is that bold assertion of his Lordship; That many Catho­liks [Page 475]in England, rather then they would subscribe to the oath of allegiance in the forme thereof, haue vndergone all sorts of punishment: For in Eng­land (as we haue trewly giuen the whole Christian world to vnderstand in our Preface to the Apologie) there is but one forme or kind of punishment ordained for all sorts of traytors.

Hath not his Lordship now graced me with goodly testimonialls of prayse and commendation? Am I not by his prayses proclaimed a Tyrant, as it were inebriated with blood of the Saints, and a famous Enginer of torments for my Catholikes? To this exhortation for the suffering of Mar­tyrdome, in imitation of my English traytors and parricides, if wee shall adde; how craftily and subtilly hee makes the Kings of England to hold of the Pope by fealty, and their kingdome in bondage to the Pope by Tempo­rall recognizance; it shall easily appeare, that his holy-water of prayses wherewith I am so reuerently besprinkled, is a composition extracted out of a dram of hony and a pound of gall, first steeped in a strong decoction of bitter wormewood, or of the wild gourd called Coloquintida: For after he hath in the beginning of his Oration, Page. 10. spoken of Kings that owe fealtie to the Pope, and are not Soueraignes in the highest degree of Tem­porall supremacie within their Kingdomes; to explaine his mind and mea­ning the better, he marshals the Kings of England a little after in the same ranke. His words be these; When King Iohn of England, not yet bound in any temporall recognizance to the Pope, had expelled his Bishops, &c. His Lord­ship means, that King Iohn became so bound to the Pope not long after. And what may this meaning be, but in plaine tearmes and broad speach, to call me vsurper and vnlawfull King? For the feudatarie, or he that hol­deth a Mannor by fealty, when he doeth not his homage, with all suit and seruice that he owes to the Lord Paramount, doeth fall from the propertie of his fee. This reproach of the L. Cardinals, is seconded with an other of Bellarmines his brother Cardinall; That Ireland was giuen to the Kings of England by the Pope. The best is that his most reuerend Lordship hath not shewed, who it was that gaue Ireland to the Pope.

And touching Iohn King of England, thus in briefe stands the whole matter. Betweene Henry 2. and the Pope had passed sundry bickerments, about collating of Ecclesiasticall dignities. Iohn the sonne, after his fathers death, reneweth, vndertaketh, and pursueth the same quarrell: Driueth certaine English Bishops out of the Kingdome, for defending the Popes insolent vsurpation vpon his Royall prerogatiue, and Regall rights: Shew­eth such Princely courage and resolution in those times, when all that stood and suffered for the Popes Temporall pretensions against Kings, were enrowled Martyrs or Confessors. The Pope takes the matter in fowle scorne, and great indignation; shuts the King by his excommunicatory Bulls out of the Church; stirres vp his Barons, for other causes the Kings heauy friends, to rise in armes; giues the Kingdome of England (like a ma­sterlesse man turned ouer to a new master) to Philippus Augustus King of [Page 476] France; bindes Philip to make a conquest of England by the sword, or else no bargaine, or else no gift; promises Philip, in recompence of his trauell and Royall expences in that conquest, full absolution and a generall par­don at large for all his sinnes: to bee short, cuts King Iohn out so much worke, and makes him keepe so many yrons in the fire for his worke, that he had none other way, none other meanes to pacifie the Popes high dis­pleasure, to correct or qualifie the malignitie of the Popes cholericke hu­mour, by whom he was then so entangled in the Popes toyles, but by yeel­ding himselfe to become the Popes vassal, and his Kingdome feudatary, or to hold by fealty of the Papall See. By this meanes his Crowne is made tri­butary, all his people liable to payment of taxes by the poll for a certaine yeerely tribute, and he is blessed with a pardon for all his sinnes. Whether King Iohn was mooued to doe this dishonourable act vpon any deuotion, or inflamed with any zeale of Religion; or inforced by the vnresistable weapons of necessitie, who can be so blind, that he doeth not well see and clearely perceiue? For to purchase his owne freedome from this bondage to the Pope; what could he bee vnwilling to doe, that was willing to bring his Kingdome vnder the yoake of Amirales Murmelinus a Mahumetan Prince, then King of Granado and Barbaria? The Pope after that, sent a Legat into England: The King now the Popes vassall, and holding his Crowne of the Pope, like a man that holds his land of another by Knights seruice, or by homage and fealtie, doeth faire homage for his Crowne to the Popes Legat, and layeth downe at his feet a great masse of the purest gold in coyne. The reuerend Legat, in token of his Masters Soueraigntie, with more then vsuall pride falls to kicking and spurning the treasure, no doubt with a paire of most holy feet: Not onely so; but likewise at so­lemne feasts is easily entreated to take the Kings chaire of Estate. Heere I would faine know the Lord Cardinals opinion; whether these actions of the Pope were iust or vniust, lawfull or vnlawfull, according to right or against all right and reason. If he will say against right; it is then cleare, that against right his Lordship hath made way to this example: if accor­ding to right, let him then make it knowen, from whence or from whom this power was deriued and conueyed to the Pope, whereby hee makes himselfe Souereigne Lord of Temporalties in that Kingdome, where nei­ther he nor any of his predecessours euer pretended any right, or layd any claime to Temporall matters before. Are such prankes to be played by the Pontificiall Bishop? Is this an act of Holinesse, to set a Kingdome on fire by the flaming brands of sedition? to dismember and quarter a King­dome with intestine warres; onely to this end, that a King once reduced to the lowest degree of miserie, might be lifted by his Holinesse out of his Royall prerogatiue, the very soule and life of his Royall Estate? When began this Papall power? In what aage began the Pope to practise this power? What! haue the ancient Canons, (for the Scripture in this que­stion beareth no pawme) haue the Canons of the ancient Church imposed [Page 477]any such satisfaction vpon a sinner, that of a Souereigne and free King, he should become vassall to his ghostly Father; that he should make himselfe together with all his people and subiects tributaries to a Bishop, that shall rifle a whole Nation of their coine, that shall receiue homage of a King, and make a King his vassall? What! Shall not a sinner be quitted of his faults, except his Pastor turne robber, and one that goeth about to get a booty? except hee make his Pastour a Feoffee in his whole Estate, and suffer him­selfe vnder a shadow of penance to freeze naked, to be turned out of all his goods and possessions of inheritance? But be it granted, admit his Holi­nesse robs one Prince of his rights and reuenewes, to conferre the same vp­on another: were it not an high degree of tyrannie to finger another mans estate, and to giue that away to a third, which the second hath no right, no lawfull authoritie to giue? Well, if the Pope then shall become his owne caruer in the rights of another; if he shall make his owne coffers to swell with anothers reuenewes, if he shall decke and aray his owne backe in the spoiles of a sinner, with whom in absolution he maketh peace, and taketh truce; what can this be else, but running into further degrees of wickednesse and mischiefe? what can this be else, but heaping of robbery vpon fraud, and Impietie vpon robbery? For by such deceitfull, craftie, and cunning practises, the nature of the Pontificiall See, meerely spirituall, is changed into the Kings-bench-Court, meerely temporall: the Bishops chaire is changed into a Monarchs Throne. And not onely so; but be­sides, the sinners repentance is changed into a snare or pit-fall of cousening deceit; and S. Peters net is changed into a casting-net or a flew, to fish for all the wealth of most flourishing Kingdomes. Moreouer, the King (a hard case) is driuen by such wiles and subtilties, to worke impossibilities, to acte more then is lawfull or within the compasse of his power to pra­ctise: For the King neither may in right, nor can by power trans-nature his Crowne, impaire the Maiestie of his Kingdome, or leaue his Royal dig­nitie lesse free to his heire apparant, or next successor, then he receiued the same of his predecessour: Much lesse, by any dishonourable capitulations, by any vnworthy contracts, degrade his posteritie, bring his people vn­der the grieuous burden of tributes and taxes to a forreine Prince: Least of all, make them tributary to a Priest; vnto whom it no way apperteineth to haue any hand in the ciuill affaires of Kings, or to distaine, and vnhallow their Crownes. And therefore when the Pope dispatched his Nuntio to Phi­lippus Augustus, requesting the King to auert Lewis his sonne from laying a­ny claime to the Kingdome of England; Philip answered the Legat (as we haue it in Matth. Paris;) No King, no Prince can alienate or giue away his Kingdom, but by consent of his Barons, bound by Knights seruice to defend the said Kingdome: and in case the Pope shall stand for the contrary error, his Holines shall giue to King­domes a most pernicious example. By the same Author it is testified, that King Iohn became odious to his subiects, for such dishonourable and vnworthy inthralling of his Crowne, and Kingdome. Therefore the Popes right pre­tended [Page 478]to the Crowne of England, which is nothing else but a ridiculous vsurpation, hath long agoe vanished into smoake, and required not so much as the drawing of one sword to snatch and pull it by violence out of his hands: For the Popes power lying altogether in a certaine wilde and wandring conceit or opinion of men, and being onely an imaginary castle in the ayre, built by pride, and vnderpropped by superstition, is very spee­dily dispersed vpon the first rising and appearing of the trewth in her glo­rious brightnesse. There is none so very a dolt or block-head to deny, that in case this right of the Pope ouer England, is grounded vpon Gods word, then his Holinesse may challenge the like right ouer all other Kingdomes: because all other Kingdomes, Crownes, and Scepters are subiect alike to Gods word: For what priuiledge, what charter, what euidence can France fetch out of the Rolles, or any other treasurie of her monuments or records, to shew that she oweth lesse subiection to God then England? Or was this yoke of bondage then brought vpon the English Nation; was it a prerogatiue, whereby they might more easily come to the libertie of the sonnes of God? Or were the people of England perswaded, that for all their substance, wealth, and life bestowed on the Pope, his Holinesse by way of exchange returned them better weight and measure of spirituall graces? It is ridiculous, onely to conceiue these toyes in thought; and yet with such ridiculous, with such toyes in conceit, his Lordship feeds and en­tertains his auditors.

From this point hee falleth to another bowt and fling at his heretikes, with whom he played no faire play before: Pag. 105. There is not one Synode of mini­sters ‘(as he saith) which would willingly subscribe to this Article, whereunto wee should bee bound to sweare.’ But herein his Lordship shooteth farre from the marke. This Article is approoued and preached by the Ministers of my Kingdome: It is likewise preached by those of France, and if need bee (I asssure my selfe) will bee signed by all the Ministers of the French Church.

The L. Cardinall proceedeth, (for hee meaneth not so soone to giue o­uer these heretikes:) ‘ All their Consistortes beleeue it as their Creed; that if Ca­tholike Princes at any time shall offer force vnto their conscience, then they are dispensed withall for their oath of alleagiance. Hence are these modifications and re­stricitions, tossed so much in their mouthes; Prouided the King force vs not in our conscience. Hence are these exceptions in the profession of their faith; Prouided the Soueraigne power and authoritie of God, bee not in any sort violated or infringed.’ I am not able to conceiue what engine can bee framed of these materialls, for the bearing of Kings out of their eminent seates, by any lawfull autho­ritie or power in the Pope: For say, those of the Religion should be tainted with some like errour; how can that be any shelter of excuse for those of the Romish Church, to vndermine or to digge vp the Thrones of their Kings? But in this allegation of the L. Cardinall, there is nothing at all, which doeth not iumpe iust and accord to a haire with the Article of the [Page 479]third Estate, and with obedience due to the King: For they doe not pro­fesse, that in case the King shall commaund them to doe any act contrarie to their conscience, they would flie at his throat, would make any attempt against his life, would refuse to pay their taxations, or to defend him in the warres: They make no profession of deposing the King, or discharging the people from the oath of allegiance tendred to the King: which is the very point or issue of the matter in controuersie, and the maine mischeife, against which the third Estate hath bin most worthily carefull to prouide a wholesome remedie by this Article. There is a world of difference be­tweene the termes of disobedience, and of deposition. It is one thing to disobey the Kings commaund in matters prohibited by diuine lawes, and yet in all other matters to performe full subiection vnto the King. It is a­nother thing of a farre higher degree or straine of disloyaltie, to bare the King of his Royall robes, throne, and scepter, and when he is thus farre dis­graced, to degrade him and to put him from his degree and place of a King. If the holy Father should charge the L. Cardinal to doe some act repug­nant in his owne knowledge to the Law of God, I will religiously, and according to the rule of charitie presume, that his Lordship in this case would stand out against his Holinesse, and notwithstanding would still acknowledge him to be Pope.

‘His Lordship yet prosecutes and followes his former purpose: Hence are those armes which they haue oftentimes borne against Kings, when Kings practi­sed to take away the libertie of their conscience and Religion. Hence are those turbu­lent Commotions and seditions by them raised, as well in the Low-countryes against the King of Spaine, as in Swethland against the Catholike King of Polonia.’ Besides, he casteth Iunius Brutus, Buchananus, Barclaius, and Gerson in our teeth. To what end all this? I see not how it can bee auaileable to authorize the depo­sing of Kings, especially the Popes power to depose. And yet his Lord­ship here doth outface (by his leaue) and beare downe the trewth: For I could neuer yet learne by any good and trew intelligence, that in France those of the Religion tooke armes at any time against their King: In the first ciuill warres they stood onely vpon their guard: they stood onely to their lawfull wards and locks of defence: they armed not, nor tooke the field before they were pursued with fire and sword, burnt vp and slaughtred. Besides, Religion was neither the root nor the rynde of those intestine troubles. The trew ground of the quarrell was this: During the minori­ty of King Francis II. the Protestants of France were a refuge and succour to the Princes of the blood, when they were kept from the Kings presence, and by the ouer powring power of their enemies, were no better then plaine driuen and chased from the Court. I meane, the Grand-father of the King now raigning, and the Grand-father of the Prince of Conde, when they had no place of safe retreate. In regard of which worthy and honourable seruice, it may seeme the French King hath reason to haue the Protestants in his gracious remembrance. With other commotion or insur­rection, [Page 480]the Protestants are not iustly to be charged. But on the contrary, certaine it is that King Henry III. raysed and sent forth seuerall armies a­gainst the Protestants, to ruine and roote them out of the Kingdome: howbeit, so soone as they perceiued the said King was brought into dange­rous tearms, they ranne with great speed and speciall fidelitie to the Kings rescue and succour, in the present danger. Certaine it is, that by their good seruice the said King was deliuered, from a most extreame and imminent perill of his life in the city of Tours. Certaine it is, they neuer abandoned that Henry 3. nor his next successor Henry 4. in all the heat of reuolts and re­bellions, raised in the greatest part of the Kingdome by the Pope, and the more part of the Clergie but stood to the said Kings in all their battels, to beare vp the Crowne then tottering and ready to fall. Certaine it is, that euen the heads and principalls of those by whom the late King deceased was pursued with all extremities, at this day doe enioy the fruit of all the good seruices done to the King by the said Protestants: And they are now disgraced, kept vnder, exposed to publike hatred. What, for kindling coales of questions and controuersies about Religion? Forsooth, not so: but be­cause if they might haue equall and indifferent dealing, if credit might be giuen to their faithfull aduertisements, the Crowne of their Kings should bee no longer pinned to the Popes flie-flap; in France there should bee no French exempted from subiection to the French King; causes of benefices or of matrimonie, should bee no longer citable and summonable to the Romish Court; and the Kingdome should bee no longer tributarie vnder the colour of annats, the first fruits of Benefices after the remooue or death of the Incumbent, and other like impositions.

But why doe I speake so much in the behalfe of the French Protestants? The Lord Cardinall himselfe quittes them of this blame, when he telleth vs this doctrine for the deposing of Kings by the Popes mace or verge, had credit and authoritie through all France, vntill Caluins time. Doth not his Lordship vnder-hand confesse by these words, that Kings had beene al­waies before Caluins time, the more dishonoured, and the worse serued? Item, that Protestants, whom his Lordship calls heretikes, by the light of holy Scripture made the world then and euer since to see the right of Kings, oppressed so long before? As for those of the Low Countries, and the subiects of Swethland, I haue little to say of their case, because it is not within ordinary compasse, and indeed serueth nothing to the purpose. These Nations, besides the cause of Religion, doe stand vpon certaine reasons of State, which I will not here take vpon me like a Iudge to deter­mine or to sift.

Iunius Brutus, Whom the Lord Cardinall obiecteth, is an author vn­knowne; and perhaps of purpose patcht vp by some Romanist, with a wyly deceit to draw the reformed Religion into hatred with Christian Princes.

Buchanan I reckon and ranke among Poets, not among Diuines, classicall [Page 481]or common. If the man hath burst out here and there into some tearmes of excesse, or speach of bad temper; that must be imputed to the violence of his humour, and heate of his spirit, not in any wise to the rules and conclu­sions of trew Religion, rightly by him conceiued before.

Barclaius alledged by the Cardinall, meddles not with deposing of Kings; but deals with disavowing them for Kings, when they shal renounce the right of Royalty, and of their owne accord giue ouer the Kingdome. Now he that leaues it in the Kings choice, either to hold or to giue ouer his Crowne, leaues it not in the Popes power to take away the Kingdome.

Of Gerson obtruded by the Cardinal, we haue spoken sufficiently before, Where it hath beene shewed how Gerson is disguised, masked, and peruer­ted by his Lordship. In briefe, I take not vpon me to iustifie and make good all the sayings of particular authors: We glory (and well we may) that our religion affordeth no rules of rebellion; nor any dispensation to subiects for the oath of their allegiance; and that none of our Churches giue entertainement vnto such monstrous and abhominable principles of disloyaltie.

If any of the French, otherwise perswaded in former times, Richcrius. now hauing altered and changed his iudgement, doth contend for the Soueraignty of Kings against Papall vsurpation: He doubtles, for winding himselfe out of the Laborinth of an error so intricate & pernicious, deserueth great honour and speciall praise: He is worthy to hold a place of dignity aboue the L. Car­dinall; who hath quitted and betrayed his former iudgement, which was holy and iust: Their motions are contrary, their markes are opposite: The one reclineth from euill to good, the other declineth from good to euill.

At last his Lordship commeth to the close of his Oration, and bindes vp ‘his whole harangue with a feate wreath of praises, proper to his King. He styles the King the eldest Sonne of the Church, a young shoot of the lilly, which King Salomon in all his Royaltie was not able to match. He leades vs by the hand into the pleasant meadowes of Histories, there to learne vp­on the very first sight and view, That so long so oft as the Kings of France embraced vnion, and kept good tearmes of concord with Popes and the Apostolike See; so long as the spouse of the Church was pastured and fed among the lillies, all sorts of spirituall and temporall graces abundantly showred vpon their Crownes, and vpon their people: On the contrary, when they made any rent or separation from the most holy See; then the lillies were pricked and almost choaked with sharpe thornes; they beganne to droope, to stoope, and to beare their beautifull heads downe to the very ground, vnder the strong flawes and gusts of boystrous windes and tempests.’

My answere to this flourishing close and vpshot, shall be no lesse apert then apt. It sauours not of good and faithfull seruice, to smooth and stroake the Kings head with a soft hand of oyled speech, and in the meane time to take away the Crowne from his head, and to defile it with dirt. But let vs [Page 482]try the cause by euidence of Historie, yea by the voice and verdict of expe­rience; to see whether the glorious beauty of the French lillies hath beene at any time blasted, and thereupon hath faded, by starting aside, and mak­ing separation from the holy See. Vnder the raigne of King Philip the Faire, France was blessed with peace and prosperity, notwithstanding some out­ragious acts done against the Papall See, and contumelious crying quit­tance by King Philip with the Pope. Lewis 12. in ranged battell defeated the armies of Pope Iulius 2. and his Confederates: proclaimed the said Pope to be fallen from the Popedome: stamped certaine coynes and pieces of gold with a dishonourable mot, euen to Rome it selfe, Rome is Babylon: yet so much was Lewis loued and honoured of his people, that by a peculiar title he was called, the Father of the Country. Greater blessings of God, greater outward peace and plenty, greater inward peace with spirituall and celesti­all treasures, were neuer heaped vpon my Great Brittaine, then haue beene since my Great Brittaine became Great in the greatest and chiefest respect of all; to wit, since my Great Brittaine hath shaken off the Popes yoke; since she hath refused to receiue and to entertaine the Popes Legats, em­ployed to collect S. Peters tribute or Peter-pence; since the Kings of Eng­land, my Great Brittaine, haue not beene the Popes vassals to doe him ho­mage for their Crowne, and haue no more felt the lashings, the scourg­ings of base and beggarly Monkes. Of Holland, Zeland, and Friseland, what neede I speake? yet a word and no more. Were they not a kinde of naked and bare people, of small value, before God lighted the torch of the Gospel, and aduanced it in those Nations? were they not an ill fedde and scragged people, in comparison of the inestimable wealth and pro­sperity (both in all military actions and mechanicall trades, in trafficke as merchants, in marting as men of warre, in long nauigation for discouerie) to which they are now raysed and mounted by the mercifull blessing of God, since the darknes of Poperie hath beene scattered, and the bright Sunne of the Gospel hath shined in those Countryes? Behold the Vene­tian Republique: Hath shee now lesse beautie, lesse glory, lesse peace and prosperitie, since she lately fell to bicker and contend with the Pope? since she hath wrung out of the Popes hand, the one of his two swords? since she hath plumed and shaked his Temporall dominion? On the contra­rie; after the French Kings had honoured the Popes, with munificent graunts and gifts of all the cities and territories, lands and possessions, which they now hold in Italy, and the auncient Earledome of Auignon in France for an ouer-plus; were they not rudely recompenced, and homely handled by their most ingratefull fee-farmers and copy-holders? Haue not Popes forged a donation of Constantine, of purpose to blot out all me­mory of Pepins and Charlemaignes donation? Haue they not vexed and troubled the State? haue they not whetted the sonnes of Lewis the Cour­teous against their owne Father, whose life was a patterne and example of innocencie? Haue they not by their infinite exactions, robbed and scoured [Page 483]the Kingdome of all their treasure? Were not the Kings of France, driuen to stoppe their violent courses by the pragmaticall sanction? Did they not sundry times interdict the Kingdome, degrade the Kings, solicite the neighbour-Princes to inuade and lay hold on the Kingdome, and stirre vp the people against the King, whereby a gate was opened to a world of troubles and parricides? Did not Rauaillac render this reason for his mon­strous and horrible attempt, That King Henry had a designe to warre with God, because he had a designe to take armes against his Holinesse, who is God? This makes me to wonder, what mooued the L. Cardinall to mar­shall the last ciuill warres and motions in France, in the ranke of examples of vnhappy separation from the Pope, when the Pope himselfe was the trumpetor of the same troublesome motions. If the Pope had bene wron­ged and offended by the French King, or his people, and the Kingdome of France had been scourged with pestilence, or famine, or some other calami­tie by forraine enemies; it might haue beene taken in probabilitie, as a ven­geance of God for some iniurie done vnto his Vicar: But his Holinesse be­ing the roote, the ground, the master-workeman and artificer of all these mischiefes; how can it be said, that God punisheth any iniurie done to the Pope? but rather that his Holinesse doth reuenge his owne quarrell, and which is worst of all, when his Holinesse hath no iust cause of quarrell or offence. Now then; to exhort a Nation (as the L. Cardinall hath done) by the remembrance of former calamities, to curry fauour with the Pope, and to hold a strict vnion with his Holinesse, is no exhortation to beare the Pope any respect of loue, or of reuerence, but rather a rubbing of memory, and a calling to minde of those grieuous calamities, whereof the Pope hath been the only occasion. It is also a threatning and obtruding of the Popes terrible thunder-bolts, which neuer scorched nor parched any skinne, (except crauens and meticulous bodies) and haue brought many great showres of blessings vpon my Kingdome.

As for France, if she hath enioyed prosperity in the times of her good a­greement with Popes, it is because the Pope seekes the amity of Princes that are in prosperitie, haue the meanes to curbe his pretensions, and to put him to some plunge. Kings are not in prosperity, because the Pope holds amitie with Kings; but his Holinesse vseth all deuises, & seeketh all meanes to haue amitie with Kings, because he sees them flourish & sayle with prosperous winds. The swallow is no cause, but a companion of the spring: the Pope is no worker of a Kingdoms felicity, but a wooer of kings when they sit in fe­licities lap: he is no founder, but a follower of their good fortunes. On the other side: let a Kingdome fall into some grieuous disaster or calamitie, let ciuill warres boile in the bowels of the Kingdom; ciuil wars no lesse dange­rous to the State, then fearefull and grieuous to the people; who riseth soo­ner then the Pope, who rusheth sooner into the troubled streames then the Pope, who thrusteth himselfe sooner into the heate of the quarrell then the Pope, who runneth sooner to raise his gaine by the publike wrack then the [Page 484]Pope, and all vnder colour of a heart wounded and bleeding for the salua­tion of soules? If the lawfull King happen to be foyled, to be oppressed, and thereupon the State by his fall to get a new master by the Popes practise; then the said new master must hold the Kingdome as of the Popes free gift, and rule or guide the sterne of the State at his becke, and by his instruction. If the first and right Lord, in despite of all the Popes fulminations and fire­workes, shall get the honourable day, and vpper hand of his enemies; then the holy Father with a cheerfull and pleasant grace, yea with fatherly gratu­lation, opens the rich cabinet of his iewells, I meane the treasurie of his in­dulgences, and falls now to dandle and cocker the King in his fatherly lap, whose throat if he could, he would haue cut not long before.

This pestilent mischiefe hath now a long time taken roote, and is growne to a great head in the Christian world, through the secret, but iust iudge­ment of God; by whom Christian Kings haue beenesmitten with a spirit of dizzinesse: Christian Kings, who for many aages past haue liued in ig­norance, without any sound instruction, without any trew sense and right feeling of their owne right and power, whilest vnder a shadow of Religion and false cloake of pietie, their Kingdomes haue beene ouer-burdened, yea ouer-borne with tributes, and their Crownes made to stoope euen to mise­rable bondage. That God in whose hand the hearts of Kings are poised, and at his pleasure turned as the water-courses; that mighty God alone, in his good time, is able to rouze them out of so deepe a slumber, and to take order (their drowzy fits once ouer and shaken off with heroicall spirits) that Popes hereafter shall play no more vpon their patience, nor presume to put bits and snaffles in their noble mouthes, to the binding vp of their power with weake scruples, like mighty buls lead about by litle children with a small twisted thred. To that God, that King of Kings I deuote my scepter; at his feet in all humblenes I lay downe my Crowne; to his holy decrees and commaunds I will euer be a faithfull seruant, and in his battels a faithfull champion. To conclude; in this iust cause and quarrell, I dare send the challenge, and will require no second, to maintaine as a defendant of honour, that my brother-Princes and my selfe, whom God hath aduan­ced vpon the Throne of Soueraigne Maiestie and supreame dignity, doe hold the Royall dignitie of his Maiestie alone; to whose seruice, as a most humble homager and vassall, I consecrate all the glory, honour, splendor, and lustre of my earthly Kingdomes.

A SPEACH, AS IT WAS DELIVERED IN THE VPPER HOVSE OF THE PARLIAMENT TO THE LORDS SPIRITVALL AND Temporall, and to the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses there assembled, ON MVNDAY THE XIX. DAY OF MARCH 1603. BEING THE FIRST DAY OF THE first Parliament.

IT did no sooner please God to lighten his hand, and relent the violence of his deuouring Angel against the poore people of this Citie, but as soone did I resolue to call this Parliament, and that for three chiefe and principall reasons: The first whereof is, (and which of it selfe, although there were no more, is not onely a sufficient, but a most full and necessary ground and reason for conuening of this Assembly) This first reason I say is, That you who are here presently assembled to represent the Body of this whole Kingdome, and of all sorts of people within the same, may with your owne eares heare, and that I out of mine owne mouth may de­liuer vnto you the assurance of my due thankefulnes for your so ioyfull and generall applause to the declaring and receiuing of mee in this Seate (which GOD by my Birthright and lineall descent had in the fulnesse of time prouided for me) and that, immediatly after it pleased God to call your late Soueraigne of famous memory, full of dayes, but fuller of immortall trophes of Honour, out of this transitorie life. Not that I am able to ex­presse [Page 486]by wordes, or vtter by eloquence the viue Image of mine inward thankfulnes, but onely that out of mine owne mouth you may rest assured to expect that measure of thankefulnes at my hands, which is according to the infinitenes of your deserts, and to my inclination and abilitie for requi­tall of the same. Shall I euer? nay, can I euer be able, or rather so vnable in memorie, as to forget your vnexpected readinesse and alacritie, your euer memorable resolution, and your most wonderfull coniunction and har­monie of your hearts in declaring and embracing mee as your vndoubted and lawfull King and Gouernour? Or shall it euer bee blotted out of my minde, how at my first entrie into this Kingdome, the people of all sorts rid and ran, nay rather flew to meet mee? their eyes flaming nothing but spar­kles of affection, their mouthes and tongues vttering nothing but sounds of ioy, their hands, feete, and all the rest of their members in their gestures discouering a passionate longing, and earnestnesse to meete and embrace their new Soueraigne. Quid ergo retribuam? Shall I allow in my selfe, that which I could neuer beare with in another? No I must plainely and freely confesse here in all your audiences, that I did euer naturally so farre mislike a tongue to smoothe, and diligent in paying their creditors with lip pay­ment and verball thankes, as I euer suspected that sort of people meant not to pay their debtors in more substantiall sort of coyne. And therefore for expressing of my thankefulnesse, I must resort vnto the other two rea­sons of my conuening of this Parliament, by them in action to vtter my thankefulnesse: Both the said reasons hauing but one ground, which is the deedes, whereby all the dayes of my life, I am by Gods grace to expresse my said thankfulnesse towards you, but diuided in this, That in the first of these two, mine actions of thankes, are so inseparably conioyned with my Per­son, as they are in a maner become indiuidually annexed to the same: In the other reason, mine actions are such, as I may either doe them, or leaue them vndone, although by Gods grace I hope neuer to be weary of the do­ing of them.

As to the first: It is the blessings which God hath in my Person bestowed vpon you all, wherein I protest, I doe more glorie at the same for your weale, then for any particular respect of mine owne reputation, or aduan­tage therein.

THe first then of these blessings, 1 which God hath ioyntly with my Person sent vnto you, is outward Peace: that is, peace abroad with all forreine neighbours: for I thanke God I may iustly say, that neuer since I was a King, I either receiued wrong of any other Christian Prince or State, or did wrong to any: I haue euer, I praise God, yet kept Peace and amitie with all, which hath bene so farre tyed to my person, as at my comming here you are witnesses I found the State embarqued in a great and tedious warre, and onely by mine arriuall here, and by the Peace in my Person, is now amitie kept, where warre was before, which is no smal [Page 487]blessing to a Christian Common-wealth: for by Peace abroad with their neighbours the Townes flourish, the Merchants become rich, the Trade doeth encrease, and the people of all sorts of the Land enioy free libertie to exercise themselues in their seuerall vocations without perill or distur­bance. Not that I thinke this outward Peace so vnseparably tyed to my Person, as I dare assuredly promise to my selfe and to you, the certaine con­tinuance thereof: but thus farre I can very well assure you and in the word of a King promise vnto you, That I shall neuer giue the first occasion of the breach thereof, neither shall I euer be moued for any particular or priuate passion of mind to interrupt your publique Peace, except I be forced there­unto, either for reparation of the honour of the Kingdom, or else by neces­sitie for the weale and preseruation of the same: In which case, a secure and honourable warre must be preferred to an vnsecure and dishonourable Peace: yet doe I hope by my experience of the by-past blessings of Peace, which God hath so long euer since my Birth bestowed vpon mee, that hee wil not be weary to continue the same, nor repent him of his grace towards me, transferring that sentence of King Dauids vpon his by-past victories of warre, to mine of Peace, That, that God who preserued me from the deuouring iawes of the Beare and of the Lion, and deliuered them into my hands, shall also now grant me victory ouer that vncircumcised Philistine.

BVt although outward Peace be a great blessing; 2 yet is it as farre in­feriour to peace within, as Ciuill warres are more cruell and vn­naturall then warres abroad. And therefore the second great bles­sing that GOD hath with my Person sent vnto you, is Peace within, and that in a double forme. First, by my descent lineally out of the loynes of Henry the seuenth, is reunited and confirmed in mee the Vnion of the two Princely Roses of the two Houses of LANCASTER and YORKE, whereof that King of happy memorie was the first Vniter, as he was also the first ground-layer of the other Peace. The lamentable and miserable euents by the Ciuill and bloody dissention betwixt these two Houses was so great and so late, as it need not be renewed vnto your memories: which, as it was first setled and vnited in him, so is it now reunited and confirmed in me, being iustly and lineally descended, not onely of that happie con­iunction, but of both the Branches thereof many times before. But the V­nion of these two princely Houses, is nothing comparable to the Vnion of two ancient and famous Kingdomes, which is the other inward Peace an­nexed to my Person.

And here I must craue your patiences for a little space, to giue me leaue to discourse more particularly of the benefits that doe arise of that Vnion which is made in my blood, being a matter that most properly belongeth to me to speake of, as the head wherein that great Body is vnited. And first, if we were to looke no higher then to naturall and Physicall reasons, we may easily be perswaded of the great benefits that by that Vnion do re­dound [Page 488]to the whole Island: for if twentie thousand men be a strong Ar­mie, is not the double thereof, fourtie thousand, a double the stronger Ar­mie? If a Baron enricheth himselfe with double as many lands as hee had before, is he not double the greater? Nature teacheth vs, that Mountaines are made of Motes, and that at the first, Kingdomes being diuided, and eue­ry particular Towne or little Countie, as Tyrants or Vsurpers could ob­taine the possession, a Segniorie apart, many of these little Kingdomes are now in processe of time, by the ordinance of God, ioyned into great Mo­narchies, whereby they are become powerfull within themselues to defend themselues from all outward inuasions, and their head and gouernour thereby enabled to redeeme them from forreine assaults, and punish pri­uate transgressions within. Do we not yet remember, that this Kingdome was diuided into seuen little Kingdomes, besides Wales? And is it not now the stronger by their vnion? And hath not the vnion of Wales to England added a greater strength thereto? Which though it was a great Principali­tie, was nothing comparable in greatnesse and power to the ancient and famous Kingdome of Scotland. But what should we sticke vpon any na­turall appearance, when it is manifest that God by his Almightie proui­dence hath preordained it so to be? Hath not God first vnited these two Kingdomes both in Language, Religion, and similitude of maners? Yea, hath hee not made vs all in one Island, compassed with one Sea, and of it selfe by nature so indiuisible, as almost those that were borderers them­selues on the late Borders, cannot distinguish, nor know, or discerne their owne limits? These two Countries being separated neither by Sea, nor great Riuer, Mountaine, nor other strength of nature, but onely by little small brookes, or demolished little walles, so as rather they were diuided in apprehension, then in effect; And now in the end and fulnesse of time vnited, the right and title of both in my Person, alike lineally descended of both the Crownes, whereby it is now become like a little World within it selfe, being intrenched and fortified round about with a naturall, and yet admirable strong pond or ditch, whereby all the former feares of this Na­tion are now quite cut off: The other part of the Island being euer before now not onely the place of landing to all strangers, that was to make inua­sion here, but likewise moued by the enemies of this State by vntimely in­cursions, to make inforced diuersion from their Conquests, for defending themselues at home, and keeping sure their backe-doore, as then it was cal­led, which was the greatest hinderance and let that euer my Predecessors of this Nation gat in disturbing them from their many famous and glori­ous conquests abroad: What God hath conioyned then, let no man sepa­rate. I am the Husband, and all the whole Isle is my lawfull Wife; I am the Head, and it is my Body; I am the Shepherd, and it is my flocke: I hope therefore no man will be so vnreasonable as to thinke that I that am a Christian King vnder the Gospel, should be a Polygamist and husband to two wiues; that I being the Head, should haue a diuided and monstrous [Page 489]Body; or that being the Shepheard to so faire a Flocke (whose fold hath no wall to hedge it but the foure Seas) should haue my Flocke parted in two. But as I am assured, that no honest Subiect of whatsoeuer degree within my whole dominions, is lesse glad of this ioyfull Vnion then I am; So may the friuolous obiection of any that would bee hinderers of this worke, which God hath in my Person already established, bee easily answered, which can be none, except such as are either blinded with Ignorance, or els transported with Malice, being vnable to liue in a well gouerned Com­monwealth, and onely delighting to fish in troubled waters. For if they would stand vpon their reputation and priuiledges of any of the King­domes, I pray you was not both the Kingdomes Monarchies from the be­ginning, and consequently could euer the Body bee counted without the Head, which was euer vnseparably ioyned thereunto? So that as Honour and Priuiledges of any of the Kingdomes could not be diuided from their Soueraigne; So are they now confounded & ioyned in my Person, who am equall and alike kindly Head to you both. When this Kingdome of Eng­land was diuided into so many little Kingdoms as I told you before; one of them behooued to eate vp another, till they were all vnited in one. And yet can Wiltshire or Deuonshire, which were of the West Saxons, although their Kingdome was of longest durance, and did by Conquest ouercome diuers of the rest of the little Kingdomes, make claime to Prioritie of Place or Honour before Sussex, Essex, or other Shires which were conquered by them? And haue we not the like experience in the Kingdome of France, be­ing composed of diuers Dutchies, and one after another conquered by the sword? For euen as little brookes lose their names by their running and fall into great Riuers, and the very name and memorie of the great Riuers swal­lowed vp in the Ocean so by the coniunction of diuers little Kingdomes in one, are all these priuate differences and questions swallowed vp. And since the successe was happie of the Saxons Kingdomes being conquered by the speare of Bellona; Mars. How much greater reason haue wee to expect a happie issue of this greater Vnion, which is only fastened and bound vp by the wedding Ring of Astrea? Loue and Peace. And as God hath made Scotland the one halfe of this Isle to enioy my Birth, and the first and most vnperfect halfe of my life, and you heere to enioy the perfect and the last halfe thereof; so can I not thinke that any would be so iniurious to me, no not in their thoughts and wishes, as to cut asunder the one halfe of me from the other. But in this matter I haue farre enough insisted, resting assured that in your hearts and mindes you all applaud this my discourse.

NOw although these blessings before rehearsed of Inward and Out­ward peace, be great: yet seeing that in all good things, 3 a great part of their goodnesse and estimation is lost, if they haue not appa­rance of perpetuity or long continuance; so hath it pleased Almighty God to accompany my person also with that fauour, hauing healthful and hope­full [Page 490]Issue of my body, whereof some are here present, for continuance and propagation of that vndoubted right which is in my Person; vnder whom I doubt not but it will please God to prosper and continue for many yeeres this Vnion, and all other blessings of Inward and outward Peace, which I haue brought with me.

BVt neither Peace outward, 4 nor Peace inward, nor any other bles­sings that can follow thereupon, nor appearance of the perpetuitie thereof, by propagation in the posteritie, is but a weake pillar and a rotten reed to leane vnto, if God doe not streng then and by the staffe of his blessing make them durable: For in vaine doeth the Watchman watch the Citie, if the Lord be not the principall defence thereof: In vaine doeth the builder build the house, if God giue not the successe: And in vaine (as Paul saith) doeth Paul plant and Apollo water, if God giue not the increase: For all worldly blessings are but like swift passing shadowes, fading flowers, or chaffe blowen before the wind, if by the profession of trew Religion, and works according thereunto, God be not moued to maintaine and settle the Thrones of Princes. And although that since mine entry into this King­dome, I haue both by meeting with diuers of the Ecclesiastical Estate, and likewise by diuers Proclamations clearely declared my minde in points of Religion, yet doe I not thinke it amisse in this so solemne an Audience, I should now take occasion to discouer somewhat of the secrets of my heart in that matter: For I shall neuer (with Gods grace) bee ashamed to make publike profession thereof at all occasions, lest God should bee ashamed to professe and allow mee before men and Angels, especially lest that at this time men might presume further vpon the misknowledge of my meaning to trouble this Parliament of ours then were conuenient. At my first com­ming, although I found but one Religion, and that which by my selfe is professed, publikely allowed, and by the Law maintained: Yet found I ano­ther sort of Religion, besides a priuate Sect, lurking within the bowels of this Nation. The first is the trew Religion, which by me is professed, and by the Law is established: The second is the falsly called Catholikes, but trewly Papists: The third, which I call a sect rather then Religion, is the Puritanes and Nouelists, who doe not so farre differ from vs in points of Re­ligion, as in their confused forme of Policie and Paritie, being euer discon­tented with the present gouernment, & impatient to suffer any superiority, which maketh their sect vnable to be suffred in any wel gouerned Cōmon wealth. But as for my course toward them, I remit it to my Proclamations made vpon that Subiect. And now for the Papists, I must put a difference betwixt mine owne priuate profession of mine owne saluation, and my po­litike gouernment of the Realme for the weale and quietnes thereof. As for mine owne profession, you haue me your Head now amongst you of the same Religion that the body is of. As I am no stranger to you in blood, no more am I a stranger to you in Faith, or in the matters concerning the house [Page 491]of God. And although this my profession be according to mine education, wherein (I thanke God) I sucked the milke of Gods trewth, with the milke of my Nurse: yet do I here protest vnto you, that I would neuer for such a conceit of constancy or other preiudicate opinion, haue so firmly kept my first profession, if I had not found it agreeable to all reason, and to the rule of my Conscience. But I was neuer violent nor vnreasonable in my pro­fession: I acknowledge the Romane Church to be our Mother Church, al­though defiled with some infirmities and corruptions, as the Iewes were when they crucified Christ: And as I am none enemie to the life of a sicke man, because I would haue his bodie purged of ill humours; no more am I enemie to their Church, because I would haue them reforme their errors, not wishing the downe throwing of the Temple, but that it might be pur­ged and cleansed from corruption: otherwise how can they wish vs to en­ter, if their house be not first made cleane? But as I would be loather to dis­pense in the least point of mine owne Conscience for any worldly respect, then the foolishest Precisian of them all; so would I bee as sory to straight the politique Gouernement of the bodies and mindes of all my Subiectes to my priuate opinions: Nay, my minde was euer so free from persecution, or thralling of my Subiects in matters of Conscience, as I hope that those of that profession within this Kingdome haue a proofe since my comming, that I was so farre from encreasing their burdens with Rehoboam, as I haue so much as either time, occasion, or law could permit, lightened them. And euen now at this time haue I bene carefull to reuise and consider deepely vpon the Lawes made against them, that some ouerture may be proponed to the present Parliament for clearing these Lawes by reason (which is the soule of the Law) in case they haue bene in times past further, or more rigo­rously extended by Iudges, then the meaning of the Law was, or might tend to the hurt aswell of the innocent as of guiltie persons. And as to the per­sons of my Subiects which are of that profession, I must diuide them into two rankes, Clerickes and Layickes; for the part of the Layicks, certainely I euer thought them farre more excusable then the other sort, because that sort of Religion containeth such an ignorant, doubtfull, and implicit kinde of faith in the Layickes grounded vpon their Church, as except they doe ge­nerally beleeue whatsoeuer their Teachers please to affirme, they cannot be thought guilty of these particular points of heresies and corruptions, which their Teachers doe so wilfully professe. And againe I must subdiuide the same Layickes into two rankes, that is, either quiet and well minded men, peaceable Subiects, who either being old, haue retayned their first drunken in liquor vpon a certaine shamefastnesse to be thought curious or changea­ble: Or being young men, through euill education haue neuer bene nursed or brought vp, but vpon such venim in place of wholesome nutriment. And that sort of people I would be sorry to punish their bodies for the errour of their minds, the reformation whereof must onely come of God and the trew Spirit. But the other ranke of Layicks, who either through Curiositie, [Page 492]affectation of Noueltie, or discontentment in their priuat humours, haue changed their coates, onely to be factious stirrers of Sedition, and Pertur­bers of the common wealth, their backwardnesse in their Religion gi­ueth a ground to me the Magistrate, to take the better heed to their pro­ceeding, and to correct their obstinacie. But for the part of the Clerickes, I must directly say and affirme, that as long as they maintaine one speciall point of their doctrine, and another point of their practise, they are no way sufferable to remaine in this Kingdome. Their point of doctrine is that arrogant and ambitious Supremacie of their Head the Pope, whereby he not onely claimes to bee Spirituall head of all Christians, but also to haue an Imperiall ciuill power ouer all Kings and Emperors, dethroning and decrowning Princes with his foot as pleaseth him, and dispensing and disposing of all Kingdomes and Empires at his appetite. The other point which they obserue in continuall practise, is the assassinates and murthers of Kings, thinking it no sinne, but rather a matter of saluation, to doe all actions of rebellion and hostilitie against their naturall Soueraigne Lord, if he be once cursed, his subiects discharged of their fidelitie, and his Kingdome giuen a prey by that three crowned Monarch, or rather Monster their Head. And in this point, I haue no occasion to speake fur­ther here, sauing that I could wish from my heart, that it would please God to make me one of the members of such a generall Christian vnion in Religion, as laying wilfulnesse aside on both hands, wee might meete in the middest, which is the Center and perfection of all things. For if they would leaue, and be ashamed of such new and grosse Corruptions of theirs, as themselues cannot maintaine, nor denie to bee worthy of reformation, I would for mine owne part be content to meete them in the mid-way, so that all nouelties might be renounced on either side. For as my faith is the Trew, Ancient, Catholike and Apostolike faith, grounded vpon the Scriptures and expresse word of God: so will I euer yeeld all reuerence to antiquitie in the points of Ecclesiasticall pollicy; and by that meanes shall I euer with Gods grace keepe my selfe from either being an hereticke in Faith, or schismatick in matters of Pollicie. But of one thing would I haue the Papists of this Land to bee admonished, That they presume not so much vpon my Lenitie (because I would be loath to be thought a Persecu­ter) as thereupon to thinke it lawfull for them dayly to encrease their num­ber and strength in this Kingdome, whereby if not in my time, at least in the time of my posteritie, they might be in hope to erect their Religion a­gaine. No, let them assure themselues, that as I am a friend to their per­sons if they be good subiects: so am I a vowed enemie, and doe denounce mortall warre to their errors: And that as I would be sory to bee driuen by their ill behauiour from the protection and conseruation of their bodies and liues, So will I neuer cease as farre as I can, to tread downe their errors and wrong opinions. For I could not permit the encrease and growing of their Religion, without first betraying of my selfe, and mine owne con­science: [Page 493]Secondly, this whole Isle, aswell the part I am come from, as the part I remaine in, in betraying their Liberties, and reducing them to the former slauish yoke, which both had casten off, before I came a­mongst them: And thirdly, the libertie of the Crowne in my posteritie, which I should leaue againe vnder a new slauery, hauing found i [...] left free to me by my Predecessors. And therefore would I wish all good Subiects that are deceiued with that corruption, first if they find any beginning of instinction in themselues of knowledge and loue to the Trewth, to foster the same by all lawfull meanes, and to beware of quenching the spirit that worketh within them; And if they can find as yet no motion tending that way, to be studious to reade and conferre with learned men, and to vse all such meanes as may further their Resolution, assuring themselues, that as long as they are disconformable in Religion from vs, they cannot bee but halfe my Subiects, bee able to doe but halfe seruice, and I to want the best halfe of them, which is their soules. And here haue I occasion to speake to you my Lords the Bishops: For as you, my Lord of Durham, said very learnedly to day in your Sermon, Correction without instructi­on, is but a Tyrannie: So ought you, and all the Clergie vnder you, to be more carefull, vigilant, and diligent then you haue bene, to winne Soules to God, aswell by your exemplary life, as doctrine. And since you see how carefull they are, sparing neither labour, paines, nor extreme perill of their persons to diuert, (the Deuill is so busie a Bishop) yee should bee the more carefull and wakefull in your charges. Follow the rule prescri­bed you by S. Paul, Bee carefull to exhort and to instruct in season, and out of season: and where you haue beene any way sluggish before, now waken your selues vp againe with a new diligence in this point, remitting the suc­cesse to God, who calling them either at the second, third, tenth or twelfth houre, as they are alike welcome to him, so shall they bee to mee his Lieutenant here.

The third reason of my conuening of you at this time, The third rea­son of assem­bling the Parliament. which contei­neth such actions of my thankefulnesse toward you, as I may either doe, or leaue vndone, yet shall with Gods grace euer presse to performe all the dayes of my life: It consists in these two points; In making of Lawes at certaine times, which is onely at such times as this in Parliament; or in the carefull execution thereof at all other times. As for the making of them, I will thus farre faithfully promise vnto you, That I will euer pre­ferre the weale of the body, and of the whole Common-wealth, in making of good Lawes and constitutions, to any particular or priuate ends of mine, thinking euer the wealth and weale of the Common-wealth to bee my greatest weale and worldly felicitie: A point wherein a lawfull King doeth directly differ from a Tyrant. But at this time I am onely thus farre to forewarne you in that point, That you beware to seeke the ma­king of too many Lawes, for two especiall reasons: First, because In corrup­tissima [Page 494]Republica plurimae leges; and the execution of good Lawes is farre more profitable in a Common-wealth, then to burden mens memories with the making of too many of them. And next, because the making of too many Lawes in one Parliament, will bring in confusion, for lacke of leisure wisely to deliberate before you conclude: For the Bishop said well to day, That to Deliberation would a large time be giuen, but to Execu­tion a greater promptnesse was required. As for the execution of good Lawes, it hath bene very wisely and honourably foreseene and ordered by my predecessours in this Kingdome, in planting such a number of Iudges, and all sorts of Magistrates in conuenient places for the execution of the same: And therefore must I now turne mee to you that are Iudges and Magistrates vnder mee, as mine Eyes and Eares in this case. I can say none otherwise to you, then as Ezekias the good King of Iuda said to their Iudges, Remember that the Thrones that you fit on are Gods, and neither yours nor mine: And that as you must be answerable to mee, so must both you and I be answerable to GOD, for the due execution of our Offices. That place is no place for you to vtter your affections in, you must not there hate your foe nor loue your friend, feare the offence of the greater partie or pity the miserie of the meaner; yee must be blinde and not see distinctions of persons, handlesse, not to receiue bribes; but keepe that iust temper and mid-course in all your proceedings, that like a iust ballance ye may neither sway to the right nor left hand. Three principall qualities are required in you; Knowledge, Courage, and Sinceritie: that you may discerne with knowledge, execute with courage, and doe both in vpright sinceritie. And as for my part, I doe vow and protest here in the presence of God, and of this honourable Audience, I neuer shall be wearie, nor omit no occasion, wherein I may shew my carefulnesse of the execution of good Lawes. And as I wish you that are Iudges not to be weary in your Office in doing of it; so shall I neuer be wearie, with Gods grace, to take account of you, which is properly my calling.

And thus hauing tolde you the three causes of my conuening of this Parliament, all three tending onely to vtter my thankefulnesse, but in di­uers formes, the first by word, the other two by action; I doe confesse that when I haue done and performed all that in this Speech I haue pro­mised, Inutilis seruus sum: Inutile, because the meaning of the word In­utilis in that place of Scripture is vnderstood, that in doing all that seruice which wee can to God, it is but our due, and wee doe nothing to God but that which wee are bound to doe. And in like maner, when I haue done all that I can for you, I doe nothing but that which I am bound to doe, and am accomptable to God vpon the contrary: For I doe ac­knowledge, that the speciall and greatest point of difference that is betwixt a rightfull King and an vsurping Tyrant is in this; That whereas the proude and ambitious Tyrant doeth thinke his Kingdome and people [Page 495]are onely ordeined for satisfaction of his desires and vnreasonable appe­tites; The righteous and iust King doeth by the contrary acknowledge himselfe to bee ordeined for the procuring of the wealth and prosperitie of his people, and that his greatest and principall worldly felicitie must consift in their prosperitie. If you bee rich I cannot bee poore, if you bee happy I cannot but bee fortunate, and I protest that your welfare shall euer be my greatest care and contentment: And that I am a Seruant it is most trew, that as I am Head and Gouernour of all the people in my Do­minion who are my naturall vassals and Subiects, considering them in numbers and distinct Rankes; So if wee will take the whole People as one body and Masse, then as the Head is ordeined for the body and not the Body for the Head; so must a righteous King know himselfe to bee ordeined for his people, and not his people for him: For although a King and people be Relata; yet can hee be no King if he want people and Sub­iects. But there be many people in the world that lacke a Head, where­fore I will neuer bee ashamed to confesse it my principall Honour to bee the great Seruant of the Common-wealth, and euer thinke the prosperitie thereof to be my greatest felicitie, as I haue already said.

But as it was the whole Body of this Kingdome, with an vniforme assent and harmonie, as I tolde you in the beginning of my Speech, which did so farre oblige mee in good will and thankefulnesse of requitall by their alacritie and readinesse in declaring and receiuing mee to that place which God had prouided for mee, and not any particular persons: (for then it had not bene the body) So is my thankefulnesse due to the whole State. For euen as in matter of faults, Quod à multis peccatur, impunè peccatur: Euen so in the matter of vertuous and good deedes, what is done by the willing consent and harmonie of the whole body, no particular person can iustly claime thankes as proper to him for the same. And therefore I must heere make a little Apologie for my selfe, in that I could not satis­fie the particular humours of euery person, that looked for some aduance­ment or reward at my hand since my entrie into this Kingdome. Three kinde of things were craued of mee: Aduancement to honour, Prefer­ment to place of Credit about my Person, and Reward in matters of land or profit. If I had bestowed Honour vpon all, no man could haue beene aduanced to Honour: for the degrees of Honour doe consist in perfer­ring some aboue their fellowes. If euery man had the like accesse to my Priuy or Bed-chamber, then no man could haue it, because it cannot con­taine all. And if I had bestowed Lands and Rewards vpon euery man, the fountaine of my liberalitie would be so exhausted and dried, as I would lacke meanes to bee liberall to any man. And yet was I not so sparing, but I may without vaunting affirme that I haue enlarged my fauour in all the three degrees, towards as many and more then euer King of England did in so short a space: No, I rather craue your pardon that I haue beene [Page 496]so bountifull: for if the meanes of the Crowne bee wasted, I behoued then to haue recourse to you my Subiects, and bee burdensome to you, which I would bee lothest to bee of any King aliue. For as it is trew, that as I haue already said, it was a whole Body which did deserue so well at my hand, and not euery particular person of the people: yet were there some who by reason of their Office, credit with the people or otherwise, tooke occasion both before, and at the time of my comming amongst you, to giue proofe of their loue and affection towards me. Not that I am any way in doubt, that if other of my Subiects had beene in their places, and had had the like occasion, but they would haue vttered the like good effects, (so generall and so great were the loue and affection of you all to­wards mee:) But yet this hauing beene performed by some speciall per­sons, I could not without vnthankfulnesse but requite them accordingly. And therefore had I iust occasion to aduance some in Honour, some to places of seruice about mee, and by rewarding to enable some who had de­serued well of mee, and were not otherwise able to maintaine the rankes I thought them capable of, and others who although they had not particu­larly deserued before, yet I found them capable and worthy of place of pre­ferment and credit, and not able to sustaine those places for which I thought them fit, without my helpe. Two especiall causes moued mee to be so open handed: whereof the one was reasonable and honourable; but the other I will not bee ashamed to confesse vnto you, proceeded of mine owne infirmitie. That which was iust and honourable, was: That being so farre beholding to the body of the whole State, I thought I could not refuse to let runne some small brookes out of the fountaine of my thankefulnesse to the whole, for refreshing of particular persons that were members of that multitude. The other which proceeded out of mine owne infirmitie, was the multitude and importunitie of Sutors. But although reason come by infusion in a maner, yet experience groweth with time and labour: And therefore doe I not doubt, but experience in time comming will both teach the particular Subiects of this Kingdome, not to be so importune and vndiscreete in crauing: And mee not to be so easily and lightly mooued, in granting that which may be harmefull to my Estate, and consequently to the whole Kingdome.

And thus hauing at length declared vnto you my minde in all the points, for the which I called this Parliament: My conclusion shall onely now be to excuse my selfe, in case you haue not found such Eloquence in my Speech, as peraduenture you might haue looked for at my hands. I might, if I list, alledge the great weight of my Affaires and my continuall businesse and distraction, that I could neuer haue leasure to thinke vpon what I was to speake, before I came to the place where I was to speake: And I might also alledge that my first sight of this so famous and Ho­nourable an Assembly, might likewise breede some impediment. But [Page 497]leauing these excuses, I will plainely and freely in my maner tell you the trew cause of it, which is; That it becommeth a King, in my opi­nion, to vse no other Eloquence then plainnesse and sinceritie. By plainenesse I meane, that his Speeches should be so cleare and voyd of all ambiguitie, that they may not be throwne, nor rent asunder in contrary sences like the old Oracles of the Pagan gods. And by sinceritie, I vnder­stand that vprightnesse and honestie which ought to be in a Kings whole Speeches and actions: That as farre as a King is in Honour erected aboue any of his Subiects, so farre should he striue in sinceritie to be aboue them all, and that his tongue should be euer the trew Messenger of his heart: and this sort of Eloquence may you euer assuredly looke for at my hands.

A SPEACH IN THE PARLIAMENT HOVSE, AS NEERE THE VERY WORDS AS COVLD BE GATHERED at the instant.

MY Lords Spirituall and Temporall, and you the Knights and Burgesses of this Parlia­ment, It was farre from my thoughts till ve­ry lately before my comming to this place, that this Subiect should haue bene mini­stred vnto mee, whereupon I am now to speake. But now it so falleth out, That whereas in the preceding Session of this Parliament, the principall occasion of my Speach was, to thanke and congratulate all you of this House, and in you, all the whole Common-wealth (as being the representatiue body of the State) for your so willing, and louing recei­uing and embracing of mee in that place, which GOD and Nature by des­cent of blood, had in his owne time prouided for me: So now my Subiect is, to speake of a farre greater Thankesgiuing then before I gaue to you, be­ing to a farre greater person, which is to GOD, for the great and miracu­lous Deliuery he hath at this time granted to me, and to you all, and conse­quently to the whole body of this Estate.

I must therefore begin with this old and most approued Sentence of Di­uinitie, Misericordia Dei supra omnia opera eius. For Almightie God did not furnish so great matter to his glory by the Creation of this great World, as he did by the Redemption of the same. Neither did his generation of the little world in our old & first Adam, so much set forth the praises of God in his Iustice and Mercy, as did our Regeneration in the last & second Adam.

[Page 500]And now I must craue a little pardon of you. That since Kings are in the word of GOD it selfe called Gods, as being his Lieutenants and Vice­gerents on earth, and so adorned and furnished with some sparkles of the Diuinitie; to compare some of the workes of GOD the great KING, towards the whole and generall world, to some of his workes towards mee, and this little world of my Dominions, compassed and seuered by the Sea from the rest of the earth. Foras GOD for the iust punishment of the first great sinnes in the originall world, when the sonnes of GOD went in to the daughters of men, and the cup of their iniquities of all sorts was filled, and heaped vp to the full, did by a generall deluge and ouerflowing of waters, baptize the world to a generall destruction, and not to a gene­rall purgation (onely excepted NOAH and his family, who did repent and beleeue the threatnings of GODS iudgement:) So now when the world shall waxe old as a garment, and that all the impieties and sinnes that can be deuised against both the first and second Table, haue and shall bee committed to the full measure; GOD is to punish the world the second time by fire, to the generall destruction and not purgation thereof: Al­though as was done in the former to NOAH and his family by the wa­ters; So shall all we that beleeue be likewise purged, and not destroyed by the fire. In the like sort, I say, I may iustly compare these two great and fearefull Domes-dayes, wherewith GOD threatned to destroy mee and all you of this little world that haue interest in me. For although I confesse, as all mankinde, so chiefly Kings, as being in the higher places like the high Trees, or stayest Mountaines, and steepest Rockes, are most subiect to the dayly tempests of innumerable dangers; and I amongst all other Kings haue euer bene subiect vnto them, not onely euer since my birth, but euen as I may iustly say, before my birth: and while I was yet in my mothers belly: yet haue I bene exposed to two more speciall and greater dangers then all the rest.

The first of them, in the Kingdome where I was borne, and passed the first part of my life: And the last of them here, which is the greatest. In the former I should haue bene baptized in blood, and in my destruction not onely the Kingdom wherein I then was, but ye also by your future in­terest, should haue tasted of my ruine: Yet it pleased GOD to deliuer mee, as it were from the very brinke of death, from the point of the dagger, and so to purge me by my thankefull acknowledgement of so great a benefite. But in this, which did so lately fall out, and which was a destruction pre­pared not for me alone, but for you all that are here present, and wherein no ranke, aage, nor sexe should haue bene spared; This was not a crying sinne of blood, as the former, but it may well bee called a roaring, nay a thundring sinne of fire and brimstone, from the which GOD hath so mi­raculously deliuered vs all. What I can speake of this, I know not: Nay ra­ther, what can I not speake of it? And therefore I must for horror say with the Poet, Vox faucibus haeret.

[Page 501]In this great and horrible attempt, Three mira­culous euents be to be obser­ued in the At­tempt. whereof the like was neuer either heard or read, I obserue three wonderfull, or rather miraculous euents.

FIrst, in the crueltie of the Plot it selfe, The crucltie of the Plot. wherein cannot be enough admired the horrible and fearefull crueltie of their deuice, which was not onely for the destruction of my Person, nor of my Wife and posteritie onely, but of the whole body of the State in generall; wherein should neither haue bene spared, or distinction made of yong nor of old, of great nor of small, of man nor of woman: The whole Nobili­tie, the whole reuerend Clergie, Bishops, and most part of the good Prea­chers, the most part of the Knights and Gentrie; yea, and if that any in this Societie were fauourers of their profession, they should all haue gone one way: The whole Iudges of the land, with the most of the Lawyers, and the whole Clerkes: And as the wretch himselfe which is in the Tow­er, doeth confesse, it was purposely deuised by them, and concluded to be done in this house; That where the cruell Lawes (as they say) were made against their Religion, both place and persons should all be destroyed and blowne vp at once. Three wayes how mankind may come to death. And then consider therewithall the cruel fourme of that practise: for by three different sorts in generall may mankinde be put to death.

The first, by other men, and reasonable creatures, which is least cruell: By Man. for then both defence of men against men may be expected, and likewise who knoweth what pitie God may stirre vp in the hearts of the Actors at the very instant? besides the many wayes and meanes, whereby men may escape in such a present furie.

And the second way more cruell then that, By vnrea­sonable crea­tures. is by Animal and vnreason­able creatures: for as they haue lesse pitie then men, so is it a greater horror and more vnnaturall for men to deale with them: But yet with them both resistance may auaile, and also some pitie may be had, as was in the Lions, in whose denne Daniel was throwne; or that thankefull Lion, that had the Romane in his mercie.

But the third, which is most cruel and vnmercifull of all, By insen­sible things. is the destru­ction by insensible and inanimate things, and amongst them all, the most cruell are the two Elements of Water and Fire; and of those two, the fire mostraging and mercilesse.

SEcondly, The small ground the Conspirators had to moue them. how wonderfull it is when you shall thinke vpon the small, or rather no ground, whereupon the practisers were entised to inuent this Tragedie. For if these Conspirators had onely bene bankrupt persons, or discontented vpon occasion of any disgraces done vnto them; this might haue seemed to haue bene but a worke of re­uenge. But for my owne part, as Iscarcely euer knew any of them, so cannot they alledge so much as a pretended cause of griefe: And the wretch him­selfe in hands doeth confesse, That there was no cause moouing him or [Page 502]them, but meerely and only Religion. And specially that christian men, at least so called, Englishmen, borne within the Countrey, and one of the specials of them my sworne Seruant in an Honourable place, should pra­ctise the destruction of their King, his Posterity, their Countrey and all: Wherein their following obstinacie is so ioyned to their former malice, as the fellow himselfe that is in hand, cannot be moued to discouer any signes or notes of repentance, except onely that he doeth not yet stand to auow, that he repents for not being able to performe his intent.

THirdly, Miraculous euent, the dis­couerie. the discouery hereof is not a little wonderfull, which would bee thought the more miraculous by you all, if you were aswell acquainted with my naturall disposition, as those are who be neere about me: For as I euer did hold Suspition to be the sicknes of a Tyrant, so was I so farre vpon the other extremity, as I rather contemned all aduertisements, or apprehensions of practises. And yet now at this time was I so farre contrary to my selfe, as when the Letter was shewed to me by my Secretary, wherein a generall obscure aduertisement was giuen of some dangerous blow at this time, I did vpon the instant interpret and apprehend some darke phrases therein, contrary to the ordinary Grammer construction of them, (and in an other sort then I am sure any Diuine, or Lawyer in any Vniuersitie would haue taken them) to be meant by this horrible forme of blowing vs vp all by Powder; And thereupon ordered that search to be made, whereby the matter was discouered, and the man apprehended: whereas if I had apprehended or interpreted it to any other sort of danger, no worldly prouision or preuention could haue made vs escape our vtter destruction.

And in that also was there a wonderfull prouidence of God, that when the party himselfe was taken, he was but new come out of his house from working, hauing his Fireworke for kindling ready in his pocket, where­with as he confesseth, if he had bene taken but immediatly before when he was in the House, he was resolued to haue blowen vp himselfe with his Takers.

One thing for mine owne part haue I cause to thanke GOD in, That if GOD for our sinnes had suffered their wicked intents to haue preuailed, it should neuer haue bene spoken nor written in aages succeeding, that I had died ingloriously in an Ale-house, a Stews, or such vile place, but mine end should haue bene with the most Honourable and best company, and in that most Honourable and fittest place for a King to be in, for doing the turnes most proper to his Office. And the more haue We all cause to thanke and magnifie GOD for this his mercifull Deliuery; And specially I for my part, that he hath giuen me yet once leaue, whatsoeuer should come of me hereafter, to assemble you in this Honourable place; And here in this place, where our generall destruction should haue bene, to magnifie and praise him for Our generall deliuery: That I may iustly now say of mine [Page 503]Enemies and yours, as Dauid doeth often say in the Psalme, Inciderunt in foueam quam fecerunt. And since Scipio an Ethnick, led onely by the light of Nature, That day when he was accused by the Tribunes of the people of Rome for mispending and wasting in his Punick warres the Cities Treasure, euen vpon the sudden brake out with that diuersion of them from that matter, calling them to remembrance how that day, was the day of the yeere, wherein God had giuen them so great a victory against Hannibal, and therefore it was fitter for them all, leauing other matters, to runne to the Temple to praise God for that so great deliuery, which the people did all follow with one applause: How much more cause haue we that are Chri­stians to bestow this time in this place for Thankes-giuing to God for his great Mercy, though we had had no other errant of assembling here at this time? wherein if I haue spoken more like a Diuine then would seeme to be­long to this place, the matter it selfe must plead for mine excuse: For be­ing here commen to thanke God for a diuine worke of his Mercy, how can I speake of this deliuerance of vs from so hellish a practise, so well as in lan­guage of Diuinitie, which is the direct opposite to so damnable an inten­tion? And therefore may I iustly end this purpose, as I did begin it with this Sentence, The Mercie of God is aboue all his workes.

It resteth now that I should shortly informe you what is to bee done hereafter vpon the occasion of this horrible and strange accident. As for your part that are my faithfull and louing Subiects of all degrees, I know that your hearts are so burnt vp with zeale in this errant, and your tongues so ready to vtter your duetifull affections, and your hands and feete so bent to concurre in the execution thereof, (for which as I neede not to spurre you, so can I not but praise you for the same:) As it may very well be pos­sible that the zeale of your hearts shall make some of you in your speaches rashly to blame such as may bee innocent of this attempt; But vpon the o­ther part I wish you to consider, That I would be sorie that any being in­nocent of this practise, either domesticall or forraine, should receiue blame or harme for the same. For although it cannot be denied, That it was the onely blinde superstition of their errors in Religion, that led them to this desperate deuice; yet doth it not follow, That all professing that Romish religion were guiltie of the same. For as it is trew, That no other sect of he­retiques, not excepting Turke, Iew, nor Pagan, no not euen those of Calicute, who adore the deuill, did euer maintaine by the grounds of their religion, That it was lawfull, or rather meritorious (as the Romish Catholickes call it) to murther Princes or people for quarrell of Religion. And although particular men of all professions of Religion haue beene some Theeues, some Murtherers, some Traitors, yet euer when they came to their end and iust punishment, they confessed their fault to bee in their nature, and not in their profession, (These Romish Catholicks onely excepted:) Yet it is trew on the other side, that many honest men blinded peraduenture with some opinions of Popery, as if they be not sound in the questions of the [Page 504] Reall presence, or in the number of the Sacraments, or some such Schoole­question: yet doe they either not know, or at least not beleeue all the trew grounds of Popery, which is in deed The mysterie of iniquitie. And therefore doe we iustly confesse, that many Papists, especially our forefathers, laying their onely trust vpon CHRIST and his Merits at their last breath, may be, and often times are saued; detesting in that point, and thinking the cru­cltie of Puritanes worthy of fire, that will admit no saluation to any Papist. I therefore thus doe conclude this point, That as vpon the one part ma­ny honest men, seduced with some errors of Popery, may yet remaine good and faithfull Subiects: So vpon the other part, none of those that trewly know and beleeue the whole grounds, and Schoole conclusions of their doctrine, can euer proue either good Christians, or faithfull Subiects. And for the part of forraine Princes and States, I may so much the more acquite them, and their Ministers of their knowledge and consent to any such villanie, as I may iustly say, that in that point I better know all Christian Kings by my selfe, That no King nor Prince of Honour will euer abase himselfe so much, as to thinke a good thought of so base and dishonoura­ble a Treachery, wishing you therefore, that as God hath giuen me an hap­pie Peace and Amitie, with all other Christian Princes my neighbours (as was euen now very grauely told you by my L. Chancellor) that so you will reuerently iudge and speake of them in this case. And for my part I would wish with those ancient Philosophers, that there were a Christall window in my brest, wherein all my people might see the secretest thoughts of my heart, for then might you all see no alteration in my minde for this acci­dent, further then in these two points. The first, Caution and warinesse in gouernment, to discouer and search out the mysteries of this wickednesse as farre as may be: The other, after due triall, Seueritie of punishment vp­on those that shall bee found guilty of so detestable and vnheard of villa­nie. And now in this matter if I haue troubled your eares with an abrupt speach, vndigested in any good methode or order; you haue to consider that an abrupt, and vnaduised speach doeth best become in the relation of so abrupt and vnorderly an accident.

And although I haue ordained the proroguing of this Parliament vntil after Christmas vpon two necessary respects: whereof the first is, that nei­ther I nor my Councell can haue leisure at this time both to take order for the Apprehension and triall of these Conspiratours, and also to wait vpon the dayly affaires of the Parliament, as the Councell must doe: And the other reason is, the necessitie at this time of diuers of your presences in your Shires that haue Charges and Commandements there. For as these wretches thought to haue blowen vp in a maner the whole world of this Island, euery man being now commen vp here, either for publike causes of Parliament, or else for their owne priuate causes in Law, or otherwise: So these Rebels that now wander through the Countrey, could neuer haue gotten so fit a time of safetie in their passage, or whatsoeuer vnlawfull Acti­ons, [Page 505]as now when the Countrey by the foresaid occasions is in a maner left desolate, and waste vnto them. Besides that, it may be that I shall desire you at your next Session, to take vpon you the Iudgement of this Crime: For as so extraordinary a Fact deserues extraordinary Iudgement, So can there not I thinke (following euen their owne Rule) be a fitter Iudgement for them, then that they should be measured with the same measure where­with they thought to measure vs: And that the same place and persons, whom they thought to destroy, should be the iust auengers of their so vn­naturall a Parricide: Yet not knowing that I will haue occasion to meete with you my selfe in this place at the beginning of the next Session of this Paliament, (because if it had not been for deliuering of the Articles agreed vpon by the Commissioners of the Vnion, which was thought most con­uenient to be done in my presence, where both Head and Members of the Parliament were met together, my presence had not otherwise been requi­site here at this time.) I haue therefore thought good for conclusion of this Meeting, to discourse to you somewhat anent the trew nature and de­finition of a Parliament, which I will remit to your memories till your next sitting downe, that you may then make vse of it as occasion shall bee ministred.

For albeit it be trew, that at the first Session of my first Parliament, which was not long after mine Entrie into this Kingdome, It could not become me to in orme you of any thing belonging to Law or State heere: (for all knowledge must either bee infused or acquired, and seeing the former sort thereof is now with Prophecie ceased in the world, it could not be possible for me at my first Entry here, before Experience had taught it me, to be able to vnderstand the particular mysteries of this State:) yet now that I haue reigned almost three yeeres amongst you, and haue beene carefull to ob­serue those things that belong to the office of a King, albeit that Time be but a short time for experience in others, yet in a King may it be thought a reasonable long time, especially in me, who, although I be but in a maner a new King heere, yet haue bene long acquainted with the office of a King in such another Kingdome, as doeth neerest of all others agree with the Lawes and customes of this State. Remitting to your consideration to iudge of that which hath beene concluded by the Commissioners of the Vnion, wherein I am at this time to signifie vnto you, That as I can beare witnesse to the foresaid Commissioners, that they haue not agreed nor con­cluded therein any thing, wherein they haue not foreseen as well the weale and commodity of the one Countrey, as of the other; So can they all beare mee record, that I was so farre from pressing them to agree to any thing, which might bring with it any preiudice to this people; as by the contrary I did euer admonish them, neuer to conclude vpon any such Vnion, as might cary hurt or grudge with it to either of the said Nations: for the leauing of any such thing, could not but be the greatest hinderance that might be to such an Action, which God by the lawes of Nature had proui­ded [Page 506]to be in his owne time, and hath now in effect perfected in my Person, to which purpose my Lord Chancellour hath better spoken, then I am a­ble to relate.

And as to the nature of this high Court of Parliament, It is nothing else but the Kings great Councell, which the King doeth assemble either vpon occasion of interpreting, or abrogating old Lawes, or making of new, according as ill maners shall deserue, or for the publike punishment of notorious euill doers, or the praise and reward of the vertuous and well deseruers; wherein these foure things are to be considered.

First, 1 whereof this Court is composed.

Secondly, 2 what matters are proper for it.

Thirdly, 3 to what end it is ordeined.

And fourthly, 4 what are the meanes and wayes whereby this end should bee brought to passe.

As for the thing it selfe, It is composed of a Head and a Body: The Head is the King, the Body are the members of the Parliament. This Body a­gaine is subdiuided into two parts; The Vpper and Lower House: The Vpper compounded partly of Nobility, Temporall men, who are herita­ble Councellors to the high Court of Parliament by the honour of their Creation and Lands: And partly of Bishops, Spirituall men, who are like­wise by the vertue of their place and dignitie Councellours, Life Renters, or Ad vitam of this Court. The other House is composed of Knights for the Shire; and Gentry, and Burgesses for the Townes. But because the number would be infinite for all the Gentlemen and Burgesses to bee pre­sent at euery Parliament, Therefore a certaine number is selected and cho­sen out of that great Body, seruing onely for that Parliament, where their persons are the representation of that Body.

Now the matters whereof they are to treate ought therefore to be ge­nerall, and rather of such matters as cannot well bee performed without the assembling of that generall Body, and no more of these generals nei­ther, then necessity shall require: for as in Corruptissima Republica sunt plu­rimae leges: So doeth the life and strength of the Law consist not in hea­ping vp infinite and confused numbers of Lawes, but in the right inter­pretation and good execution of good and wholesome Lawes. If this be so then, neither is this a place on the one side for euery rash and harebrai­ned fellow to propone new Lawes of his owne inuention: nay rather I could wish these busie heads to remember that Law of the Lacedemoni­ans, That whosoeuer came to propone a new Law to the people, behoo­ued publikely to present himselfe with a rope about his necke, that in case the Law were not allowed, he should be hanged therwith. So warie should men be of proponing Nouelties, but most of all not to propone any bitter or seditious Laws, which can produce nothing but grudges and discon­tentment betweene the Prince and his people. Nor yet is it on the other side a conuenient place for priuate men vnder the colour of general Lawes, [Page 507]to propone nothing but their owne particular gaine, either to the hurt of their priuate neighbours, or to the hurt of the whole State in generall, which many times vnder faire and pleasing Titles, are smoothly passed o­uer, and so by stealth procure without consideration, that the priuate mea­ning of them tendeth to nothing but either to the wrecke of a particular partie, or else vnder colour of publike benefite to pill the poore people, and serue as it were for a generall Impost vpon them for filling the purses of some priuate persons.

And as to the end for which the Parliament is ordeined, being only for the aduancement of Gods glory, and the establishment and wealth of the King and his people: It is no place then for particular men to vtter there their priuate conceipts, nor for satisfaction of their curiosities, and least of all to make shew of their eloquence by tyning the time with long studied and eloquent Orations: No, the reuerence of God, their King, and their Countrey being well setled in their hearts, will make them ashamed of such toyes, and remember that they are there as sworne Councellours to their King, to giue their best aduise for the furtherance of his Seruice, and the florishing Weale of his Estate.

And lastly, if you will rightly consider the meanes and wayes how to bring all your labours to a good end, you must remember, That you are heere assembled by your lawfull King to giue him your best aduises, in the matters proposed by him vnto you, being of that nature, which I haue al­ready told, wherein you are grauely to deliberate, and vpon your conscien­ces plainely to determine how farre those things propounded doe agree with the weale, both of your King and of your Countrey, whose weales cannot be separated. And as for my selfe, the world shall euer beare mee witnesse, That I neuer shall propone any thing vnto you, which shall not as well tend to the weale publike, as to any benefite for me: So shall I ne­uer oppone my selfe to that, which may tend to the good of the Common-wealth, for the which I am ordeined, as I haue often said. And as you are to giue your aduise in such things as shall by your King be proposed: So is it on your part your dueties to propone any thing that you can after mature deliberation iudge to be needefull, either for these ends already spoken of, or otherwise for the discouery of any latent euill in the Kingdome, which peraduenture may not haue commen to the Kings eare. If this then ought to bee your graue maner of proceeding in this place, Men should bee asha­med to make shew of the quicknesse of their wits here, either in taunting, scoffing, or detracting the Prince or State in any point, or yet in breaking iests vpon their fellowes, for which the Ordinaries or Ale-houses are fitter places, then this Honourable and high Court of Parliament.

In conclusion then since you are to breake vp, for the reasons I haue al­ready told you, I wish such of you as haue any charges in your Countreys, to hasten you home for the repressing of the insolencies of these Rebels, and apprehension of their persons, wherin as I heartily pray to the Almigh­tie [Page 508]for your prosperous successe: So doe I not doubt, but we shall shortly heare the good newes of the same; And that you shall haue an happie re­turne, and meeting here to all our comforts.

Here the Lord Chancellor spake touching the proroguing of the Parliament: And hauing done, his Maiestie rose againe, and said,

SInce it pleased God to graunt mee two such notable Deliueries vpon one day of the weeke, which was Tuesday, and likewise one day of the Moneth, which was the fifth; Thereby to teach mee, That as it was the same deuill that still persecuted mee; So it was one and the same GOD that still mightily deliuered mee: I thought it therefore not amisse, That the one and twentieth day of Ianuary, which fell to be vpon Tues­day, should bee the day of meeting of this next Session of Parliament, ho­ping and assuring my selfe, that the same GOD, who hath now granted me and you all so notable and gracious a deliuerie, shall prosper all our af­faires at that next Session, and bring them to an happie conclusion. And now I consider GOD hath well prouided it, that the ending of this Parlia­ment hath bene so long continued: For as for my owne part, I neuer had any other intention, but onely to seeke so farre my weale, and prosperitie, as might coniunctly stand with the flourishing State of the whole Com­mon-wealth, as I haue often told you; So on the other part I confesse, if I had bene in your places at the beginning of this Parliament, (which was so soone after mine entry into this Kingdome, wherein ye could not possibly haue so perfect a knowledge of mine inclination, as experience since hath taught you,) I could not but haue suspected, and mis-interpreted diuers things, In the trying whereof, now I hope, by your experience of my behauiour and forme of gouernment, you are well ynough cleared, and resolued.

A SPEACH TO BOTH THE HOVSES OF PARLIA­MENT, DELIVERED IN THE GREAT CHAMBER AT WHITE-HALL, THE LAST DAY OF March 1607.

MY Lords of the higher House, and you Knights and Burgesses of the Lower house, All men at the beginning of a Feast bring foorth good Wine first, and after, worse. This was the saying of the Gouernour of the Feast at Cana in Galile, where CHRIST wrought his first miracle by changing wa­ter into Wine. But in this case now where­of I am to speake vnto you, I must follow that Gouernours rule, and not CHRISTS example, in giuing you the worst and sowrest Wine last. For all the time of this long Session of the Parliament you haue bene so fed and cloy'd, (spe­cially you of the Lower house) with such banquets, and choise of delicate speeches, and your eares so seasoned with the sweetnesse of long precogi­tate Orations; as this my Speach now in the breaking vp of this Assem­bly, cannot but appeare vnto your taste as the worst Wine proposed in the end of the Banquet, since I am onely to deliuer now vnto you mat­ter without curious forme, substance without ceremonie, trewth in all sinceritie. Yet considering the Person that speaketh, the parties to whom I speake, the matter whereof I meane to speake; it fits better to vtter mat­ter, [Page 510]rather then wordes, in regard of the greatnesse of my place who am to speake to you, the grauitie of you the Auditorie, which is the high Court of Parliament; the weight of the matter, which concernes the securitie and establishment of this whole Empire, and litle world. Studied Orations and much eloquence vpon little matter is fit for the Vniuersities, where not the Subiect which is spoken of, but the triall of his wit that speaketh, is most commendable: but on the contrary, in all great Councels or Parlia­ments, fewest wordes with most matter doeth become best, where the dis­patch of the great errands in hand, and not the praise of the person is most to bee looked vnto: like the garment of a chaste woman, who is onely set forth by her naturall beautie, which is properly her owne: other deckings are but ensignes of an harlot that flies with borrowed feathers. And be­sides the conueniencie, I am forced hereunto by necessitie, my place calling me to action, and not leauing me to the libertie of contemplation, hauing alwayes my thoughts busied with the publique care of you all, where eue­ry one of you hauing but himselfe, and his owne priuate to thinke of, are at more leisure to make studied speeches. And therefore the matter which I deliuer you confusedly as in a sacke, I leaue it to you when you are in your chambers, and haue better leysure then I can haue, to ranke them in order, euery one in their owne place.

Thus much by way of Preface. But I proceed to the matter: Whereof I might say with S. Paul, I could speake in as many tongues as you all, but I had rather speake three wordes to edification, then talke all day without vnderstanding. In vaine (saith the Psalmist) doeth the builder build the house, or the watchman watch the Citie, vnlesse the Lord giue his blessing thereunto. And in the New Testament S. Paul saith, That hee may plant, Apollo may water, but it is GOD onely that must giue the in­crease. This I speake, because of the long time which hath benespent a­bout the Treatie of the Vnion. For my selfe, I protest vnto you all, When I first propounded the Vnion, I then thought there could haue bene no more question of it, then of your declaration and acknowledgement of my right vnto this Crowne, and that as two Twinnes, they would haue growne vp together. The errour was my mistaking; I knew mine owne ende, but not others feares: But now finding many crossings, long disputations, strange questions, and nothing done; I must needs thinke it proceeds either of mistaking of the errand, or else from some iealousie of me the Propounder, that you so adde delay vnto delay, searching out as it were the very bowels of Curiositie, and conclude nothing. Neither can I condemne you for being yet in some iealousie of my intention in this matter, hauing not yet had so great experience of my behauiour and inclination in these few yeeres past, as you may peraduenture haue in a longer time hereafter, and not hauing occasion to consult dayly with my selfe, and heare mine owne opinion in all those particulars which are de­bated among you.

[Page 511]But here I pray you now mistake mee not at the first, when as I seeme to finde fault with your delayes and curiositie, as if I would haue you to re­solue in an houres time, that which will take a moneths aduisement: for you all know, that Rex est lex loquens; And you haue oft heard mee say, That the Kings will and intention being the speaking Law, ought to bee Luce clarius: and I hope you of the Lower house haue the proofe of this my clearenesse by a Bil sent you downe from the Vpper house within these few dayes, or rather few houres: wherein may very well appeare vnto you the care I haue to put my Subiects in good securitie of their possessions for all posterities to come. And therefore that you may clearely vnderstand my meaning in that point, I doe freely confesse, you had reason to aduise at leasure vpon so great a cause: for great matters doe cuer require great de­liberation before they be well concluded. Deliberandum est diu quod statu­endum est semel. Consultations must proceed lento pede, but the execution of a sentence vpon the resolution would be speedie. If you will goe on, it matters not though you goe with leaden feet, so you make still some pro­gresse, and that there be no let or needlesse delay, and doe not Nodum in scirpo quaerere. I am euer for the Medium in euery thing. Betweene foolish rashnesse and extreame length, there is a middle way. Search all that is rea­sonable, but omit that which is idle, curious and vnnecessary; otherwise there can neuer be a resolution or end in any good worke.

And now from the generall I wil descend to particulars, and wil onely for the ease of your memories diuide the matter that I am to speake of, in­to foure heads, by opening vnto you, First, what I craue: Secondly, in what maner I desire it: Thirdly, what commodities will ensue to both the Kingdomes by it: Fourthly, what the supposed inconueniencie may be that giues impediments thereunto.

For the first, what I craue, I protest before GOD who knowes my heart, and to you my people before whom it were a shame to lie, that I claime nothing but with acknowledgement of my Bond to you; that as yee owe to me subiection and obedience: So my Soueraigntie obligeth mee to yeeld to you loue, gouernment and protection: Neither did I euer wish any happinesse to my selfe, which was not conioyned with the happinesse of my people. I desire a perfect Vnion of Lawes and persons, and such a Naturalizing as may make one body of both Kingdomes vnder mee your King, That I and my posteritie (if it so please God) may rule ouer you to the worlds ende; Such an Vnion as was of the Scots and Pictes in Scot­land, and of the Heptarchie here in England. And for Scotland I auow such an Vnion, as if you had got it by Conquest, but such a Conquest as may be cemented by loue, the onely sure bond of subiection or friendship: that as there is ouer both but vnus Rex, so there may be in both but vnus Grex & vna Lex: For no more possible is it for one King to gouerne two Countreys Contiguous, the one a great, the other a lesse, a richer and a poo­rer, the greater drawing like an Adamant the lesser to the Commo­dities [Page 512]thereof, then for one head to gouerne two bodies, or one man to be husband of two wiues, whereof Christ himselfe said, Ab initio non fuit sic.

But in the generall Vnion you must obserue two things: for I will dis­couer my thoughts plainly vnto you; I study clearenes, not eloquence, And therefore with the olde Philosopers, I would heartily wish my brest were a transparent glasse for you all to see through, that you might looke into my heart, and then would you be satisfied of my meaning. For when I speake of a perfect Vnion, I meane not confusion of all things: you must not take from Scotland those particular Priuiledges that may stand as well with this Vnion, as in England many particular customes in particular Shires, (as the Customes of Kent, and the Royalties of the Countie Pala­tine of Chester) do with the Common Law of the Kingdome: for euery particular Shire almost, and much more euery Countie, haue some parti­cular customes that are as it were naturally most fit for that people. But I meane of such a generall Vnion of Lawes as may reduce the whole Iland, that as they liue already vnder one Monarch, so they may all bee gouerned by one Law: For I must needs confesse by that little experience I haue had since my comming hither, and I thinke I am able to prooue it, that the grounds of the Common Law of England, are the best of any Law in the world, either Ciuil or Municipall, and the fittest for this people. But as euery Law would be cleare and full, so the obscuritie in some points of this our written Law, and want of fulnesse in others, the variation of Cases and mens curiositie, breeding euery day new questions, hath enforced the Iudges to iudge in many Cases here, by Cases and presidents, wherein I hope Lawyers themselues will not denie but that there must be a great vn­certaintie, and I am sure all the rest of you that are Gentlemen of other pro­fessions were long agoe wearie of it, if you could haue had it amended: For where there is varietie and vncertaintie although a iust Iudge may do right­ly, yet an ill Iudge may take aduantage to doe wrong; and then are all ho­nest men that succeede him, tied in a maner to his vniust and partiall con­clusions. Wherefore, leaue not the Law to the pleasure of the Iudge, but let your Lawes be looked into: for I desire not the abolishing of the Lawes, but onely the clearing and the sweeping off the rust of them, and that by Parliament our Lawes might be cleared and made knowen to all the Sub­iects. Yea rather it were lesse hurt, that all the approued Cases were set downe and allowed by Parliament for standing Lawes in all time to come: For although some of them peraduenture may bee vniust as set downe by corrupt Iudges; yet better it is to haue a certaine Law with some spots in it, nor liue vnder such an vncertaine and arbitrarie Law, since as the prouerbe is, It is lesse harme to suffer an inconuenience then a mischiefe. And now may you haue faire occasion of amending and polishing your Lawes, when Scotland is to bee vnited with you vnder them for who can blame Scot­land to say, If you will take away our owne Lawes, I pray you giue vs a bet­ter and cleerer in place thereof.

[Page 513]But this is not possible to bee done without a fit preparation. Hee that buildeth a Ship, must first prouide the timber; and as Christ himselfe said, No man will build an house, but he will first prouide the materials: nor a wise King will not make warre against another, without he first makepro­uision of money: and all great workes must haue their preparation: and that was my end in causing the Instrument of the Vnion to be made. Vni­on is a mariage: would he not bee thought absurd that for furthering of a mariage betweene two friends of his, would make his first motion to haue the two parties be laid in bedde together, and performe the other turnes of mariage? must there not precede the mutuall sight and acquaintance of the parties one with another, the conditions of the contract, and Ioincture to be talked of and agreed vpon by their friends, and such other things as in order ought to goe before the ending of such a worke? The vnion is an eternall agreement and reconciliation of many long bloody warres that haue beene betweene these two ancient Kingdomes. Is it the readiest way to agree a priuate quarell betweene two, to bring them at the first to shake hands, and as it were kisse other, and lie vnder one roofe or rather in one bedde together, before that first the ground of their quarell be communed vpon, their mindes mitigated, their affections prepared, and all other cir­cumstances first vsed, that ought to be vsed to proceed to such a finall agree­ment? Euery honest man desireth a perfect Vnion, but they that say so, and admit no preparation thereto, haue mel in ore, fel in corde. If after your so long talke of Vnion in all this long Session of Parliament, yee rise with­out agreeing vpon any particular; what will the neighbour Princes iudge, whose eyes are all fixed vpon the conclusion of this Action, but that the King is refused in his desire, whereby the Nation should bee taxed, and the King disgraced? And what an ill preparation is it for the mindes of Scotland toward the Vnion, when they shall heare that ill is spoken of their whole Nation, but nothing is done nor aduanced in the matter of the Vnion it selfe? But this I am glad was but the fault of one, and one is no number: yet haue your neighbours of Scotland this aduantage of you, that none of them haue spoken ill of you (nor shall as long as I am King) in Parliament, or any such publique place of Iuditature. Consider there­fore well, if the mindes of Scotland had not neede to be well prepared to perswade their mutuall consent, seeing you here haue all the great aduan­tage by the Vnion. Is not here the personall residence of the King, his whole Court and family? Is not here the seate of Iustice, and the fountaine of Gouernment? must they not be subiected to the Lawes of England, and so with time become but as Cumberland and Northumberland, and those other remote and Northerne Shires? you are to be the husband, they the wife: you conquerours, they as conquered, though not by the sword, but by the sweet and sure bond of loue. Besides that, they as other Northerne Countreys will beseldome seene and saluted by their King, and that as it were but in a posting or hunting iourney.

[Page 514]How little cause then they may haue of such a change of so ancient a Monarchie into the case of priuate Shires, iudge rightly herein. And that you may be the more vpright Iudges, suppose your selues the Patients of whom such sentence should be giuen. But what preparation is it which I craue? onely such as by the entrance may shew something is done, yet more is intended. There is a conceipt intertained, and a double iealousie possesseth many, wherein I am misiudged.

First, that this Vnion will be the Crisis to the ouerthrow of England, and setting vp of Scotland: England will then bee ouerwhelmed by the swarming of the Scots, who if the Vnion were effected, would raigne and rule all.

The second is, my profuse liberalitie to the Scottish men more then the English, and that with this Vnion all things shalbe giuen to them, and you turned out of all: To you shall bee left the sweat and labour, to them shall bee giuen the fruite and sweet; and that my forbearance is but till this Vnion may be gained. How agreeable this is to the trewth, Iudge you; And that not by my wordes, but by my Actions. Doe I craue the Vnion without exceptions? doe I not offer to binde my selfe and to reserue to you, as in the Instrument, all places of Iudicature? doe I intend any thing which standeth not with the equall good of both Nations? I could then haue done it, and not spoken of it: For all men of vnderstanding must agree, that I might dispose without assent of Parliament, Offices of Iudicature, and others, both Ecclesiasticall and Temporall: But herein I did voluntarily offer by my Letters from Royston to the Commissioners, to bind my Prerogatiue.

Some thinke that I will draw the Scottish Nation hither, talking idlely of transporting of Trees out of a barren ground into a better, and of leane cattell out of bad pasture into a more fertile soile. Can any man displant you, vnlesse you will? or can any man thinke that Scotland is so strong to pull you out of your houses? or doe you not thinke I know England hath more people, Scotland more wast ground? So that there is roumth in Scot­land rather to plant your idle people that swarme in London streets, and other Townes, and disburden you of them, then to bring more vnto you; And in cases of Iustice, if I bee partiall to either side, let my owne mouth condemne me, as vnworthy to be your King.

I appeale to your selues, if in fauour or Iustice I haue beene partiall: Nay, my intention was euer, you should then haue most cause to praise my discretion, when you saw I had most power. If hitherto I haue done nothing to your preiudice, much lesse meane I hereafter. If when I might haue done it without any breach of promise; Thinke so of mee, that much lesse I will doe it, when a Law is to restraine me. I owe no more to the Scottish men then to the English. I was borne there, and sworne here, and now raigne ouer both. Such particular persons of the Scottish Na­tion, as might claime any extraordinary merit at my handes, I haue already [Page 515]reasonably rewarded, and I can assure you that there is none left, whom for I meane extraordinary to straine my selfe further, then in such ordinary benefit as I may equally bestow without mine owne great hurt, vpon any Subiect of either Nation; In which case no Kings handes can euer befully closed. To both I owe Iustice and protection, which with Gods grace I shall euer equally ballance.

For my Liberalitie, I haue told you of it heretofore: my three first yeeres were to me as a Christmas, I could not then be miserable: should I haue bene ouersparing to them? they might haue thought Ioseph had forgotten his brethren, or that the King had beene drunke with his new Kingdome. But Suites goe not now so cheape as they were wont, neither are there so many fees taken in the Hamper and Pettibagge for the great Seale as hath beene. And if I did respect the English when I came first, of whom I was receiued with ioy, and came as in a hunting iourney, what might the Scottish haue iustly said, if I had not in some measure dealt bountifully with them that so long had serued me, so farre aduentured themselues with me, and beene so faithfull to mee. I haue giuen you now foure yeeres proofe since my comming, and what I might haue done more to haue rai­sed the Scottish nation you all know, and the longer I liue, the lesse cause haue I to be acquainted with them, and so the lesse hope of extraordinary fauour towards them: For since my comming from them I doe not alrea­die know the one halfe of them by face, most of the youth being now risen vp to bee men, who were but children when I was there, and more are borne since my comming thence.

Now for my lands and reuenues of my Crowne which you may thinke I haue diminished, They are not yet so farre diminished, but that I thinke no prince of Christendome hath fairer possessions to his Crowne then yet I haue: and in token of my care to preserue the same to my posteritie for euer, the intaile of my lands to the Crowne hath beene long agoe offe­red vnto you: and that it is not yet done, is not my fault as you know. My Treasurer here knoweth my care, and hath already in part declared it, and if I did not hope to treble my Reuenue more then I haue empai­red it, I should neuer rest quietly in my bed. But notwithstanding my comming to the Crowne, with that extraordinarie applause which you all know, and that I had two Nations to bee the obiects of my libera­litie, which neuer any Prince had here before; will you compare my gifts out of mine inheritance with some Princes here that had onely this Nation to respect, and whose whole time of reigne was litle longer then mine hath bene already? It will be found that their gifts haue farre surpas­sed mine, albeit as I haue already said, they had nothing so great cause of vsing their liberalitie.

For the maner of the Vnion presently desired, It standeth in 3. parts: Secondly The first, taking away of hostile Lawes: for since there can bee now no Warres betwixt you, is it not reason hostile Lawes should cease? [Page 516]For, desiciente causa desicit effectas. The King of England now cannot haue warres with the King of Scotland, therefore this failes of it selfe. The se­cond is communitie of Commerce. I am no stranger vnto you: for you all know I came from the loynes of your ancient Kings. They of Scot­land be my Subiects as you are. But how can I bee naturall Liege Lord to you both, and you strangers one to the other? Shall they which be of one alleagance with you, be no better respected of you, nor freer amongst you, then Frenchmen and Spaniards? Since I am Soueraigne ouer both, you as Subiects to one King, it must needes follow that you conuerse and haue Commerce together. There is a rumour of some ill dealings that should be vsed by the Commissioners, Merchants of Scotland. They be heere in England, and shall remaine till your next meeting, and abide triall, to prooue themselues either honest men or knaues.

For the third point, 3 of Naturalization, All you agree that they are no Aliens, and yet will not allow them to bee naturall. What kinde of prero­gatiue will you make? But for the Postnati, your owne Lawyers and Iud­ges at my first comming to this Crowne, informed me, there was a diffe­rence betweene the Antè and the Post nati of each Kingdome, which caused mee to publish a Proclamation, that the Post nati were Naturalized (Ipso facto) by my Accession to this Crowne. I doe not denie but Iudges may erre as men, and therefore I doe not presse you here to sweare to all their reasons. I onely vrge at this time the conueniencie for both Kingdomes, neither pressing you to iudge nor to be iudged. But remember also it is as possible and likely your owne Lawyers may erre as the Iudges: There­fore as I wish you to proceede herein so farre as may tend to the weale of both Nations; So would I haue you on the other part to beware to dis­grace either my Proclamations or the Iudges, who when the Parliament is done, haue power to trie your lands and liues, for so you may disgrace both your King and your Lawes. For the doing of any acte that may pro­cure lesse reuerence to the Iudges, cannot but breede a loosenesse in the Gouernement, and a disgrace to the whole Nation. The reason that most mooues mee for ought I haue yet heard, that there cannot but bee a diffe­rence betweene the Antè nati and the Post nati, and that in the fauour of the last, is that they must bee neerer vnto you being borne vnder the present Gouernement and common Allegiance: but in point of conueniencie, there is no question but the Post nati are more to bee respected: For if you would haue a perfect and perpetuall Vnion, that cannot be in the Antè nati, who are but few in comparison of those that shall be in all aages succee­ding, and cannot liue long. But in the Post nati shall the Vnion be conti­nued and liue euer aage after aage, which wanting a difference cannot but leaue a perpetuall marke of separation in the worke of the Vnion: as also that argument of iealousie will be so farre remooued in the case of the Post nati which are to reape the benefit in all succeeding aages, as by the con­trary there will then rise Pharaos which neuer knew Ioseph. The Kings my [Page 517]Successours, who beeing borne and bred heere, can neuer haue more occasion of acquaintance with the Scottish Nation in generall, then a­ny other English King that was before my time. Bee not therefore abu­sed with the flattering speeches of such as would haue the Ante nati preferred, alleadging their merit in my Seruice, and such other reasons which indeede are but Sophismes: For, my rewarding out of my Libe­ralitie of any particular men, hath nothing adoe with the generall acte of the Vnion, which must not regard the deserts of priuate persons, but the generall weale and conioyning of the Nations. Besides that, the actuall Naturalizing, which is the onely point that is in your handes, is already graunted to by your selues to the most part of such particular persons as can haue any vse of it heere: and if any other well deseruing men were to sue for it hereafter, I doubt not but there would neuer bee question mooued among you for the granting of it. And therefore it is most euident, that such discoursers haue mel in ore, fel in corde, as I said before; carying an outward appearance of loue to the Vnion, but in­deed a contrary resolution in their hearts. And as for limitations and re­strictions, such as shall by me be agreed vpon to be reasonable and neces­sary after you haue fully debated vpon them, you may assure your selues I will with indifferencie grant what is requisite without partiall respect of Scotland. I am, as I haue often said, borne and sworne King ouer both Kingdomes; onely this farre let me entreat you, in debating the point at your next meeting, That yee be as ready to resolue doubts as to mooue them, and to be satisfied when doubts are cleered.

And as for Commodities that come by the Vnion of these Kingdoms, they are great and euident; Peace, Plentie, Loue, free Intercourse and common Societie of two great Nations. All forreigne Kings that haue sent their Ambassadours to congratulate with me since my comming, haue saluted me as Monarch of the whole Isle, and with much more respect of my greatnesse, then if I were King alone of one of these Realmes: and with what comfort doe your selues behold Irish, Scottish, Welsh, and En­glish, diuers in Nation, yet all walking as Subiects and seruants within my Court, and all liuing vnder the allegiance of your King, besides the honour and lustre that the encrease of gallant men in the Court of diuers Nations carries in the eyes of all strangers that repaire hither? Those confining places which were the Borders of the two Kingdomes, where heretofore much blood was shed, and many of your ancestours lost their liues; yea, that lay waste and desolate, and were habitations but for run­nagates, are now become the Nauell or Vmbilick of both Kingdomes, planted and peopled with Ciuilitie and riches: their Churches begin to bee planted, their doores stand now open, they feare neither robbing nor spoiling: and where there was nothing before heard nor seene in those parts but bloodshed, oppressions, complaints and outcries, they now liue euery man peaceably vnder his owne figgetree, and all their [Page 518]former cryes and complaints turned onely into prayers to God for their King, vnder whom they enioy such ease and happy quietnesse. The Marches beyond and on this side Twede, are as fruitfull and as peaceable as most parts of England: If after all this there shall be a Scissure, what in­conuenience will follow, iudge you.

And as for the inconueniences that are feared on Englands part, It is alleadged, that the Scots are a populous Nation, they shall be harboured in our nests, they shall be planted and flourish in our good Soile, they shall eate our commons bare, and make vs leane: These are foolish and idle surmises. That which you possesse, they are not to enioy; by Law they cannot, nor by my partialitie they shall not: for set apart conscience and honour, (which if I should set apart indeede, I had rather wish my selfe to bee set apart and out of all being) can any man conclude either out of common reason or good policie, that I will preferre those which perhaps I shall neuer see, or but by poste for a moneth, before those with whom I must alwayes dwell? Can they conquer or ouercome you with swarmes of people, as the Goths and the Vandals did Italy? Surely the world knowes they are nothing so populous as you are: and although they haue had the honour and good fortune neuer to be conquered, yet were they euer but vpon the defensiue part, and may in a part thanke their hilles and in­accessible passages that preserued them from an vtter ouerthrow at the handes of all that pretended to conquer them. Or are they so very poore and miserable in their owne habitations, that necessitie should force them all to make incursions among you?

And for my part, when I haue two Nations vnder my gouernment, can you imagine I will respect the lesser, and neglect the greater? would I not thinke it a lesse euill and hazard to mee that the plague were at Northampton or Barwicke, then at London, so neere Westminster, the Seat of my habitation, and of my wife and children? will not a man bee more carefull to quench the fire taken in his neerest neighbours house, then if a whole Towne were a fire farre from him? You know that I am carefull to preserue the woods and game through all England, nay, through all the Isle: yet none of you doubts, but that I would be more offended with any disorder in the Forrest of Waltham, for stealing of a Stagge there, which li­eth as it were vnder my nose, and in a manerioyneth with my garden, then with cutting of timber, or stealing of a Deare in any Forrest of the North parts of Yorkeshire or the Bishopricke. Thinke you that I will preferre them that be absent, lesse powerfull, and farther off to doe me good or hurt, before you, with whom my security and liuing must be, and where I desire to plant my posterity? If I might by any such fauours raise my selfe to a greatnesse, it might bee probable: All I cannot draw, and to lose a whole state here to please a few there, were madnesse. I neede speake no more of this with protestations. Speake but of wit, it is not likely: and to doubt of my intention in this, were more then deuilish.

[Page 519]For mine owne part, I offer more then I receiue, and conueniencie I pre­ferre before law, in this point. For, three parts, wherein I might hurt this Nation, by partiality to the Scots, you know doe absolutely lie in my hands and power: for either in disposition of rents, or whatsoeuer benefit, or in the preferring of them to any dignitie or office, ciuill or Ecclesiasticall, or in calling them to the Parliament, it doeth all fully and onely lie within the compasse of my Prerogatiue, which are the parts wherein the Scottish men can receiue either benefite or preferment by the Vnion, and wherein for the care I haue of this people, I am content to binde my selfe with some reasonable restrictions.

As for the fourth part, the Naturalizing, which onely lieth in your hands; It is the point wherein they receiue least benefit of any: for in that they can obteine nothing, but what they buy by their purse, or acquire by the selfe same meanes that you doe. And as for the point of naturalizing, which is the point thought so fit, and so precisely belonging to Parliament; not to speake of the Common law, wherein as yet I can professe no great knowledge, but in the Ciuill law wherein I am a little better versed, and which in the point of Coniunction of Nations should beare a great sway, it being the Law of Nations; I will mainteine two principles in it, which no learned and graue Ciuilian will deny, as being clearely to be proued, both out of the text it selfe in many places, and also out of the best approued Do­ctours and interpreters of that law; The one, that it is a speciall point of the Kings owne Prerogatiue, to make Aliens Citizens, and donare Ciuitate; The other, that in any case wherein the Law is thought not to be cleare (as some of your selues doe doubt, that in this case of the postnati, the Law of Eng­land doth not clearely determine) then in such a question wherein no po­sitiue Law is resolute, Rexest Iudex, for he is Lex loquens, and is to supply the Law, where the Law wants, and if many famous histories be to be be­leeued, they giue the example for mainteining of this Law in the persons of the Kings of England and France especially, whose speciall Prerogatiue they alleadge it to be. But this I speake onely as knowing what belongeth to a King, although in this case I presse no further then that which may agree with your loues, and stand with the weale and conueniencie of both Nations.

And whereas some may thinke this Vnion will bring preiudice to some Townes and Corporations within England; It may bee, a Merchant or two of Bristow, or Yarmouth, may haue an hundred pounds lesse in his packe: But if the Empire gaine, and become the greater, it is no matter: You see one Corporation is euer against another, and no priuate Compa­nie can be set vp, but with some losse to another.

For the supposed inconueniences rising from Scotland, they are three. Fourth. First, that there is an euill affection in the Scottish Nation to the Vnion. Next, the Vnion is incompatible betweene two such Nations. Thirdly, that the gaine is smal or none. If this be so, to what end do we talke of an Vnion? [Page 520]For proofe of the first point, there is alleadged an auersenesse in the Scot­tish Nation expressed in the Instrument, both in the preface and body of their Acte; In the preface, where they declare, That they will remaine an absolute and free Monarchie; And in the body of the Acte, where they make an exception of the ancient fundamentall Lawes of that King­dome. And first for the generall of their auersenes, All the maine cur­rent in your Lower-house ranne this whole Session of Parliament with that opinion, That Scotland was so greedy of this Vnion, and apprehen­ded that they should receiue so much benefit by it, as they cared not for the strictnesse of any conditions, so they might attaine to the substance▪ And yet you now say, they are backwards and auerse from the Vnion. This is a direct contradiction In adiecto: For how can they both be beggers and backwards, in one and the selfe same thing, at the same time?

But for answere to the particulars, It is an old Schoole point, Eius est explicare, cuius est condere. You cannot interpret their Lawes, nor they yours; I that made them with their assent, can best expound them.

And first I confesse, that the English Parliaments are so long, and the Scottish so short, that a meane betweene them would doe well: For the shortnesse of their continuing together, was the cause of their hastie mistaking, by setting these wordes of exception of fundamentall Lawes in the body of the Acte, which they onely did in pressing to imitate word by word the English Instrument, wherein the same wordes be conteined in your Preface. And as to their meaning and interpretation of that word, I will not onely deliuer it vnto you out of mine owne conceipt, but as it was deliuered vnto mee by the best Lawyers of Scotland, both Counsel­lours and other Lawyers, who were at the making thereof in Scotland, and were Commissioners here for performance of the same.

Their meaning in the word of Fundamentall Lawes, you shall per­ceiue more fully hereafter, when I handle the obiection of the difference of Lawes: For they intend thereby onely those Lawes whereby confu­sion is auoyded, and their Kings descent mainteined, and the heritage of the succession and Monarchie, which hath bene a Kingdome, to which I am in descent, three hundreth yeeres before CHRIST: Not meaning it as you doe, of their Common Law, for they haue none, but that which is called IVS REGIS: and their desire of continuing a free Monar­chie, was onely meant, That all such particular Priuiledges (whereof I spake before) should not bee so confounded, as for want either of Ma­gistrate, Law, or Order, they might fall in such a confusion, as to be­come like a naked Prouince, without Law or libertie vnder this King­dome. I hope you meane not I should set Garrisons ouer them, as the Spaniards doe ouer Sicily and Naples, or gouerne them by Com­missioners, which are seldome found succeedingly all wise and honest men.

This I must say for Scotland, and I may trewly vaunt it; Here I sit and [Page 521]gouerne it with my Pen, I write and it is done, and by a Clearke of the Councell I gouerne Scotland now, which others could not doe by the sword. And for their auersensse in their heart against the Vnion, It is trew indeede, I protest they did neuer craue this Vnion of me, nor sought it either in priuate, or the State by letters, nor euer once did any of that Nation presse mee forward or wish mee to accelerate that businesse. But on the o­ther part, they offered alwayes to obey mee when it should come to them, and all honest men that desire my greatnesse haue beene thus minded, for the personall reuerence and regard they beare vnto my Perion, and any of my reasonable and iust desires.

I know there are many Piggots amongst them, I meane a number of se­ditious and discontented particular persons, as must be in all Common-wealths, that where they dare, may peraduenture talke lewdly enough: but no Scottish man euer spake dishonourably of England in Parliament. For here must I note vnto you the difference of the two Parliaments in these two Kingdomes; for there they must not speake without the Chaun­cellors leaue, and if any man doe propound or vtter any seditious or vn­comely speeches, he is straight interrupted and silenced by the Chauncel­lors authoritie: where as here, the libertie for any man to speake what hee list, and as long as he list, was the onely cause he was not interrupted.

It hath bin obiected, that there is a great Antipathy of the Lawes and Cu­stomes of these two Nations. It is much mistaken: for Scotland hath no Common Law as here, but the Law they haue is of three sorts.

All the Lawe of Scotland for Tenures, Wards and Liueries, Seigniories and Lands, are drawen out of the Chauncerie of England, and for matters of equitie and in many things else, differs from you but in certaine termes: Iames the first, bred here in England, brought the Lawes thither in a writ­ten hand. The second is Statute lawes, which be their Acts of Parlia­ment, wherein they haue power as you, to make and altar Lawes: and those may be looked into by you, for I hope you shall be no more strangers to that Nation. And the principall worke of this Vnion will be, to recon­cile the Statute Lawes of both Kingdomes. The third is the Ciuill Law: Iames the fift brought it out of France by establishing the Session there, according to the forme of the Court of Parliament of Fraunce, which he had seene in the time of his being there: who occupie there the place of Ciuill! udges in all matters of Plee or controuersie, yet not to gouerne ab­solutely by the Ciuill Law as in Fraunce. For if a man plead that the Law of the Nation is otherwise, it is a barre to the Ciuill, and a good Chauncel­lor or President, will oftentimes repell and put to silence an Argument that the Lawyers bring out of the Ciuill Law, where they haue a cleare so­lution in their owne Law. So as the Ciuil Law in Scotland is admitted in no other cases, but to supply such cases wherein the Municipall Law is defe­ctiue. Then may you see it is not so hard a matter as is thought, to reduce that Countrey to bee vnited with you vnder this Law, which neither are [Page 522]subiect to the Ciuill Lawe, nor yet haue any olde Common Law of their owne, but such as in effect is borrowed from yours. And for their Statute Lawes in Parliament, you may alter and change them as oft as occasion shall require, as you doe here. It hath likewise beene obiected as an o­ther impediment, that in the Parliament of Scotland the King hath not anegatiue voice, but must passe all the Lawes agreed on by the Lords and Commons. Of this I can best resolue you: for I am the eldest Parliament man in Scotland, and haue sit in more Parliaments then any of my Prede­cessors. I can assure you, that the forme of Parliament there, is nothing inclined to popularitie. About a twentie dayes or such a time before the Parliament, Proclamation is made throughout the Kingdome, to deliuer in to the Kings Clearke of Register (whom you heere call the Master of the Rolles) all Bills to be exhibited that Session before a certaine day. Then are they brought vnto the King, and perused and considered by him, and onely such as I allowe of are put into the Chancellors handes to bee pro­pounded to the Parliament, and none others; And if any man in Parlia­ment speake of any other matter then is in this forme first allowed by mee, The Chancellor tells him there is no such Bill allowed by the King.

Besides, when they haue passed them for lawes, they are presented vn­to me, and I with my Scepter put into my hand by the Chancellor, must say, I ratifie and approue all things done in this present Parliament. And if there bee any thing that I dislike, they rase it out before. If this may bee called a negatiue voyce, then I haue one I am sure in that Parlia­ment.

The last impediment is the French liberties: which is thought so great, as except the Scots farsake Fraunce, England cannot bee vni­ted to them. If the Scottish Nation would bee so vnwilling to leaue them as is said, it would not lye in their hands: For the League was neuer made betweene the people, as is mistaken, but betwixt the Princes onely and their Crownes. The beginning was by a Message from a King of Fraunce, Charlemaine I take it (but I cannot certainely remember) vn­to a King of Scotland, for a League defensiue and offensiue betweene vs and them against England, Fraunce being at that time in Warres with England.

The like at that time was then desired by England against Fraunce, who also sent their Ambassadours to Scotland. At the first, the Dispu­tation was long maintained in fauour of England, that they being our neerest Neighbours ioyned in one continent, and a strong and powerfull Nation, it was more fitte for the weale and securitie of the State of Scot­land, to be in League and Amitie with them, then with a Countrey, though neuer so strong, yet diuided by Sea from vs: especially Englandlying be­twixt vs and them, where we might be sure of a suddaine mischiefe, but be­hooued to abide the hazard of wind and weather, and other accidents that might hinder our reliefe.

[Page 523]But after, when the contrary part of the Argument was maintained: wherein allegation was made, that England euer sought to conquer Scot­land, and therefore in regarde of their pretended interest in the King­doome, would neuer keepe any sound Amitie with them longer, then they saw their aduantage; whereas France lying more remote and clay­ming no interest in the Kingdome, would therefore bee found a more constant and faithfull friend: It was vnhappily concluded in fauour of the last partie, through which occasion Scotland gate many mischiefes after: And it is by the very tenour thereof ordered, to bee renewed and confir­med from King to King successiuely, which accordingly was euer perfor­med by the mediation of their Ambassadours, and therefore meerely personall, and so was it renewed in the Queene my mothers time, onely betweene the two Kings, and not by assent of Parliament or conuention of the three Estates, which it could neuer haue wanted if it had beene a League betweene the people. And in my time when it came to be ratifi­ed, because it appeared to be in odium tertii, it was by me left vnrenewed or confirmed as a thing incompatible to my Person, in consideration of my Title to this Crowne. Some Priuiledges indeede in the Merchants fauour for point of Commerce, were renewed and confirmed in my time: where­in for my part of it, there was scarce three Counsellours more then my Se­cretarie, to whose place it belonged, that medled in that matter.

It is trew, that it behooued to be enterteined, as they call it, in the Court of Parliament of Paris: but that onely serues for publication, and not to giue it Authoritie: That Parliament (as you know) being but a Iu­diciall Seate of Iudges and Lawyers, and nothing agreeing with the defi­nition or office of our Parliaments in this Isle. And therefore that any fruites or Priuiledges possessed by the League with Fraunce is able now to remaine in Scotland, is impossible: For ye may be sure, that the French King stayes onely vpon the sight of the ending of this Vnion, to cut it off himselfe. Otherwise when this great worke were at an end, I would be forced for the generall care I owe to all my Subiects, to craue of France like Priuiledges to them all as Scotland alreadie enioyes, seeing the perso­nall friendship remaines as great betweene vs as betweene our Progeni­tors; and all my Subiects must be alike deare vnto me: which either hee will neuer grant, and so all will fall to the ground; or else it will turne to the benefite of the whole Island: and so the Scottish Priuiledges cannot hold longer then my League with France lasteth.

And for another Argument to prooue that this league is only betweene the Kings, and not betweene the people: They which haue Pensions, or are priuie Intelligence giuers in France without my leaue, are in no better case by the Law of Scotland, then if they were Pensioners to Spaine.

As for the Scottish Guard in France, the beginning thereof was, when an Earle of Boghan was sent in aide of the French with tenne thousand men, and there being made Constable, and hauing obtained a victorie, [Page 524]was murthered with the most of the Scottish Armie. In recompense whereof, and for a future securitie to the Scottish Nation, the Scottish Guard was ordeined to haue the priuiledge and prerogatiue before all other Guards in guarding the Kings person.

And as for the last point of this subdiuision concerning the gaine that England may make by this Vnion, I thinke no wise nor honest man will aske any such question. For who is so ignorant, that doeth not know the gaine will bee great? Doe you not gaine by the Vnion of Wales? And is not Scotland greater then Wales? Shall not your Dominions bee encrea­sed of Landes, Seas, and persons added to your greatnesse? And are not your Landes and Seas adioyning? For who can set downe the limits of the Borders, but as a Mathematicall line or Idaea? Then will that backe doore bee shut, and those portes of Ianus be for euer closed: you shall haue them that were your enemies to molest you, a sure backe to de­fend you: their bodies shall bee your aides, and they must bee partners in all your quarrels: Two snow-balls put together, make one the grea­ter: Two houses ioyned, make one the larger: two Castle walles made in one, makes one as thicke and strong as both. And doe you not see in the Low countreys how auaileable the English and the Scottish are being ioyned together? This is a point so plaine, as no man that hath wit or ho­nestie, but must acknowledge it feelingly.

And where it is obiected that the Scottishmen are not tyed to the ser­uice of the King in the warres aboue forty dayes; It is an ignorant mista­king. For the trewth is, That in respect the Kings of Scotland did not so abound in Treasure and money to take vp an Armie vnder pay, as the Kings of England did; Therefore was the Scottish Army wont to be ray­sed onely by Proclamation, vpon the penaltie of their breach of alleageance; So as they were all forced to come to the Warre like Snailes who carry their house about with them; Euery Nobleman and Gentleman bringing with him their Tents, money, prouision for their house, victuals of all sorts, and all other necessaries, the King supplying them of nothing: Necessitie there­upon enforcing a warning to be giuen by the Proclamation of the space of their attendance, without which they could not make their prouision accordingly, especially as long as they were within the bounds of Scotland, where it was not lawfull for them to helpe themselues by the spoile or wasting of the Countrey. But neither is there any Law Prescribing precisely such a certaine number of dayes, nor yet is it without the li­mits of the Kings power to keepe them together, as many more dayes as hee list, to renew his Proclamations from time to time some reaso­nable number of dayes, before the expiring of the former, they being euer bound to serue and waite vpon him, though it were an hundreth yeere if need were.

Now to conclude, I am glad of this occasion, that I might Liberare ani­mam meam; You are now to recede: when you meete againe, remember [Page 525]I pray you, the trewth and sincerity of my meaning, which in seeking Vnion, is onely to aduance the greatnesse of your Empire seated here in England; And yet with such caution I wish it, as may stand with the weale of both States. What is now desired, hath oft before bene sought when it could not bee obteined: To refuse it now then, were double iniquitie. Strengthen your owne felicitie, London must bee the Seate of your King, and Scotland ioyned to this kingdome by a Golden conquest, but cymen­ted with loue, (as I said before) which within will make you strong against all Ciuill and intestine Rebellion, as without wee will bee compassed and guarded with our walles of brasse. Iudge mee charitably, since in this I seeke your equall good, that so both of you might bee made fearefull to your Enemies, powerfull in your selues, and auaileable to your friendes. Studie therefore hereafter to make a good Conclusion, auoyd all delayes, cut off all vaine questions, that your King may haue his lawfull desire, and be not disgraced in his iust endes. And for your securitie in such reasona­ble points of restrictions, whereunto I am to agree, yee need neuer doubt of my inclination: For I will not say any thing which I will not pro­mise, nor promise any thing which I will notsweare; What I sweare I will signe, and what I signe, I shall with GODS grace euer performe.

A SPEACH TO THE LORDS AND COMMONS OF THE PARLIAMENT AT WHITE-HALL, ON WEDNESDAY THE XXI. OF MARCH. ANNO 1609.

WE being now in the middest of this season appointed for penitence and prayer, it hath so fallen out, that these two last dayes haue bene spent in a farre other sort of exercise, I meane in Eucharisticke Sacrifice, and gra­tulation of thankes, presented vnto mee by both the parts of this body of Parliament: and therefore to make vp the number of three, (which is the number of Trinitie, and perfection) I haue thought good to make this the third Day, to be spent in this exercise.

As ye made mee a faire Present indeed in presenting your thankes and louing dueties vnto mee: So haue I now called you here, to recompence you againe with a great and a rare Present, which is a faire and a Christall Mirror; Not such a Mirror wherein you may see your owne faces, or shadowes; but such a Mirror, or Christall, as through the transparant­nesse thereof, you may see the heart of your King. The Philosophers wish, That euery mans breast were a Christall, where-through his heart might be seene, is vulgarly knowne, and I touched it in one of my former Speaches vnto you: But though that were impossible in the generall, yet will I now performe this for my part, That as it is a trew Axiome in Diui­nitie, [Page 528]That Cor Regis is in manu Domini, So wil I now set Cor Regis in oculis po­puli. I know that I can say nothing at this time, whereof some of you that are here, haue not at one time or other, heard me say the like already: Yet as corporall food nourisheth and mainteineth the body, so doeth Reminiscen­tia nourish and mainteine memory.

I Will reduce to three generall and maine grounds, the principall things that haue bene agitated in this Parliament, and whereof I will now speake.

First, the Arrand for which you were called by me; And that was, for supporting of my state, and necessities.

The second is, that which the people are to mooue vnto the King: To represent vnto him such things, whereby the Subiects are vexed, or where­in the state of the Common wealth is to be redressed: And that is the thing which you call grieuances.

The third ground that hath bene handled amongst you, and not one­ly in talke amongst you in the Parliament, but euen in many other peoples mouthes, aswell within, as without the Parliament, is of a higher nature then any of the former (though it be but an Incident?) and the reason is, because it concernes a higher point; And this is a doubt, which hath bene in the heads of some, of my Intention in two things.

First, whether I was resolued in the generall, to continue still my go­uernment according to the ancient forme of this State, and the Lawes of this Kingdome: Or if I had an intention not to limit my selfe within those bounds, but to alter the same when I thought conuenient, by the ab­solute power of a King.

The other branch is anent the Common Law, which some had a con­ceit I disliked, and (in respect that I was borne where another forme of Law was established) that I would haue wished the Ciuill Law to haue bene put in place of the Common Law for gouernment of this people. And the complaint made amongst you of a booke written by doctour Cowell, was a part of the occasion of this incident: But as touching my censure of that booke, I made it already to bee deliuered vnto you by the Treasurer here sitting, which he did out of my owne directions and notes; and what he said in my name, that had he directly from me: But what hee spake of himselfe therein without my direction, I shal alwayes make good; for you may be sure I will be loth to make so honest a man a lyer, or deceiue your expectations: alwayes within very few dayes my Edict shall come forth anent that matter, which shall fully discouer my meaning.

There was neuer any reason to mooue men to thinke, that I could like of such grounds: For there are two qualities principally, or rather priua­tions that make Kings subiect to flatterie; Credulitie and Ignorance; and I hope none of them can bee iustly obiected to mee: For if Alexander the great, for all his learning, had bene wise in that point to haue considered the [Page 529]state of his owne naturall body and disposition, hee would neuer haue thought him selfe a god. And now to the matter. As it is a Christan duety in euery man, Reddere rationem fidei, and not to be ashamed to giue an ac­count of his profession before men, and Angels, as oft as occasion shall re­quire: So did I euer hold it a necessitie of honour in a iust and wise King, though not to giue an account to his people of his actions, yet clearely to deliuer his heart and intention vnto them vpon euery occasion. But I must inuert my order, and begin first with that incident which was last in my diuision (though highest of nature) and so goe backward.

THe State of MONARCHIE is the supremest thing vpon earth: For Kings are not onely GODS Lieutenants vpon earth, and sit vpon GODS throne, but euen by GOD himselfe they are called Gods. There bee three principall similitudes that illustrate the state of MONARCHIE: One taken out of the word of GOD; and the two o­ther out of the grounds of Policie and Philosophie. In the Scriptures Kings are called Gods, and so their power after a certaine relation compa­red to the Diuine power. Kings are also compared to Fathers of families: for a King is trewly Parens patriae, the politique father of his people. And lastly, Kings are compared to the head of this Microcosme of the body of man.

Kings are iustly called Gods, for that they exercise a manner or resem­blance of Diuine power vpon earth: For if you wil consider the Attributes to God, you shall see how they agree in the person of a King. God hath power to create, or destroy, make, or vnmake at his pleasure, to giue life, or send death, to iudge all, and to bee iudged nor accomptable to none: To raise low things, and to make high things low at his pleasure, and to God are both soule and body due. And the like power haue Kings: they make and vnmake their subiects: they haue power of raising, and casting downe: of life, and of death: Iudges ouer all their subiects, and in all cau­ses, and yet accomptable to none but God onely. They haue power to exalt low things, and abase high things, and make of their subiects like men at the Chesse; A pawne to take a Bishop or a Knight, and to cry vp, or downe any of their subiects, as they do their money. And to the King is due both the affection of the soule, and the seruice of the body of his subiects: And therefore that reuerend Bishop here amongst you, though I heare that by diuers he was mistaken or not wel vnderstood, yet did he preach both lear­nedly and trewly annent this point concerning the power of a King: For what he spake of a Kings power in Abstracto, is most trew in Diuinitie: For to Emperors, or Kings that are Monarches, their Subiects bodies & goods are due for their defence and maintenance. But if I had bene in his place, I would only haue added two words, which would haue cleared all: For after I had told as a Diuine, what was due by the Subiects to their Kings in ge­neral, I would then haue concluded as an Englishman, shewing this people, [Page 530]That as in generall all Subiects were bound to relieue their King; So to exhort them, that as wee liued in a setled state of a Kingdome which was gouerned by his owne fundamentall Lawes and Orders, that according thereunto, they were now (being assembled for this purpose in Parliament) to consider how to helpe such a King as now they had; And that according to the ancient forme, and order established in this Kingdome: putting so, a difference betweene the generall power of a King in Diuinity, and the set­led and established State of this Crowne, and Kingdome. And I am sure that the Bishop meant to haue done the same, if hee had not bene straited by time, which in respect of the greatnesse of the presence preaching be­fore me, and such an Auditory, he durst not presume vpon.

As for the Father of a familie, they had of olde vnder the Law of Nature Patriam potestatem, which was Potestatem vitae & necis, ouer their children or familie, (I meane such Fathers of families as were the lineall heires of those families whereof Kings did originally come:) For Kings had their first originall from them, who planted and spread themselues in Colonies through the world. Now a Father may dispose of his Inheritance to his children, at his pleasure: yea, euen disinherite the eldest vpon iust occa­sions, and preferre the youngest, according to his liking; make them beg­gers, or rich at his pleasure; restraine, or banish out of his presence, as hee findes them giue cause of offence, or restore them in fauour againe with the penitent sinner: So may the King deale with his Subiects.

And lastly, as for the head of the naturall body, the head hath the power of directing all the members of the body to that vse which the iudgement in the head thinkes most conuenient. It may apply sharpe cures, or cut off corrupt members, let blood in what proportion it thinkes fit, and as the body may spare, but yet is all this power ordeined by God Ad aedifi­cationem, non ad destructionem. For although God haue power aswell of de­struction, as of creation or maintenance; yet will it not agree with the wisedome of God, to exercise his power in the destruction of nature, and ouerturning the whole frame of things, since his creatures were made, that his glory might thereby be the better expressed: So were hee a foolish fa­ther that would disinherite or destroy his children without a cause, or leaue off the carefull education of them; And it were an idle head that would in place of phisicke so poyson or phlebotomize the body as might breede a dangerous distemper or destruction thereof.

But now in these our times we are to distinguish betweene the state of Kings in their first originall, and betweene the state of setled Kings and Monarches, that doe at this time gouerne in ciuill Kingdomes: For euen as God, during the time of the olde Testament, spake by Oracles, and wrought by Miracles; yet how soone it pleased him to setle a Church which was bought, and redeemed by the blood of his onely Sonne Christ, then was there a cessation of both; Hee euer after gouerning his people and Church within the limits of his reueiledwill. So in the first originall of [Page 531]Kings, whereof some had their beginning by Conquest, and some by ele­ction of the people, their wills at that time serued for Law; Yet how soone Kingdomes began to be setled in ciuilitie and policie, then did Kings set downe their minds by Lawes, which are properly made by the King one­ly; but at the rogation of the people, the Kings grant being obteined there­unto. And so the King became to be Lex loquens, after a sort, binding him­selfe by a double oath to the obseruation of the fundamentall Lawes of his kingdome: Tacitly, as by being a King, and so bound to protect aswell the people, as the Lawes of his Kingdome; And Expresly, by his oath at his Co­ronation: So as euery iust King in a setled Kingdome is bound to obserue that paction made to his people by his Lawes, in framing his gouernment agreeable thereunto, according to that paction which God made with Noe after the deluge, Hereafter Seed-time, and Haruest, Cold and Heate, Summer and Winter, and Day and Night shall not cease, so long as the earth remaines. And therefore a King gouerning in a setled Kingdome, leaues to be a King, and degenerates into a Tyrant, assoone as he leaues off to rule according to his Lawes. In which case the Kings conscience may speake vnto him, as the poore widow said to Philip of Macedon; Either gouerne according to your Law, Aut ne Rexsis. And though no Christian man ought to allow any rebellion of people against their Prince, yet doeth God neuer leaue Kings vnpunished when they transgresse these limits: For in that same Psalme where God saith to Kings, Vos Dij estis, hee immediatly thereafter concludes, But ye shall die like men. The higher wee are placed, the greater shall our fall be. Vt casus sic dolor: the taller the trees be, the more in danger of the winde; and the tempest beats sorest vpon the highest mountaines. Therefore all Kings that are not tyrants, or periured, wil be glad to bound themselues within the limits of their Lawes; and they that perswade them the contrary, are vipers, and pests, both against them and the Common-wealth. For it is a great difference betweene a Kings gouernment in a setled State, and what Kings in their originall power might doe in Indiuiduo vago. As for my part, I thanke God, I haue euer giuen good proofe, that I neuer had intention to the contrary: And I am sure to goe to my graue with that reputation and comfort, that neuer King was in all his time more carefull to haue his Lawes duely obserued, and himselfe to gouerne thereafter, then I.

I conclude then this point touching the power of Kings, with this Axi­ome of Diuinitie, That as to dispute what God may doe, is Blasphemie; but quid vult Deus, that Diuines may lawfully, and doe ordinarily dispute and discusse; for to dispute A Posse ad Esse is both against Logicke and Diuinitie: So is it sedition in Subiects, to dispute what a King may do in the height of his power: But iust Kings wil euer be willing to declare what they wil do, if they wil not incurre the curse of God. I wil not be content that my power be disputed vpon: but I shall euer be willing to make the reason appeare of all my doings, and rule my actions according to my Lawes.

[Page 532]The other branch of this incident is concerning the Common Law, being conceiued by some, that I contemned it, and preferred the Ciuil Law thereunto. As I haue already said, Kings Actions (euen in the secretest places) are as the actions of those that are set vpon the Stages, or on the tops of houses: and I hope neuer to speake that in priuate, which I shall not auow in publique, and Print it if need be, (as I said in my BASILICON DORON.) For it is trew, that within these few dayes I spake freely my minde touching the Common Law in my Priuie Chamber, at the time of my dinner, which is come to all your eares; and the same was likewise related vnto you by my Treasurer, and now I will againe repeate and con­firme the same my selfe vnto you. First, as a King I haue least cause of any man to dislike the Common Law: For no Law can bee more fauou­rable and aduantagious for a King, and extendeth further his Prerogatiue, then it doeth: And for a King of England to despile the Common Law, it is to neglect his owne Crowne. It is trew, that I doe greatly esteeme the Ciuill Law, the profession thereof seruing more for generall learning and being most necessary for matters of Treatie with all forreine Nations: And I thinke that if it should bee taken away, it would make an entrie to Barbarisme in this Kingdome, and would blemish the honour of England: For it is in a maner LEX GENTIVM, and maintaineth In­tercourse with all forreme Nations: but I onely allow it to haue course here, according to those limits of Iurisdiction, which the Common Law it selfe doeth allow it: And therefore though it bee not fit for the generall gouernment of the people here; it doeth not follow, it should be extinct, no more, then because the Latine tongue is not the Mother or Radi­call Language of any Nation in the world at this time, that therefore the English tongue should onely now be learned in this Kingdome, which were to bring in Barbarisme. My meaning therefore is not, to preferre the Ciuill Law before the Common Law; but onely that it should not be extinguished, and yet so bounded, (I meane to such Courts and Causes) as haue beene in ancient vse; As the Ecclesiasticall Courts, Court of Ad­miraltie, Court of Requests, and such like, reseruing euer to the Com­mon Law to meddle with the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdome, either concerning the Kings Prerogatiue, or the possessions of Subiects, in any questions, either betweene the King, and any of them, or amongst themselues, in the points of Meum & tuum. For it is trew, that there is no Kingdome in the world, not onely Scotland, but not France, nor Spaine, nor any other Kingdome gouerned meerely by the Ciuill Law, but euery one of them hath their owne municipall Lawes agreeable to their Cu­stomes, as this Kingdome hath the Common Law: Nay, I am so farre from disallowing the Common Law, as I protest, that if it were in my hand to chuse a new Law for this Kingdome, I would not onely preferre it before any other Nationall Law, but euen before the very Iudici­all Law of Moyses: and yet I speake no blasphemie in preferring it for [Page 533]conueniencie to this Kingdome, and at this time, to the very Law of God: For God gouerned his selected people by these three Lawes, Ceremoniall, Mo­rall, and Iudiciall: The Iudiciall, being onely fit for a certaine people, and a certaine time, which could not serue for the general of all other people and times. As for example, If the Law of hanging for Theft, were turned here to restitution of treble or quadruple, as it was in the Law of Moyses, what would become of all the middle Shires, and all the Irishrie and Highlan­ders? But the maine point is, That if the fundamentall Lawes of any Kingdome should be altered, who should discerne what is Meum & tuum, or how should a King gouerne? It would be like the Gregorian Calender, which destroyes the old, and yet doeth this new trouble all the debts and Accompts of Traffiques and Merchandizes: Nay by that accompt I can neuer tell mine owne aage; for now is my Birth-day remooued by the space often dayes neerer me then it was before the change. But vpon the other part, though I haue in one point preferred our Common Law, con­cerning our vse to the very Law of GOD; yet in another respect I must say, both our Law and all Lawes else are farre inferiour to that Iudiciall Law of GOD; for no booke nor Law is perfect nor free from corruption, except onely the booke and Law of GOD. And therefore I could wish some three things specially to be purged & cleared in the Common Law; but alwayes by the aduise of Parliament: For the King with his Parliament here are ab­solute, (as I vnderstand) in making or forming of any sort of Lawes.

First I could wish that it were written in our vulgar Language: for now it is in an old, mixt, and corrupt Language, onely vnderstood by Lawyers: whereas euery Subiect ought to vnderstand the Law vnder which he liues: For since it is our plea against the Papists, that the language in GODS Ser­uice ought not to be in an vnknowne tongue, according to the rule in the Law of Moyses, That the Law should be written in the fringes of the Priests garment, and should be publikely read in the eares of all the people: so mee thinkes ought our Law to be made as plaine as can be to the people, that the excuse of ignorance may be taken from them, for conforming them­selues thereunto.

Next, our Common Law hath not a setled Text in all Cases, being chiefly grounded either vpon old Customes, or else vpon the Reports and Cases of Iudges, which ye call Responsa Prudentum. The like whereof is in all other Lawes: for they are much ruled by Presidents (saue onely in Denmarke and Norway, where the letter of the Law resolues all doubts without any trouble to the Iudge,) But though it be trew, that no Text of Law can be so certaine, wherein the circumstances will not make a va­riation in the Case, (for in this aage, mens wits increase so much by ciuilitie, that the circumstances of euery particular case varies so much from the generall Text of Law, as in the Ciuill Law it selfe, there are therefore so ma­ny Doctors that cōment vpon the Text, & neuer a one almost agrees with another; Otherwise there needed no Iudges, but the bare letter of the [Page 534]Law.) Yet could I wish that some more certaintie were set downe in this case by Parliament: for since the very Reports themselues are not alwayes so binding, but that diuers times Iudges doe disclaime them, and recede from the iudgment of their predecessors; it were good, that vpon a mature deliberation, the exposition of the Law were set downe by Acte of Parlia­ment, and such reports therein confirmed, as were thought fit to serue for Law in all times hereafter, and so the people should not depend vpon the bare opinions of Iudges, and vncertaine Reports.

And lastly, there be in the Common Law diuers contrary Reports, and Presidents: and this corruption doeth likewise concerne the Statutes and Acts of Parliament, in respect there are diuers crosse and cuffing Statutes, and some so penned, as they may be taken in diuers, yea contrary sences. And therefore would I wish both those Statutes and Reports, aswell in the Parliament as Common Law, to be once maturely reuiewed, and recon­ciled; And that not onely all contrarieties should be scraped out of our Bookes, but euen that such penall Statutes as were made, but for the vse of the time (from breach whereof no man can be free) which doe not now agree with the condition of this our time, might likewise beleft out of our bookes, which vnder a tyrannous or auaritious King could not be endured. And this reformation might (me thinkes) bee made a worthy worke, and well deserues a Parliament to be set of purpose for it.

I know now that being vpon this point of the Common Law, you looke to heare my opinion concerning Prohibitions; and I am not igno­rant that I haue bene thought to be an enemie to all Prohibitions, and an vtter stayer of them: But I will shortly now informe you what hath bene my course in proceeding therein. It is trew that in respect of diuers hono­rable Courts, and Iurisdictions planted in this Kingdome, I haue often wished that euery Court had his owne trew limit, and iurisdiction clearely set downe, and certainly knowne; which if it be exceeded by any of them, or that any of them encroch one vpon another, then I grant that a Prohi­bition in that case is to goe out of the Kings Bench, but chiefliest out of the Chancery; for other Benches I am not yet so well resolued of their Iurisdicti­on in that point. And for my part, I was neuer against Prohibitions of this nature, nor the trew vse of them, which is indeed to keepe euery Riuer within his owne banks and channels. But when I saw the swelling and o­uerflowing of Prohibitions in a farre greater abundance then euer before, euery Court striuing to bring in most moulture to their owne Mill, by multitudes of Causes, which is a disease very naturall to all Courts and Iu­risdictions in the world; Then dealt I with this Cause, and that at two seue­rall times, once in the middest of Winter, and againe in the middest of the next following Summer; At euery of which times I spent three whole daies in that labour. And then after a large hearing, I told them as Christ said con­cerning Mariage, Ab initio non fuit sic. For as God conteins the Sea within his owne bounds and marches (as it is in the Psalmes,) So is it my office to make [Page 535]euery Court conteine himselfe within his own limits; And therfore I gaue admonitions to both sides: To the other Courts, that they should be care­full hereafter euery of them, to conteine themselues within the bounds of their owne Iurisdictions; and to the Courts of Common Law, that they should not bee so forward, and prodigall in multiplying their Prohibitions. Two cautions I willed them to obserue in graunting their Prohibitions: First, that they should be graunted in a right and lawfull forme: And next, that they should not grant them, but vpon a iust and reasonable cause. As to the forme, it was, That none should be graunted by any one particular Iudge, or in time of Vacation, or in any other place, but openly in Court. And to this the Iudges themselues gaue their willing assent. And as to the Cause, That they should not be granted vpon euery sleight furmise, or information of the partie, but alwayes that a due and graue examination should first precede. Otherwise if Prohibitions should rashly, and headily be granted, then no man is the more secure of his owne, though hee hath gotten a Sentence with him: For as good haue no Law, or Sentence, as to haue no execution thereof. A poore Minister with much labour and ex­pense, hauing exhausted his poore meanes, and being forced to forbeare his studie, and to become non resident from his flocke, obtaines a Sentence, and then when hee loookes to enioy the fruits thereof, he is defrauded of all by a Prohibition, according to the parable of Christ, That night when hee thinkes himselfe most happy, shall his soule be taken from him: And so is he tortured like Tantalus, who when he hath the Apple at his mouth, and that he is gaping and opening his mouth to receiue it, then must it be pulled from him by a Prohibition, and he not suffered to taste thereof. So as to conclude this point, I put a difference betweene the trew vse of Prohibi­tions, and the superabounding abuse thereof: for as a thing which is good, ought not therefore bee abused; so ought not the lawfull vse of a good thing be forborne, because of the abuse thereof.

NOw the second generall ground whereof I am to speake, con­cernes the matter of Grieuances: There are two speciall causes of the peoples presenting Grieuances to their King in time of Parli­ament. First, for that the King cannot at other times be so well informed of all the Grieuances of his people, as in time of Parliament, which is the representatiue body of the whole Realme. Secondly, the Parliament is the highest Court of Iustice, and therefore the fittest place where diuers na­tures of Grieuances may haue their proper remedie, by the establishment of good and wholsome Lawes. But though my Speech was before directed to the whole Body of Parliament; yet in this case I must addresse my Speech in speciall to you of the Lower House.

I am now then to recommend vnto your considerations the matter and manner of your handling and presenting of Grieuances. As for the man­ner, though I will not denie, but that yee, representing the Body of the peo­ple, [Page 536]may as it were both opportunè and inopportunè (I meane either in Parli­ament as a Body, or out of Parliament as priuate men) present your Grie­uances vnto mee; yet would I haue you to vse this caution in your beha­uiour in this point: which is, that your Grieuances be not as it were gree­dily sought out by you, or taken vp in the streetes (as one said) thereby to shew a willingnesse that you would haue a shew made, that there are many abuses in the gouernment, and many causes of complaint: but that accor­ding to your first institution, ye should only meddle with such Grieuances, as your selues doe know had neede of reformation, or had informations thereof in your countreys for which you serue, and not so to multiply them, as might make it noised amongst the people, that all things in the gouern­ment were amisse and out of frame: For euen at the beginning of this very Session of Parliament, the generall name of Grieuances being mentioned among you, such a conceipt came in the heads of many, that you had a de­sire to multiply and make a great muster of them, as euery one exhibited what his particular spleene stirred him vnto. Indeed there fell out an acci­dent vpon this occasion, for which I haue reason to thanke you of the Low­er house, I meane for your fire worke; wherein I confesse you did Honour to me, and right to your selues: For hauing one afternoone found many Grieuances closely presented in papers, and so all thrust vp in a sacke toge­ther, (rather like Pasquils, then any lawfull Complaints) farre against your owne Orders, and diuers of them proceeding from grudging and murmu­ring spirits; you, vpon the hearing read two or three of the first lines of di­uers of them, were not content with a publique consent to condemne them, and to discharge any further reading of them, but you also made a publique bonefire of them. In this, I say, you shewed your care and ielou­sie of my Honour, and I sent you thankes for it by the Chancellour of the Exchequer, a member of your owne House, who by your appointment, that same night acquainted me with your proceedings; And by him also I promised at that time, that you should heare more of my thankes for the same at the first occasion; And now I tell you it my selfe, that you may know how kindely I take your duetifull behauiour in this case. But since this was a good effect of an euill cause, I must not omit also to admonish you vpon the other part, to take a course amongst your selues, to preuent the like accident in all times hereafter: otherwise the Lower house may be­come a place for Pasquils, and at another time such Grieuances may be cast in amongst you, as may conteine Treason or scandal against Me, or my Poste­rity. Therfore in this case, looke ouer your ancient Orders, & follow them, and suffer not hereafter any petitions or Grieuances to be deliuered obscure­ly or in the darke, but openly and auowedly in your Publique house, and there to be presented to the Speaker. And as to the matter of your Grieuan­ces, I wish you here now to vnderstand me rightly. And because I see ma­ny writing and noting, I will craue your pardons, to holde you a little lon­ger by speaking the more distinctly, for feare of mistaking.

[Page 537]First then, I am not to finde fault that you informe your selues of the particular iust Grieuances of the people; Nay, I must tell you, ye can neither be iust nor faithfull to me, or to your Countreys that trust and imploy you, if you doe it not: For true Plaints proceede not from the persons im­ployed, but from the Body represented, which is the people. And it may very well bee, that many Directions and Commissions iustly giuen forth by me, may be abused in the Execution thereof, vpon the people: and yet I neuer to receiue information, except it come by your meanes, at such a time as this is; (as in the case of Stephen Procter.) But I would wish you to be carefull to auoide three things in the matter of Grieuances.

First, that you doe not meddle with the maine points of Gouernment; that is my craft: tractent fabrilia sabri; to meddle with that, were to lesson me: I am now an old King; for sixe and thirtie yeeres haue I gouerned in Scotland personally, and now haue I accomplished my app [...]enticeship of seuen yeeres heere; and seuen yeeres is a great time for a Kings experience in Gouernment: Therefore there would not bee too many Phormios to teach Hannibal: I must not be taught my Office.

Secondly, I would not haue you meddle with such ancient Rights of mine, as I haue receiued from my Predecessors, possessing them, More Ma­iorum: such things I would bee sorie should bee accounted for Grieuances. All nouelties are dangerous as well in a politique as in a naturall Body: And therefore I would be loth to be quarrelled in my ancient Rights and possessions: for that were to iudge mee vnworthy of that which my Pre­decessors had, and left me.

And lastly, I pray you beware to exhibite for Grieuance any thing that is established by a setled Law, and whereunto (as you haue already had a proofe) you know I will neuer giue a plausible answere: For it is an vn­dutifull part in Subiects to presse their King, wherein they know before­hand he will refuse them. Now, if any Law or Statute be not conuenient, let it be amended by Parliament, but in the meane time terme it not a Grie­uance: for to be grieued with the Law, is to be grieued with the King, who is sworne to bee the Patron and mainteiner thereof. But as all men are flesh, and may erre in the execution of Lawes; So may ye iustly make a Grie­uance of any abuse of the Law, distinguishing wisely betweene the faults of the person, and the thing it selfe. As for example, Complaints may be made vnto you of the high Commissioners: If so be, trie the abuse, and spare not to complaine vpon it, but say not there shall be no Commission, For that were to abridge the power that is in me: and I will plainely tell you. That something I haue with my selfe resolued annent that point, which I meane euer to keepe, except I see other great cause which is, That in regard the high Commission is o [...] so high a nature, from which there is no appellati­on to any other Court, I haue thought good to restraine it onely to the two Archbishops, where before it was common amongst a great part of the Bishops in England. This Law I haue set to my selfe, and therefore you [Page 538]may be assured, that I will neuer finde fault with any man, nor thinke him the more Puritane, that will complaine to me out of Parliament, aswell as in Parliament, of any error in execution thereof, so that hee prooue it; Otherwise it were but a calumnie. Onely I would bee loath that any man should grieue at the Commission it selfe, as I haue already said. Yee haue heard (I am sure) of the paines I tooke both in the causes of the Admiralty, and of the Prohibitions: If any man therefore will bring me any iust com­plaints vpon any matters of so high a nature as this is, yee may assure your selues that I will not spare my labour in hearing it. In faith you neuer had a more painefull King, or that will be readier in his person to determine causes that are fit for his hearing. And when euer any of you shall make experience of me in this point, ye may be sure neuer to want accesse, nor ye shall neuer come wrong to me, in, or out of Parliament.

And now to conclude this purpose of Grieuances, I haue one generall grieuance to commend vnto you, and that in the behalfe of the Countreys from whence ye come. And this is, to pray you to beware that your Grie­uances sauour not of particular mens thoughts, but of the generall griefes rising out of the mindes of the people, and not out of the humor of the propounder. And therefore I would wish you to take heede carefully, and consider of the partie that propounds the grieuance: for ye may (if ye list) easily discerne whether it bee his owne passion, or the peoples griefe, that makes him to speake: for many a man will in your house propound a Grieuance out of his owne humour, because (peraduenture) he accounts highly of that matter: and yet the countrey that imployes him, may per­haps either be of a contrary minde, or (at least) little care for it. As for example, I assure you, I can very well smell betweene a Petition that mooues from a generall Grieuance, or such a one as comes from the spleene of some particular person, either against Ecclesiasticall gouernment in generall, or the person of any one Noble man, or Commissioner in particular.

ANd now the third point remaines to bee spoken of; which is the cause of my calling of this Parliament. And in this I haue done but as I vse to doe in all my life, which is to leaue mine owne errand hindmost.

It may bee you did wonder that I did not speake vnto you publikely at the beginning of this Session of Parliament, to tell you the cause of your calling, as I did (if I bee rightly remembred) in euery Session before. But the trewth is, that because I call you at this time for my particular Errand, I thought it fitter to bee opened vnto you by my Treasurer, who is my publike and most principall Officer in matters of that nature, then that I should doe it my selfe: for I confesse I am lesse naturally eloquent, and haue greater cause to distrust mine elocution in matters of this nature, then in any other thing. I haue made my Treasurer already to giue you a very cleere and trew accompt both of my hauing and expenses: A fauour I [Page 539]confesse, that Kings doe seldome bestow vpon their Subiects, in making them so particularly acquainted with their state. If I had not more then cause, you may be sure I would be loth to trouble you: But what he hath affirmed in this, vpon the honour of a Gentleman, (whom you neuer had cause to distrust for his honestie,) that doe I now confirme and auow to be trew in the word and honour of a King; And therein you are bound to beleeue me. Duetie I may iustly claime of you as my Subiects; and one of the branches of duetie which Subiects owe to their Soueraigne, is Sup­ply: but in what quantitie, and at what time, that must come of your loues. I am not now therefore to dispute of a Kings power, but to tell you what I may iustly craue, and expect with your good wills. I was euer against all extremes; and in this case I will likewise wish you to auoyd them on both sides. For if you faile in the one, I might haue great cause to blame you as Parliament men, being called by me for my Errands: And if you fall into the other extreme, by supply of my necessities without respectiue care to a­uoyd oppression or partialitie in the Leuie, both I and the Countrey will haue cause to blame you.

When I thinke vpon the composition of this body of Parliament, I doe well consider that the Vpper house is composed of the Seculer Nobilitie, who are hereditary Lords of Parliament; and of Bishops, that are liue Ren­ter Barons of the same: And therefore what is giuen by the Vpper house, is giuen onely from the trew body of that House; and out of their owne purposes that doe giue it; whereas the Lower house is but the representa­tiue body of the Commons, and so what you giue, you giue it aswell for others, as for your selues: and therefore you haue the more reason to es­chew both the extreames. On the one part, ye may the more easily be li­berall, since it comes not all from your selues; and yet vpon the other part, if yee giue more then is fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld vpon such necessary occasions, yee abuse the King, and hurt the people; And such a gift I will neuer accept: For in such a case you might deceiue a King, in giuing your flattering consent to that which you know might moue the people generally to grudge and murmure at it, and so should the King find himselfe deceiued in his Caloule, and the people likewise grieued in their hearts; the loue and possession of which (I protest) I did, and euer will ac­compt the greatest earthly securitie (next the fauour of GOD) to any wise or iust King. For though it was vainely saide by one of your House, That yee had need to beware, that by giuing mee too much, your throats were not in danger of cutting at your comming home: yet may ye assure your selues, that I will euer bee lothe to presse you to doe that which may wrong the people, and make you iustly to beare the blame thereof. But that yee may the better bee acquainted with my inclination, I will appeale to a number of my Priuie Councell here present, if that before the calling of this Parliament, and when I found that the necessitie of my estate required so great a supply, they found me more desirous to obtaine [Page 540]that which I was forced to seeke, then carefull that the people might yeeld me a supply in so great a measure as my necessities required, without their too great losse. And you all that are Parliament men, and here present of both Houses can beare me witnesse, if euer I burthened or imployed any of you for any particular Subsidies, or summes by name, further then my laying open the particular necessities of my state, or yet if euer I spake to a­ny Priuie Councellour, or any of my learned Councell, to labour voyces for me to this end; I euer detested the hunting for Emendicata Suffragia. A King that will rule and gouerne iustly, must haue regard to Conscience, Honour and Iudgement, in all his great Actions, (as your selfe M. Spea­ker remembred the other day.) And therefore ye may assure your selues, That I euer limitall my great Actions within that compasse. But as vpon the one side, I doe not desire you should yeeld to that extreame, in giuing me more then (as I said formerly) vpon such necessary occasions are fit for good and louing Subiects to yeeld; For that were to giue me a purse with a knife: So on the other side, I hope you will not make vaine pretences of wants, out of causelesse apprehensions, or idle excuses, neither cloake your owne humours (when your selues are vnwilling) by alledging the po­uertie of the people. For although I will be no lesse iust, as a King, to such persons, then any other: (For my Iustice with Gods grace, shalbe alike o­pen to all) yet ye must thinke I haue no reason to thanke them, or gratifie them with any suits or matters of grace, when their errand shall come in my way; And yet no man can say, that euer I quarrelled any man for re­fusing mee a Subsidie, if hee did it in a moderate fashion, and with good reasons. For him that denies a good Law, I will not spare to quarrell: But for graunting or denying money, it is but an effect of loue: And there­fore for the point of my necessities, I onely desire that I be not refused in that which of duety I ought to haue: For I know if it were propounded in the generall amongst you, whether the Kings wants ought to be relie­ued or not, there is not one of you, that would make question of it. And though in a sort this may seeme to be my particular; yet it can not bee di­uided from the generall good of the Common wealth; For the King that is Parens Patriae, telles you of his wants. Nay, Patria ipsa by him speakes vnto you. For if the King want, the State wants, and therefore the strengthening of the King is the preseruation and the standing of the State; And woe be to him that diuides the weale of the King from the weale of the Kingdome. And as that King is miserable (how rich so­euer he bee) that raines ouer a poore people, (for the hearts and riches of the people, are the Kings greatest treasure;) So is that Kingdome not able to subsist, how rich and potent soeuer the people be, if their King wants meanes to mainaine his State: for the meanes of your King are the sinewes of the kingdome both in warre and peace: for in peace I must mi­nister iustice vnto you, and in warre I must defend you by Armes: but neither of these can I do without sufficient means, which must come from [Page 541]your Aide and Supply. I confesse it is farre against my nature to be bur­thensome to my people: for it cannot but grieue me to craue of others, that was borne to be begged of. It is trew, I craue more then euer King of England did; but I haue farre greater and iuster cause and reason to craue, then euer King of England had. And though my Treasurer hath at length declared the reasons vnto you of my necessities, and of a large supply that he craued for the same, wherein he omitted no arguments that can be vsed for that purpose; yet will I my selfe now shortly remember you some of the weightiest reasons that come in my head, to proue the equitie of my demaund.

First, ye all know, that by the accession of more Crownes, which in my Person I haue brought vnto you, my charge must be the greater in all rea­son: For the greater your King be, both in his dominion and number of Subiects, he cannot but be forced thereby to be at the more charge, and it is the more your honour, so to haue it.

Next, that posteritie and issue which it hath pleased God to send me for your vse, cannot but bring necessarily with it a greater proportion of charge. You all know that the late Queene of famous memory (notwith­standing her orbitie) had much giuen vnto her, and more then euer any of her predecessors had before her.

Thirdly, the time of creation of my Sonne doeth now draw neere, which I chuse for the greater honour to bee done in this time of Parliament. As for him I say no more; the sight of himselfe here speakes for him.

Fourthly, it is trew I haue spent much; but yet if I had spared any of those things, which caused a great part of my expense, I should haue disho­nored the kingdome, my selfe, and the late Queene. Should I haue spa­red the funerall of the late Queene? or the solemnitie of mine and my wiues entrie into this Kingdome, in some honourable sort? or should I haue spared our entrie into London, or our Coronation? And when most of the Monarches, and great Princes in Christendome sent their Ambassa­dours to congratulate my comming hither, and some of them came in person, was I not bound, both for my owne honour, and the honour of the Kingdome, to giue them good entertainement? But in case it might be obiected by some, that it is onely vpon occasions of warre, that Kings obtaine great Supplies from their Subiects: notwithstanding my interne Peace, I am yet in a kinde of warre, which if it bee without, the more is your safetie: For (as the Treasurer tolde you at large) I am now forced both in respects of State, and my promise, and for the generall cause of Reli­gion, to send a Supply of forces to Cleues, and how long that occasion may last, or what greater supply the necessitie of that Errand may draw mee vnto, no man can yet tell. Besides that, although I haue put downe that forme of warlike keeping of Barwicke; yet are all those commaunders my pensioners that were the late Queenes souldiers. And I hope I sustaine a prettie Seminarie of Souldiers in my Forts within this Kingdome, besides [Page 542]the two cautionary Townes in the Low-countreys, Flushing and Brill. And as for Ireland, yee all know how vncertaine my charges are euer there, that people being so easily stirred, partly through their barba­ritie, and want of ciuilitie, and partly through their corruption in Religion to breake foorth in rebellions. Yee know, how vnlooked for a Rebellion brake foorth there the last yeere, which could not but put mee to extraordinary charges. Besides I doe maintaine there continu­ally an Armie, which is a goodly Seminarie of expert and old Souldi­ers. And I dare neuer suffer the same to be diminished, till this Planta­tion take effect, which (no doubt) is the greatest moate that euer came in the Rebels eyes: and it is to be looked for, that if euer they will bee able to make any stirre, they will presse at it by all meanes, for the pre­uenting and discouraging this Plantation. Now it is trew, that be­sides all these honourable and necessary occasions of my charge, I haue spent much in liberalitie: but yet I hope you will consider, that what I haue giuen, hath bene giuen amongst you; and so what comes in from you, goes out againe amongst you. But it may be thought that I haue gi­uen much amongst Scottishmen. Indeed if I had not beene liberall in rewarding some of my old seruants of that Nation, ye could neuer haue had reason to expect my thankefulnesse towards any of you that are more lately become my Subiects, if I had beene ingrate to the old: And yet yee will find, that I haue dealt twice as much amongst English men as I haue done to Scottishmen. And therefore he that in your House was not ashamed to affirme, that the siluer and gold did so abound in Edenburgh, was very farre mistaken; but I wish him no worse punishment, then that hee should onely liue vpon such profit of the money there. But I hope you will neuer mislike me for my liberalitie, since I can looke very few of you this day in the face, that haue not made suits to mee, at least for some thing, either of honour or profit. It is trew, a Kings liberalitie must ne­uer be dried vp altogether: for then he can neuer maintaine nor oblige his seruants and well deseruing Subiects: But that vastnesse of my expence is past, which I vsed the first two or three yeeres after my comming hither: And, as I oft vsed to say, that Christmas and open tide is ended: For at my first comming here, partly ignorance of this State (which no man can ac­quire but by time and experience) and partly the forme of my comming being so honourable and miraculous, enforced me to extend my liberali­tie so much the more at the beginning. Ye saw I made Knights then by hundreths, and Barons in great numbers: but I hope you find I doe not so now, nor minde not to doe so hereafter. For to conclude this point a­nent expences, I hold that a Kings expence must alwayes bee honourable, though not wastefull, and the charges of your King in maintaining those ancient honourable formes of liuing that the former Kings of England my Predecessours haue done, and his liuing to bee ruled according to the proportion of his greatnesse, is aswell for the honour of your Kingdome, [Page 543]as of your King. Now this cannot be supplied out of the ayre or liquid e­lements, but must come from the people. And for remouing of that diffi­dence which men may haue, that I minde not to liue in any wastefull sort hereafter, will you but looke vpon my selfe and my posteritie; and if there were no more but that, it will teach you that if I were but a naturall man, I must needs bee carefull of my expences: For as for my owne person, I hope none that knowes me well, can thinke me but as little inclined to any prodigall humours of vnnecessary things, as any other reasonable man of a farre meaner estate. Therefore since (as I haue said) I cannot be helped but from the people; I assure my selfe that you will well allow mee such measure of Supplie, as the people may beare, and support him with more Honourable meanes then others haue had, that (as I may say without vaunting) hath brought you more Honour then euer you had: For I hope there are no good Subiects either within, or out of the Parliament House, that would not be content for setting streight once and setling the Honourable State of their King, to spare so much euery one of them out of their purses, which peraduenture they would in one night throw a­way at Dice or Cards, or bestow vpon a horse for their fancies, that might breake his necke or his legge the next morning: Nay I am sure euery good Subiect would rather chuse to liue more sparingly vpon his owne, then that his Kings State should be in want.

For conclusion then of this purpose, I wish you now to put a speedie end to your businesse. Freenesse in giuing graceth the gift, Bis dat, qui citò dat; The longer I want helpe, the greater will my debt still rise: and so must I looke for the greater helpes. And now I would pray you to turne your eyes with mee from home, and looke vpon forreine States. Consider that the eyes of all forreine States are vpon this affaire, and in expectation what the successe thereof will be; And what can they thinke, if ye depart without relieuing mee in that proportion that may make me able to maintaine my State, but that either ye are vnwilling to helpe mee, thinking me vnworthy thereof, or at least that my State is so desperate, as it cannot be repaired, and so that the Parliament parts in disgrace with the King, and the King in distaste with the Parliament, which cannot but weaken my reputation both at home and abroad? For of this you may be assured, that forreine Princes care the more one for an other, if they may haue reason to expect that they may bee able to doe them good or harme in Retribution. And ye know, that if a King fall to be contem­ned with his neighbours, that cannot but bring an oppression and warre by them vpon him, and then will it be too late to support the King, when the cure is almost desperate. Things foreseene and preuented, are euer ea­sliest remedied: And therefore I would aduise you now so to settle your businesse, as ye may not take in hand so many things at once, as may both crosse my errand, and euery one of them crosse another. Yee remem­ber the French Prouerbe, Qui trop embrasse, rien estreint; We are not in this [Page 544]Parliament to make our Testament, as if wee should neuer meete againe, and that all things that were to be done in any Parliament, were to be done at this time: and yet for filling vp of your vacant houres, I will recom­mend to your consideration such nature of things, as are to bee specially thought vpon in these times. First I will beginne at GOD: for the begin­ning with him makes all other actions to bee blessed: And this I meane by the cause of Religion. Next I will speake of some things that concerne the Common-wealth. And thirdly, matters of Pleasure and ornament to the Kingdome.

As for Religion, we haue all great cause to take heed vnto it; Papists are waxed as proud at this time as euer they were, which makes many to think they haue some new plotin hand. And although the poorest sort of them bee (God be thanked) much decreased, yet doeth the greater sort of them dayly increase, especially among the foeminine Sexe; nay they are waxed so proud, that some say, no man dare present them, nor Iudges meddle with them, they are so backed and vpholden by diuers great Courtiers. It is a surer and better way to remooue the materials of fire before they bee kindled, then to quench the fire when once it is kindled.

Nam leuius laedit quicquid praeuidimus antè.

I doe not meane by this to mooue you to make stronger Lawes then are already made, but see those Lawes may bee well executed that are in force; otherwise they cannot but fall into contempt and become rustie. I neuer found, that blood and too much seueritie did good in matters of Religion: for, besides that it is a sure rule in Diuinitie, that God neuer loues to plant his Church by violence and bloodshed, naturall reason may euen per­swade vs, and dayly experience prooues it trew, That when men are se­uerely persecuted for Religion, the gallantnesse of many mens spirits, and the wilfulnes of their humors, rather then the iustnesse of the cause, makes them to take a pride boldy to endure any torments, or death it selfe, to gaine thereby the reputatiom of Martyrdome, though but in a false shadow.

Some doubts haue beene conceiued anent the vsing of the Oath of Al­legiance, and that part of the Acte which ordaines the taking thereof, is thought so obscure, that no man can tell who ought to bee pressed there­with. For I my selfe, when vpon a time I called the Iudges before mee at their going to their Circuits, I mooued this question vnto them; wherein, as I thought they could not resolutely answere me: And therefore if there bee any scruple touching the ministring of it, I would wish it now to bee cleared. And since I haue with my owne pen brought the Popes quarell vpon mee, and proclaimed publique defiance to Babylon in maintaining it; should it now sleepe, and should I seeme (as it were) to steale from it againe?

As for Recusants, let them bee all duely presented without exception: for in times past there hath beene too great a conniuence, and forbearing [Page 545]of them, especially of great mens wiues, and their kinne and follow­ers. None ought to be spared from being brought vnder the danger of Law, and then it is my part to vse mercie, as I thinke conuenient. To winke at faults, and not to suffer them to bee discouered, is no Honour, nor Mercy in a King, neither is he euer thanked for it; It onely argues his dulnesse: But to forgiue faults after they are confessed, or tried, is Mercie. And now I must turne me in this case to you, my Lords the Bi­shops, and euen exhort you earnestly, to be more carefull, then you haue bene, that your Officers may more duely present Recusants, then here­tofore they haue done, without exception of persons; That althought it must be the worke of GOD that must make their mindes to bee altered, yet at least by this course they may be stayed from increasing, or insulting vpon vs.

And that yee all may know the trewth of my heart in this case, I di­uide all my Subiects that are Papists, into two rankes: either olde Pa­pists, that were so brought vp in times of Poperie, like old Queene Mary Priests, and those, that though they bee younger in yeeres, yet haue ne­uer drunke in other milke, but beene still nusled in that blindnesse: Or else such as doe become Apostats; hauing once beene of our Profession, and haue forsaken the trewth, either vpon discontent, or practise, or else vpon a light vaine humour of Noueltie, making no more scruple to seeke out new formes of Religion, then if it were but a new forme of Garment, or a new cut or courtsey after the French fashion.

For the former sort, I pitie them; but if they bee good and quiet Sub­iects, I hate not their persons; and if I were a priuate man, I could well keepe a ciuill friendship and conuersation with some of them: But as for those Apostates, who, I know, must be greatest haters of their owne Sect, I confesse I can neuer shew any fauourable countenance toward them, and they may all of them be sure without exception, that they shall neuer finde any more fauour of mee, further then I must needs in Iustice afford them. And these would I haue the Law to strike seuereliest vpon, and you care­fullest to discouer. Yee know there hath beene great stirre kept for beg­ging Concealements these yeeres past; and I pray you, let mee begge this concealement both of the Bishops, and Iudges, That Papists be no lon­ger concealed.

Next, as concerning the Common wealth, I doe specially recommend vnto you the framing of some new Statute for preseruation of woods. In the end of the last Session of Parliament, ye had a Bill amongst you of that subiect; but because you found some faults therein, you cast out the whole Bil: But I could haue rather wished that yee had either mended it, or made a new one; For to cast out the whole Bill because of some faults, was euen as if a man, that had a new garment brought him, would chuse rather to go na­ked, then haue his garment made fit for him: But on my coscience, I cannot [Page 546]imagine why you should so lightly haue esteemed a thing, so necessary for the Common wealth, if it were not out of a litle frowardnesse amongst you at that time, that what I then recommended earnestly vnto you, it was the worse liked of. The maintenance of woods is a thing so necessary for this Kingdome, as it cannot stand, nor be a Kingdome without it: For it concernes you both in your Esse, Bene esse, and in pleasures. Your Esse: for without it you want the vse of one of the most necessarie Ele­ments (which is Fire and fewell to dresse your meate with; for neither can the people liue in these colde Countries, if they want fire altogether, nor yet can you dresse your meate without it; and I thinke you will ill liue like the Cannibals vpon raw flesh: for the education of this people is farre from that. As to your bene esse; The decay of woods will necessarily bring the decay of Shipping, which both is the security of this Kingdome, since God hath by nature made the Sea to bee the wall of this Iland; and the rather now, since God hath vnited it all in my Person and Crowne; As also by the decay of Shipping will you loose both all your forraine commodities that are fit for this countrey, and the venting of our owne, which is the losse of Trade, that is a maine pillar of this kingdome. And as for Pleasure, yee know my delight in Hunting and Hawking, and many of your selues are of the same minde; and all this must needes de­cay, by the decay of Woods: Ye haue reason therefore to prouide a good Law vpon this Subiect.

Now as to the last point concerning matters of Pleasure, it consists in the preseruing of Game, which is now almost vtterly destroyed through all the Kingdome. And if you offer not now a better Law for this, then was made in the last Session of Parliament, I will neuer thanke you for it: For as for your Law anent Partridge and Phesant, you haue giuen leaue to euery man how poore a Farmour that euer hee bee, to take and destroy them in his owne ground how he list. But I pray you, how can the Game bee maintained, if Gentlemen that haue great Lordships shall breed and preserue them there, and so soone as euer they shall but flie ouer the hedge and light in a poore fellowes Close, they shall all be destroyed? Surely I know no remedie for preseruing the Game that breedes in my grounds, except I cast a roofe ouer all the ground, or else put veruels to the Partrid­ges feet with my Armes vpon them, as my Hawkes haue: otherwise I know not how they shall bee knowen to be the Kings Partridges, when they light in a Farmours Close.

And by your Lawe against stealing of Deere or Conies, after a long dis­course and prohibition of stealing them, you conclude in the end with a restriction, that all this punishment shall bee vnderstood to bee vsed a­gainst them that steale the Game in the night: Which hath much encou­raged all the looser sort of people, that it is no fault to steale Deere, so they doe it not like theeues in the night. As was that Law of the Lacedemonians [Page 547]against theft, that did not forbid theft, but onely taught them to doe it cunningly, and without discouerie: Whereupon a foolish boy suffered a Foxe to gnaw his heart through his breast. And this doctrine is like that Lesson of the Cannon Law, Si non castè, tamen cautè. I knowe you thinke that I speake partially in this case like a Hunter; But there is neuer a one of you that heares mee, that cares the least for the sport, for preseruation of the Game, but he would be as glad to haue a pastie of Ve­nison if you might get it, as the best Hunter would: And if the Game be not preserued, you can eate no Venison. As for Partridge and Phe­sant, I doe not denie that Gentlemen should haue their sport, and speci­ally vpon their owne ground. But first I doe not thinke such Game and pleasures should be free to base people. And next I would euen wish that Gentlemen should vse it in a Gentlemanlike fashion, and not with Nets, or Gunnes, or such other vngentlemanlike fashions that serue but for vt­ter destruction of all Game, nor yet to kill them at vnseasonable times, as to kill the Phesant and Partridges when they are no bigger then Mice, when as for euery one their Hawkes kill, ten will be destroyed with their Dogs and Horse feet; besides the great and intolerable harme they doe to Corne in that season.

And now in the end of all this faschious Speach, I must conclude like a Grey Frier, in speaking for my selfe at last. At the beginning of this Ses­sion of Parliament, when the Treasourer opened my necessities vnto you, then my Purse onely laboured; But now that word is spread both at home and abroad of the demaunds I haue made vnto you; my Reputation la­boureth aswellas my Purse: For if you part without the repairing of my State in some reasonable sort, what can the world thinke, but that the e­uill will my Subiects beare vnto mee, hath bred a refuse? And yee can neuer part so, without apprehending that I am distasted with your be­hauiour, and yet to be in feare of my displeasure. But I assure and promise my selfe farre otherwise.

THus haue I now performed my promise, in presenting vnto you the Christall of your Kings heart.

Yee know that principally by three wayes yee may wrong a Mirrour.

Frst, I pray you, looke not vpon my Mirrour with a false light: which yee doe, if ye mistake, or mis-vnderstand my Speach, and so alter the sence thereof.

But secondly, I pray you beware to soile it with a foule breath, and vn­cleane hands: I meane, that yee peruert not my words by any corrupt af­fections, [Page 548]turning them to an ill meaning, like one, who when hee heares the tolling of a Bell, fancies to himselfe, that it speakes those words which are most in his minde.

And lastly, (which is worst of all) beware to let it fall or breake; (for glasse is brittle) which ye doe, if ye lightly esteeme it, and by contemning it, conforme not your selues to my perswasions.

To conclude then: As all these three dayes of Iubile haue fallen in the midst of this season of penitence, wherein you haue presented your thanks to me, and I the like againe to you: So doe I wish and hope, that the end of this Parliament will bee such, as wee may all haue cause (both I your Head, and yee the Body) to ioyne in Eucharisticke Thanks and Praises vnto God, for our so good and happie an end.

A SPEACH IN THE STARRE-CHAMBER, THE XX. OF JVNE. ANNO 1616.

GIVE THY IVDGEMENTS TO THE KING, O GOD, AND THY RIGHTEOVSNES TO THE KINGS SONNE.

These be the first words of one of the Psalmes of the Kingly Prophet Dauid, whereof the lite­rall sense runnes vpon him, and his sonne Salo­mon, and the mysticall sense vpon GOD and CHRIST his eternall Sonne: but they are both so wouen together, as some parts are, and can onely bee properly applied vnto GOD and CHRIST, and other parts vnto Dauid and Salomon, as this Verse, Giue thy Iudgements to the King, O God, and thy Righteousnesse to the Kings Sonne, cannot be properly spoken of any, but of Dauid and his sonne; because it is said, Giue thy Iudgements, &c. Now God cannot giue to himselfe. In another part of the same Psalme, where it is said, that Righteousnes shall flourish, and abundance of Peace, as long as the Moone endureth, it signifieth eternitie, and cannot be properly applied but to GOD and CHRIST: But both senses, aswell literall as mysticall, serue to Kings for imitation, and especially to Christian Kings: for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD, and they themselues are called Gods.

And therefore all good Kings in their gouernment, must imitate GOD [Page 550]and his Christ, in being iust and righteous; Dauid and Salomon, in being godly and wise: To be wise, is vnderstood, able to discerne, able to iudge others: To be godly is, that the fountaine be pure whence the streames proceed: for what auailes it though all his workes be godly, if they pro­ceed not from godlinesse: To bee righteous, is to a mans selfe: To bee iust, is towards others. But Iustice in a King auailes not, vnlesse it be with a cleane heart: for except he bee Righteous aswell as Iust, he is no good King; and whatsoeuer iustice he doeth; except he doeth it for Iustice sake, and out of the purenesse of his owne heart, neither from priuate ends, vaine-glory, or any other by-respects of his owne, all such Iustice is vn­righteousnesse, and no trew Iustice. From this imitation of GOD and CHRIST, in whose Throne wee sit, the gouernment of all Common-wealths, and especially Monarchies, hath bene from the beginning setled and established. Kings are properly Iudges, and Iudgement properly be­longs to them from GOD: for Kings sit in the Throne of GOD, and thence all Iudgement is deriued.

In all well setled Monarchies, where Law is established formerly and orderly, there Iudgement is deferred from the King to his subordinate Magistrates; not that the King takes it from himselfe, but giues it vnto them: So it comes not to them Priuatiuè, but cumulatiuè, as the Shoole­men speake. The ground is ancient, euer sithence that Counsell which Iethro gaue to Moses: for after that Moses had gouerned a long time, in his owne person, the burthen grew so great, hauing none to helpe him, as his father in law comming to visite him, found him so cumbred with ministring of Iustice, that neither the people were satisfied, nor he well able to performe it; Therefore by his aduice, Iudges were deputed for easier questions, and the greater and more profound were left to Moses: And according to this establishment; all Kings that haue had a formall gouernement, especially Christian Kings in all aages haue gouerned their people, though after a diuers maner.

This Deputation is after one manner in France, after another here, and euen my owne Kingdomes differ in this point of gouernment: for Scotland differs both from France and England herein; but all agree in this, (I speake of such Kingdomes or States where the formalitie of Law hath place) that the King that sits in Gods Throne, onely deputes subal­terne Iudges, and he deputes not one but a number (for no one subalterne Iudges mouth makes Law) and their office is to interprete Law, and ad­minister Iustice. But as to the number of them, the forme of gouerne­ment, the maner of interpretation, the distinction of Benches, the di­uersitie of Courts; these varie according to the varietie of gouernment, and institution of diuers Kings: So this ground I lay, that the seate of Iudgement is properly Gods, and Kings are Gods Vicegerents; and by Kings Iudges are deputed vnder them, to beare the burden of gouerne­ment, according to the first example of Moses by the aduice of Iethro, and [Page 551]sithence practised by Dauid and Salomon, the wisest Kings that euer were; which is in this Psalme so interlaced, that as the first verse cannot be ap­plied properly but to Dauid and Salomon, in the words, Giue thy Iudgements to the King, &c. So the other place in the same Psalme, Righteousnesse shall flourish, and abundance of peace shall remaine as long as the Moone endureth, properly signifieth the eternitie of CHRIST. This I speake, to shew what a neere coniunction there is betweene God and the King vpward, and the King and his Iudges downewards: for the same coniunction that is betweene God and the King vpward; the same coniunction is betweene the King and his Iudges downewards.

As Kings borrow their power from God, so Iudges from Kings: And as Kings are to accompt to God, so Iudges vnto God and Kings; and both Kings and Iudges by imitation, haue two qualities from God and his Christ, and two qualities from Dauid and his Salomon: Iudgement and Righteousnesse, from God and Christ: Godlinesse and Wisedome from Dauid and Salomon. And as no King can discharge his accompt to God, vn­lesse he make conscience not to alter, but to declare and establish the will of God: So Iudges cannot discharge their accompts to Kings, vnlesse they take the like care, not to take vpon them to make Law, but ioyned together after a deliberate consultation, to declare what the Law is; For as Kings are subiect vnto Gods Law, so they to mans Law. It is the Kings Office to protect and settle the trew interpretation of the Law of God within his Dominions: And it is the Iudges Office to interprete the Law of the King, whereto themselues are also subiect.

Hauing now perfourmed this ancient Prouerbe, A Ioue principium; which though it was spoken by a Pagan, yet it is good and holy: I am now to come to my particular Errand, for which I am heere this day; wherein I must handle two parts: First, the reason why I haue not these fourteene yeeres, sithence my Coronation vntill now, satisfied a great ma­ny of my louing subiects, who I know haue had a great expectation, and as it were a longing, like them that are with child, to heare mee speake in this place, where my Predecessors haue often sitten, and especially King Henry the seuenth, from whom, as diuers wayes before, I am lineally de­scended, and that doubly to this Crowne; and as I am neerest descended of him, so doe I desire to follow him in his best actions.

The next part is the reason, Why I am now come: The cause that made mee abstaine, was this: When I came into England, although I was an old King, past middle aage, and practised in gouernment euer sithence I was twelue yeeres olde; yet being heere a stranger in gouernement, though not in blood, because my breeding was in another Kingdome; I resolued therefore with Pythagoras to keepe silence seuen yeeres, and learne my selfe the Lawes of this Kingdome, before I would take vpon mee to teach them vnto others: When this Apprentiship was ended, then another impediment came, which was in the choice of that cause, that should first [Page 552]bring me hither. I expected some great cause to make my first entry vp­on: For I thought that hauing abstained so long, it should be a worthy matter that should bring mee hither. Now euery cause must be great or small: In small causes I thought it disgracefull to come, hauing beene so long absent: In great causes, they must be either betwixt the King and some of his Subiects, or betwixt Subiect and Subiect.

In a cause where my selfe was concerned, I was loath to come, because men should not thinke I did come for my owne priuate, either Preroga­tiue or profit; or for any other by-respect: And in that case I will alwayes abide the triall of men and Angels, neuer to haue had any particular end, in that which is the Maine of all things, Iustice.

In a great cause also betweene partie and partie, great in respect either of the question, or value of the thing, my comming might seeme, as it were obliquely, to be in fauour of one partie, and for that cause this Coun­sellour, or that Courtier might be thought to mooue me to come hither; And a meane cause was not worthy of mee, especially for my first en­trance: So lacke of choice in both respects kept mee off till now: And now hauing passed a double apprentiship of twice seuen yeeres, I am come hither to speake vnto you. And next as to the reasons of my comming at this time, they are these.

I haue obserued in the time of my whole Reigne here, and my double Apprentiship, diuers things fallen out in the Iudicatures here at West­minster Hall, that I thought required and vrged a reformation at my hands; whereupon I resolued with my selfe, that I could not more fitly begin a reformation, then here to make an open declaration of my mea­ning. I remember Christs saying, My sheepe heare my voyce, and so I assure my selfe, my people will most willingly heare the voyce of me, their owne Shepheard and King; whereupon I tooke this occasion in mine owne per­son here in this Seate of Iudgement, not iudicially, but declaratorily and openly to giue those directions, which, at other times, by piece-meale, I haue deliuered to some of you in diuers lesse publike places; but now will put it vp in all your audience, where I hope it shall bee trewly ca­ried, and cannot be mistaken, as it might haue bene when it was spoken more priuately: I will for order sake take mee to the methode of the num­ber of Three, the number of perfection, and vpon that number distri­bute all I haue to declare to you.

FIrst, I am to giue a charge to my selfe: for a King, or Iudge vnder a King, that first giues not a good charge to himselfe, will neuer be able to giue a good charge to his inferiours; for as I haue said, Good riuers cannot flow but from good springs; if the fountaine be im­pure, so must the riuers be.

Secondly, to the Iudges: And thirdly, to the Auditory, and the rest of the inferiour ministers of Iustice.

[Page 553]First, I protest to you all, in all your audience, heere sitting in the seate of Iustice, belonging vnto GOD, and now by right fallen vnto mee, that I haue resolued, as Confirmation in Maioritie followeth Bap­tisme in minoritie; so now after many yeeres, to renew my promise and Oath made at my Coronation concerning Iustice, and the promise therein for maintenance of the Law of the Land. And I protest in GODS presence, my care hath euer beene to keepe my conscience cleare in all the points of my Oath, taken at my Coronation, so farre as hu­mane frailtie may permit mee, or my knowledge enforme mee, I speake in point of Iustice and Law; For Religion, I hope I am reaso­nably well knowen already: I meane therefore of Lawe and Iustice; and for Law, I meane the Common Law of the Land, according to which the King gouernes, and by which the people are gouerned. For the Common Law, you can all beare mee witnesse, I neuer pressed altera­tion of it in Parliament; but on the contrary, when I endeauoured most an Vnion reall, as was already in my person, my desire was to con­forme the Lawes of Scotland to the Law of England, and not the Law of England to the Law of Scotland; and so the prophecie to be trew of my wise Grandfather Henry the seuenth, who foretold that the lesser Kingdome by marriage, would follow the greater, and not the greater the lesser; And therefore married his eldest daughter Margaret to Iames the fourth, my great Grandfather.

It was a foolish Querke of some Iudges, who held that the Parliament of England, could not vnite Scotland and England by the name of Great Britaine, but that it would make an alteration of the Lawes, though I am since come to that knowledge, that an Acte of Parliament can doe greater wonders: And that old wise man the Treasourer Burghley was wont to say, Hee knew not what an Acte of Parliament could not doe in England; For my intention was alwayes to effect vnion by vniting Scotland to England, and not England to Scotland: For I euer meant, be­ing euer resolued, that this Law should continue in this Kingdome, and two things mooued mee thereunto; One is, that in matter of Policie and State, you shall neuer see any thing anciently and maturely esta­blished, but by Innouation or alteration it is worse then it was, I meane not by purging of it from corruptions, and restoring it to the ancient integritie; Another reason was, I was sworne to maintaine the Law of the Land, and therefore I had beene periured if I had altered it; And this I speake to root out the conceit and misapprehension, if it be in any heart, that I would change, damnifie, vilifie or suppresse the Law of this Land: GOD is my Iudge I neuer meant it; And this confirmation I make before you all.

To this I ioyne the point of Iustice, which I call Vnicuique suum tri­buere. All my Councell, and Iudges dead and aliue, can, and could beare mee witnesse, how vnpartiall I haue beene in declaring of Law. [Page 554]And where it hath concerned mee in my owne inheritance, I haue as willingly submitted my interest to the Lawe, as any my Subiects could doe; and it becomes mee so to doe, to giue example to others: much lesse then will I be partiall to others, where I am not to my selfe. And so resolue your selues, Iustice with mee may bee moderated in point of cle­mencie: for no Iustice can be without mercie. But in matters of Iustice to giue euery man his owne, to be blinde without eyes of partialitie; This is my full resolution.

I vsed to say when I was in Scotland, if any man mooued mee to delay Iustice, that it was against the Office of a King so to doe; But when a­ny made suite to hasten Iustice, I told them I had rather grant fourtie of these suits, then one of the other: This was alwayes my custome and shall be euer, with Gods leaue.

Now what I haue spoken of Law and Iustice, I meane by the Lawe kept in her owne bounds: For I vnderstand the inheritance of the King, and Subiects in this land, must bee determined by the Common Law, and that is, by the Law set downe in our forefathers time, ex­pounded by learned men diuers times after in the declaratory Comments, called Responsa Prudentum; Or else by Statute Law set downe by Acte of Parliament, as occasion serues: By this I doe not seclude all other Lawes of England; but this is the Law of inheritance in this Kingdome.

There is another Law, of all Lawes free and supreame, which is GODS LAVV: And by this all Common and municipall Lawes must be gouer­ned: And except they haue dependance vpon this Law, they are vniust and vnlawfull.

When I speake of that Law, I onely giue this touch, That that Law in this Kingdome hath beene too much neglected, and Churchmen too much had in contempt; I must speake trewth, Great men, Lords, Iudges, and people of all degrees from the highest to the lowest, haue too much contemned them: And God will not blesse vs in our owne Lawes, if wee doe not reuerence and obey GODS LAVV; which cannot bee, ex­cept the interpreters of it be respected and reuerenced.

And it is a signe of the latter dayes drawing on; euen the contempt of the Church, and of the Gouernours and Teachers thereof now in the Church of ENGLAND, which I say in my Conscience, of any Church that euer I read or knew of, present or past, is most pure, and neerest the Primitiue and Apostolicall Church in Doctrine and Disci­pline, and is sureliest founded vpon the word of God, of any Church in Christendome.

Next vnto this Law is the Law of Nations, which God forbid should bee barred, and that for two causes: One, because it is a Law to satisfie Strangers, which will not so well hold themselues satisfied with other municipall Lawes: Another, to satisfie our owne Subiects in matters of Piracie, Marriage, Wills, and things of like nature: That Law I [Page 555]diuide into Ciuil and Canon; And this Law hath bene so much encroched vpon, sithence my comming to the Crowne, and so had in contempt, that young men are discouraged from studying, and the rest wearie of their liues that doe professe it, and would be glad to seeke any other craft.

So, speaking of the Common Law, I meane the Common Law kept within her owne limits, and not derogating from these other Lawes, which by longer custome haue beene rooted here; first, the Law of GOD and his Church; and next, the Law Ciuill and Canon, which in many cases cannot be wanting.

To conclude this charge which I giue my selfe, I professe to maintaine all the points of mine Oath, especially in Lawes, and of Lawes, especially the Common Law.

And as to maintaine it, so to purge it; for else it cannot bee maintained: and especially to purge it from two corruptions, Incertaintie and Nouel­tie: Incertaintie is found in the Law it selfe, wherein I will bee painefull to cleare it to the people; and this is properly to bee done in Parliament by aduice of the Iudges.

The other corruption is introduced by the Iudges themselues, by Ni­cities that are vsed, where it may be said, Ab initio non fuit sic.

Nothing in the world is more likely to be permanent to our eyes then yron or steele, yet the rust corrupts it, if it bee not kept cleane: which sheweth, nothing is permanent here in this world, if it be not purged; So I cannot discharge my conscience in maintaining the Lawes, if I keepe them not cleane from corruption.

And now that I may bee like the Pastor, that first takes the Sacrament himselfe, and then giues it to the people: So I haue first taken my owne charge vpon me, before I giue you your Charge, lest it might be said, ‘ Turpe est doctori, cùm culpa redarguit ipsum.’

NOw my Lords the Iudges for your parts, the Charge I haue to giue you, consists likewise in three parts.

First in generall, that you doe Iustice vprightly, as you shall an­swere to GOD and mee: For as I haue onely GOD to answere to, and to expect punishment at his hands, if I offend; So you are to answere both to GOD and to mee, and expect punishment at GODS hands and mine, if you be found in fault.

Secondly, to doe Iustice indifferently betweene Subiect and Subiect, betweene King and Subiect, without delay, partialitie, feare or bribery, with stout and vpright hearts, with cleane and vncorrupt hands.

When I bid you doe Iustice boldly, yet I bid you doe it fearefully; fearefully in this, to vtter your owne conceites, and not the trew mea­ning of the Law: And remember you are no makers of Law, but Inter­pretours of Law, according to the trew sence thereof; for your Office is Ius dicere, and not Ius dare: And that you are so farre from making Law, that euen in the higher house of Parliament, you haue no voyce in [Page 556]making of a Law, but only to giue your aduice when you are required.

And though the Laws be in many places obscure, and not so wel know­en to the multitude as to you; and that there are many parts that come not into ordinary practise, which are knowen to you, because you can finde out the reason thereof by bookes and presidents; yet know this, that your in­terpretations must be alwayes subiect to common sense and reason.

For I will neuer trust any Interpretation, that agreeth not with my com­mon sense and reason, and trew Logicke: for Ratio est anima Legis in all humane Lawes, without exception; it must not be Sophistrie or straines of wit that must interprete, but either cleare Law, or solide reason.

But in Countreys where the formalitie of Law hath no place, as in Den­marke, which I may trewly report, as hauing my selfe beene an eye-witnesse thereof; all their State is gouerned onely by a written Law; there is no Aduocate or Proctour admitted to plead, onely the parties themselues plead their owne cause, and then a man stands vp and reads the Law, and there is an end, for the very Law-booke it selfe is their onely Iudge. Hap­py were all Kingdomes if they could be so: But heere, curious wits, various conceits, different actions, and varietie of examples breed questions in Law: And therefore when you heare the questions if they be plaine, there is a plaine way in it selfe; if they be such as are not plaine (for mens inuen­tions dayly abound) then are you to interprete according to common sense, and draw a good and certaine Minor of naturall reason, out of the Maior of direct Lawe, and thereupon to make a right and trew Conclusion.

For though the Common Law be a mystery and skill best knowen vn­to your selues, yet if your interpretation be such, as other men which haue Logicke and common sense vnderstand not the reason, I will neuer trust such an Interpretation.

Remember also you are Iudges, and not a Iudge; and diuided into Ben­ches, which sheweth that what you doe, that you should doe with aduice and deliberation, not hastily and rashly, before you well study the case, and conferre together; debating it duely, not giuing single opinions, per emendicata suffragia; and so to giue your Iudgement, as you will answer to God and me.

Now hauing spoken of your Office in generall, I am next to come to the limits wherein you are to bound yourselues, which likewise are three. First, Incroach not vpon the Prerogatiue of the Crowne: If there fall out a question that concernes my Prerogatiue or mystery of State, deale not with it, till you consult with the King or his Councell, or both: for they are transcendent matters, and must not be sliberely ca­ried with ouer-rash wilfulnesse; for so may you wound the King through the sides of a priuate person: and this I commend vnto your speciall care, as some of you of late haue done very well, to blunt the sharpe edge and vaine popular humour of some Lawyers at the Barre, [Page 557]that thinke they are not eloquent and bold spirited enough, except they meddle with the Kings Prerogatiue: But doe not you suffer this; for cer­tainely if this liberty be suffered, the Kings Prerogatiue, the Crowne, and I, shall bee as much wounded by their pleading, as if you resolued what they disputed: That which concernes the mysterie of the Kings power, is not lawfull to be disputed; for that is to wade into the weakenesse of Prin­ces, and to take away the mysticall reuerence, that belongs vnto them that sit in the Throne of God.

Secondly, That you keepe yourselues within your owne Benches, not to inuade other Iurisdictions, which is vnfit, and an vnlawful thing; In this I must inlarge my selfe. Besides the Courts of Common Law, there is the Court of Requests; the Admiraltie Court; the Court of the President and Councell of Walles, the President and Councell of the North; High Com­mission Courts, euery Bishop in his owne Court.

These Courts ought to keepe their owne limits and boundes of their Commission and Instructions, according to the ancient Presidents: And like as I declare that my pleasure is, that euery of these shall keepe their owne limits and boundes; So the Courts of Common Lawe are not to en­croach vpon them, no more then it is my pleasure that they should encroach vpon the Common Law. And this is a thing Regall and proper to a King, to keepe euery Court within his owne bounds.

In Westminster Hall there are foure Courts: Two that handle causes Ci­uill, which are the Common-pleas, and the Exchequer: Two that deter­mine causes Criminall, which are the Kings-Bench, and the Starre-Cham­ber, where now I sit. The Common-Pleas is a part and branch of the Kings-Bench; for it was first all one Court; and then the Common-Pleas being extracted, it was called Common-Pleas; because it medled with the Pleas of Priuate persons, and that which remained, the Kings-Bench. The other of the Courts for ciuill Causes, is the Exchequer, which was ordei­ned for the Kings Reuenew: That is the principall Institution of that Court, and ought to be their chiefe studie; and as other things come order­ly thither by occasion of the former, they may be handled, and Iustice there administred.

Keepe you therefore all in your owne bounds, and for my part, I desire you to giue me no more right in my priuate Prerogatiue, then you giue to any Subiect; and therein I will be acquiescent: As for the absolute Prero­gatiue of the Crowne, that is no Subiect for the tongue of a Lawyer, nor is lawfull to be disputed.

It is Athiesme and blasphemie to dispute what God can doe: good Chri­stians content themselues with his will reuealed in his word. so, it is pre­sumption and high contempt in a Subiect, to dispute what a King can doe, or say that a King cannot doe this, or that; but rest in that which is the Kings reuealed will in his Law.

The Kings-Bench is the principall Court for criminall causes, and in [Page 558]some respects it deales with Ciuill causes.

Then is there a Chancerie Court; this is a Court of Equitie, and hath power to deale likewise in Ciuill causes: It is called the dispenser of the Kings Conscience, following alwayes the intention of Law and Iustice; not altering the Law, not making that blacke which other Courts made white, nor è conuerso; But in this it exceeds other Courts, mixing Mer­cie with Iustice, where other Courts proceed onely according to the strict rules of Law: And where the rigour of the Law in many cases will vndoe a Subiect, there the Chancerie tempers the Law with equitie, and so mixeth Mercy with Iustice, as it preserues men from destruction.

And thus (as before I told you) is the Kings Throne established by Mer­cy and Iustice.

The Chancerie is vndependant of any other Court, and is onely vn­der the King: There it is written Teste meipso; from that Court there is no Appeale. And as I am bound in my Conscience to maintaine eue­ry Courts Iurisdiction, so especially this, and not suffer it to sustaine wrong; yet so to maintaine it, as to keepe it within the owne limits, and free from corruption. My Chancellour that now is, I found him Kee­per of the Seale, the same place in substance, although I gaue him the Stile of Chancellour, and God hath kept him in it till now; and I pray God he may hold it long; and so I hope he will. He will beare mee witnesse, I neuer gaue him other warrant, then to goe on in his Court according to Presidents, warranted by Law in the time of the best gouerning Kings, and most learned Chancellours: These were the limits I gaue vnto him; beyond the same limits he hath promised me he will neuer goe.

And as he hath promised me to take no other Iurisdiction to himselfe, so is it my promise euer to maintaine this Iurisdiction in that Court: Therefore I speake this to vindicate that Court from misconceipt and contempt.

It is the duetie of Iudges to punish those that seeke to depraue the pro­ceedings of any the Kings Courts, and not to encourage them any way: And I must confesse I thought it an odious and inept speach, and it grie­ued me very much, that it should be said in Westminster Hall, that a Premu­nire lay against the Court of the Chancery and Officers there: How can the King grant a Premunire against himselfe?

It was a foolish, inept, and presumptuous attempt, and fitter for the time of some vnworthy King: vnderstand mee aright; I meane not, the Chancerie should exceed his limite; but on the other part; the King onely is to correct it, and none else: And therefore I was greatly abused in that attempt: For if any was wronged there, the complaint should haue come to mee. None of you but will confesse you haue a King of reasonable vnderstanding, and willing to reforme; why then should you spare to complaine to me, that being the high way, and not goe the other way, and backe-way, in contempt of our Authoritie?

[Page 559]And therefore sitting heere in a seat of Iudgement, I declare and com­mand, that no man hereafter presume to sue a Premunire against the Chan­cery; which I may the more easily doe, because no Premunire can bee sued but at my Suit: And I may iustly barre my selfe at mine owne pleasure.

As all inundations come with ouerflowing the bankes, and neuer come without great inconuenience, and are thought prodigious by Astrolo­gers in things to come: So is this ouerflowing the bankes of your Iuris­diction in it selfe inconuenient, and may proue prodigious to the State.

Remember therefore, that hereafter you keepe within your limits and Iurisdictions. It is a speciall point of my Office to procure and command, that amongst Courts there bee a concordance, and musicall accord; and it is your parts to obey, and see this kept: And, as you are to obserue the ancient Lawes and customes of England; so are you to keepe your selues within the bound of direct Law, or Presidents; and of those, not euery snatched President, carped now here, now there, as it were running by the way; but such as haue neuer beene controuerted, but by the con­trary, approued by common vsage, in times of best Kings, and by most learned Iudges.

The Starre-Chamber Court hath bene likewise shaken of late, and the last yeere it had receiued a sore blow, if it had not bene assisted and caried by a few voyces; The very name of Starre-Chamber, seemeth to procure a reuerence to the Court.

I will not play the Criticke to descant on the name; It hath a name from heauen, a Starre placed in it; and a Starre is a glorious creature, and seated in a glorious place, next vnto the Angels. The Starre-Chamber is al­so glorious in substance: for in the composition, it is of foure sorts of per­sons: The first two are Priuie Counsellours and Iudges, the one by wise­dome in matters of State; the other, by learning in matters of Law, to di­rect and order all things both according to Law and State: The other two sorts are Peeres of the Realme, and Bishops: The Peeres are there by reason of their greatnesse, to giue authority to that Court: The Bishops because of their learning in Diuinitie, and the interest they haue in the good gouernment of the Church: And so, both the learning of both Di­uine and humane Law, and experience and practise in Gouernment, are conioyned together in the proceedings of this Court.

There is no Kingdome but hath a Court of Equitie, either by it selfe, as is heere in England, or else mixed, and incorporate in their Office that are Iudges in the Law, as it is in Scotland: But the order of England is much more perfect, where they are diuided. And as in case of Equitie, where the Law determines not clearely, there the Chancerie doeth determine, hauing Equitie belonging to it, which doeth belong to no other Court: So the Starre-Chamber hath that belonging to it, which belongs to no other Court: For in this Court Attempts are punishable, where other Courts punish onely facts; And also where the Law punisheth facts [Page 560]easily, as in case of Riots or Combates, there the Starre-Chamber punish­eth in a higher degree; And also all combinations of practises and conspi­racies; And if the King be dishonoured or contemned in his Prerogatiue, it belongeth most properly to the Peeres and Iudges of this Court to pu­nish it: So then this Court being instituted for so great causes, it is great reason it should haue great honour.

Remember now how I haue taught you brotherly loue one toward another: For you know well, that as you are Iudges, you are all brethren, and your Courts are sisters. I pray you therefore, labour to keepe that sweete harmonie, which is amongst those sisters the Muses. What greater miserie can there bee to the Law, then contempt of the Law? and what readier way to contempt, then when questions come, what shall bee determined in this Court, and what in that? Whereupon two euils doe arise; The one, that men come not now to Courts of iustice, to heare matters of right pleaded, and Decrees giuen accordingly, but onely out of a curiositie, to heare questions of the Iurisdictions of Courts dispu­ted, and to see the euent, what Court is like to preuaile aboue the other; And the other is, that the Pleas are turned from Court to Court in an end­lesse circular motion, as vpon Ixions wheele: And this was the reason why I found iust fault with that multitude of Prohibitions: For when a poore Minister had with long labour, and great expence of charge and time, gotten a sentence for his Tithes, then comes a Prohibition, and turnes him round from Court to Court, and so makes his cause immortall and endlesse: for by this vncertaintie of Iurisdiction amongst Courts, cau­ses are scourged from Court to Court, and this makes the fruit of Suits like Tantalus fruite, still neere the Suiters lips, but can neuer come to taste it. And this in deed is a great delay of Iustice, and makes causes end­lesse: Therefore the onely way to auoyd this, is for you to keepe your owne bounds, and nourish not the people in contempt of other Courts, but teach them reuerence to Courts in your publique speaches, both in your Benches, and in your Circuits; so shall you bring them to a reue­rence, both of GOD, and of the King.

Keepe therefore your owne limits towards the King, towards other Courts, and towards other Lawes, bounding your selues within your owne Law, and make not new Law. Remember, as I said before, that you are Iudges, to declare, and not to make Law: For when you make a Decree neuer heard of before, you are Law-giuers, and not Law­tellers.

I haue laboured to gather some Articles, like an Index expurgatorius, of nouelties new crept into the Law, and I haue it ready to bee considered of: Looke to Plowdens Cases, and your old Responsa prudentum; if you finde it not there, then (ab initio non fuit sic) I must say with CHRIST, A­way with the new polygamie, and maintaine the ancient Law pure and vndefiled, as it was before.

[Page 561] TO the Auditory I haue but little to say, yet that little will not bee ill bestowed to be said at this time.

Since I haue now renewed and confirmed my resolution to maintaine my Oath, the Law and Iustice of the Land; So doe I expect, that you my Subiects doe submit your selues as you ought, to the obser­uance of that Law.

And as I haue diuided the two former parts of my Charge; So will I diuide this your submission into three parts, for orderly diuisions and me­thode, cause things better to be remembred.

First in generall, that you giue due reuerence to the Law; and this gene­rall diuides it selfe into three.

First, not to sue, but vpon iust cause.

Secondly, beeing sued, and Iudgement passed against you, Acquiesce in the Iudgement, and doe not tumultuate against it; and take example from mee, whom you haue heard here protest, that when euer any De­cree shall be giuen against me in my priuate right, betweene me and a Sub­iect, I will as humbly acquiesce as the meanest man in the Land. Imitate me in this, for in euery Plea there are two parties, and Iudgement can be but for one, and against the other; so one must alwayes be displeased.

Thirdly, doe not complaine and importune mee against Iudgements; for I hold this Paradoxe to bee a good rule in Gouernment, that it is better for a King to maintaine an vniust Decree, then to question euery Decree and Iudgement, after the giuing of a sentence, for then Suites shall neuer haue end: Therefore as you come gaping to the Law for Iu­stice, so bee satisfied and contented when Iudgement is past against you, and trouble not mee; but if you finde briberie or corruption, then come boldly: but when I say boldly, beware of comming to com­plaine, except you bee very sure to prooue the iustice of your cause: O­therwise looke for Lex Talionis to bee executed vpon you; for your accu­sing of an vpright Iudge, deserues double punishment, in that you seeke to lay infamie vpon a worthy person of that reuerent calling.

And be not tild on with your own Lawyers tales, that say the cause is iust for their owne gaine; but beleeue the Iudges that haue no hire but of me.

Secondly, in your Pleas, presume not to meddle with things against the Kings Prerogatiue, or Honour: Some Gentlemen of late haue beene too bold this wayes; If you vse it, the Iudges will punish you; and if they suffer it, I must punish both them and you. Plead not vpon new Puri­tanicall straines, that make all things popular; but keepe you within the ancient Limits of Pleas.

Thirdly, make not many changes from Court to Court: for hee that changeth Courts, shewes to mistrust the iustnesse of the cause. Goe to the right place, and the Court that is proper for your cause; change not thence, and submit your selues to the Iudgement giuen there.

Thus hauing finished the Charge to my selfe, the Iudges and the Audi­torie, [Page 562]I am to craue your pardon if I haue forgotten any thing, or beene inforced to breake my Methode; for you must remember, I come not hither with a written Sermon: I haue no Bookes to reade it out of, and a long speach, manifold businesse, and a little leasure may well pleade par­don for any fault of memorie; and trewly I know not if I haue forgotten any thing or not.

And now haue I deliuered, First my excuse, why I came not till now: Next, the reasons why I came now: Thirdly, my charge, and that to my selfe, to you my Lords the Iudges, and to the Auditory.

I haue also an ordinary charge that I vse to deliuer to the Iudges before my Councell, when they goe their Circuits; and seeing I am come to this place, you shall haue that also, and so I will make the old saying trew, Combe seldome, combesore, I meane by my long deteining you at this time, which will bee so much the more profitable in this Auditorie; because a number of the Auditorie will be informed here, who may relate it to their fellow Iustices in the countrey.

My Lords the Iudges, you know very well, that as you are Iudges with mee when you sit here; so are you Iudges vnder mee, and my Sub­stitutes in the Circuits, where you are Iudges Itinerant to doe Iustice to my people.

It is an ancient and laudable custome in this Kingdome, that the Iudges goe thorow the Kingdome in Circuits, easing the people thereby of great charges, who must otherwise come from all the remote parts of the King­dome to Westminster Hall, for the finding out and punishing of offences past, and preuenting the occasion or offences that may arise.

I can giue you no other charge in effect, but onely to remember you againe of the same in substance which I deliuered to you this time Twelue-moneth.

First, Remember that when you goe your Circuits, you goe not onely to punish-and preuent offences, but you are to take care for the good go­uernment in generall of the parts where you trauell, as well as to doe Iu­stice in particular betwixt party and party, in causes criminall and ciuill.

You haue charges to giue to Iustices of peace, that they doe their dueties when you are absent, aswell as present: Take an accompt of them, and re­port their seruice to me at your returne.

As none of you will hold it sufficient to giue a charge, except in taking the accompt, you finde the fruit of it: So I say to you, it will not bee suf­ficient for you, to heare my charge, if at your returne you bring not an accompt to the haruest of my sowing, which cannot be done in generall, but in making to me a particular report what you haue done.

For, a King hath two Offices.

First, to direct things to be done:

Secondly, to take an accompt how they are fulfilled; for what is it the better for me to direct as an Angel, if I take not accompt of your doings.

[Page 563]I know not whether misunderstanding, or slacknesse bred this, that I had no accompt but in generall, of that I gaue you in particular in charge the last yeere: Therefore I now charge you againe, that at your next returne, you repaire to my Chancellour, and bring your accompts to him in writing, of those things which in particular I haue giuen you in charge: And then when I haue seene your accompts, as occasion shall serue, it may bee I will call for some of you, to be informed of the state of that part of the countrey where your Circuit lay.

Of these two parts of your seruice, I know the ordinary Legall part of Nisi prius is the more profitable to you: But the other part of Iustice is more necessary for my seruice. Therefore as CHRIST said to the Pha­rises, Hoc agite, as the most principall: yet I will say, Et illud non omittite: which, that you may the better doe, I haue allowed you a day more in your Circuits, then my Predecessours haue done.

And this you shall finde, that euen as a King, (let him be neuer so godly, wise, righteous, and iust) yet if the subalterne Magistrates doe not their parts vnder him, the Kingdome must needes suffer: So let the Iudges bee neuer so carefull and industrious, if the Iustices of Peace vnder them, put not to their helping hands, in vaine is all your labour: For they are the Kings eyes and eares in the countrey. It was an ancient custome, that all the Iudges both immediatly before their going to their Circuits, and immediatly vpon their returne, repaired to the Lord Chancellour of England, both to receiue what directions it should please the King by his mouth to giue vnto them; as also to giue him an accompt of their la­bours, who was to acquaint the King therewith: And this good an­cient custome hath likewise beene too much slacked of late; And there­fore first of all, I am to exhort and command you, that you be carefull to giue a good accompt to me and my Chancellour, of the dueties performed by all Iustices of Peace in your Circuits: Which gouernment by Iusti­ces, is so laudable and so highly esteemed by mee, that I haue made Scot­land to bee gouerned by Iustices and Constables, as England is. And let not Gentlemen be ashamed of this Place; for it is a place of high Honour, and great reputation, to be made a Minister of the Kings Iustice, in seruice of the Common-wealth.

Of these there are two sorts, as there is of all Companies, especially where there is a great number; that is, good and bad Iustices: For the good, you are to enforme me of them, that I may know them, thanke them, and reward them, as occasion serues: For I hold a good Iustice of Peace in his Countrey, to doe mee as good seruice, as hee that waites vpon mee in my Priuie Chamber, and as ready will I be to reward him; For I ac­compt him as capable of any Honour, Office, or preferment about my Person, or for any place of Councell or State, as well as any Cour­teour that is neere about mee, or any that haue deserued well of me in for­reine employments: Yea, I esteeme the seruice done me by a good Iustice [Page 564]of Peace, three hundred miles, yea sixe hundred miles out of my sight, as well as the seruice done me in my presence: For as God hath giuen me large limits, so must I be carefull that my prouidence may reach to the far­thest parts of them: And as Law cannot be honoured, except Honour be giuen to Iudges: so without due respect to Iustices of Peace, what regard will be had of the seruice?

Therefore let none be ashamed of this Office, or be discouraged in be­ing a Iustice of Peace, if he serue worthily in it.

The Chancellour vnder me, makes Iustices, and puts them out; but nei­ther I, nor he can tell what they are: Therefore wee must bee informed by you Iudges, who can onely tell, who doe well, and who doe ill; without which, how can the good be cherished and maintained, and the rest put out? The good Iustices are carefull to attend the seruice of the King and countrey, for thanks onely of the King, and loue to their countrey, and for no other respect.

The bad are either idle Slowbellies, that abide alwayes at home, giuen to a life of ease and delight, liker Ladies then men; and thinke it is enough to contemplate Iustice, when as Virtus in actione consistit: contemplatiue Iustice is no iustice, and contemplatiue Iustices are fit to be put out.

Another sort of Iustices are busie-bodies, and will haue all men dance af­ter their pipe, and follow their greatnesse, or else will not be content; A sort of men, Qui seprimos omnium esse putant, nec sunt tamen: these proud spirits must know, that the countrey is ordained to obey and follow GOD and the King, and not them.

Another sort are they, that goe seldome to the Kings seruice, but when it is to helpe some of their kindred or alliance; So as when they come, it is to helpe their friends, or hurt their enemies, making Iustice to serue for a sha­dow to Faction, and tumultuating the countrey.

Another sort are Gentlemen of great worth in their owne conceit, and cannot be content with the present forme of Gouernement, but must haue a kind of libertie in the people, and must be gracious Lords, and Redeemers of their libertie; and in euery cause that concernes Prerogatiue, giue a snatch against a Monarchie, through their Puritanicall itching after Popu­laritie: Some of them haue shewed themselues too bold of late in the lower house of Parliament: And when all is done, if there were not a King, they would be lesse cared for then other men.

And now hauing spoken of the qualities of the Iustices of Peace; I am next to speake of their number. As I euer held the midway in all things to be the way of Vertue, in eschewing both extremities: So doe I in this: for vpon the one part, a multitude of Iustices of Peace in the countrey more then is necessary, breeds but confusion: for although it be an old Prouerbe, that Many handes make light worke; yet too many make slight worke; and too great a number of Iustices of Peace, will make the businesse of the coun­trey to be the more neglected, euery one trusting to another, so as nothing [Page 565]shall bee well done; besides the breeding of great corruption: for where there is a great number, it can hardly bee, but some will bee corrupted. And vpon the other part, too few Iustices of Peace, will not be able to vndergoe the burthen of the seruice; And therefore I would neither haue too few, nor too many, but as many in euery countrey, as may, according to the proportion of that countrey, bee necessary for the performing of the seruice there, and no more.

As to the Charge you are to giue to the Iustices, I can but repeat what formerly I haue told you; yet in so good a businesse, ‘ Lectio lecta placet, decies repetita placebit.’ And as I began with fulfilling the Prouerbe, A Ioue principium; so will I be­gin this Charge you are to giue to the Iustices with Church-matters: for GOD will blesse euery good businesse the better, that he and his Church haue the precedence. That which I am now to speake, is anent Recu­sants and Papists. You neuer returned from any Circuit, but by your ac­compt made vnto me, I both conceiued great comfort and great griefe: Comfort, when I heard a number of Recusants in some Circuits to be di­minished: Griefe to my heart and soule, when I heard a number of Recu­sants to be in other Circuits increased.

I protest vnto you, nothing in the earth can grieue mee so much, as mens falling away from Religion in my dayes; And nothing so much ioyes mee, as when that Religion increaseth vnder mee. GOD is my witnesse, I speake nothing for vaine-glory; but speake it againe; My heart is grieued when I heare Recusants increase: Therefore I wish you Iudges, to take it to heart, as I doe, and preuent it as you can; and make me knowen to my people, as I am.

There are three sorts of Recusants: The first are they that for them­selues will bee no Recusants, but their wiues and their families are; and they themselues doe come to Church, but once or twice in a yeere, infor­ced by Law, or for fashion sake; These may be formall to the Law, but more false to GOD then the other sort.

The second sort are they that are Recusants and haue their conscience misse-led, and therefore refuse to come to Church, but otherwise liue as peaceable Subiects.

The third sort are practising Recusants: These force all their seruants to bee Recusants with them; they will suffer none of their Tenants, but they must bee Recusants; and their neighbours if they liue by them in peace, must be Recusants also.

These you may finde out as a foxe by the foule smell, a great way round about his hole; This is a high pride and presumption, that they for whose soules I must answere to GOD, and who enioy their liues and liberties vnder mee, will not onely be Recusants themselues, but in­fect and draw others after them.

As I haue said in Parliament house, I can loue the person of a Papist, [Page 566]being otherwise a good man and honestly bred, neuer hauing knowen any other Religion: but the person of an Apostate Papist, I hate. And surely for those Polypragmaticke Papists, I would you would studie out some seuere punishment for them: for they keepe not infection in their owne hearts onely, but also infect others our good Subiects. And that which I say for Recusants, the same I say for Priests: I confesse I am loath to hang a Priest onely for Religion sake, and saying Masse; but if he refuse the Oath of Alleagiance (which, let the Pope and all the deuils in Hell say what they will) yet (as you finde by my booke and by diuers others, is meerely Ciuill) those that so refuse the Oath, and are Polyprag­maticke Recusants; I leaue them to the Law; it is no persecution, but good Iustice.

And those Priests also, that out of my Grace and Mercy haue beene let goe out of prisons, and banished, vpon condition not to returne; aske mee no questions touching these, quit me of them, and let mee not heare of them: And to them I ioyne those that breake prison; for such Priests as the prison will not hold, it is a plaine signe nothing will hold them but a halter: Such are no Martyrs that refuse to suffer for their con­science. Paul, notwithstanding the doores were open, would not come foorth: And Peter came not out of the prison till led by the Angel of God: But these will goe forth though with the angel of the Diuell.

I haue giuen order to my Lord of Canterbury, and my Lord of London for the distinction, &c. of the degrees of Priests; and when I haue an ac­compt from them, then will I giue you another charge concerning them.

Another thing that offendeth the Realme, is abundance of Ale-houses; and therefore to auoyd the giuing occasion of euill, and to take away the root, and punish the example of vice, I would haue the infamous Ale hou­ses pulled downe, and a command to all Iustices of Peace that this be done.

I may complaine of Ale-houses, for receipt of Stealers of my Deere; but the countrey may complaine for stealing their horses, oxen, and sheepe; for murder, cutting of purses, and such like offences; for these are their haunts. Deuouring beasts, as Lyons and Beares, will not bee where they haue no dennes nor couert; So there would be no theeues, if they had not their receipts, and these Ale-houses as their dennes.

Another sort, are a kinde of Alehouses, which are houses of haunt and receipt for debaushed rogues and vagabonds, and idle sturdie fellowes; and these are not properly Ale-houses, but base victuallers, such as haue nothing else to liue by, but keeping houses of receipt for such kinde of customers. I haue discouered a strange packe of late, That within tenne or twelue miles of London, there are ten or twelue persons that liue in spight of mee, going with Pistols, and walking vp and downe from har­bour to harbour killing my Deere, and so shift from hold to hold, that they cannot be apprehended.

For Rogues, you haue many good Acts of Parliament: Edward the sixt, [Page 567]though hee were a child, yet for this, he in his time gaue better order then many Kings did in their aage: You must take order for these Beggars and Rogues; for they so swarme in euery place, that a man cannot goe in the streetes, nor in the high wayes, norany where for them.

Looke to your houses of Correction, and remember that in the chiefe Iustice Pophams time, there was not a wandering begger to bee found in all Somersetshire, being his natiue countrey.

Haue a care also to suppresse the building of Cottages vpon Commons, which are as bad as Alehouses, and the dwellers in them doe commonly steale Deere, Conies, sheepe, oxen, horses; breake houses, and doe all ma­ner of villanies. It is trew, some ill Iustices make gaine of these base things: take an accompt of the Iustices of Peace, that they may know they doe these things against the will of the King.

I am likewise to commend vnto you a thing very necessarie, High­wayes and Bridges; because no Common-weale can bee without pas­sage: I protest, that as my heart doeth ioy in the erection of Schooles and Hospitals, which haue beene more in my time, then in many aages of my predecessours; so it grieues mee, and it is wonderfull to see the decay of charitie in this; how scant men are in contributing towards the a­mendment of High-wayes and Bridges: Therefore take a care of this, for that is done to day with a penie, that will not bee done hereafter with an hundred pounds, and that will be mended now in a day, which hereaf­ter will not be mended in a yeere; and that in a yeere, which will not bee done in our time, as we may see by Pauls Steeple.

Another thing to be cared for, is, the new Buildings here about the Ci­tie of London; concerning which my Proclamations haue gone foorth, and by the chiefe Iustice here, and his Predecessor Popham, it hath bene re­solued to be a generall nusans to the whole Kingdome: And this is that, which is like the Spleene in the body, which in measure as it ouergrowes, the body wastes. For is it possible but the Countrey must diminish, if London doe so increase, and all sorts of people doe come to London? and where doeth this increase appeare? not in the heart of the Citie, but in the suburbes; not giuing wealth or profit to the Citie, but bringing mi­serie and surcharge both to Citie and Court; causing dearth and scarsitie through the great prouision of victuals and fewel, that must be for such a multitude of people: And these buildings serue likewise to harbour the worst sort of people, as Alehouses and Cottages doe. I remember, that before Christmas was Twelue-moneth I made a Proclamation for this cause, That all Gentlemen of qualitie should depart to their owne coun­treys and houses, to maintaine Hospitalitie amongst their neighbours; which was equiuocally taken by some, as that it was meant onely for that Christmas: But my will and meaning was, and here I declare that my meaning was, that it should alwayes continue.

One of the greatest causes of all Gentlemens desire, that haue no calling [Page 568]or errand, to dwell in London, is apparently the pride of the women: For if they bee wiues, then their husbands; and if they be maydes, then their fathers must bring them vp to London; because the new fashion is to bee had no where but in London: and here, if they be vnmarried, they marre their marriages, and if they be married, they loose their reputations, and rob their husbands purses. It is the fashion of Italy, especially of Naples, (which is one of the richest parts of it) that all the Gentry dwell in the principall Townes, and so the whole countrey is emptie: Euen so now in England, all the countrey is gotten into London; so as with time, England will onely be London, and the whole countrey be left waste: For as wee now doe imitate the French fashion, in fashion of Clothes, and Lackeys to follow euery man; So haue wee got vp the Italian fashion, in liuing miserably in our houses, and dwelling all in the Citie: but let vs in Gods Name leaue these idle forreine toyes, and keepe the old fashion of England: For it was wont to be the honour and reputation of the English Nobilitie and Gentry, to liue in the countrey, and keepe hospitalitie; for which we were famous aboue all the countreys in the world; which wee may the better doe, hauing a soile abundantly fertile to liue in.

And now out of my owne mouth I declare vnto you, (which being in this place, is equall to a Proclamation, which I intend likewise short­ly hereafter to haue publikely proclaimed,) that the Courtiers, Citizens, and Lawyers, and those that belong vnto them, and others as haue Pleas in Terme time, are onely necessary persons to remaine about this Citie; others must get them into the Countrey; For beside the hauing of the countrey desolate, when the Gentrie dwell thus in London, diuers o­ther mischiefes arise vpon it: First, if insurrections should fall out (as was lately seene by the Leuellers gathering together) what order can bee taken with it, when the countrey is vnfurnished of Gentlemen to take or­der with it? Next, the poore want reliefe for fault of the Gentlemens hospitalitie at home: Thirdly, my seruice is neglected, and the good go­uernment of the countrey for lacke of the principall Gentlemens pre­sence, that should performe it: And lastly, the Gentlemen lose their owne thrift, for lacke of their owne presence, in seeing to their owne businesse at home. Therefore as euery fish liues in his owne place, some in the fresh, some in the salt, some in the mud: so let euery one liue in his owne place, some at Court, some in the Citie, some in the Countrey; specially at Festiuall times, as Christmas and Easter, and the rest.

And for the decrease of new Buildings heere, I would haue the buil­ders restrained, and committed to prison; and if the builders cannot be found, then the workemen to be imprisoned; and not this onely, but likewise the buildings to bee cast downe; I meane such buildings as may be ouerthrowen without inconuenience, and therefore that to be done by order and direction.

There may be many other abuses that I know not of; take you care my [Page 569]Lords the Iudges of these, and of all other; for it is your part to looke vn­to them. I heare say, robbery begins to abound more then heretofore, and that some of you are too mercifull; I pray you remember, that mercy is the Kings, not yours, and you are to doe Iustice where trew cause is: And take this for a rule of Policie, That what vice most abounds in a Common-wealth, that must be most seuerely punished, for that is trew gouernment.

And now I will conclude my Speach with GOD, as I began. First, that in all your behauiours, aswell in your Circuits as in your Benches, you giue due reuerence to GOD, I meane, let not the Church nor Church­men bee disgraced in your Charges, nor Papists nor Puritanes counte­nanced: Countenance and encourage the good Church-men, and teach the people by your example to reuerence them: for, if they be good, they are worthy of double honour for their Office sake; if they be faultie, it is not your place to admonish them; they haue another Forum to answere to for their misbehauiour.

Next, procure reuerence to the King and the Law, enforme my people trewly of mee, how zealous I am for Religion, how I desire Law may bee maintained and flourish; that euery Court should haue his owne Iuris­diction; that euery Subiect should submit himselfe to Law; So may you liue a happie people vnder a iust KING, freely enioying the fruite of PEACE and IVSTICE, as such a people should doe.

Now I confesse, it is but a Tandem aliquando, as they say in the Schooles, that I am come hither: Yet though this bee the first, it shall not, with the grace of GOD, bee the last time of my comming, now my choice is ta­ken away; for hauing once bene here, a meaner occasion may bring mee againe: And I hope I haue euer caried my selfe so, and by GODS grace euer will, as none will euer suspect, that my comming here will be to any partiall end; for I will euer bee carefull in point of Iustice, to keepe my selfe vnspotted all the dayes of my life. And vpon this my generall pro­testation, I hope the world will know, that I came hither this day to maintaine the Law, and doe Iustice according to my Oath.

IMPRINTED AT LONDON BY ROBERT BARKER, AND IOHN BILL, PRINTERS TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAIESTIE.

ANNO DOM. 1616.

Cum Priuilegio.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. Searching, reading, printing, or downloading EEBO-TCP texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. Permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this EEBO-TCP Phase II text, in whole or in part.