Of the incompetencie or insuffici­encie of the iudge.

THerefore the first cause of Nullitie is the incompetencie of a rash iudge, which appéereth therby, bicause the papa­cie of Rome which hath taken this iudge­ment vpon it against so great princes, hath long ago béene condemned for seuen most grieuous crimes, by the most part of Chri­stendome: namely, England, Scotland, Denmarke, Sweueland, the most part of Germanie, and also the most part of Hel­uetia: namely, for impietie, for exercising tyrannie in the Church, for corrupt religi­on, sacrilege, treason, rebellion, and forge­rie. And it is certaine, that although the popedome had not béene condemned for so great crimes, but had béene onelie found guiltie, yet notwithstanding I do not saie that it is not lawful for it to be a iudge, but not so much as to accuse the basest or sim­plest man of anie crime of offence, vntill it haue fitly purged it selfe of all crimes: so far off is it that in this so great a state of matters the pope can condemne so great, and so famous and mightie princes of so [Page 4] great wickednes, especially being vnheard and before their cause is tried l. neganda, 19. c. de publ. iudic.. Which the Canonists themselues doe teach 4. quaest. 1. c. 1. 25. q. 1. c. om­nes. 24. q. 1. ca. ait. & duobus cap. seqq.. And which more is, séeing in this cause of the foresaid princes the matter and state of the paparie it selfe is handled, none, either ci­uill or natural reason, doth suffer the pope to sit as iudge in his owne matter, and to giue sentence for himselfe in his owne cause l. qui iuris­dictioni. D. de iurisd. l. 1. c. ne quis in sua causa iud. l. Julia­nus, 17. de iud.. But and if the pope be not a fit iudge in this matter, but an vncompetent and vnfit iudge, as it shall plainly appéere by those things which we shall héerafter speake: it followeth that the sentence pro­nounced by him is none in law, & that of it selfe, and without any appeale it falleth to the ground. And we cannot doubt, but that l. 1. & pass. ca. si a non compe. iud. l. 6. § quod si quis, D. de iniust. rupt. test. the iudgement and authoritie of the most part of Christendome aforesaid, shall be of great importance with magistrates and orders, and principally with the Parlea­ment of France: séeing it is euident that this is the law of all nations, that in deli­berations especially being hard & weigh­ty, iudgement be alwaies giuen according l. item si vnus. 17. § vlt. & l. seq. D. de recep arbit. to the sentence and opinion of the most part: especially where the more part is iudged not onelie by the number of per­sons, [Page 5] but also by the maner and quantitie of the vniuersall order: as when of thrée parts of iudges, two make a departure: suppose eight of twelue: but that England, l. 3. de decret. ab. ordin. fac. l. 3. & l. 4. D. quod cuiusque vniuer. l. nomi­nationum. 46. c. de decurio. l. quod maior. 19. D. ad mu­nicip. Scotland, Denmark, Sweueland, the most part of Heluetia, and part of high and low Germanie, are two parts of thrée of Chri­stendome, and that therfore they shal haue great weight and authoritie with the or­ders and Parleament of France, we nei­ther can nor ought to doubt, for our singu­lar iudgement of their wisedome. Moreo­uer, it séemeth that we ought not to let slip euen that, that the pope is reiected for an vnméete and incompetent iudge, not one­ly of the most part of Europe, but also of those Churches and nations, which in A­frica, Egypt, Syria, the East, Asia, and Gre­cia do professe their name among Christi­an Churches.

The manifold crime of impietie, and first for arrogating to himselfe the Godhead.

THerefore the first crime wherof the papacie is conuict and condemned of the most part of Europe, we saie is impie­tie, [Page 6] and that thréefold: the first bicause the pope doth get to himselfe a certaine God­head: secondly, he derideth and mocketh Christian religion: last of all he bringeth in into the Church false and forged religi­ons. The testimonies of the first impie­tie are these: The pope doth both reioice and boast that he is called God *: where it is written thus: It is sufficiently declared, dist. 96. satis. that the pope cannot at all be either bound or loosed by the secular power, who, as it appeereth euidently, was called of the most godlie prince Constantine, God: seeing that it is manifest that God cannot bee iudged of men. Which place Augustine Steuche a most earnest defender of the pope, and the kéeper of his librarie in the booke of the donations of Constantine, pag. 141. praising and reci­ting, addeth this: Doest thou heare that the highest bishop was called of Constantine, God, and that he was taken for God? This was done when he adorned him with that excellent edict, He worshipped him as God, as the succes­sor of Christ and Peter: he gaue him diuine honor, so far as he could, he worshipped him as the liuelie image of Christ. Thus writeth Steuchus in the foresaid booke, printed at Lyons, anno 1547. Of the same kind of [Page 7] impietie is that of the glosse in the preface of Clement: The pope is neither god nor man, but he is a neuter betweene both. Also that other in ca. fundamenta, de elect. in 6. where, when it was written in the text, that the pope is subiect to no man, he ad­deth thus, And in this point the pope is no man, but Gods vicar. There followeth ano­ther blasphemie out of the booke of the popes ceremonies. The pope, saith he, in the 1. tit. 7. night of the natiuitie of the Lord doth blesse a sword, which he doth afterward giue to some prince, for a token of the infinit power giuen to the pope: according to that, All power is gi­uen me in heauen and earth. Also, He shall beare rule from the one sea to the other, and from the riuer vnto the worlds end. But there is no more deadly and detestable blasphe­mie found any where than is that *, where in c. quoniam, de immunit. in 6. the pope calleth the Church his spouse. We saith he, being vnwilling to neglect our righ­teousnes, and the righteousnes of our spouse the Church, &c. For all men agrée in this, that this is proper to Christ onelie, to be called the husband of the Church, and that the Church should be called his spouse: as it is in Paul *, I haue coupled you to one husband, 2. Cor. 10. to present you a pure virgin to Christ. But let [Page 8] vs heare other, such as is that, The pope is he whom the whole Church ought to o­bey. 1. dist. 93. Also, When the pope dissolueth ma­trimonie, C. inter corpo­ralia de tran­slat. praelat. it séemeth that God alone dissol­ueth it, bicause the pope is canonically cho­sen to be God vpon earth. The pope hath Fel. in cap. ego N. de iureiur. the place vpon earth, not of a pure man, but of a true God. Also, If the pope should c. si Papa, dist. 40. thrust into hell whole troups of souls, yet were it not lawfull for anie man to aske him this question, Why doest thou this? Is there any that thinketh aright of Chri­stian religion, which in these monsters of words doth not plainly know Antichrist? of whom Paul saith thus, 2. Thes. 2. That wicked man shall be reuealed, that sonne I saie of perdition, which setteth and extolleth him­selfe against that which is called God, or diuine power: so that he sitteth in the temple of God, boasting himselfe as if he were God. What? that he durst also professe and openly boast that the force and holines of his seat is so great, that what baudie person soeuer, or man how wicked soeuer, periured person, or vngodlie person shall sit in that seat, he doth drawe holines foorthwith from that sitting? Of which wicked blasphemie this in cap. non nos, dist. 41. testimonie is extant. Saint Peter transmised [Page 9] the euerlasting gift of his merits with the inhe­ritance of his innocencie, vnto his posteritie. That which was granted him by the light of his actions, appertaineth to those whom like brightnes of conuersation doth illuminate. For who can doubt that he is holie whom the top of so great dignitie doth aduance? In whom if good things gotten by merit be wanting, those are sufficient which are performed by the pre­decessor of the place. What? me thinks we heare that fable which the poets feigned touching the thrée-footed stoole of Apollo, and of the déepe hole, from which came such a breth, that so soone as the prophe­tesse of Apollo was once set vpon that stoole, hauing receiued behind hir the spi­rit of diuination, she did foorthwith powre Strab. 9. out oracles? And yet that detestable blas­phemie of the popes champion is shortly after in c. multi., most manifestly reprooued by the words of Chrysostom: by which and sixe hundred other places of the decrée of Gra­tian we may iudge of the follie of that booke. But go to: let vs now bring to light other testimonies. The pope is God vpon earth according to Baldus in l. vltim. c. sent. rescind. Decius in c. 1. de const. Felin. in c. ego N. de iure.. The pope and Christ make one consistorie: so that except sinne, the pope can do as it were al things, [Page 10] which God can do, and he can be iudged of none: according to Abb in c. licet. de elect.. and those things he doth, he doth them as god, not as man c. inter in­corpor. de tran­slat. praela. Car. Paris. in conc. 63. num. 162. vol. 4.. The pope is a certaine diuine power, and as it were bearing a shew of a visible God: as Ludouicus Gomes. saith in reg. cancel. The pope can make righteousnes of vnrighteous­nes ca. debitus, de appellat.. The pope can dispense against the Apostle, and against the Apostolike ca­nons 31. dist. c. lec­tor. 87. dist. praesbyter.. The pope is aboue the law c. proposuit de conc. praeb.. That which the pope doth, must be counted as don of God c. quanto de transl. praelat.. A part of which blasphemies Philip. Deci. in consil. 137 diligenter pro tenui. num. 3. vol. 1. reckoneth vp. And Iason, besides these before mentioned, reciteth these out of the opinion of the same cano­nists: which notwithstanding (as it doth plainly appéere) he doth not allow. The pope is all, and aboue al, according to Baldus in l. Barba­rius, De officio Praetoris.. The pope can do all things aboue law, contrarie to law, and without law, according to Baldus in c. cum su­per, de causis prop. & pos.. The pope is Lord of lords, and he hath the au­thoritie of the King of kings ouer his subiects in c. Ecclesia vt tit. pendent., according to Baldus. The pope can change square for round: according to Hostiensis in c. cum ve­nissent, de iud.. It is sacrilege to doubt of the popes power l. sacrilegij, c. de crim. sacril.. For the pope is the cause of causes. Wherefore we must mooue no question about his power, seeing there is no cause of the first cause: according [Page 11] to Baldus in d. c. Eccle­sia, vt tit. pend.. And no man can say to the pope, why dost thou so? according to Specul in tit. de leg. § nunc ostend. ver. 89. & Bal in praelud. feud. Thus writeth Iason word for word in consil. 145. circa primam, num. 3. vol. 1.. Which self same things in a maner he doth repeate againe, only a few words being changed in consil. 95. requisitus. coll. pend. vol. 4.. Me thinks we haue set down arguments ynow of the first impietie of the pope, so that the famous Councellers of the king of France, and the Senators of the Parlea­ment may know and vnderstand, that the most part of Christendome hath for most iust and weightie causes reiected and refu­sed the papacie. But notwithstanding we will ad moreouer some other things, and that especially: That, the pope hath so great power both in purgatorie, and also in hell, that he may deliuer by his indulgences, and foorth­with place in heauen, and in the habitation of the blessed, as manie soules as he will, which are tormented in those places: as it is in the bull of Clement the 6. and in Ant. Florent. That the pope hath so great power in hea­uen, part. 3. tit. 22. cap. 6. that he may canonize and place in the number of the Saints, what dead man so­euer he wil, maugre the heads of al the bi­shops and cardinals. Thus writeth Troi­lus in tract. de ca­nonis sanct. 3. dub. Maluit. By which and such like we may know how true that oration of Ebe­rard [Page 12] somtimes Archbishop of Salisburge, was, which he made two hundred yéeres ago in a publike assemblie of the Empire of Germanie, which we will recite out of the 7. booke of Iohn Auentine his Chro­nicle, printed at Ingolstade, anno 1554. The chiefe priests of Babylon, saith he, desire to reigne alone: they cannot abide an equall. They will neuer haue done vntil they haue tro­den all vnder their feete, and they sit in the temple of God, and they be exalted aboue all that which is worshipped. Their hunger for ri­ches, and thirst for honor, can neuer be satisfied. The more you grant to a greedie man, the more he desireth: reach out your finger, and he will couet your whole hand. He which is the seruant of seruants, doth couet further to be Lord of lords, as if he were God. He speaketh great things, as if he were God. He changeth laws, he establisheth his owne: he polluteth, he robbeth, he spoileth, he coseneth, he slaieth, that wicked man whom they commonly call Antichrist: in whose forehead is written a name of blasphe­mie, I am God: I cannot erre. He sitteth in the temple of God, he beareth rule far and wide. Thus saith Eberard. Moreouer in the same Auentine in the same booke, there is extant this complaint of Frederike the [Page 13] 2. being Emperor, in an epistle which he wrote to Otho Duke of Bauaria. The popes of Rome do seeke after lordship and di­uine power; namely, that they may be feared of all no otherwise, yea more than God. For it is euident that there be manie Antichrists a­mongst those Romanists: and that none other are the ouerthrowers of Christian religion. And shortly after: That man that is called the pope, namely, being become verie wealthie, with the great losse of Christian godlines, doth thinke that he may do whatsoeuer he will, as tyrants vse to do. He will render an account of his doings to none, As if he were God. He vsur­peth that which belongeth to God alone: that he cannot erre, or be holden with anie religion of a lie: he doth require most impudently and imperiously to be beleeued. Thus writeth he. Moreouer, Erasmus in his Annotati­ons of the new Testament. 1. Tim. c. 1. doth witnes, that in his time in the schooles of the diuines, these things were woont to be called in question and disputed vpon. Whe­ther the pope could abrogate that which was decreed by the apostolike writings. Whether he could decree any thing which is contrarie to the doctrine of the Gospell. Whether he can make a new article of the faith. Whether he [Page 14] haue greater power than Peter, or like power. Whether he can command the Angels: whe­ther he can take away all purgatorie: whether he be onlie man: (O detestable blaspemie) whe­ther as he is God, he do participate both na­tures with Christ, whether he be more gentle than was Christ, seeing it is not read that he called backe anie from the paines of purgatorie. Whether he alone of all men cannot erre. Sixe hundred such like things are disputed in great printed bookes. And that by great diuines, espe­cially famous for the profession of religion. These things doth Erasmus write in as many words, Annotat. pag. 663.

The crime of mocking religion.

BVt some peraduenture will saie, it is onely impietie & blasphemie of words. Let vs therefore bring to light the wicked factes of the same papacie, a few of many, as it were for examples sake: that euerie one may vnderstand, that the popes many yéeres ago did make but a mock and scoffe of Christian religion. And first of all, that of Gregorie the seauenth, which we will lay downe in the words of cardinall Ben­no. The Emperour Henrie the third (saith [Page 15] he) was woont often to repaire to praier, to the church of S. Marie, which is in the mount Auentine. But Hildebrand, who being after­ward made pope was called Gregorie the sea­uenth, when as by his spies he made diligent in­quirie after all his works, he made the place be marked where the Emperour was woont to praie: and he perswaded one by promising him money, to lay great stones vpon the beames of the church secretly, and that he should so order them, that he might throwe them downe from aboue vpon the Emperours head as he was at praier, and so beat out his braines: which thing when he that was appointed to do so great wic­kednes, did make haste to accomplish, and sought to laie an huge stone vpon the beames, with the weight thereof, the stone drew him downe, and the boorde being broken vnder the beames, both the stone, and the miserable man by the iust iudgement of God, fell downe into the church floore, and by the same stone was he quite crushed to peeces. Of which fact after that the men of Rome knew, and of the order therof, they tied a rope to the wretches foot, & caused him to be drawen three daies through the streetes for the example of others. But the Emperour of his woonted clemencie caused him to be buried. Thus far goeth Benno. [Page 16] Whence we vnderstande how detestable the impietie of the pope was, who hauing no regard either of the place wherein the Emperour praied, and which the pope professeth to be holie to himselfe: nor of the time, wherein he praied, but seruing his blinde furie and madnesse, sought the destruction of the Emperour & his prince. But go too, let vs cite another testimonie of impietie out of the same Benno. Iohn bishop of Portua, (saith he) who was through­lie acquainted with Hildebrands secrets, went vp into Saint Peters pulpit, and amongst many things in the hearing of the cleargie and peo­ple, he saith, Hildebrand hath done some such thing, for which we ought to be burned aliue: speaking of the Sacrament of the Lords bodie, which Hildebrand, demaunding oracles from God against the Emperour, threw into the fire, though the cardinals his assistants did speake against it. These are the goodly testimonies of the papall pietie in Gregorie the sea­uenth. Now let vs cite another touching Syluester the seconde, out of the booke of Iohn Stella a Venetian, written vnto the patriarch of Aquileia, being cardinall priest of the church of Rome of the title of Saint Marke. Last of all (saith he) he was [Page 17] made pope of Rome through the deuill his assi­stance. Yet vpon this condition, that after his death he should be wholie his both in bodie and soule, by whose crafts he had attained vnto so great dignitie. After this Syluester asked him how long he should liue pope? He answered, thou shalt liue vntill thou shalt say masse in Hierusalem. Last of all, in the fourth yeere of his popedome, when as in the Lent-time in the solemne feast of the holie crosse, he song masse in Hierusalem at Rome, he knew foorthwith that he should die by destiny. Wherefore repen­ting himselfe he confessed his fault before all the people: and he praied them all, that they would cut in quarters and peeces his body that was seduced by the deuils pollicie, and being cut and torne a sunder, they would lay it in a cart, and that they woulde burie it there, whither the horses should carie it of their owne accord. Therefore they say that the horses came by Gods prouidence (that wicked men may learne that there is place left for pardon with God, so they repent in this life) of their owne accorde to the church called Lateranensis, and that he was buried there. Thus writeth Stella the Venetian. There is extant also a certaine sermon made in the Easter time by Iohn Gerson, gouernour of the Vniuersitie of [Page 18] Paris, wherin he left it written that pope Iohn the xxij. did holde that the soules of the wicked are not in paine before the day of iudgement. Which heresie of his the schoole of Sorbona in the same Vniuersi­tie did stoutlie condemne, and caused that pope to recant his errour. Of the same sort of impietie is that which we will set downe in the wordes of Raphaell Vola­terane, out of his fift booke of Geogra­phie, where speaking of pope Sixtus the fourth, whose name this our Quintus tooke, and whose godlines also he doth follow, he writeth thus: The pope being priuie and helping thereto, the conspiratours come to Florence, and they meete all togither in the church of S. Reparata at the masse and sacrifice in the morning. In the meane while Saluiatus departing the church priuilie with his confederates being armed, he goeth into the court, that he might speake vnto the banner-bearer, feigning that he had some other busi­nes. Yet to this end and purpose, that when the murder should begin in the church, he might be present and readie to set vpon the court and magistrate. Therefore when the watch word was giuen, in the Eleuation time (marke the notable testimonie of the popes holines: [Page 19] The watch word, saith he, being appoin­ted in time of the Eleuation) Bandinus did stick Iulian de Medicis brother to Laurence. Antonie, which was desirous to be chiefe, set­teth vpon Laurence on the other side behinde his backe: and smote him a little below the throte. When as he forthwith turning himselfe vnto crieng did auoide the stroke, he fled with speed from him as he was about to strike again, into the vestrie of the church that was neere to him. Then the popes ambassador (who gaue that watch word to commit the murder in the time of the Eleuation) being caught by the citizens, and led by them out of the church into the court, was committed to ward, and was handled as he had deserued. In the meane sea­son Saluiatus bishop of Pisa, who of set purpose did protract his speech with the banner-bearer, that he might see the ende, was foorthwith caught, and was the same day hanged vp at the court windowes: which message when it came to the popes eares, he did excommunicate Lau­rence de Medicis, who (as we haue said) was faine to saue himselfe by flieng, bicause he had laid hands on Gods priests and legate, and he proclaimed open war against the Florentines. Thus writeth Volateranus. Whereby euerie man may sée, what great account [Page 20] the popes vse to make of their Eucharist. And yet notwithstanding they will haue all Christian religion placed in worship­ping, carieng about, reuerencing, and ho­noring with all maner honor, the same. But we must bring foorth another argu­ment. For what more certaine thing can be brought to shewe the impietie of the popes, than that which is common in eue­ry mans mouth, that the order at Rome is, so often as the popes go on progresse, that that Eucharist being laid vpon some leane carrian iade, about whose necke a bel is hanged, is committed to some horse-kéeper, and is sent before amongst the scul­lions and drudges, and other cariage, as a messenger to shew the pope was cōming. For in the booke of the popes ceremonies, 1. sect. cap. 3. it is thus written. After them is led by a friend of the Sextins clothed in red, and carrieng a staffe in his left hand, a white horse, being gentle, carrieng the sacrament of the Lords bodie, hauing about his necke a shrill little bell. Next after the sacrament rideth the Sextin: who, as the other prelates, hath an horse all couered with buckerom, &c. Also sect. 12. ca. 1. After them is led a white horse trapped, gentle, and faire, hauing a shrill little [Page 21] bell about his necke, which carrieth the coffer with the most holie bodie of the Lord. Also cap. 4. Before the pope is alwaies carried the crosse by the Subdeacon, and after the crosse is carried the bodie of Christ vpon a white horse with a little bell, &c. And these are the ordi­nances of the popes pompe, but they are but ordinances. For those which frequent Rome, do with great consent witnes both concerning the iade that is sent before, and also touching the sending of him amongst other carriage. There is a booke extant written by Iohn Monlucius bishop of Va­lentia, who was often sent ambassador to Rome for the king of France, which booke was written touching religion to Quéene mother: whose words are these *, being Pag. 101. turned out of French into Latin; Quoties Papa, &c. So often as the pope goeth on pro­gresse, least he seeme to giue too much honor to his Eucharist, he doth not carrie it in his hands: but he sendeth it away before him three or fower daies before he himselfe goeth out of the citie, being laid vpon an horses back, wher­with he sendeth to beare it companie, singers, mulitors, horse-keepers, and other such of his garde of his court, that is, cookes, kitchingboies, and curtisans (these are his words.) Then [Page 22] the pope who saith, that he is his vicar, follow­eth afterward garded and trouped with cardi­nals, bishops, and other such peeres. When he commeth to the towne, then that which he cal­leth the bodie of Christ, which hath rested it selfe a while there, is brought out of the towne to meet him: and straightway they salute one another by becking, saieng not one word. And then he sendeth it before him againe: but with how great honor? The pope is carried into the citie vnder a rich canapie: the bodie of Christ is carried open. What need was there to bring that out of Rome, and to carrie it into another citie, seeing there is no parish that is not full of this sort? What need is there to send it away three, fower, sixe, ten daies before the popes comming? If the pope haue instituted that to this end, that it may be brought to meet him to accompanie him, and to set forth his entrance into the towne, there is no towne so simple or poore, where there are not such bodies to bee found. If it must needs be brought out of Rome, why doth not the pope himselfe bring it foorth, or at least giue commandement that it be car­ried with him: rather than send it before him amongst packe horses and his scullerie? But if for obtaining of rain (as they vse to do at Paris, and in other places) they carrie the image of [Page 23] any Saint or Saintesse from one church to ano­ther, they vse to do it with great pompe and as­semblie of men: they haue torches, banners, crosses, and other ornaments borne before them. Nay for the most part those which carrie those images are naked, and only clad in linnen, or at least they go bare foote. And the pope will not be ashamed to send that before him, which he will haue men to beleeue to be the bodie of Christ, with a little lanterne, and shut vp in a pixe, being laid vpon an horse, and accompani­ed with the riff raff of his court? Who wil think it to be a thing like to be true, that he that pro­fesseth himselfe to be head of the church, would commit so great an offence, if he had verily be­leeued that the bodie of Iesus Christ was cor­porally vnder that sacrament? Thus writeth Monlucius. Wherunto we may also adde that, which is approoued by the authoritie of many popes, and is openly receiued in the Romish church, out of the booke of the Conformities of S. Francis. As Frier Fran­cis Fol. 72. was saieng masse he found a spider in the chalice: which he would not cast out, but drank hir with the bloud. Afterward as he rubbed his thigh, and scratched, where he felt it itch, the verie spider came out of his thigh without do­ing the Frier any harme. Also, One named Fol. 67. [Page 24] Bonelus would not beleeue that the consecra­ted host was the bodie of the Lord: and he said that his asse would eate the hosts: which when S. Anthonie heard, he said masse, and brought a consecrated host to the asse, and shewed it hir. Forthwith the asse kneeled downe, and bowing downe hir head did worship it. Which when Bo­nelus saw, he became a catholike. Doth it not séeme that the pope learned in the schoole of this asse, that, wherof we spake before, that when the Eucharist is brought to him, he vseth to becke and bow downe his head, and so to salute it.

Of feigned religions.

THe third argument of the popes im­pietie remaineth. For although we haue both a forme of Christian religion, and also to worship God, prescribed both by Christ and also by his apostles, and though we haue the same deliuered vnto vs in the bookes of the new Testament, and God doth accurse those so often, which bring in feigned religions into the Church: yet the papacie hath brought in new inuentions of religion, so absurd and rediculous, that [Page 25] in so great calamitie we must notwith­standing giue thankes to the immortall God, that he hath suffered so great wicked­nes to befall the dull wits alone. The in­uentions of religions are these in a ma­ner: first the innumerable troupes of Munks, as Augustinians, Battuti, Bene­dictines, Bernardines, Carmelites, Capu­chines, Cartusians, Caelestines, Domini­cans, of ignorant Friers, Franciscans, Hieronymitans, Maturines: of which euerye order hath his particular forme of cowléd gownes distinct from the rest, and of diuers colors: euery one of them haue their proper and seuerall prescript forms to worship their Gods, and (as they say in plaine words) their prescript forms of their religion, their rites and ordinan­ces, far vnlike to the rest. Yet there is such a multitude of them, that in our Europe the number is thought to amount to fiue hundred thousand. Which we may easily coniecture. For Sabellicus hath left in writing *, that the sect of Franciscans did Ennead. 9. li. 6. so swarme throughout the whole world, that there were of them fortie prouinces, and that vnder euerie one there were sun­dry kéepers of the conuent (Wardons they [Page 26] call them) and thréescore thousand men. So that the maister of the whole order, which they call their generall, hath often­times béen heard promise the pope, at such time as he was to set out an army against the Turke, of the familie of the Seraphi­call Francis thirtie thousand men of war, which coulde play their parts stoutly in the wars: without any hinderance of the holie seruice. Againe, their inuentions of miracles and doctrines are so false, that now the most of them are not onelie wea­rie, but also ashamed of so great follie. Nei­ther would it séeme to be a thing like to be true in any mans iudgement at this time, that the vanitie of mankind was so great in times past, and that the darknes of re­ligion was so great, vnlesse there were proofes héerof extant more cléere than the sunne. For no man in déed denieth, that amongst the Romans, and other profane nations there were most absurd inuenti­ons of religions: but sillie men liued then in cruell and darke clouds, and as it were in a night when the moone shineth not, that is, without any moniments of holie scripture. But when as the same bookes of scripture were extant, where Christ gaue [Page 27] light to mankind as the sunne beame, who would thinke, that sathan and the pope could preuaile so much by their messen­gers, that in so great light, they should not­withstanding blind mens eies, and as it were kéepe them fast bound with bands? Go to then, let vs also fet out of the moni­ments of the Franciscans and Domini­cans some examples of this kind of forge­rie. For séeing this pope Sixtus came out of that crew and sinke, we must sée what maner forme of religion he bringeth vs out of that schoole. Therfore let be ranged in the first ranke that common oracle, which we wil prooue out of the booke of the Conformities of Francis, to be commonly receiued and approoued in the church of Rome, that Francis sonne of Peter Ber­nardo, was in a trance conioined with Christ, and had as many stripes & marks, and was pricked by Christ in the selfsame places, as Christ had when he hanged vp­on the crosse: and that for this cause he was called the Typicall Iesus: that is, as it were a type and figure of Christ crucified. So that as the seale or print maketh a marke in the wax, so Christ did imprint his wounds in the bodie of Francis: like [Page 28] Iesus Christ is the image of the father, so is Francis the image of Christ: finally, that Christ appéereth in the bodie of Fran­cis as the image in the glasse. Wherupon commeth that wicked and blasphemous verse in the beginning of the same booke:

And now that euery one may vnderstand what maner marking that was, which the church of Rome setteth downe to be belée­ued of all the faithfull, it is woorth the pains to marke the very words of the wri­ter: or rather of our Frier pope Sixtus, which hath decréed that that writer be be­léeued, and reuerenced commonly. For he saith *, Not onelie his hands and feet, were bo­red, Fol. 228. but also nailed, so that the nailes might be seene in them. Againe, the heads of the nailes were blacke: whereas notwithstanding they should haue beene like to the flesh or sinewes, whereof they were made: thirdly, the heads of the nailes were very long, and turned backe againe, wheras notwithstanding there was nei­ther [Page 29] hammer nor stroke: fourthly, the marks were imprinted in a bonie place, and not in any soft place: fiftly, though the nailes were fleshie, or sinowie, yet were they hard as iron, strong & solid: sixtlie, the nailes themselues were not short, hauing onely tops or heads, but they were long, and went through: seauentlie, the nailes did not sticke out on the other side, but they turned backe, so that you might thrust your finger in vnder the crooke and bent thereof: eightlie, though the nailes were made of flesh or nerues, and were bent on both sides of his feet and hands, and were longer than they were thicke, truely neither his handes nor his feete were disfigured or drawen togither: ninthlie, the nailes were on euery side seperate from the other flesh, so that there were tents put in on e­uerie side, to stay the blood: tenthlie, the nailes did wag, and yet they could not be remooued from his handes or feete, though S. Clare and others had assaied to do this: eleuently, the markes of the nailes and of his side during this long time were not putrified, namely for the space of two yeeres and vpward: tweltfthlie, the wound of his side was like the wound of Christs side. Moreouer it was a woonder how S. Fran­cis (seeing his paine was so great by reason of the opening of his bodie in fiue places, namelie [Page 30] in his hands, feet, and side, and the blood issued thence continually) could liue so long, to wit a­boue two yeeres, all which time he liued after he had gotten his markes. Our cowled frier hearest thou this, who séeing thou hast so manie yéeres béene a generall chiefetane of the Franciscane order, and a great maister, hast taught these fables in thy schooles, being now the chiefe stay and top of the same order, and being become the pastour of the vniuersall church (as thou saiest) thou goest about to deliuer vnto vs these same monsters in stéed of diuine ora­cles? What? If there were in thée and thy Franciscanes any shame or shamefastnes, should there remaine & continue at Blese a noble citie in France, that wicked su­perscription written openlie vppon the church doores touching Francis Bernardo: His sinne shall be sought: And it shall not be founde? But it delighteth vs a little to de­clare whence these oracles haue their au­thoritie. For a few lines after he writeth thus: The deuill saide, that when Christ sawe that Francis was giuen him to be the standerd-bearer of so great an order, he imprinted in him the markes of his wounds, and the nailes in his hands and feet, and the wound in his right side. [Page 31] Thus saith the deuill. And why it was done, the deuill being coniured by a certaine priest to tell the troth, after more things, by the mouth of a woman abiding at Rauenna, called Santese, saith thus: There be two in heauen that are marked, namelie Christ, & stout Francis. Ther­fore when Christ knew that he would giue stout Francis the bull of his markes, he did not suf­fer him to receiue a bull from the pope, made with mans hands. Thus said the deuill. These Fol. 230. col. 4. & fol. 231. col. 1. words are written in as many letters out of the same book of Conformities. Wher­by we may vnderstand what authoritie is due to these oracles, and to this woorthy testimonie of theirs vttered by sathan: al­though neither Christ, neither yet his apo­stles could abide that he should beare anie witnes of them. Now let the noble and fa­mous Counsellors of France consider ac­cording to their singular wisedome, séeing that Sixtus the fourth, and Sixtus the fift, being both Franciscanes, and presidentes of the Franciscanes, & many other popes haue brought in these forged and blasphe­mous fables into the church, and haue confirmed them so long by their authori­tie, and do so greatly confirm them at this day, whether they be iustly or vniustlie [Page 32] condemned by the most part of Chri­stendome, of impietie and wickednesse. Whereof that they may the more com­modiouslie consider, we wil also adde ano­ther place out of the same booke, where it is thus written: Francis was bodilie lifted Fol. 231. up in the holie mountaine of Aluerne, as frier Leo his fellow saw him. For somtimes he found him in the aire, lifted vp so high, that he could scarse touch his feete, and then he did imbrace them with teares: sometimes he found him lif­ted vp from the earth; halfe as high as bee­ches: sometimes he founde him lifted vp so high that he could scarce see him. And frier Leo did oftentimes finde him speaking with Christ. O good Iesu! Who is he that doth not shake euerie iointe when he heareth these monsters of words? For what other thing is it to deliuer these things to the people in sermons, than to make Francis a bodied God, and to set him foorth to be worshipped of the people of Christ? And yet there followe more cruell, and filthy things. For Francis himselfe is brought in speaking thus. After these things Christ Iesus crucified, laid his hands to my bodie, and Fol. 232. first to mine hands, and secondlie to my feete, thirdlie, I felt the marke of his side with great [Page 33] paine: and he did imprint them euery time, when I cried out sore, and he told me certaine secret words, which I neuer told any as yet. Doth our cowled Sixtus thinke that there is any so void of vnderstanding in this our age, that he doth beléeue these blasphe­mous and wicked fables? Doth he thinke that the Counsellers of the king of France and the Senators of the Parleament are so dull and sottish, that they do not detest these wicked inuentions togither with their author the sonne of Peter Bernardo? Vnlesse peraduenture some man will say, these things are shut vp in the selfe-same cloisters and prisons of Munks, and are kept in as mysteries of Ceres, there where they first tooke their beginning: and that no man is at this day so void of wit, that he doth not know that these are old wiues fables, and dreams of doterels. But on the other side behold, we haue in our hands the fearfull decrées of the popes, wherein they most sharply forbid that no man pre­sume to doubt of the credit of these histo­ries: and they decrée that they be receiued in the catholike Church of Rome: that if any man thinke otherwise, he be counted an heretike and a schismatike. For in the [Page 34] same booke Dist. 22. c. omnes., it is thus written: Pope Gre­gorie the 9. hath made sundry buls of the holi­nes Fol. 234. col. 3. of S. Francis and his marks, wherein he af­firmeth that S. Francis had truly in his bodie imprinted by Christ the marks of the L. Iesus; And he commandeth all the faithfull to hold this, and to beleeue it, and that the wise man opposing himselfe against it, be punished for an heretike. The Lord Alexander the fourth, who saw the marks of S. Francis with his owne eies, whiles S. Francis was yet aliue, speaketh thus in his bull. The eies that sawe faithfully, saw, and the most sure fingers of those that handled, felt, the marks in the bodie of the same S. whiles he was yet liuing. Thirdly, the L. pope Nicolas the 3. gaue the like bul. Fourth­ly, the L. pope Benedict the 12. And forasmuch Dist. 11. in fi. dist. 12. c. 1. & seq. & dist. 22. c. reputatur dist. 22. ca. omnes in fine. as the determination of the holie Church of Rome is most true and certain (for the Church of Rome must be followed as a mistresse in all things: and he that speaketh against hir is counted an heretike 24. q. 1., bicause she hath neuer erred frō the path of the apostolike tradition dist. 11. c. pa­lam. dist. 12. c. praecep. 24. q. 1. c. quo­ties. 11. q. 3. episcop. § Sola. 17. q. 4. nemini., vnto which we must haue recourse in doubtful and hard matters *, and she is of force to iudge all, and none is permitted to iudge hir *) and the same church of Rome hath declared that S. Francis was marked by Christ, as it appee­reth [Page 35] by the foresaid buls. Wherefore this must be holden most firmly as true, and he that hol­deth the contrarie must be despised of all as an heretike: and especially seeing the foresaid two popes Gregorie and Alexander did not onelie see it with their owne eies, but do also expresse­ly say that it hath beene witnessed by witnesses woorthie of credit. And streightway. Sixtly, Col. 3. the marking of S. Francis is made authenticall euen by the testimonie of the wicked spirits, of whom we haue spoken before. Thus far out of Fol. 234. the booke of the Conformities, so that all men may now plainly sée, that it is not for nothing that we do so greatly vrge these things. For our frier the excommunicator of kings and princes will not suffer these things to be counted but trifles: especially séeing he hath tumbled so long in the filth of the Franciscans, and doth now professe himselfe to be a patrone and defender of that order, and commandeth that they be counted heretikes, which will not beléeue and highly estéeme of the church of Rome in all points. Whereof that no man may doubt, these things are taught not in one place of that booke, that is fol. 234. but e­uen in the verie entrie of the booke also *, Fol. 3. in these words: In what saint was the mon­strous [Page 36] marking made? Surely in none other, but in our holie father Francis: as the church of Rome doth auouch, and commandeth the faith­full to beleeue. Secondly, pope Benedict also granted the order a feast to be celebrated and kept for the marks. Moreouer Antoninus bishop of Florence saith thus: Pope Alex­ander the 4. anno 1254. taking into his speciall Lib. hist. 3. tit. 24. § 10. protection immediately the mount of Aluerne bicause of the impression of the holie marks made there in the bodie of S. Francis, and ma­king the same subiect to the church of Rome, and giuing S. Francis great commendation, he gaue an effectuall commandement that the fri­ers should neuer forsake that holie mountaine. The same yeere being at Anagnia, he sent a seruant to carrie letters to the faithfull ser­uants of Christ, according to the tenor of Gre­gorie the 9. touching the holie marks of Saint Francis, wherein he affirmeth that he saw them with his owne eies. Also he sent other letters to the Archbishop of Genua, commanding that he should personally cite and call before him those that had maliciously put out the marks of the image of S. Francis in the church of S. Marie and ministerie of S. Xistus, to be punished as they had deserued, inhibiting vnder danger of cursing, that no man heereafter should attempt [Page 37] to do the like. Nicolas the third being pope a­bout the yeer 1280. sent letters to al the faith­full seruants of Christ, containing a certaine te­stimonie of the holie marks of Francis. Thus writeth Antoninus. So that no man ought now to doubt, but that all Christi­ans, especially so long as this Franciscane frier beareth rule in the Church, must pre­pare themselues either to abide the pu­nishment appointed for schismatikes and heretikes: or else to imbrace these inuen­tions of the Franciscanes for diuine ora­cles, giuen by the church of Rome. And that we may haue other and more com­modious store of choice, it séemeth not vn­appertinent, to cite out of the same booke of Conformities certaine other notable things, such as is that: A certaine citizen, Fol. 66. saith he, slept, and was rapt vp into heauen, where he saw Christ and S. Marie, and other Saints, all which went as they go on procession, giuing reuerence to Christ and his mother. But when he saw not S. Francis, he said to the An­gell that led him, where is S. Francis with his crue in this place? The Angell answered; Ta­rie, and thou shalt see S. Francis, and in what state he is, and he saw: and behold Christ lif­ted vp his right arme, and out of the wound in [Page 38] his side came Saint Francis with the banner of the crosse displaied in his hands, and after him a great multitude of friers, and others. Then that citizen gaue his goods to the friers, and he became a frier minor. Also: S. Francis Fol. 2. making a representation of the natiuitie, had Christ in his armes, and whiles he praied the virgin that she would grant him comfort of hir sonne Iesus, the most beautifull virgin hir selfe stood by him, and gaue him to S. Francis to hold in his armes and kisse, from the euening till it was day. Some will say these are toies: and very bables: but these trifles (as it was somtimes said) are counted among them matters of weight. Also by these we vn­derstand how wickedly these former popes haue mocked the Church of Christ in fei­ning religions, vsing the helpe of one Bar­tholomew Pisanus in patching these fa­bles togither, and in forcing them vpon the vnskilfull multitude in stéed of holie scripture. What? Whether may we call these trifles, or rather detestable and exe­crable things, which are written in these words: Francis was more than Iohn the Bap­tist, Fol. 18. bicause Iohn Baptist was onelie a preacher of repentance: Francis was both a preacher, and also an ordainer of the order of Repentance. He [Page 39] was a fore-runner of Christ: Francis was a preacher and standerd-bearer of Christ, wher­in he surmounteth Iohn Baptist. Also, Francis went before Iohn, bicause he conuerted more vnto the Lord, and in more places, namely in the whole world. Iohn preached but two yeeres and a little more: but Francis preached eigh­teene yeeres. Iohn receiued the word of repen­tance from the Lord: Francis receiued it both from the Lord and the pope: thats more. It was told by an Angel to Iohn Baptists father, it was declared by the holie Ghost and the prophets what a one he should be. But S. Francis was de­clared to his mother and the seruants in the shape of a stranger by the prophets, the Lord Ie­sus Christ, and also by an Angell. S. Iohn pro­phesied in and without his mothers wombe: S. Francis foretold with ioy in the wombe, that is, being prisoner at Perusius, that he should bee some great man. S. Iohn was the friend of the bridegroome: S. Francis was like the Lord Ie­sus Christ. Iohn was the most singular in the world for holines: Francis was the most excel­lent of all other with Christ, for the conformitie of his marks. S. Iohn was aduanced in the Sera­phicall order: S. Francis was placed in the ve­rie same order in the place of Lucifer. What is it to mocke Christian religion, and to [Page 40] deride the sacred historie of S. Iohn Bap­tist, if this be not? O God, thou Lord of vengeāce, how long wilt thou suffer these monsters of popes to mocke thy most holie maiestie so reprochfully? How long wilt thou suffer them to rage in thine holie temple? But surely there is another place in that same storehouse of blasphemies, al­most more detestable. For * he saith: Fran­cis Fol. 39. is better than the Apostles, bicause they for­sooke onely their ship and other things, but yet not their garments, which they had on their backe. But S. Francis did not onely forsake all earthly things: but he did also cast from him his clothes and breeches, and offered himselfe being cleane both in bodie and mind, to the arms of the crucified: which we read not of any other Saint. Wherefore he might well saie to Christ, I haue forsaken all, and followed thee. Where be those Pharaos, and the woorser champions of the Pharaos, which count the iuggling casts of the magitians better than the miracles of Moses: and make semblance that they take delight in these munkish monsters, that they may remoue the vnskilfull people from reading the ho­lie scripture, and from studieng the same, and that they may abuse their subiects as [Page 41] beasts? And yet these things were belée­ued in former ages: and no maruell, sith Paul foretold so plainely that Antichrist should come with the effectuall working of satan, with all power, and signes, and li­eng woonders: and with all fraud of vn­righteousnes, in those that perish, bicause they receiued not the loue of the truth, that they might be saued. Therfore God shall send vnto them the efficacie of deceit, 2. Thes. 2. that they may beléeue a lie: that all that haue not beléeued the truth, may be con­demned.

The inuention of the religion of Dominic.

BUt let these things hitherto be spoken of the feined religions in the person of Francis Bernardo: let vs héereafter sée somwhat of the inuentions of another fri­er called Dominic. Wherin we must giue the first place to that wicked comparison, wherin Dominic (God the father of mer­cie pardon vs, which are compelled to re­cite these blasphemies) is matched with Christ being God. For in Antonie bishop of Florence it is thus written, The Lord In hist. par. 3. tit. 23. & ti. 24. [Page 42] Christ, saith he, is Lord absolutely, and aucto­ratiuely: Dominic possessiuely. He had manie diuine visions: he saw Christ once purposed to iudge and make an end of the world: but the virgin Marie besought him that he would staie, and send Dominic and Francis to preach. And againe when he saw the heauen open, and friers of all sorts in glorie: and he saw not his Dominicans, but it was told him by the sonne of God, that they were vnder the garment of the virgin Marie, whom he saw there: and a cer­taine master of the order of the Minors, which made a very great masterly booke of S. Domi­nic, saith, that in the said vision it might be said that Dominic did then see God in his essence, as Paul when he was caught vp. But it shall ap­peere that he was very like to Christ, by the discourse of his life and works. Therfore he was most fitly named Dominic being most like to the Lord Christ. The Lord saith, I am the light of the world: the church singeth of Dominic, You are the light of the world. All the prophets beare witnes of the Lord: of Dominic and his Act. 10. Zach. 11. order, Zacharie said in the person of God, I haue taken to my selfe two rods, I haue called the one Decorem or beautie, the other Funi­culum or a little cord. Beautie or comlines is the order of predicants: the little cord is the or­der [Page 43] of the Minors, bicause they are girt with a plaine rope. Before Dominic was borne in the world, there appeered the images of two pain­ted at Ʋenece, in the church of S. Mark: the one whereof was like a religious man, in the ap­parell of the order of the predicants, with a lilie in his hand. The other was like vnto the Apo­stle Paul, as he was woont to be painted: ouer which was written Agios Paulus, S. Paul, and vnder the feete of the picture, Per istum itur ad Christum, by him men go to Christ: vnder the other picture was written, Agios Dominicus, S. Dominic, and vnder him, Fa­ciliùs itur per istum, men go more easily by him. And woonder not at this writing, bicause the doctrine of Paul as of the other Apostles, was a doctrine leading vnto faith. The doctrine of Dominic, a doctrine leading to the obserua­tions of Counsels, and therefore men go more easily by him vnto Christ. 2. The Lord was borne vpon the bare ground, but least the colde should hurt him too much, he is placed in a manger by his mother the virgin. When Do­minic was borne being but a little one, and com­mitted to the keeping of his nurse, he was of­ten found gone out of his bed, and lieng naked vpon the ground, as if he did alreadie abhor the pleasures of the flesh. 3. When the Lord was [Page 44] borne there appeered a bright star, which gui­ded the wise men vnto him, insinuating that the whole world should be illuminate by him. Dominic arose, and vpon him when he was to be baptised, his spirituall mother saw a star in his forehead, foreshewing a new sunne beame of the world. 4. The Lord being twelue yeere old was brought by his parents into the temple, and there he remained alone being but a boy. Dominic was caried by the neighbors into the church in his tender yeeres to be put in a di­uine office, there was he left. 5. From that time vntill the time of his youth we finde no­thing authentically of the Lord, saue onely that he increased in age, as being true man, in wise­dome and fauor with God and men: but this outwardly. But Dominic did not onely increase in bodie, but also in mind effectually. 6. When the Lord was baptised by Iohn in Iordan, the holie Ghost came downe in a doue vpon him, to betoken the fulnes of grace, and he went into the wildernes. When Dominic saw the famine increase in all parts of Spaine, and saw also that there were many that were in necessitie, and that they had no comforter: in feruencie of spirit he sold his bookes and stuffe, and dispersed and gaue the price thereof to the poore, and newly and apparently replenished as it were [Page 45] with the holie Ghost, he did streightway betake himselfe to the rule vnder Didacus the bishop, as another baptisme and spiritual desert, se­questred from pleasures and worldly vanities. 7. The Lord doth afterward gather togither a few disciples; and in a short space multiplieth them, sending them two and two to preach the kingdome of God. Dominic taking with him but a few to lead a religious life, had afterward a great number, whom he appointed to preach the Gospell, and to heale the sick. 8. The Lord chose pouertie in himselfe and in his Apostles: but he had bags to keepe those things that the faithfull did giue, and these did Iudas carie: but Dominic was a true louer of pouertie, and ex­horted his brethren to the same. 9. The Lord when he led his disciples, they were so hungrie, that passing through the fields they plucked the eares of the corne, they rubbed them in their hands, to eate them: and when it was now noone, being wearie of his iournie, he sent them into Sychar to buy meate, and they eate therof by chance sometimes with vnwashen hands. Touching the qualitie of the meate, it is verily beleeued, that they did eate no flesh, but the Paschal lamb for the keeping of the law. The patriarke Dominic, who spent sometimes the whole Lent, not onelie without meate, but also [Page 46] without bread and water, did moderate this sharpnes in his disciples, giuing them leaue to drink wine, and to eate white meates. 10. Per­aduenture some man will saie that it agreeth not with the similitude, that the Lord said to his disciples, Neither shall you haue shooes on your feete: whereas notwithstanding Do­minic and his go shod when they go abroad. But we must know that that was a commande­ment during but for a time, for which he gran­ted a dispensation at his last supper. For we may see that both the Lord did weare shooes, in that which the Baptist saith, whose shoo latchet I am not worthy to loose; and also it was said to Pe­ter in the Acts, Take thine hose: vnlesse some man say that he did weare hose, but no shooes: which was not commonly used. And Marke a good imitator of him, gaue a cobler his shoo to mende when it was broken. So that the Lorde and his disciples went sometimes shod, & some­times barefoote. And so Dominic was shod when he was in cities, but in his iourney he was oftentimes barefoote. 11. When the Lorde was borne, none other person but his owne mo­ther Marie the virgin, did wrap him in swad­ling clouts: and when he was growne vp his mother hir-selfe with hir owne hands woue him his coate without seame, and his other [Page 47] garments: but of what colour it was we finde not, namely, least if it were knowne, false pro­phets should weare the like, and so should not be knowne to be rauening woolues. The most bles­sed virgine Marie shewed Dominic and his order what apparell they should weare, and also the colour thereof. For she appeered to S. Ray­nold when he was sore sicke, and healed him, shewing him the garment which S. Dominic and his sonnes should weare: namelie a great cope, and a coat with a cowle, al white. 12. The Lord and Dominic being both virgins in mind and bodie, and verie humble, as the scripture doth witnes: so Dominic was a most pure vir­gin and verie humble. 13. Dominic as also Christ did not possesse his owne bed, scarce re­sting his bodie on the grounde after his flood of teares. 14. The Lords praier was alwaies heard, when he would, for which cause he said to the father, I knewe that thou hearest me al­waies: for though he were not heard in the gar­den, when he praied that the cup might be ta­ken from him: this came to passe therefore, bi­cause in asmuch he asked according to sensua­litie, he would not be heard, according to rea­son. But Dominic tolde a certaine religious man in the Lords words, who was verie famili­ar with him, that he did neuer ask any thing of [Page 48] God, but he did obtaine it according to his de­sire. 15. The Lord by his owne example did dedicate his Apostles to a mixed life, that is a contemplatiue and actiue in preaching: the virgin his mother and Magdalene to a con­templatiue. For Marie stood at the feet of the Lord, and heard his word. Lu. 10. But Mar­tha and the other women to an actiue. So the Patriark Dominic, like to another Noe, made the arke of his religion, which was made of wood glued togither with the morter of chari­tie, hauing three roofes or loftes. Placing his brethren togither with him in one, to beholde heauenly things, and to preach the mysteries of saluation; taking to him the nunnes that were shut vp to contemplation: in the second apply­ing both men and women to the actiue life; and in the thirde mansion bestowing the brethren and sisters which were called of the repentance of Iesus, or the warrefare of Iesus Christ. 16. There departed 72. disciples from Christ, being offended at the doctrine of Christ which they vnderstood not: who when they departed, Christ asked those that remained with him, will you also depart? But Peter answered in the name of them all, Lord to whom shal we go? And S. Dominic, when he had with him some disciples, being one day tempted they departed [Page 49] from him: onely there staied three behinde; to which Dominic also said; will you also depart? To whom one made answere, God forbid fa­ther, that forsaking the head we follow the feet. At length as the disciples of Christ which went away, returned to him againe, so also the disciples of Dominic returned to him through his praier. 17. The Lord did valiantly beare euen vntill death, many mockes, slanders, and persecutions, of those that sought to intrap him in his words, sometimes to stone him, somtimes to breake his necke. Dominic did not regard scoffings, reproches, & speakings against: so that one did bind stubble vpon his back in mockerie: others did cast dirt and other vile things at him. 18. The Lord loued vs, and washed vs from our sinnes in his blood. And Dominic being not void of the perfection of charitie, did bestow the night in Gods seruice, giuing him­selfe to meditation and praier: he did execute a threefold discipline as it were daily with his owne hand, not with a cord, but with an iron chaine, till the blood came: one for his owne of­fences, which were the least: another for those that were in purgatorie: the third for those that are conuersant in the world. 19. When the Lord iournied toward Hierusalem, when he saw the citie, he wept ouer it, and he foretold [Page 50] many secrets of harts, and euents of things to come, for which it was said in his commendati­on, A great prophet is risen vp amongst vs. When Dominic drew neere to cities, beholding in mind, he wept bitterly for their sinnes, and he reuealed manie hid and secret things as a true prophet: as the death of the king of the Ara­gons in battell: the conuersion of the heretike Adiu that was to come, whom he therfore com­manded to be saued from burning. Thus far goeth Antoninus: whereby the Councel­lers of the most mightie king of France may iudge, whether the most part of Chri­stendome haue iustly or vniustly reiected these inuentions of religion brought in by the popes: séeing they durst so wickedly and heinously set Dominic the munke to be worshipped in the church of God for an idoll, and to match him with Christ being God & our sauior. For we must not giue eare to him that shall saie that these are onelie munkish toies, which graue and learned men do loath. For that which we said before touching the Franciscane ba­bles of the same sort, do we saie in this place of the Dominicans: séeing they are receiued for diuine oracles in the church of Rome, that all Christians must either [Page 51] worship them, or else they must looke for such punishments as are appointed for he­retiks, by this gallowes, cowled, and cord bearing frier. But now let vs heare som­what else. It séemeth that nothing can be added to this impietie. But yet let vs trie what can be done. For the same Antoni­nus in the chapter following where he compareth the miracles of Christ and Do­minic togither, saith thus: Dominic raised Pag. 187. three from death in the citie of Rome, the sonne of the widow, which being knowne to the pope he would haue published it: but Dominic for humilitie did vtterly refuse it. The carpenter that was hired by his brethren, and crushed in peeces by a wall that fell vpon him: and Nea­poleon the cardinall of the new ditch his ne­phew, which fell from an horse, and was all rent in peeces. I am fully perswaded, that the Lord did also raise others, bicause he saith in the plu­rall number, The dead shall rise againe, name­ly Mat. 11. by me: whereas yet he had onely raised the ruler of the synagogues daughter, according to the Gospels. So likewise we find that S. Domi­nic did raise other that were dead though not so notorious. For what shall we thinke of those fortie strāgers which were in a ship in the great riuer beside Tholosa, who after they had stood [Page 52] long time vnder the water after that the ship was drowned, by the holie praier of S. Dominic, they came out of the water safe and sound: what shall we thinke but that either they were restored to life, or else they were preserued in the water like fishes? 2. God did twise fil the hungrie with bread that he multiplied, and he turned water into wine. Dominic did twise pro­cure bread for his brethren frō God, at Rome, and at Bononia: which the Angels brought from the heauenly bread: wherfore it was most sweet. He made an emptie caske full of wine, and another time he turned water into sweete wine. 3. Christ did perfectly heale Simons mother in law that was sicke of a feuer, and also he healed many sicke folks. Dominic did tho­roughly cure a woman of a quartan ague. 4. Diuels came out of manie, crieng and sai­eng, Bicause thou art the sone of God. Domi­nic freed many that were vexed of diuels in soule and bodie. 5. Christ being made immor­tall entred in twise to the disciples when the gates were shut: but Dominic being as yet mor­tall (which is more miraculous) entred into the church by night the doores being shut, least he should awake his brethren. 6. The Lord af­ter he departed out of this world, drew infinite men to the way of truth: though Dominic had [Page 53] reclamed thousands of heretiks from errors, yet many mo after his departure. O woonderfull hope which thou hast giuen (singeth the church of S. Dominic) to those that weepe to thee in the hower of death, whiles that thou hast pro­mised that thou wilt profit the brethren after death. 7. And to come to an end, The Lord saith, Power is giuen me in heauen and earth. This power was not a little imparted to Domi­nic, of things in heauen, in earth, and in hel. For he had the holie Angels to wait vpon him. Moreouer, the very Angels comming to the brethren in mans shape, gaue them bread to eate. If we speake of the elements, the fire for­gat his force: when as the booke of his doctrine being cast thrise into the fire, came out thrise vnhurt, when the bookes of the heretiks his ad­uersaries were suddenly consumed. The raine comming downe out of the aire in great abun­dance doth obey the signe of the crosse, when as not so much as one drop did touch him as he iournied, though all that countrie were ouer­flowen with that shower. The water of the riuer into which his bookes fell as he passed ouer it, could not wet them: but being drawen out in stead of fish by fishers vnhurt and dry as if they had been in a cofer: after a few daies they were restored to him againe. The earth also which [Page 54] containeth metals, did not denie him necessarie monie. For when as hauing passed ouer a cer­taine riuer in a boat, the ferrie man did ear­nestly aske his boat hire of S. Dominic, and he forasmuch as he was poore did auouch that he had no monie, and the ferrie man held him fast by the cloke asking his monie, S. Dominic ha­uing praied, and looking toward the ground, saw the monie wherof he stood in need lieng there, which he gaue him, and so set himselfe at liber­tie: but also (which is more) when a certaine clerke could not liue chaste, hauing kissed the hand of S. Dominic as he returned from masse with a sweete sauor, so great a habit of virgini­tie was diffused through his mind, that after­ward he could easily containe himselfe. What shall I speake of the infernall spirits? Surely the diuels did tremble at his becke, neither were they able to refuse his power. Which appeereth: when he led him with him as he appeered in the shape of a frier, through the assemblies of the conuent, namely, of the Dormitall, quire, fratry, locutorie, and afterward of the chapter-house, and he asked him of euery place, what he gai­ned there with the friers? All which he was enforced to declare. Thus writeth Antoni­nus. By which we leaue it to the kings Counsellers to be iudged, whether this be [Page 55] the true religion of Christ, deliuered to the Church by Christs Apostles, or a feig­ned fable of satan, brought purposely into the Church by the popes, that they might either vtterly extinguish the desire to read the sacred scriptures, or at least that they might both be of like authoritie. Surely we hope that no man doubteth, but that the pope is already conuict most manifest­ly of false and forged religions: and there­fore if he excommunicate the king of Na­uarre and Prince of Condie out of the communion of his Church, which main­taineth these monsters, he doth not exclude them out of the Church of Christ, but out of the iakes of Dominicans, or rather out of the synagog of satan. Which thing that it may more plainly and firmely be confir­med, we will cite out of the same Antoni­nus a like inuention of the popish church. For in the chapter following he writeth thus: Dominic, saith he, being one night ear­nest Pag. 190. in praier, saw at the fathers right hand the sonne rise vp in his anger, that he might slea all the sinners on the earth: and destroy all that wrought wickednes. And he stood in the aire being terrible to behold, and he shaked three lances or iauelings against the world that was [Page 56] set vpon wickednes, the first whereof shoulde pearce through the out stretched necks of the prowd: another should let out the bowels of the couetous: the third should bore through those that were giuen to the lusts of the flesh. Whose wrath when no man could resist, the mild vir­gin his mother met him, and imbracing his feet, besought him that he would spare those whom he had redeemed, and that he would temper his iustice with mercie. To whom hir sonne made answer: Seest thou not, saith he, what iniuries are done to me? Then said his mother: Thou knowest, saith she, which know­est all things, that this is the way by the which thou shalt bring them backe vnto thee. I haue a faithfull seruant whom thou shalt send into the world, that he may preach thy words to them, and they will turne to thee the sauiour of all men. Also I haue another seruant whom I will adioine to him to be his helper, that he may worke likewise. The sonne said: Lo I am pacifi­ed, and haue accepted thy face, but shew mee whom thou wilt assigne vnto so great an office. Then our Ladie his mother offered to Iesus Christ S. Dominic: and the Lord said to his mother: He will do that which thou hast said well and carefully. Also she offered him S. Francis, whom in like sort the Lord praised. [Page 57] Then S. Dominic marking his fellow well in the vision, whom before he knew not, on the mo­row he reknowledged him by those things which he saw in the night, and kissing him with holie kisses, and imbracing him sincerely, he said: Thou art my fellow, thou shalt run with me. And a little after: Dominic praied by night in the church, and lo the hand of the Lord was suddenly vpon him, and was rapt in spirit before God, and he saw God sitting, and his mother who sate at his right hand clothed in a cope, of a saphire color. And looking about him he saw reioicing in the sight of the most highest infi­nite multitudes of spiritual fathers out of euery nation, that had begotten both sons and daugh­ters to Christ, of holie religions. And when he saw none of his sonnes there, blushing, and be­ing pricked at the hart, he wept most bitterly. Therfore being abashed with the glorie of Gods maiestie, he stood a far off, and durst not draw neare to the countenance of glorie, and to the excellencie of the virgin. But our Ladie bec­kened to him with hir hand that he should come to hir. But he trembling and fearing, presumed not to draw neare, vntill in like sort the Lord of maiestie called him. Then came the man being pricked and of an humble spirit, and contrite with his teares, and did most lowly and hum­bly [Page 58] throw downe himselfe at the feet of the son and his mother. But the Lord of glorie, the comforter of those that mourne, said to him: Arise. Who when he was risen, and stood before the Lord, he asked him saieng: Why weepest thou so bitterly? Who said: Bicause I see in the presence of thy glory men of al religions: but of the sons of mine order (alas for wo) I see here none. To whom the Lord said: Wilt thou see thine order? But he said: That is my desire Lord. Then the sonne putting his hand vnder his mother the virgins cloke, he said to him: I haue committed thine order to my mother. And when he continued in this godlie affection, desiring to see his order, the Lord said to him a­gaine: Wouldest thou so gadly see them? He answered: This do I earnestly desire. And lo the mother of the Lord pleased hir sonne: and opening wide hir golden cope wherwith she see­med to be couered: and holding it open before hir mourning seruant Dominic, and this was so large and huge a garment, that it did sweetly contain the whole countrie of heauen by imbra­cing it. Vnder this couering of securitie, in this bosom of godlines, that beholder of high things, & viewer of the secrets of the Lord, Dominic saw an innumerable multitude of the friers of his order. Then his mourning was turned into [Page 59] ioy, and his sorrow into solace. Thus writeth Antoninus. Ridiculously, blockishly, and ab­surdly: peraduenture some man will say: Who denieth it? But as we said before of Bernardo his trifles, of what sort soeuer these be, yet are they both approoued by the authoritie of the pope, and also recei­ued by the church of Rome: and therefore séeing religion is vndiuisible (for as M. Tullius saith, either take away religion quite, or else preserue it wholie) they must be counted in the place and number of ora­cles, of al those which wil giue their name to the church of Rome: a heauie decrée be­ing added, that he that shall thinke other­wise, be counted an heretike & schismatike: forasmuch as by these inuentions allowed by the pope, as well Dominic as Francis is registred in the number of the Saints of the church of Rome, as the same author Antoninus doth witnes. By which we Tit. 23. §. 17. fol. 197. vnderstand, first for how manie & for how iust causes, most Christian kings, princes, and magistrates, haue condemned the pa­pacie for impietie and forged religion. Se­condlie, what authoritie this execrable de­claration ought to haue in the Parlement of France, which was published by Sixtus [Page 60] the fift, a frier lately vncowled: in which the most excellent princes aforesaide were pronounced heretiks for none other cause, saue onely bicause they thought that they ought not to make like account of such in­uentions, as of the holie Scripture. For as they did oftentimes professe before, and at this day they do professe, so much as in them lieth, before all sortes and orders of men, yea they do openly denounce, séeing the church of Rome hath religion mixed and confused with such inuentions and fa­bles, those things which are drawne out of the pure fountaines of Scripture, those do they most carefullie embrace: those things which are brought in into religion out of these munkish pits & filthy sinks, doe they reiect and detest. And yet this is the onely cause why pope Sixtus the fift hath so proudly & cruelly cursed thē both. Of which pope Sixtus it séemeth good to me to speake somewhat in this place, that all men may perceiue both what manner of man he is, and also from what roots he sprang to such pride, and became so hawtie. Therfore his first name was Felix Peretus. He was borne in a base village nigh to Formana, called Montalto: in the yéere 1521. the [Page 61] thirtéenth day of December. Being a boy he was brought vp among munkes, that is (not to say any more) among goate buckes, at length being a yoong man, hée was chosen into the order of the Francis­canes: vnto whose holie rites after hée was admitted, & now growne vp, he was at last chosen by the inquisitours of the Romish faith into their colledge. Which office when he did so execute a fewe yéeres ago, that few could abide his cruel nature, it fell out so by hap at that time, that he called a certaine noble man of Venece be­fore him. When he did more cruelly han­dle the man vnacquainted with hearing reproches: not many daies after he met the same noble man by chance: whom so soone as the same noble man perceiued, he commanded one of his waiters to beate downe with a cudgell he had in his hand, the pride of vnfortunate Peretus. The vn­fortunate man who of Felix was become Infelix, went straightway to Rome, and tolde pope Pius the fourth, who was then high gouernour at Rome. The pope being highly displeased sendeth him back againe to Venece with greater authoritie and power. So soone as he shewed the senate [Page 62] his bull, the wise men which knew ful wel the troublesome nature of the man, and how that he was inflamed with desire of reuenge, commanded foorth-with a torche to be lighted: and did straightly command him, that before the torch was burnt, he shoulde get him with spéede out of their coastes if he were wise. Infelix going to Rome againe, made his complaint to the pope. When the pope perceiued that he was a man most fit for his purpose, he did first aduance him to this honor, that he made him master of his pallace: that done when Toledanus the archbishop, one of the spanish inquisition which is fearefull to all nations, was suspected of heresie, the pope sent him into Spaine, that he might be present at that question & iudgement. It happened by chance at that time, that he that was then generall, that is, chiefe prelate of the Franciscanes, (which is the highest office and dignitie of that sorte of men) died. Which inheritance the pope gaue to Felix Peretus: who by this means was made the archcowled, chiefe cowled, and cloaked cowled frier of that order of Franciscanes: and a few yéeres after he was also chosen cardinall by the same [Page 63] pope. At length when pope Gregorie the 13. was dead, our archcowling Felix was chosen into his roome, in troubling France by his commendation and fauour, who is chiefe at Rome in furthering these mat­ters, and whom he doth plainely aide in holding the residue of the kingdome of Nauarre. By these degrées & procéedings, he which a fewe yéeres ago was a cowled, a roped, a most vile frier créeping in his slitted shooes, is now become a thunderer, a thunderbolt caster, an excommunicator of kings and princes,

As Mantuan wrote of Iulius the second.

The crime of vsing tyrannie in the Church.

IT followeth that we come to the second crime of the papacie, which consisteth in vsing lordship ouer the church of Christ. For the holie Scripture teacheth vs that Christ alone is the head of the Church: & 1. Pet. 2. & 5. Heb. 5. & 7. & 9. Eph, 4. 15. 16. Ibid. 5. in another place, that Christ is the head of the bodie of the Church *. The same scrip­ture [Page 64] giueth this name to Christ alone, that he is the chiefe pastour & high priest 1. Col. 18. 1. Pet. 2. & 5. Heb. 6. & 7.. But the pope of Rome saith, All the church, saith he, through out the world kno­weth, that the holy church of Rome hath right to iudge all men: and no man may giue iudge­ment of his iudgement, &c. And as followeth All the whole church throughout the worlde knoweth, that the seat of S. Peter hath pow­er to loose those things that are bounde by the iudgements of any bishops whatsoeuer, which hath power to iudge the whole church. Also: The pastorall charge of carefulnes is in­ioined Clement. pasto. de sent. & re iudicat. Cap. 1. extra­uag. de emp. & vend. vs by God ouer all nations of the Chri­stian people. Also, Bearing rule ouer the go­uernment of the church vniuersall, by the lords prouidence. Also, Cap. ad Regi­men, extrauag de praebend. c. 1. de treug. & pac. Being called by the disposi­tion from aboue to gouerne the vniuersall church. Also: * Being called to the gouerne­ment of the vniuersall Church by the disposi­tion of Gods clemency. Also, * The bishop of c. 1. de consuet. Rome is appointed by the Lord, ouer nations and kingdoms. Also, * The holie church of c. 3. de elect. Rome, which by the Lords disposition hath from God, the principalitie ouer all other churches, as being the mother and mistresse of all the faithfull. Also, That therefore all churches 24. q. 1. c. roga­mus, &c. sacro­sancta. are subiect to the sea of Rome, bicause Peters [Page 65] sea was translated from Antioch to Rome. Al­so, That the sea of Rome is the head and hinge d. ca. sacro-sancta. of all churches: and as the doore is gouerned by the hinge: so all churches are gouerned by that authoritie of that sea. But to what end do we séeke out those olde things? Séeing our Franciscan Sixtus the fift began this his bull on this wise. That, The authoritie giuen him by Christ and S. Peter doth sur­mount the power of all kings and princes, and that the care for all churches, people, and nati­ons lieth vpon him. Thus therefore writeth the pope of Rome. Now we must also consider by what right or authoritie he ta­keth vpon him so great power and lord­ship. For we sée he bringeth and alleageth a double cause of this lordship and prin­cipalitie: the former from the decrée of Christ: Feed my sheepe: and, Thou art Peter, and vpon this rock. For in that the Lord said, saith the pope, Feede my sheepe, and that generallie, Mine, not particularly, Those or These, by this it is vnderstood that he commit­ted the whole flocke to him. The pope alled­geth c. vnam san­ctam. Extrauag. de maior. & obed. another cause out of the Donation of the emperor Constantine dist. 66. c. Constant., wherin it is said that Constantine gaue him the prin­cipalitie ouer all the churches of the whole [Page 66] world. But let vs sée whether the pope be not fallen into that error which is not woont to be tollerated in law and iudge­ments, neither can it by any meanes be suffered, that a pleader should alledge con­trarie causes of his intention. But these l. si quis. 7. D. de petit. hered. l. 1. c. de fur. l. Titius, 99. D. de cond. & de­monst. things are contrarie one to another, that Christ gaue the pope principalitie ouer all Churches (which he doth most plainly af­firm in the places aboue written) and that The same principalitie was giuen him by Constantine, bicause that which is euerie mans owne, cannot be his by more and es­pecially by contrarie causes. For their in­uention l. & an eadem, 14. § penult. D de except. rei iud. l. non vt ex plurib. 159. de reg. iur. is intollerable, which dispute, that that principalitie was first giuen to the pope of Rome by Christ: and that Con­stantine confirmed that donation: and that so soon as the first emperor became a Chri­stian, he gaue Syluester the pope the voide possession therof. First bicause a false Con­stantine writeth in plaine words, that he giueth the gifts of two most great things: of the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction ouer all priests that are in Christendome: which the popes call the spirituall principalitie: and the lordship of the whole west empire, which the same call, the Temporall lord­ship. [Page 67] Of the former, the false Constantine writeth thus: Constantine gaue this priui­lege to the bishop of the church of Rome, that in all the Romane circuit, the priests haue him to be their head, as iudges haue the king for their head. And streightway: We decree that he beare rule as well ouer the fower seas, of A­lexandria, Antioch, Hierusalem, and Constan­tinople, as also ouer all Churches of God tho­roughout the whole world. What could he write more plainly, to shew that he did at­tribute to the pope a certaine new kind of authoritie? Who is he that knoweth not, that a priuilege is opposite to common au­thoritie? And that if Constantine gaue a priuiledge to the pope, the pope had before like and the same authoritie, which all bi­shops did vse? But if Constantine could giue an vniuersall principalitie ecclesiasti­call, surely he must néeds haue béen lord of that principalitie by full right. Which e­uen all the Canonists do grant to be most absurd, that a secular prince should possesse a spiritual principalitie, that is, an vniuer­sall bishoprike ouer all churches, séeing he hath not the priesthood or bishoprike of so much as of one little church. But if Con­stantine had no bishoprike at al, how could [Page 68] he giue the vniuersall bishoprike of all the whole world to Syluester, séeing no man can giue more right or authoritie to ano­ther than he himself hath. And we sée that this argument was obiected two hundred yéeres ago to the pope by Marsilius of Pa­tauium, who writeth thus: In the decrees Indefens. pa­cis, cap. 11. there is found a certaine priuilege of the empe­ror Constantine, approoued by the popes, wherin he gaue to S. Syluester bishop of Rome, the co­actiue iurisdiction ouer all churches of the world, and ouer all the rest of the priests or bi­shops. And seeing the pope of Rome, and with him the rest of the priests or bishops doth grant that the said grant was firme, they must conse­quently grant, that the same Constantine had altogither the same iurisdiction or power ouer them. But let vs returne to the proposed Dilemma. For whether the pope hold that he had that principalitie from God, as he professeth in the places of late cited: or he hath it by Constantine his gift: we will prooue both to be false. First by that repug­nance or contrarietie, whereof we spake euen now. Secondly, bicause he cutteth his owne throte with his owne sword. For in the decrée he citeth this place out of Chry­sostome: Whosoeuer he be that will desire [Page 69] principalitie vpon earth, shall find confusion in heauen, neither shall he be reckoned among the seruants of Christ, which wil intreat of the pri­macie l. 7. l. 8. de iu­reiur. in l. pri­uil. 27. c. de de­cur. l. 10.. Also: Let not the bishop of the chiefe Dist. 4. c. multi §. quicunque. sea be called the prince of priests, or the highest priest, or any such thing, but onelie the bishop of the chiefe sea. But let not euen the bishop of Rome be called the vniuersall bishop. Which selfe same thing is repeated againe and a­gaine c. primae sedis. dist. 99. in a maner in as manie words, in the two chapters following. But if we must dispute out of the ciuil law, it is most euident, that there be thrée sorts of succes­sors. For some be successors of right, and such be heires, which are called vniuersall successors: others be successors of the thing, as those to whom legacies be giuen, bui­ers, those to whom gifts be giuen: which are called particular successors l. qui ius, 177. D. de reg. iu. cum simil. lib.. Last of all l. vlt. D. de ex­cep. rei. vend. l. 1. §. in locum. D. quod legat. some be successors of a personall office, which are called Functionis succedanei, Successors in an office *. The successors of the former sort haue their right and cause from those whom they succéed, whether they be vniuersall or particular *. But the third haue not their right and claime from their predecessors, but frō those by whom they are chosen and are put in their place: [Page 70] such as the successors of magistrates, tu­tors, curates, be. For it is a personall of­fice, l. 1. §. 1. l. 6. §. vlt. l. vlt. D. de muner. & hon. l. 1. §. Scien­dum. l. 4. l. 6. D de magist. con. l. 6. §. vlt. D. de his qui not. in fam. that is vpholden by carefulnes and watchfulnes of mind. Therefore when a magistrate or tutor is dead, one succéedeth him in inheritance, another in office. These things being thus set downe, séeing the pope holdeth that he is Christs succes­sor, we may aske him of what kind of suc­cessor he professeth himselfe to be. For he cannot be called an heire and a successor of all the right, séeing that the inheritance of one that is aliue cannot so much as be l. 1. D. de her. vend. imagined *. But Christ is not dead, but he liueth both a blessed and euerlasting life. No more can he be called the successor of a particular thing: séeing the kingdome of Christ hath neither communion nor diui­sion, Heb. 1. 5. no not among the Angels: bicause God hath placed him, as Paul saith, farre aboue all gouernement, and power and principalitie, and hath put al things vnder his féete, and hath made him head ouer all Eph. 1. 21. 22. things to the church. But how can he haue a successor or vicar in his vniuersall office, séeing he is neither dead, but liueth an euerlasting and blessed life: and séeing he is perpetually present in his church, hée [Page 71] doth alwaies execute the office of the chie­fest pastor and priest? Moreouer, we may 1. Pet. 2. Mark. 16. 20. Psal. 110. Heb. 2. & 4. & 7. & 9. adde that also without any doubting, that no bishop can be called the successor no not of Peter, or of any other Apostle, as the ca­nonists vse to call the pope Peters succes­sor, Apud Deci­um, in l. qui per successio­nem, D. regul. iur. in Decius, where when the lawiers vse to say, that The heire of an heire that is the Testator, is the heire of the testator though he be heire by the longest successi­on: the Canonists reason that euery pope is the successor of Peter, though there came manie betwéene. For no bishop hath his cause from Peter, or any other Apostle: but from the choice made by the authoritie of Christ: neither doth the place, sea, or chaire make the succession, but the continuance of the doctrine of Christ: when as the re­ligion receiued of Christ, is continually deliuered by all the successors as by hands to the Christian people. Wherefore those new shifts of certaine of the popes clawe­backs make nothing against vs, who be­ing mooued by hope of some benefice dis­pute thus: that the pope of Rome is not the spirituall head of the catholike church, but the ministeriall: bicause like as Christ doth gouerne particular churches (that is [Page 72] particular dioces) by particular bishops his vicars: in like sort the same Christ doth gouerne his vniuersall Church by some one vniuersall vicar of his, namely, the pope of Rome: who kéepeth in doing their duty those inferior and particular bishops, that are subiect to his iurisdiction. For we answere this obiection thrée manner of waies. First, that this principalitie is not onely not ordained of Christ, but also that it is brought in by the pope of Rome by ambition and desire to lord it. For when Christ sent his twelue Apostles about to preach his Gospell, he gaue not to som one some singular and principall commande­ment, but the like & one to them all: thus, Go ye into all coasts of the earth, and preach the Gospell among all people and nations. And therefore in the Reuelation the heauenlie Ierusalem is not said to be founded vpon one and a particular piller, or especially vpon one of all the rest, but simplie vpon twelue: and when as vpon the day of Pen­tecost the holie Ghost was powred out vppon the twelue Apostles, he was not powred out vpon some one of them especi­ally and chiefly, but he was simply powred out vpon all. Last of all, when Paul descri­beth [Page 73] the functions and offices of the pa­stors of the Church, he doth not giue to any one the principalitie or lordship ouer the rest, but he expoundeth to them the same in plaine words: Christ is gone vp on high, he hath led captiuitie captiue, and hath giuen gifts to men. For he hath made some A­postles, some Prophets, some Euangelists, some pastors, and teachers, for the restoring of the Saints, for the worke of the ministerie to the edifieng of the bodie of Christ. The other an­swere is, that if Christ or Peter had ordai­ned any principalitie, and one ministeriall head in his Church, no doubt the primi­tiue Church would haue retained that or­dinance being so fresh in memorie. But on the contrarie we sée that the most ancient generall Synods of all, namely, the Ni­cene, that of Constantinople, of Ephesus, and Chalcedon, did ordaine that ouer e­uery citie should be appointed a bishop: that done, that euery prouince should haue an Archbishop or patriarke, hauing all like dignitie, authoritie, iurisdiction, power, de­grée: besides, that it was granted to the Archbishop of Rome, that for the antiqui­tie and honor of the city, he should sit in the first place, but yet not in an higher place: [Page 74] and next him should sit the Archbishop of Constantinople, for the selfe-same cause, bicause he was bishop of new Rome, being the emperors citie: wheras if they had had regard of the more ancient Church, that first, or else the second place shuld haue béen due to the bishop of Antiochia: & then the bishop of Alexandria, & of Hierusalem, af­terward the thrée archbishops of Iustinian, made by the emperor Iustinian for most light causes, shuld take place in like seats: which causes we will shew afterward vn­der the crime of forgerie: where we will reckon vp the forgeries, cossenages, and corruptions deuised by the pope of Rome to fill vp this his ambition. The third an­swer is, that séeing Christ did appoint his Apostles to be messengers and preachers of his commandements to go throughout diuers coasts of the earth, we read not that any one of them was appointed to be an Archmessenger: especially to be mute and to be at ease, that he might lie busking and loitering at Rome, and harken after those things that were done in other pla­ces of the world wheresoeuer, and might in the meane season serue his ambition. For bishops are nothing else but messen­gers [Page 75] of Christ, and proclaimers of his com­mandements, ordained in euery citie: like as in times past, the emperors of Rome were woont to giue things in charge to the Proconsuls and Presidents, as all those that are students of the law and antiqui­ties of the Romans do affirme. Therefore he that is dumbe either by nature or will, that is, he that kéepeth silence, and doth not execute the office of a messenger & herald, and doth not preach the Gospell, he is not only not woorthy of the authoritie, but not so much as of the name of bishop or arch­bishop. But bicause the popes in their de­cretals do in euery third line inculcate that song: Bicause it was said to Peter, Feede my sheepe, and Ʋpon this rocke: it is woorth the paines to set downe the true and naturall inter­pretation of those places. For Augustine in his 124. tract. vpon Iohn: When (saith he) it was said to Peter, I will giue thee the keies of the kingdome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt bind vpon earth: he ment the vniuersal church that is founded vpon the rocke. From whence euen Peter tooke his name. For the rocke was not called Petra of Peter, but Peter of Petra or the rocke: as Christ tooke not his name of Christians, but Christians of Christ. For there­fore [Page 76] the Lord saith, Vpon this rocke will I build my Church, bicause Peter had said, Thou art Christ the sonne of the liuing God. Therefore vpon this rocke, saith he, which thou hast con­fessed, will I build my Church. For Christ was the rocke, vpon which foundation euen Peter himselfe was builded. For no man can lay any other foundation than that which is alreadie laid, which is Iesus. Therefore the Church that is founded in Christ, receiueth from him the keies of the kingdome of heauen in Peter: that is, power to bind and loose sinnes. For the same which Christ is in the Church by propertie, the same is Peter in the rocke by signification: by which signification is vnderstood Christ the rocke: Peter the Church. Thus saith Augu­stine, which thing he repeateth in his book against Iud. paga. And also in the tenth tract vpon Iohn, and of the word of the Lord, ser. 20. Concerning which opinion Cyrillus saith: He called the rocke nothing In dial de tri­nitate lib. 4. else but by agnomination the vnshaken and most firme faith of the disciple: wherein the Church of Christ is grounded. And this verie In epist. ad Eph. ca. 2. same thing doth Ambrose In hom. in Mat. 55., Chrysostom in c. quod­cunque. 24. q. 1, and also the Canonists * confirm. They al­ledge this same saieng of Augustine, Bi­cause in the person of Peter the Church hir­selfe [Page 77] receiued the keies. Which thing is in­culcate out of Hierom in c. omnibus ead. q.. But Bernard inueighing bitterly against that arrogan­cie of the popes, breaketh out at length into these words: And in times past tru­ly In epist. 230. you did rule as Lords ouer the Clergie con­trarie to the Apostle Peter: yea and ye ru­led as lords ouer the faith of the whole world contrarie to his fellow Apostle Paule. But now you haue added some new thing, vsurping also ouer religion it selfe: what remaineth but that you proceed to rule as lords, euen ouer the holie Angels themselues? And Gregorie surna­med the Great writeth thus to Mauritius Epist. 30. li. 16. the emperour. I say boldlie, that whosoeuer he be that calleth himself the vniuersal priest, or desireth to be so called, doth in his pride go before Antichrist, bicause in waxing proud he setteth himselfe before the rest. The like wherof we may sée in many places in the Lib. 6. epi. 188. & epi. 194. also lib. 7. epist. 3. & 74. & 79. & 80. same writer and vnto the said Mauritius. And thus much concerning the former part of the Dilemma. Now let vs sée tou­ching the other, that is, the donation of Constantine. Though (séeing it may séem that we shall haue a fitter place to handle the same, when we come to intreat of the crime of forgerie) it be fitter for vs at this [Page 76] [...] [Page 77] [...] [Page 78] time in this one word, to passe ouer al that disputation, namely, that all that instru­ment of the donation which the pope brin­geth forth, is false, feigned, and forged, and that it came out of the same shop, out of which we shewed before the volume of the Conformities of Francis came: wher­of bicause we shall in their place bring to light 25. most sure arguments, we will now make an ende to this second crime. Onelie in stéede of a conclusion, we will propounde a question of this Franciscane frier of ours, which will not easily be an­swered, as I thinke. Our Sixtus is pope and also a Franciscane: inasmuch as he is pope, he hath (as we haue shewed before) not onely chiefe dignitie vpon earth, but also great in heauen, purgatorie, and hell: inasmuch as he is a Franciscane, no doubt according to his dutie towarde his patron he granteth that S. Francis deserueth dig­nitie aboue the Cherubins. We say not amongst the Cherubins (saith Antoninus of Florence) but aboue the Cherubins: and it is certaine according to the doctors, that the Seraphins are aboue the Cheru­bins. Thus writeth Antoninus. Therfore the question is, when this pope departing Lib. hist. 3. tit. 23. ca. 1. [Page 79] this life shall be receiued by S. Francis, whether he shall be placed aboue the Che­rubins, or the Seraphins? For we haue shewed that the Dominicane friers onlie are placed vnder the mantle of the blessed virgin. It causeth great doubtfulnes, bi­cause, (as Augustine Steuchus writeth) the pope is God: as the Canonists dispute, halfe a God. But Francis (as we saide be­fore out of the testimonie of the deuill) is nothing but a stout frier. On the other side, this our frier calleth Francis the Ty­pical Iesus: as if one should saie, Another Iesus, or one that is made like to the for­mer Iesus. If we should place Francis a­boue the pope, we should place him aboue his God or demie God, which were most absurd. If we should giue him a place be­low the pope, neuerthelesse we should ab­surdlie make another Iesus subiect to the pope: and peraduenture the Iesuites could not abide that for the high dignitie of their name. What shall we saie then? Bartolus was woont in hard questions to admonish his hearers, to bethinke them­selues. We in the meane season without any preiudice of the truth, will leaue to this pope that same place which Gregorie [Page 80] the Great giueth him: which, what maner one it is we shall set downe shortly after, where we shall make mention of Lucifers comming to hell.

Of the crime of corrupt Religion.

HItherto haue we spoken briefely of the second crime of the papacie, accor­ding to our method and order set downe. It followeth that we intreat of the crime of corrupt religion. For when as the pope tooke vpon him that chiefe lordship ouer Christian religion; he then determined as it were by his own right to innouate, new trim and transforme it at his pleasure. Whereof this is the first testimonie. The holie Scripture teacheth vs, that there is one onely forme of religion and worship­ping of God, the same which is set downe in writing, in the writings of the Pro­phets & Apostles: so that it is not lawfull to adde any thing thereto, or to take any thing there fro: no, not for an Angell in heauen. Therefore Christ saith: In vaine do they worship me, teaching doctrines which Iohn. 14. 2. Tim. 3. Matth. 15. are the commandements of men. And Ier. 7. [Page 81] Which I neuer commanded, neither ascended they into mine hart. Therefore Irenaeus bi­shop of Lyons, an authour most ancient: for he wrot about the yéere of Christ 198. After that, saith he, our Lord rose from the dead, and the Apostles had the holie Ghost gi­uen them, after that power came vpon them from aboue, they were filled with all things, and they had perfect knowledge of saluation. Also: Cha. 4. We must not seeke the truth at others: seeing the Apostles haue most fully bestowed all things in the church, which belong to the truth: that euery one that will may take of the same drinke of life. Also Athanasius in the begin­ning of his second booke against the Gen­tils. The holie scripture, saith he, and inspired by God, is alone abundantly sufficient to all in­struction of the truth. Thus saith he. But the pope setteth downe on the contrarie, that, The discipline of the Church besides holie scripture (so saith he in the Councell of Trent) is contained in the traditions of the el­ders: Triden. concil. session. 4. cap. 1. which being deliuered as it were by hands came vnto vs also, as being deliuered either by word of mouth by Christ, or else by the holie Ghost. Now let vs sée what maner tradi­tions, being deliuered to vs by our ance­tors as it were from hand to hand, are to [Page 82] be obserued. And first of all let vs cite that: The pope vseth vpon a certaine and set day to make certaine little images like to a lamb, of white wax tempered with oile. He affirmeth that these, if they be hoong about the neck, do in like sort purge mens sinnes, euen as the blood of Christ doth purge them: he affirmeth that they driue away lightening, that they helpe women in childbirth, and that they saue men from burning, and shipwrack. What more wic­ked thing can be spoken or thought vpon. But these are called the traditions of the elders, deliuered to this pope by his prede­cessors as from hand to hand. For in the booke of the popes Ceremonies it is writ­ten thus:

Let this then be the first tradition of the popes, which is deliuered to vs with like & the same authoritie as the holie scripture. There followeth another: The holie scrip­ture teacheth vs that the sacrament of bap­tism is the sprinkling of the blood of Christ Iesus for the remission of our sins, and the Acts. 22. Rom. 6. 1. Cor. 6. & 15. imputation of his righteousnes. But the popes traditions doe grant baptisme to bels: and the priests of the papacie do a­buse so great a sacrament euery where so wickedly, and vngodlily, that the emperor Maximilian the first wrote a complaint concerning that matter, which is extant among his grauamina or burdenings in these words: Also the suffragans haue in­uented, that they alone, and none other priest, should baptise bels. That done, the simpler sort do beleeue, the suffragans affirming the same, that such bels thus baptised, do driue away di­uels and tempests. Wherefore they haue some­times an infinite companie of God-fathers, and especially those that are of wealth are intrea­ted. In the time of which baptising, they touch the rope wherwith the bell is tied, and then the [Page 84] suffragan he singeth first (as they vse to do at the baptising of infants) and then they altogi­ther make answer, and do double the name of the bell, and they put a new garment vpon it, as they vse to do to Christians. And shortly af­ter: Therefore a thing so wicked and vnlaw­full ought to be abolished. Maximilian saith excellently and cléerly. But as the sow in wallowing, so are the popes delighted in this filth and corruption. And concerning this most filthy customary pollution of the In tract. de su­per. num. 3. nu. 9. num. 14. sacrament, let vs read Martin, de Arles. Go to now, let vs prosecute other corrupti­ons of religion. The scripture teacheth vs that there is but one mediator of God and 1. Tim. 2. 1. Ioh. 2. Rom. 8. Heb. 7. Amb. in epist. ad Heb. men, Iesus Christ *. And therefore Am­brose saith: They are woont to vse a misera­ble excuse, saieng that by iust men we may go vnto God, as by earles vnto the king. Go to now: is any man so mad, and so vnmindfull of his safetie, that he will attribute the maiestie of the king to an earle, seeing that if any be found but euen to talke of this matter, they may by good right be condemned as guiltie of treason. And these men will not thinke those to be guiltie that giue the honor of the name of God to a creature, and forsaking the Lord do worship their fellow seruants: as if they could [Page 85] do God any greater seruice. For therefore do men go to a king by tribunes and earles, bicause surely the king is a man: and he knoweth not to whom he ought to commit the cōmon-welth. But to please and intreat God, who is ignorant of nothing (for he knoweth all mens merits) we need no spokes-man: but a deuout mind. For wheresoeuer such a one shall speake, he will an­swer nothing at all. This saith Ambrose. What? How religiously doth the papacie kéepe this ordinance of the holie scripture and the old Church? It denieth that there did euer any saint depart this life, which was receiued into the place of the blessed, which doth not execute the office of a me­diator and intercessor. Only so? Nay what­soeuer bawds, Francisses, Dominiks, and other deceiuers and coseners they would canonize among the saints, they brought vs in the same for mediators and spokes­men. The scripture teacheth vs that there be onely two places for soules of the dead Iohn. 5. Matth. 25. after this life, heauen for the blessed, hell for the cursed. Therfore Augustine saith *: Lib. hypognost. The faith of the catholiks by the authoritie of God beleeueth the first place to be the king­dome of heauen: the second, hell, where euerie reuolt and stranger from the faith of Christ is [Page 86] punished. Of any third we are altogither igno­rant: neither do we find in the holy scripture that there is any such. Thus writeth he. But the papacie feigneth that there is a third place, where the soules of certaine that are guiltie of light, and (as they terme them) of veniall sinnes are purged before they go vp into heauen: which place for this cause they call the fire of purgatorie: as if ouer and besides the blood of Christ that was shed for our sinnes to purge vs, we néed ei­ther those pictures of lambs, or this suppo­sed fire: whereas notwithstanding the scripture doth euidently teach vs, that our soules are purged by the onely blood of Christ, and that their blots are washed a­way by this medicine alone. 1. Ioh. 1. His blood purgeth vs from al sin. And Mat. 26. My blood shall be shed for many for the remission of sinnes. Finally, these are the words of the Tridentine Councell, that There is a pur­gatorie, Sess. 25. and that the soules that are there kept, are holpen by the praiers of the faithfull, and especially by that acceptable sacrifice of the al­tar. We sée how great corruptions the pa­pacie hath brought into Christian religi­on. Item sess. 6. ca. 30. Sess. 22. ch. 2. &c. 3. But besides these, innumerable other may be reckoned vp. The scripture tea­cheth [Page 87] vs that there be onely two sacra­ments: namely, baptisme and the supper: the former whereof was instituted, Matt. 28. Mark. 16. and the latter, Matth. 26. Mark. 14. Luc. 22. and 1. Corin. 11. 23. Therefore Augustine saith: Christ knit to­gither Ep. 218. ad Ia­nuar. the societie of the new people with sacra­ments in number fewest, in obseruation easiest, in signification most excellent, as baptisme con­secrate to the Trinitie, and the communicating of the bodie and blood of Christ. Also: The Lord and the apostolike doctrine gaue but a Lib. de doctr. Christ. ca. 9. few signes: as is the sacrament of baptisme and the celebration of the bodie and blood of Christ. And in like number Ambrose in the booke of the sacraments acknowledgeth onely two, baptisme, and the Lords supper. But the papacie addeth ouer and besides these, fiue more: Order, Confirmation, Vncti­on, Trident. con. sess. 6. c. 14. sess. 14. c. 1. & seq. Penance, and Matrimonie. The holie scripture teacheth vs that matrimonie is not onely comly and honorable for al men, but also that it is in a maner necessarie to Heb. 13. & 1. Cor. 7. auoid fornication *. Therfore we read that Peter the apostle had a wife, * where men­tion Mark. 1. & Matt. 8. is made of Peters wiues mother. Moreouer Chrysostom * saith: The Apo­stle Ad Tit. hom. 1. stoppeth the mouth of heretiks, which slan­der [Page 88] mariage: shewing that it is not a detesta­ble thing, but so honorable, that with it they may go vp into the holie throne euen of bishops. To what end should I vse many words? The pope himselfe saith: * If any man shall teach In decret. dist. 28. a priest to despise his owne wife vnder colour of religion, let him be accursed. Also: * Bicause it Dist. 31. is prouided that single life might not be foste­red, and that he should be sequestred from the communion of the faithful, which doth separate himselfe from his wife bicause of ecclesiastical orders. Also dist. 3. c. si quis nuptias. But the same pope doth in the Tridentine Councel so forbid his clerks and nunnes to marrie, that he doth euen inforce them when they enter his holie orders to take an oth that they will liue in perpetual sin­gle life: which Paul sheweth to be a sure 1. Tim. 4. Titus. 3. marke of Antichrist. The scripture tea­cheth that we must acknowledge that wée haue saluation and iustification by Iesus Christ from the alone mercie of God. Ies. 43. I, I am he, saith the Lord, which blot out your iniquities. Also, Matt. 9. That you may know that the sonne of man hath power to for­giue sinnes vpon earth, I say to the sicke of the palsie, Arise, take vp thy bed and go home. But the pope saith thus in Bernardin. Rose­tus. [Page 89] We can demerit eternall life with works. Serm. 20. Therefore we ought to presume, and hold for a certaintie, that after this life we shall assuredly haue eternal life, for the reward of good works. Also in the Summarie de grat. sanct. Good works demerit three things: namely, eternall life, increase of grace, remission of punishment. As if either the chastitie or holines of our flesh could be so great, that we should not alwaies be accounted vnprofitable ser­uants, or that we can do those works for our Lord and patron, besides those that we of duty owe, that we can merit any thing. But let vs sée the rest. The scripture tea­cheth, that in the Lords supper as wel the bread as the wine must be giuen to those Mat. 26. Mark. 14. 1. Cor. 11. that come thereto *. But the pope will suf­fer the people to haue no more saue onely the bread: and forbiddeth them the recei­uing Concil. Const. sess. 13. of the cup and wine *. Which inhibi­tion we may so much the more wonder at, De consecrat. dist. comperi­mus. bicause the pope in his Decrées * hath left this in writing. ‘We find that certaine ha­uing taken onely a portion of the holie bo­die, do abstaine from the cup of the holie blood: who vndoubtedly let them either re­ceiue the whole sacraments, or else let them be kept from the whole: bicause [Page 90] there cannot be a diuision made of one and the same mysterie without great sacrilege.’ The same scripture commandeth all, to take, eate, and drinke. But in poperie one­ly the priests take, eate, and drinke, which notwithstanding is manifestly forbidden in the same decrée * in these words: When De cons. dist. 2. c. peracta. the consecration is ended let all communicate, which will not want (be put from) the bounds of the Church: for both the Apostles did thus decree, and also the holie church of Rome hol­deth this. The same holie scripture doth appoint, that in the Church and assemblie of the godly all things be vttered in the common language, that the multitude may easily vnderstande what euery one saith: and addeth a reason, bicause if anie thing should be vttered in a strange and vnknowen toong, the multitude could not giue their consent, and answer Amen. But in poperie not onely the priests, but also the multitude, and silly women which mumble vp certaine forms of praiers, do say all in latin. The scripture teacheth vs, that Christ is the onely bishop and priest, who did once sacrifice his bodie for man­kind, according to that: * Christ was once 1. Tim. 2. offered that he might take away the sinnes of [Page 91] manie. And: We are sanctified by the offering vp of the bodie of Christ once made. And a­gaine: Ephes. 5. & Heb. 9. & 10. By one oblation hath he consecrated for euer those that are sanctified. But the pope hath made infinite priests, whom he hath commanded that so often as they say masse they should so often sacrifice the bodie of Christ both for the liuing, and also for the dead. Whervpon commeth that forme of Canon in the masse: We pray that thou wilt accept▪ and blesse these gifts, these rewards, these sacrifices, which we offer vp to thee for thy Church. Also vpon Easter day in the se­crets of the masse: Receiue the praiers of thy people, with the oblations of the hosts. Also out of the masse for the dead: The sacrifices we offer vnto thee for the soules of thy seruants and handmaids. Also: O Lord, we offer to thee sacrifices for the soule of thy seruant. Also in the booke of the Conformities *. As frier Fol. 65. Iohn was at masse, and in the eleuation of the Lords bodie, as he offered it for the soules of the dead to God the father: he saw an infinite number of soules go out of purgatorie, as a multitude of sparkles out of a firie fornace, and fly to heauen for Christs merits, who is daily offered in the most holy host for the quicke and the dead. [Page 92] But let these things hitherto be spoken touching the corrupt, polluted, defiled, and filthy religion of the popes, only for exam­ples sake. For séeing this crime of the pa­pacie hath in many and great books for the space of more than fiftie yéeres togither béen most plentifully declared and handled by the Diuines of Germanie, Heluetia, France, and England, and by others also, it séemeth more commodious to come vn­to the fourth crime of the papacie.

The crime of Sacrilege.

HItherto haue we spoken of the second crime of the papacie. Hereafter order doth require that we intreate of sacrilege, and of that wickednes which commonlie they all Simonie, of Simon Magus. For it is manifest that at Rome the pope kéep­eth two simonie markes, of those thinges which they call spirituall. One is that, wherein benefices are openly sold without any dissimulation, and that is the most gainefull. Another being not so gainefull, but notwithstanding filthy & detestable, is that, which is called the tax of the Aposto­like [Page 93] penance, when as impunitie of all sin and wickednes is so manifestly sold, euery sin hauing a certaine sum of money set vp­pon it, that euen some canonists do detest that vnsatiable couetousnes, and robbery. As in the glosse *, where Iohn the munke c. fundamenta. de elect. in 6. saith, that Rome being builteby Pirates, doth as yet retaine of his first beginning. And surely so it is, that yéerely an incre­dible weight of gold is caried to Rome out of the most wealthy treasuries in the world, which the popes and cardinals and other epicures of the same order doe spend vpon the most insatiable and bottomlesse gulfe of their lustes, with great infamie of the name of Christians. The names and titles of the former are infinite: but of so great store these are chiefely reckoned. The tribute of first fruites or vacances: which is the name of the reuenues of the first yéere, which the popes gather into their treasurie: but these are for the most part doubled, and tripled. Also the tribute of preuentions, resignations for fauour, commendations, dispensations for age, or­der, irregularitie, corporall faultes. Also of expectatiue graces, deuolutions, benefices that are like to be void, priuileges, exemp­tions [Page 94] for not visiting, or to visit by a depu­tie, of confessions of those that are agréed, of transactions made vnder the popes good pleasure, of changinges of benefices with dispensation, of mandates of bishops, of ex­peditions in form by reason of congruitie, for making notories and protonotories a­postolike, with their coadiutors: for letters of greater or lesser iustice, for secular dig­nities, for dignities ecclesiasticall, for new foundations, or changing the old, or for re­duction of regular monasteries into secu­lar state, or for restoring them againe, for receiuing fruites during absence, for legi­timations, portable altars, for non obstan­ces, for indulgences of secular clerks, for reuocations, and reductions, for Tolera­mus, or tollerances of concubines, and for rescriptions to suites. Time should faile vs if we should go about to reckon vp all sorts of their vnlawfull scrapings and rob­beries. Neither is it greatlie néedfull. For there is a booke of the popes extant, con­cerning these matters & markets, hauing this title: The taxes of the Apostolike chance­ry, with the Notables, as they write them at this day, of the church of Rome: in which booke there is a woorthy saieng expressed in these [Page 95] words in a certaine place: And note dili­gently, that such graces and dispensations are not granted to poore men: bicause they are not: therefore they cannot be comforted. Who is he that is so secure a contemner of God: who is he altogither so voide of conscience amongst the kings counsailers, whom these monsters of robberies, sacrileges, si­monies do not mooue? Who is so hard har­ted, and such an enimie to his countrie, which is not throughly touched with so great spoile of the wealth of France, and with the ruin of the poore people, out of whose marrowes and bowels this money is fet, which the déepe lustes of the popes & cardinals haue deuoured? That which we are now about to say, will séem a thing incredible, but yet it is certaine and tried to be true. When as in times past the Ro­mane empire stoode, there was such abun­dance of wealth and riches, so great store of gold and siluer caried thither out of all partes and places of the world, of the tri­butes and taxes of all people and nations in a maner, that, that citie was commonly called by the Gréeke word: The little Epi­tomie Athenaeus li. 1. [...]. of the whole world. What if we now shew that the pope of Rome doth draw to [Page 96] Rome yéerely by his shifts, cosenage, and wicked policies, out of Europe onelie, (which is counted but the third part of the world) no lesse store of gold and siluer, than the emperors of Rome did exact of all coastes of the earth for so many legions that lay euerie-where in garison? Let vs heare Flauius Blondus his testimonie be­ing a man that was an Italian, & a great flatterer of the popes, out of his booke of Rome restored 3. Now (saith he) the princes of the world do adore and worship the perpetu­all dictator, not of Caesar, but the successor of Peter the fisherman, and the vicar of the foresaid emperour, the chiefe and high bishop. Now the whole world doth worship the senate of cardinals in Rome, next to the pope. What? That almost all Europe sendeth to Rome tri­butes being greater then, at least equall with the tributes of ancient times, when euery citie receiueth from the pope of Rome benefices for priestes? Thus writeth Blondus. But we must a little more diligently frame the reason of this cruel sacrilege. For Suetoni­us in the life of Iulius Caesar writeth thus: He brought all France into the forme of a pro­uince, and he laid vpon the same yeerely foure hundred sesterties by the name of a stipende. [Page 97] Eutropius left this same written in a ma­ner in as many words in the sixt booke of his breuiarie. If we folow William Bude­us his account we shal find that this num­ber of sesterties is in our coin, ten hundred thousand crownes: or as they commonly cal it, a million: as the Germanes vse it, ten tuns of gold. This was a great tribute for France: which it did yéerely pay to the emperours in such sort, that yet notwith­standing there was paide out of the same to some legions that lay in garison, a sti­pende. What if we now prooue that the pope of Rome doth with his iuglings and shifts gather to Rome yéerly no lesse sum, without paieng any thing out of the same? Peraduenture it wil séeme to som a thing incredible, and altogither monsterous: as I saide before: but yet notwithstanding we shall prooue by a most sure testimonie that it is most true. Who is then a witnes of that so great robberie or rather sacri­lege? The senate of Paris that beareth chiefe rule in France, which about an hundred yéeres ago, presented to Ludoui­cus the eleuenth, certaine requests for the churches of France, which Francis Dua­rene a lawyer translated into Latine, and [Page 98] published with the kings priuilege, twise at Paris, and also twise at Lyons: to­ward the end of the booke concerning be­nefices. For in the 72. article of the same requests, it is thus written: That we may speciallie and particularly shew how greatly the money of the realme is wasted within those three yeeres, we must marke, that in the holie bishops time there haue bin void in this realme more than twentie archbishoprikes, and bishop­rikes: and it is not to be doubted, but that as well for the yeerely tribute which we call the first fruits, as for other extraordinarie costes vpon euerie bull, there haue bin paide downe sixe thousand crownes, which sum amounteth to an hundred and twentie thousand crownes. The 68. article followeth: There haue bin voide in this realme threescore abbots places: whereof euerie one cost two thousand crownes at the least: therefore the sum is an hundred and twentie thousand crownes. 74. At the same time there were voide priorships, deane­ries, prouostships, masterships, and other dig­nities which haue not the pastorall staffe for their insigne, more than two hundred: and for euerie one of these benefices there were paide downe, fiue hundred crownes: the summe therefore is, an hundred thousand crownes. [Page 99] 75. It is manifest that in this realme there be at least an hundred thousand parishes, which are inhabited and replenished. Neither is there any one wherein at that time some one did not obtaine an expectatiue grace: and for euerie one of these they paied fiue and twentie crowns, as well for the charges of the iournie, as for the making of the buls: non obstances, preroga­tiues, annullations, and other especiall clauses, which were woont to be adioined to the graces expectatiues. Also for the executorie processe vpon the same graces. This summe is twentie times fiue hundred thousand crownes. Thus saith the Senate of Paris. Now let vs col­lect the totall summe of the summes. We shall find that it amounteth to the summe of nine hundred six and fortie thousand six hundred thréescore and six crownes, and moreouer to the eight part of one crowne: which is the third part of that sum which the Senate of Paris sheweth to haue béen caried to Rome in that thrée yéeres space: namely, eight and twentie hundred and fortie thousand crowns: or to speak plain­ly in our countrie spéech, thrée millions of gold lacking an hundred & thréescore thou­sand: or (as the Germans say) almost eight and twentie tunnes of gold. Moreouer, we [Page 100] haue found out that the taxe of the vacati­ons written in the bookes of the treasure-house of the cathedrall churches and ab­baies of France, being taxed onely; doth euery sixt yéere amount to the summe of six hundred, ninetie seuen thousand, seuen hundred and fiftie French pounds, besides the prelacies and other benefices that are not taxed, the exactions whereof do almost arise to that summe. And shal there be any in the kings Parleament of France, that will confesse that he can with a quiet mind suffer this whirlepit, or rather Scylla, Charibdis, or gulfe? And will not rather so soone as he heareth this losse of so great summes, detest and accurse that huge and cruell beast with all praiers? And yet we will not cite this testimonie onely. Lo we haue another out of the booke whose title is, The Forest of common places, which was published about the end of the Coun­cell holden at Basill, wherein is gathered into a grosse summe, the summe of monie that during the time of pope Martin the fifts popedome, was caried to Rome out of France alone, which is saide to haue a­mounted to ninetie hundred thousande crownes. And do we woonder that that [Page 101] same Senate of Paris, did in the same re­quests, artic. 71. sore and bitterly com­plaine, that so great a summe of gold and siluer was yéerely caried to Rome, so that they were compelled somtimes for the vse of the common people of France to coine brasse monie for siluer monie? But let vs heare the 62. article of the same requests. Heertofore (saith the Senate of Paris) the people of this kingdome ran to Rome by heapes, whereof some serued the cardinals and courti­ers: some being seruants to no man, but being intised by some vaine hope, did spend their owne and their parents substance: other some, and that a great manie went to Rome for this pur­pose, that they might procure trouble to the rest that staied heere, and that they might wring out of their hands by hooke or by crooke their churches and benefices. For we find by experi­ence, that the greatest part of those which went hence to Rome, was woont to die straightway either through wearisomnes and danger of the iournie, or through the plague, which is often­times very rife at Rome: and those which es­caped out of these dangers, they procured trou­ble to old men, sicke persons, and to such like, which were continually resident in their chur­ches and benefices. But it did oftentimes fall [Page 102] out, that silly men being cited to the court of Rome, when as they could not defend them­selues against these false accusers, were infor­ced to end their life through wearisomnes and sorrow. 62. Most of those that did hunt af­ter benefices, did quite emptie their parents and friends bagges, and at length, they were brought to great pouertie and beggerie. Nei­ther did they indure so great iniuries vpon any other hope, saue onely that they might somtimes bring home lead for gold: and it fell out some­times that the gaping crow was deceiued, and that the lead that was bought with gold, was nothing else but lead. For whiles they trusted to their leaden buls, there came in one between, which brought at a sudden an annullation: and sometimes there were ten or twelue that did gape and catch for one benefice. And when the strife was once begun, they must backe againe to Rome to follow the sute: so that whiles all men ran to Rome from all quarters, the realme was miserably destitute of hir people and sub­iects. And this surely was the complaint of the Senate of Paris, of the vnsatiable co­uetousnes, and gréedie robberie of the popes, aboue an hundred yéeres ago, which was presented to king Ludouike, and yet not sproong from the new and fresh robbe­ries [Page 103] of the popes. For there is extant a de­crée of that Ludouike that was called Bles­sed, anno 1228. which doth plainly shew how great the couetousnes of the popes was in France euen at that time: The ex­actions Sub. tit. de Talijs. (saith he) and heauie burdens laid vp­on the churches of our realme by the court of Rome, whereby the realme is woonderfully im­pouerished, or which shall heerafter be laid vp­on vs, will we haue to be leuied and gathered no farther foorth, saue onely for reasonable, godly, and most vrgent necessitie, and such as cannot be auoided, and according to our expresse and free consent, and of the church of our realme. It séemeth good to me likewise to cite in this place that excellent conclusion of the Abbat of Vsperge; out of the life of Philip the emperor, wherby it may be vnderstood, Pag. 321. how ancient this complaint was concer­ning the robberies of the papacie of Rome, which Sixtus the fift hath determined to maintaine stoutly with all his tyrannie. There scarce remained (saith he) any bishop­rike, or ecclesiasticall dignitie, or parish church, which was not in suite, and the cause it selfe was brought to Rome: but not with an empty hand. Our mother Rome be glad, bicause the sluces of the treasuries of the earth are set open, that [Page 104] the streames and heapes of monie may flow vn­to thee in great abundance: Reioice ouer the iniquities of the sonnes of men: bicause thou hast a reward giuen thee in recompence of so great euils. Be glad ouer thine helper discord: bicause she is broken out of the pit of hell, that thou maist haue many rewards of monie hea­ped vpon thee. Thou hast that after which thou didst alwaies thirst. Sing a song, bicause thou hast ouercome the world through the wicked­nes of men, and not through thy religion. Not deuotion, or a pure conscience doth draw men vnto thee, but the committing of many heinous facts, and the deciding of controuersies gotten by monie. Let vs also heare the complaint of Theodore Nihemius being not vnlike Tract. 6. c. 37. to this; that the king of France his Coun­sellers may know, how fréely many good men haue long ago detested these sacrile­ges of the papacie of Rome: and haue de­tested them at the same time when the Church of Christ was oppressed with the most cruell lordship of the same papacie. The popes treasure-house (saith he) is like to the sea, into which all riuers run, and yet it doth not ouerflow. For so into this are caried out of diuers parts of the world thousand waights of gold: and yet it is not filled: wherein there is a [Page 105] generation which changeth swords for teeth: that it may eate vp the needie of the earth, and the poore from among men: wherein there be many blood-suckers which say, Bring, Bring. The officers of which treasurie are called Gen­tes camerae: and that truly. For the Gentils be barbarous nations, which haue maners that are discrepant from the maners of men. O most iust Gentils, which shall haue their lot with the in­fernall furies, or Harpies, and with Tantalus being a thirst, which neuer are satisfied. More­ouer, there be certaine verses of certaine Canonists extant, which accurse the wic­ked couetousnes of the popes, and amongst these of one Iohn a munke, of whom we made mention a little before, out of whose excellent monuments these are recited, and commended.

Also in another place:

Hitherto haue we spoken of the monste­rous robberies of the popes, and of the for­mer sort of the crimes of sacrileges and si­monie: now order doth require that we speake of the other, which is commonly called the penitentiarie tax, if first we adde that one thing, which Francis Petrarcha an Italian, left in writing touching pope Iohn the two and twentie, that his heires found in his treasure house after his death no lesse than twentie times fiue thousand thousand crowns. Which sum the French men expresse thus, fiue and twentie milli­ons of Gold. And the Germans, two hun­dred and fiftie tuns of gold. By the which euery man may easily iudge of other sacri­leges and spoiles of the like théeues. Ther­fore [Page 107] the booke is extant being published at Paris, anno 1520. with the priuilege of the Parleament of Paris, the sixt day of Iune the same yéere, the title whereof is, The Taxes of the apostolike chancerie: and also the holie penitentiarie taxes, being likewise apostolike: where fol. 36. you may sée these prices of absolutions, and apostolike markets. An absolution for a munke that weareth voided shooes, and that weareth knit garments, seuen grosses. Absolu­tion for a priest that hath ioined togither in matrimonie those that are within degrees of kindred, and hath said masse before them, seuen grosses. For him that hath lien with a woman in the church, and hath committed other euils, six grosses. For a priest that hath married pri­uily certaine persons, and hath been present at secret matrimonies, seuen grosses. For a layman that hath taken away holie things out of an ho­lie place, seuen grosses. Absolution for him that hath had any carnall copulation with his mo­ther, sister, or other kinswoman, or allie, or with his godmother, fiue grosses. For him that hath defloured a virgin, six grosses. For a periured person, six grosses. For a layman that hath slaine an Abbat, or another priest vnder a bishop, which hath slain a munke or a clerke, 7. 8. or 9. [Page 108] grosses. Absolution for a layman killing a lay­man, gross. 5. For a priest, a deane, or clerke, when the supplication is signed with Fiat, gross. 18. or 16. Absolution for him that hath slaine his father, mother, brother, sister, or wife, or any other kinsman being a layman: bicause if any of them were a clerke, the murtherer should be bound to visit the apostolike sea, gross. 5. or 7. For an husband that hath beaten his wife, of which beating she brought foorth hir child be­fore hir time, gross. 6. For a woman that hath droonken any drinke, or done some other thing, whereby she hath destroied the child that was quicke within hir, gross. 5. Is not the state of Christian nations miserable and to be la­mented, out of whose blood and bowels so great heaps of monie are caried to Rome, to be consumed foorthwith in dennes, bro­thelhouses, and gluttonie of the popes, car­dinals, and such epicures? Doth not the spectacle of the common people of France séeme lamentable and deadly, séeing that in these times the persecutions of the refor­med churches being so often restored, and renewed, we sée innumerable families cast out through hunger & necessitie, beg in the stréets, being destroied and quite past hope of recouerie? And to sée the wealthie & fat [Page 109] epicures of Rome to be glutted with the blood of our citizens? To sée the naturall countrimen of France that came of most ancient houses, wander vp and down with their wiues and children in strange coun­tries, being driuen out of their own coun­trie and places where they were borne? And to sée the Romish ruffians which are put into their place by Sixtus the fift, to be intertained so courteously by those that are in authoritie? O nation of France de­rided of all other nations, that can so long beare that tyrannicall lordship of the pa­pacie! O Iesu Christ that wast crucified for vs, and raised againe, and art placed at the right hand of God the father, what end dost thou shew vs, or O thou great King what end dost thou giue vs of our labors?

And to the end the most famous Sena­tors of the Parleament being lawiers may vnderstand, that there were long ago of the same order learned men, which haue openly detested that cruell and barbarous tyrannie, I will héerafter cite some testi­monies out of their bookes, wherof that is the first, out of D. Albericus. * The presidēts l. bene a Zeno­ne nu. 18. c. de quad. praescrip. of the church of Rome (saith he) throgh their craftie & suttel wisedō according to the varie­tie [Page 110] of times, haue varied their statutes: some­times aduancing their empire, sometimes de­pressing it a little and a little. But to what end? saue onely that by little and little they might put all things vnder their feete, both heauenly things as also earthlie things, both temporall and also spirituall things (as they call them) as they do openly boast. Let the second author come foorth, which is Iohn Peter of Ferra­ra, in whose publike practises which hée wrote aboue an hundred and fiftie yéeres ago, we find it thus written: This desire did In formula, act. confess. so increase, that not onely the lay men, but also the high priests and clerks are throughly infec­ted with such an infection and vice. For thou seest him that should follow the footesteps of Iesus Christ as his true vicar, possesse and seeke with a strong hand to detaine the iurisdiction vpon earth, in cities, and townes, and places, which belong naturally both by the creation of the world, and also by the ordinance of Christ, to the empire of Rome, according to that: Giue to God that which is Gods, and to Caesar that which is Caesars. Yea the pope himselfe endeuo­reth to haue the superioritie ouer the emperor, which to speake is ridiculous, and to heare ab­hominable. Also, * Note how and how manie In forma resp. rei. conuen. nu. 10. waies these clerks do insnare the laymen: and [Page 111] inlarge their owne iurisdiction. But alas for you sillie emperors and secular princes, which en­dure this and other things: and make your selues slaues to the popes, and see the world v­surped by them infinite waies, and do not seeke to remedie these things: bicause you giue not your selues to wisedome and knowledge. There­fore marke, and remember what Hierom saith: Perusing old histories I cannot find that anie did diuide the Church, and seduce the people from the Lords house, saue those that were made priests to God. Thus wrote that prac­titioner an hundred and fiftie yéeres ago, as we said, fréely, stoutly, and couragiously: wheras notwithstanding about that time the Church of Christ was most of all op­pressed with the tyrannous lordship of the popes. Why should any man therefore maruell at this time, if we detest the im­pietie of Sixtus the fift in defending the feigned religions of his Francis, his cru­eltie in renting in péeces the kingdome of France so often, his madnes in trea­ding vnder foote the maiestie of kings, his robberie and sacrilege in taking away church-goodes? Let vs heare another sai­eng of the same practitioner, * where he In formu. rei con. §. Praes. saith thus: Italie shall neuer be in quiet, vn­till [Page 112] the church do not possesse all cities, or ca­stels: and vntill the Donation made by Con­stantine be quite reuoked by some good and mightie emperour: seeing the Psalter & harpe do not well agree togither: neither was it granted by Christ or S. Peter that they ought to possesse such things: but let that be giuen to Caesar that is Caesars, and let that be giuen to God that is Gods. Also * Men (saith he) may In formu. sent. indefinit. §. sed ad quemcun (que). appeale to the pope omitting any meane. Which promise was put in for this cause, that they might draw suites to their court, and satisfie their couetousnes: which notwithstanding they will neuer do: bicause the minde, desire, & in­deuour of clearkes aboue the rest, is in heaping vp money contrarie to common honestie, and their promise made to God, giuing none atten­dance, not bending their studie to good maners, nor to the scriptures of God. Also * Thou igno­rant In for. libel. quo agitur ex sub. §. ex suo corpore. lay man, thou must know, that the empire had sometime both swords: namely the tempo­rall and the spirituall: and so consequently that at that time the emperours gaue al ecclesiasti­call benefices throughout the whole world: and they did ouer & besides choose the pope as it is in c. Adrianus 13. dist. & not at. Innocent. in c. 2. de maior. & obedient. The emperours granted a priuilege that the goods of those that [Page 113] betooke themselues to lead a munks life, should be applied to the monasteries: by reason of which priuilege, monasteries haue bin multi­plied, and an infinite number haue bin founded throughout the whole world: in times past for deuotions sake, though at this day for spoile and couetousnes sake: in so much that they haue destroied the world, and haue annihilated the state of the empire, and of all the laitie. There­fore those places whether made or to be made, may woorthily be called nets to catch the goods of lay men. Therefore let a good emperour a­rise, & let al men say, Peace be in thy strength, and abundance in thy towers.

The crime of Treason.

IT followeth that we come to the crime of treading vnder foote maiestie. For why should we say that it is hurt or dimi­nished? Séeing the papacie for the space of these foure hundred yéers, hath so proudly contemned all, both emperors, & kings, and potentates of Europe, that it accoun­ted them not onely vassals, and feudata­ries, but also most base bondslaues. Of which furious pride these are most sure Extrauag. de maior. & obe­dientia. testimonies: first in c. vnam sanctam. Vpon [Page 114] necessitie of saluation we must beleeue that e­uerie creature is subiect to the pope of Rome. Also that, The bishop of Rome is placed ouer nations and kingdomes *. The pope hath superi­oritie c. 1. Extrauag. de consuetud. ouer the empire, and when the empire is vacant, he succeedeth the emperor. Clement. Pastoralis, de re iudic. The pope can translate the empire from nation to nation *. The pope ^c a. venerabil. de elect. c. 2. de re iud. may depose the emperor *. The pope of Rome hath the monarchie of both powers, both spiri­tuall and temporall: he hath the principality of the priesthood, and he is the head of Christian religion * Looke how much the sun doth surpasse c. fundament de elect. in 6. the moone, so much doth the pope surpasse the emperor *. Al men of what dignitie, and pree­minence c. solit. ext. de maior. & obed. soeuer they be, so soone as they come in the popes presence, standing a good way off, they must kneele thrise before him, and kisse his feet. In the first booke of the popes cere­monies *. When the pope climeth vp the lader Sect. 3. c. 3. to take horse, the greater prince that is pre­sent, yea though he were a king or emperour, he must holde the popes styrrop, and then leade his horse by the brydle a little way. If the em­perour or king were alone, that is, there were not another king, they must leade the horse a­lone with the right hand. But if there were ano­ther king, then the more woorthy should holde [Page 115] the brydle on the right hand, and the other on the left hand. But if the pope were not carried vpon an horse, but in a chaire or litter: also if the emperour or a king were present, they must carrie the chaire or litter, and the pope a little vpon their shoulders. Also *, The chiefe man Sect. 12. ca. 5. of the citie into which the pope shall enter, though he were a king, shall leade the popes horse by the bridle: or if the pope be caried in a chaire or litter, he beareth the litter togither with his nobles a little way: and then when the pope commandeth him, he taketh horse and ri­deth in his order *. But if it so please the pope d. lib. 1 tit. 2. that he will not be caried on a horse, but in a lit­ter: then the emperour or king, if any be there, must beare the litter vpon his owne shoulders. Tit. 2. The emperour must powre water vpon the popes handes at a feast. At the popes ban­quet, the emperour or king of the Romanes must beare the first dish. in the same 2. Tit. The emperour is bound to sweare to be true and obedient to the pope: the forme of which in c. 1. de iure­iur. &c. tibi domino, dist. 63. oth is extant *. Is not the intollerable bold­nes of the popes sufficiently conuict by these testimonies? Surely it séemeth so, specially with those iudges and senatours of the parleament, in whom remaineth any feare of conscience, and of God: espe­cially [Page 116] séeing that euen the canonist doctors do cōfesse the same. For cardinal Zabarel­la, who wrote a treatise cōcerning schism, about the yéere of Christ 1406. writeth thus in that treatise: We must consider vp­on doing honor and homage to the pope, least men passe measure therein, so that they may seeme not so much to honor the pope, as God. For he must so be honored that he be not wor­shipped: which S. Peter did not suffer to be done to him: of whom we read in the Acts. 10. that Cornelius fell downe at his feet and wor­shipped him: but Peter tooke him vp, saieng, Arise: I my selfe am a man, like to thee. Thus wrote Zarabella, wherto agréeth that of Iohn Faber *. The pope saith he, in words in praefat. in­stit. calleth himselfe a seruant of seruants: but in­deed he suffereth himselfe to be worshipped: which the angell in the Reuelation did refuse. Thus writeth Faber.

But the popes fet this title and autho­ritie of so great pride from the benefite of Constantine the great, whose instrument is extant, first in Latine *: and secondly in in dist. 96. c. Const. Gréek, in Augustine Steuchus the master of the popes librarie, in the booke of the Donation of Constantine, imprinted at Lyons anno 1547. as followeth: that the [Page 117] empire of the west, that is, of Italie, Sici­lia, Sardinia, France, Spaine, England, Germanie, be in the pope of Rome his po­wer: and that he haue the name, like at­tire, like, and also greater dignitie, maie­stie, empire and power, as Constantine had: that he haue also the like troupe of horsemen to wait vpon him: so that when he rideth on horse-backe the emperor do for a time go by him as his footeman, and wait vpon him some space, holding his horse by the bridle. Concerning which matter the same Steuchus in his second booke and thréescore and sixt chapter wri­teth thus: * Also that part of the edict wher­in Pag. 134. the mightie emperor saith that he held the bridle of S. Syluesters horse being pope of Rome, and that he led his horse (wherin is knowne the kissing of the feet) is prooued to be true, bicause the emperors that were successors did the like not long after. For as the pope of Rome entred into Constantinople, Iustinian hauing his crown on his head, did prostrate himselfe and kissed the popes feet. Also when pope Stephen went to Pipinus the French king, the same king hea­ring of his comming, went with al haste to meet him, togither with his wife and children, and nobles; and he sent his sonne Charles almost an [Page 118] hundred miles to meet him, togither with some of his nobles. Also he himselfe in his pallace that is called Ponticone almost three miles off, alighting of his horse, with great humilitie li­eng prostrate vpon the ground, togither with his wife, children, and nobles, receiued the same pope, on whom he waited still as an vsher, vnto a little place besides his sell, and brought him with glorie to the pallace. These things haue I cited word for word out of Iuo Carno­tensis: & he (as I thinke) out of Anastasius the keeper of the librarie. Thus writeth Steu­chus: the like whereof Platina reporteth of Pipinus and Charles in the life of Ste­phen the second. Now let vs confer with these flattering and glosing words of the pope of Rome, the modestie and comman­dements of Christ, whose successor and vi­car the pope affirmeth he is. You know, saith he, that the princes of the nations beare rule ouer them, and that those that are great do ex­ercise authoritie ouer them. But it shall not be so among you: but whosoeuer will be great a­mong you, let him be your seruant: and whosoe­uer will be chiefe among you, let him be your minister: as the sonne of man came not that he might be ministred vnto, but that he might minister *. I am in the middest of you as he Matt. 20. [Page 119] that ministreth *. Therefore so often as he gaue any commandement or committed Luk. 22. busines to his Apostles, he did in no place prefer one before another: but he made like account of all: as being fellowes in office, and fellowes in one busines. As when he commanded them to go into the world, and to preach the Gospell, and to confirme that preaching by miracles *. Or Mat. 10. 7. 8. Luk. 10. 9. when he forewarneth them that it will come to passe, that they shall iudge the twelue tribes of Israell, he saith not that some one of them shall sit in the tribunall seat, and the rest in lower places *, as the Mat. 19. 30. false Constantine writeth, I grant to the pope of the church of Rome that the priests haue him to be their head in like sort, as iudges haue the king for their head *. When the holie Ghost was sent C. Const. 96. dist downe vpon the Apostles as they were to­gither: when power to bind and loose was granted to them: when they were sent to preach the Gospell, to which of them (I pray you) is any prerogatiue of right, or Iohn. 20. Mat. 28. Acts. 1. priuilege granted *?

And surely these are great examples of the popes insolencie, pride, and hautines: but that is somwhat more and more woon­derfull, [Page 120] which manie historiographers haue recorded touching the emperor Fri­derike Ahenobarbus: and amongst these Helmodus in the eight chapter of Scl. Chronic. 1. Naucler. generat. 39. Barnus of the life of popes. When he and pope A­drian were agréed togither, that he should giue to the pope as great reuerence as he could, as to S. Peters successor: finally, that when he did alight, he should hold his stirrop, it is said that the emperor stood on his right side, and touched the right stir­rop. Wherat the pope was displeased, and reprooued the emperor: but he answered him, that he did it, bicause he knew not what the holding of stirrops meant, bi­cause that was the first time that euer he held any. Which things séeing they are so, and the pope hath taken to himselfe so great lordship ouer the most mightie prin­ces of the world, yet it is pleasant to heare, that our pope Sixtus the fift doth call that lordship by the name of seruice. For in the beginning of his declaration against the king of Nauarre, he vseth these words: That he doth therefore excommunicate the King of Nauarre and the Prince of Condie, that during the time of his Ser­uice, [Page 121] there may be peace and quietnes, he­retiks being taken away. What maner seruice is this with a mischiefe, which is spent in possessing the empire of the earth, in treading vnder foot the maiesty of kings and emperors? Of the same sort of seruice is that, which the same pope Adrian wrot to the same Friderike: We woonder not a little at your wisedome, that you seeme not to giue to S. Peter & to the holie church of Rome so much reuerence as you ought. For in your let­ters which you sent to vs, you put your owne name before ours: wherein you incur the note of insolencie, I will not say, of arrogancie. Tou­ching which thing the same Nauclerus Genes. 39. * doth testifie. But now we must come to the chiefest and principal testimonie of the popes pride, and of his treading vnder foot the maiestie of kings. For after that Alex­ander successor to the same Adrian, had terrified the foresaid emperor Friderike with his vsuall excommunication, in those cruell clouds and darknes of the Church of Christ, and Friderike being infected with the superstition of those times, was desi­rous to be absolued from the same: the pope appointed him a day, in which he should be present in Venece in the chiefe [Page 122] church. When he was come thither: as great store of cardinals and bishops stood by him, the pope denied to release him of his proscription, vnlesse he would first fall downe at his féete and humbly craue for­giuenes of him. Which after he had done, then the pope lifted vp one of his féete, and set it vpon the necke of the emperor as he lay prostrate, and then commanded his priests to sing that verse out of the psalms of Dauid: Thou shalt walke vpon the adder and cockatrice, the lion and dragon shalt thou tread vnder foote. Of which [...]antish cruel­tie there be plentifull testimonies extant in the same Nauclerus, in Barnus, of the Genes. 40. life of popes, and Funcius in his chroni­cles. Is there any of so great a number of the Senators & Counsellers of the French king, that can desire any greater or more sure testimonie of treason, or treading ma­iestie vnder foote? Though peraduenture some man will say: Why was so great an emperor and so mightie a monarch so co­wardly? Surely this was the fatall super­stitiō of these times, which did possesse the minds of men in so great darknes: concer­ning which kind, that of Titus Liuius is known writing of the Bachanals: Nothing [Page 123] is more deceitfull to looke to than false religi­on, when as wickednes is cloked with the power of the Gods. For men are afraid least in punish­ing the falsehood of men, some point of the di­uine authority mixed among be violate. Thus writeth he. But now we must fetch some other testimonies of the popes Seruice out of the maiestie of our kings that is troden vnder foote, wherby it may more easily be vnderstood, how that the boldnes which is in this pope Sixtus, being strēgthned with so great antiquitie, is not to be woondered at: séeing that he durst giue the most ex­cellent king of Nauarre, and most renow­med prince of Condie this title, as to call them Sonnes of wrath: ministers of proud Lu­cifer, patrons of heretiks and heresies: that they lie wallowing in mire and filth: that they be heads, captaines, and chiefe defenders of here­tiks, that they be most earnest fautors of stran­gers: that they make war against their king, against him, and also catholiks: that they be murtherers of religious men: that Condie a part had heretiks for his parents, and that he continueth in the footesteps of his father be­ing a most wicked persecuter of the catholike church: that he is an author of ciuill wars and seditions, and that he doth execute all kinde of [Page 124] fiercenes and crueltie. And that both of them are a detestable and degenerate issue: and guiltie of treason against God: and enimies to the true Christian faith. But an euill plague light on thée (most holy Antichrist) which darest belch out these things, and vomit out this poison of thy bitternesse against such and so great Princes. But as I haue already saide, why do we woonder at so great insolencie of the pope against these two most renowmed Princes? séeing that he vsed as great boldnes in times past, a­gainst Philip the Faire, the most mightie king of France. For in the yéere 1286. it is reported that Boniface the eight was so proud, that he did auouch, that he was sub­iect to his gouernement not onely in spiri­tuall things, but also in temporall things. Onely so? Yea he proclaimed him a schis­matike and heretike, and hauing cursed him with all curses, he did excommunicate him. But the king being very couragious, thought that he ought not to yéeld to this his so great boldnes: yea as it became a valiant prince, he brake and did beat down that fiercenes and madnes. For he appoin­ted that inquisition should be made of his wicked facts, & that he should be made an­swer [Page 125] for the same, & so soon as he found him to be conuict by manifest testimonies, then he made him be apprehended at Rome, and cast in prison: in which prison (to vse the words of Baldus and Platina) he that had reigned like a lion, died like a dog: which historie is recorded by most French chronicle writers, besides Platina. Such was sometime the magnanimitie of our kings in despising and repressing the im­pudencie of popes. For shall any in all France, either noble man, or of the com­mon sort, either with gouernment, office, power, or also priuate man, be thought to beare a good mind toward the kings maie­stie, in whom this so great pride of that tyrant of Rome will not prouoke lothsom­nes and detestation? And we woonder that our Sixtus being thus taught by satan, be­ing hardened by such antiquitie of cruel­tie, durst in this his declaration pronounce that, He doth depriue Henrie king of Nauarr, and Henrie prince of Condie, and all their po­steritie, of kingdoms, principalities, dukedomes, lordships, cities, places, and fees: and also of dig­nities, honors, and princelie offices: for these be his words. Also: To declare them to be vncapable, and vnable to succeed in all duke­doms, [Page 126] principalities, lordships, and kingdoms, and specially in the kingdome of France. What with a mischiefe what tragicall and Thy­esticall cursing is this, and furious pride of Antichrist, and of an impudent frier? Was there euer any that heard more outragi­ous barking of a band-dog or Cerberus, than this?

But, as I haue alreadie said, this bold­nes of the pope against the king of Nauarr is not greatly to be woondered at, séeing such was his vnbridled furie against the most mightie king of France. Wherefore let vs heare rather other testimonies of like and the same pride: for it is not for man to contend with satan in railing spée­ches: and it shall be sufficient to vse that curse of Michael the archangell: The Lord Jude. 1. 9. rebuke thee. Therefore to returne to our purpose, we must not passe ouer that testi­monie of the same popish seruice, which is reported touching the same Boniface, who in the yéere 1300. when there was great concourse of people at Rome by reason of the Iubilie, in the first solemne day, the pope shewed himselfe to the people in his Pontificalibus: the day following, hauing on the attire of the emperor, he comman­ded [Page 127] a naked sword to be borne before him, crieng with a lowd voice: I am the pope, and emperor, and I beare rule in earth and heauen. And a few daies after hée proudly reiected Albertus created empe­ror by the electors of Germanie, when he came to craue his confirmation, denieng that the election had without his authori­tie ought to be counted firme: séeing he a­lone had the authoritie of both swords. Af­ter some good space he confirmed him vpon condition, that with al expedition he shuld make war against the French king, whose kingdome he gaue him for a pray and re­ward of his victorie. Which things are witnessed by Cuspianus in the life of Al­bertus in the chronicle of Vsperge, and by the writers of the French chronicles. But to what end do we prosecute these light and trifling things? We haue before de­clared, that the pope of Rome doth claime by the donation of Constantine, the em­pire of al the west parts. These be but bare words. Wherefore let vs looke into the thing it selfe. For we denie that there is any king in the west, I meane of France, Spaine, Aragon, Portugal, Hungarie, Bo­hemia, England, Scotland, Denmarke, [Page 128] Sueueland, Ruscia, Croatia, Dalmatia whom the papacie of Rome will not haue to be vassall and feudatarie to it: as if he had receiued his kingdome from him as a fée and benefit, and ought for that cause to ow allegeance, and to do homage to him. It is much that we say, and almost incre­dible to be spoken: but the truth shall ap­péere by instruments that we wil bring to light, and by testimonies that we will vse. For we wil touch euery realme according to the order of the letters.

Of that of England.

AVgustine Steuchus the maister of the popes librarie doth witnes in his book of the donation of Constantine, that in 2. pag. 138. that librarie of the popes there is extant a register of pope Alexander the 3. wherein is found an epistle to William king of England. For as we vnderstand by that booke of Steuchus the maister of the li­brarie, all the actes of euerie pope are written in seuerall registers: to the which what credit we ought to giue the verie rule of the law doth show, wherein it is said, that a priuate writing must be belée­ued, [Page 129] but onely against the writer himselfe. Therfore this was Alexander his epistle. Your wisedome knoweth that the kingdome of Englande, sithence the time that the name of Christ was there glorified, hath bin vnder the hand and tuition of the chiefe of the Apostles. For as you know full well, the Englishmen were faithfull, and in respect of godly deuotion, and knowledge of religion, they gaue a yeerely pen­sion to the apostolike sea: wherof some part was giuen to the bishop of Rome, some part to the church of S. Marie, which is called the schoole of the Englishmen, to the vse of the brethren. These things are cited out of Steuchus. But I finde these testimonies in other pla­ces besides Steuchus. Flauius Blondus in his 6. booke Decad. 2. Then, saith he, Iohn king of England fearing that he was not of suf­ficient force to deale with the French king, fled to the mercy of Innocentius the third pope of Rome: for making England and Ireland feu­dataries to the church of Rome, by league he promised to pay for either Iland an hundred markes in gold yeerely. Antonie of Florence saith *, Iohn king of England of his own accord Hist. part. 3. tit 19. §. quinto anno 1223. by the counsell of his princes, offered, and did freely grant to God, and his most holie Apostles Peter, Paul, and to the holie church of Rome, [Page 130] and to the lord Innocentius the third, being pope, all the kingdome of England, and also of Ireland, with all their rights and appurtenan­ces: and he hath done and sworne homage for the same kingdomes, to the saide Innocenti­us the pope, that he should hold them hereafter as a feudatarie of the said pope and his succes­sours. Whereof also Polidore Virgill ma­keth mention in his 15. booke. By this instrument of the pope, if, as I said, we may giue credence to a priuate writing, the realme of England is feudatarie to the pope. Go to, let vs sée the rest.

Of the kingdome of Arragonia.

STeuchus in the selfe same booke *, saith. Pag. 193. Peter king of Arragonia in the third yeer of the L. Innocentius the third being pope: came to Rome to the same Innocentius, and he receiued from him solemnely an honorable knighthood: and he offered willinglie to S. Pe­ter and to the holie church of Rome his whole kingdome: and there he had for his fee the same kingdome. Also he appointed to pay a cer­taine summe of money for the kingdome of Sardinia.

Of the kingdome of Croatia and Dalmatia.

STeuchus in the same booke *, in the register of Gregorie the seauenth, we reade thus. In the name of the lord, of the ho­lie Pag. 191. and indiuisible Trinitie, in the yeere of the Lords incarnation, one thousand seuenty sixe: in the 14. indiction of the moneth of October, I Demetrius which am also called Suinumir, by the grace of God, duke of Croatia and Dal­matia, being made and constituted by thee L. Gebizus, hauing the power of Pope Gregorie, by the ambassage of the apostolike sea, by the synodall and generall election of the whole cleargie and people, in the Solantine church of S. Peter, and being inuested and appointed king, in the gouernment of the kingdome of the Croatians and Dalmatians by the banner, sword, scepter, and crowne, to thee I vowe and promise, that I will vnchangeably fulfill all things, which thy reuerend holines shall inioine me, that I may keepe mine oth to the Aposto­like sea in all things: and that I may keepe irre­uocably whatsoeuer as well the sea apostlike, as the legates thereof haue or shall establish in this realme: that I may execute iustice, and [Page 132] defend the church, also I appoint to pay to S. Peter yeerely in the resurrection of the Lord, the tribute of two hundred Bizanties, of al my consulships and primacies, for the kingdome granted to me. Furthermore seeing to serue God is to raigne, in steed of S. Peter and of our lord pope Gregorie, and after him insteed of his successors in the apostolike sea, I commit my selfe to thine hands, and in committing my self I establish this fidelitie with an oth. I say, I De­metrius which am also called Suinumir, by the grace of God, and the gift of the apostolike sea, being from this day and heretofore king, shall be faithfull to S. Peter and my L. pope Gregorie, and his successors that enter canoni­cally. As for the kingdome, L. Gebizo, that is giuen me by thy hand, I shall faithfully keepe it, and I shall not take away the same, and the right thereof from the apostolike sea by anie meanes or policie at any time: I shall honora­blie receiue, and honestly handle, & send back my L. Gregorie the pope, and his successours and ambassadours, if they come into my domi­nion: and I shall humble serue them what ser­uice soeuer they shall appoint vnto me. These things writeth Steuchus. Whereby we may know what eloquent and learned scribes the popes vse to haue, which can­not [Page 133] onely set downe in writing the déedes and famous factes of Francis and Domi­nic, but also write the instruments and witnessed briefes of inuested feudataries.

Of the kingdome of Denmarke.

STeuchus in the same 2. booke *, The Pag. 189. kingdome of Denmarke saith he, doth pro­perlie belong vnto, and is the tribute of the ho­lie church of Rome, which thing the true mo­numents of the popes do witnes. Alexander the holie bishop, the holie L. to his beloued sonne Sueuis king of Denmarke, sendeth greeting and the apostolike blessing. We admonish your wisedome, that you prouide to send to vs and our successours the tribute of your kingdome, which your predecessours were woont to paie to the church of the apostle: yet so, that it be not laide as an oblation vpon the altar, but that it be offered aswell to vs as to our successours pre­sentiallie, that it may be more certainlie ap­prooued.

Of the kingdome of France.

THere is extant in Nicolas Gillius a french man, and a Chronicle writer, [Page 134] an excellent epistle of pope Boniface the 8 which we will set downe. Boniface the ser­uant of the seruants of God, to Philip the french king: Feare God and keepe his com­mandements. We will haue you know that in spirituall things and temporall things you are subiect to vs: there appertaineth to you no be­stowing of benefices and prebends: and if you haue the keeping of anie that are void, reserue the profit therof for the successors: and if you haue bestowed anie, we decree that the gift thereof is voide: we count those fooles that be­leeue otherwise. Geuen at Laterane 4. of the Nones of December in the 6. yeere of our popedome. This instrument of pope Boni­face is without doubt set downe in his re­gister according to the custome, by the kée­pers of the librarie: but let vs heare what the other partie answereth. For we shall know by the kings answer what credence and authoritie we ought to giue to these registers of the popes. Philip by the grace of God king of France, to Boniface that carrieth himself for the chief bishop, sendeth smal gree­ting or none at all. Let your great follie know, that in temporal things we are subiect to none: that the bestowing of any churches or prebends that are vacant, doth belong vnto vs by our [Page 135] princely right, and to reape the fruits thereof against all possessours, to maintaine our selfe profitablie: and as for those that thinke other­wise, wee count them doltes and mad men. These things are cited out of the Britaine Chronicles of Armorica: the 4. booke ch. 14. and out of Nicolas Gillius in the french Chronicles, whereby we may easi­lie coniect, that howsoeuer we grant that these furious letters aforesaid were sent vnto kings by the popes, yet did they sharpelie and vehemently represse their boldnes and rashnes. And yet the same Steuchus the master of the popes librarie as we haue saide, trusting to his register, durst in the same book of his * write thus, Pag. 198. and cause it to be printed at Lyons. Boni­face the 7. against Philip the king of France, bicause hee did exalt himselfe against the Church, when the pope had vnfolded to him the old monuments, whereby he taught, that France was subiect to the church of Rome both in holie and prophane things, for which it was necessarie that he should reuerence and wor­ship the pope as Lord of his kingdom, when he despised him, he did excommunicate him.

Of the empire of Germanie.

THe same Steuchus writeth nothing touching this empire by reason of the great power of Charles the fift, whom Steuchus was afraide to offend. But we haue else where verie manie testimonies. First in the canonists *, wherin is contai­ned c. tibi. Domino▪ dist. 63. the oth of the emperor Otho, which he gaue to the pope. Which pope Clement affirmeth to be the oth of alleageance, in c. de iureiur. in Clem. which vassals do giue to their patrones when they receiue a fée. Whence the Ca­nonists do stoutly dispute and reason, that the emperor is the popes vassall, and that he holdeth of him his empire by the name of a fée: but also pope Innocentius the 3. writeth, * that the right to choose the empe­ror in c. venerabi­lem, extra, de elect. c. 2. de re iud. in 6. in c. 1. ext. Ne sed. vacan. came vnto the princes of Germanie from the apostolike sea. And * that the em­peror may be deposed by the pope. And *, that the pope when the empire is void is emperor. And héerupon rose that boldnes of pope Innocentius the second, that hée painted in the Laterane church at Rome, the emperor Lotharius, as a vassall lieng prostrate at his féete, and receiuing the im­periall [Page 137] crown at his hands: and did write these verses vnder the same picture:

The memoriall whereof is extant in the chronicles of Hirsaug. in the life of the ab­bat Hartuing, & in Radeuic. * And when as lib. 1. num. 9. & 10. the same day the emperor Friderike had reaso­ned with the legates of pope Adrian, Radeuic writeth that they answered thus, Of whom thē hath he the empire if not from our Lord the pope? Moreouer, there is extant in Iohn Auentine *, an epistle of pope Adrian vn­to Lib. 6. pa. 636. the archbishops of Treuirs, Moguntine, and Colen written thus: The Romane em­pire was translated from the Grecians vnto the Almaines: so that the king of the Almaines was not called emperor before he was crowned by the Apostle. Before the consecration he was king: after the consecration emperor. From whence then hath he his empire but from vs? By the election of his princes he hath the name of king, by our consecration he hath the name of emperor; and of Augustus, and of Caesar. [Page 138] Therefore by vs he reigneth: our sea is at Rome: the emperors at Aquis nigh Arduen­na, which is a wood of France. The emperor hath all that he hath from vs. As Zacharie translated the empire from the Grecians to the Almains, so we may translate it from the Al­maines to the Grecians. Lo it is in our power to giue it to whomsoeuer we will: being therefore set ouer nations and kingdoms, to destroy and pluck vp, to build & plant. Thus writeth the pope of the Germane empire: boldly y­nough as it séemeth: séeing he sendeth him to Aquisgranus, and into the wood Ardu­enna, as if he were some shéepherd or neat­heard. Shall there be any of the Counsel­lers of the most victorious emperor that can abide that fierce & importunate voice of that tyrant? But let vs heare more.

Of the kingdome of Spaine.

STeuchus in the same second booke: Gre­gorie Pag. 133. the seuenth, saith he, writing to the kings and princes of Spaine, saith thus: You know that of old the kingdome of Spaine belon­geth to the church of Rome. And shortly af­ter out of the register of Epistles of the [Page 139] same pope, which he affirmeth to be kept religiously in his librarie, he setteth down this epistle. Gregorie the bishop, the seruant of the seruants of God, to the kings, earles, and other princes of Spaine, greeting. We will haue it knowne to you, that the kingdome of Spaine, was giuen by the ancient decrees to S. Peter and the holie church of Rome for their right and propertie; and so foorth.

Of the kingdome of Hungarie.

COncerning the same there is a testi­monie of like sort extant in the same maister of the librarie. Gregorie the holie bi­shop, Pa. 186. the holy lord to his beloued sonne Salomon king of Hungarie, greeting. As thou maist learne of the ancients of thy countrie, the king­dome of Hungarie is proper to the holie church of Rome; being in times past offered and de­uoutly deliuered by king Stephen to S. Peter, with all the right and power thereof. And a­gaine: The same Gregorie writing to Geusus king of Hungarie: we beleeue thou knowest that the kingdome of Hungarie, as also other most noble kingdoms ought to be in the state of their owne libertie, and to be in subiection to [Page 140] none other king of any other realme, saue onely to the holie and vniuersall mother the church of Rome.

Of the kingdome of Polonia.

ALbertus Krantz in Wandal. lib. 8. ca. 2. Lakoldus was duke of Cracouia at this time, and he that bare rule throughout all Po­lonia. He had from Iohn bishop of Rome the crowne: bicause he did [...] Lodwik law­full emperor, bicause the pope did curse and ex­communicate him. For the popes were now come to that maiestie (which secular princes cal pre­sumption) that they made kings: citing the words of him that was first pope after Christ: Behold, saith Peter, heer be two swords. Against which the princes interpret the words of the eternall bishop: Put vp thy sword into the sheath, of the carnall, humane, and secular sword: as if it were not lawfull for the pope to fight with it. But Lakoldus being named and consecrated king by the pope, made al the king­dome tributary to S. Peter, that there should be paid yeerly for euerie one a penie, which pence are called Peter-pence.

Of the kingdome of Ruscia.

STeuchus in the same booke *. Also the Pag. 1 [...]. kingdom of Ruscia is of right and destraint of the church of Rome, as appeereth by the same ancient moniments. Gregorie the seuenth wri­ting to the king and queene of Ruscia: To our beloued children, saith he, Demetrius king of Ruscia, and to the queene his wife, greeting, and the apostolike blessing. Your sonne visiting the shrines of the Apostles, came to vs, and bi­cause he would obtaine that kingdome by the gift of S. Peter by our hands, he craued it with deuout petitions, hauing giuen due alleageance to the same S. Peter the Apostle: affirming vn­doubtedly that that petition of his should be confirmed and established by our consent, if he might be rewarded with the grace and defence of the Apostolike authoritie: to whose petitions we gaue consent: and we gaue him the gouern­ment of our kingdome in the behalfe of S. Pe­ter, namely, with that intention of loue, that S. Peter should defend you and your kingdome by his intercession to God.

Of the kingdome of Sicilia.

CLement the fift. * Againe, we must not In clem. pasto­ralis de sent. & reiud. passe ouer with silence, that the king of [Page 142] Sicilia himselfe being our knowne subiect, and the subiect of the church of Rome by reason of the foresaid kingdome, and being a liege man and vassall, hath his continuall abode in the same kingdome.

Of the kingdome of Scotland.

POlydore Virgil writeth thus in his se­uentéenth booke. In the meane season Bo­niface the pope being wearied by the Scots with their petitions, forbad king Edward that hee should not heereafter trouble the Scots with war: bicause that realme was before commit­ted by the Scots to the tuition, and made sub­iect to the power of the pope of Rome. And therfore he auouched that it was in his power alone to giue it to whomsoeuer he would, or to take it from whomsoeuer he would.

Hitherto haue we reckoned vp all the kingdoms of Christian kings, which the pope auoucheth they hold and possesse as a fée or benefit receiued from him. By euerie one whereof, and by them all in generall, we leaue it to men of courage to iudge whether this séemeth to be the humilitie of a modest pastor of the church, so greatly [Page 143] commended of Christ, or rather boldnes and hawtines of a fierce and intollerable giant. Also we would haue them thinke with themselues whether this so great proud speaking of the popes, came not from the same spirit from whence that oration of the tyrant Nero, came, which is left by Seneca to the posteritie in his first booke of Clemencie: Of al mortal men I was liked and chosen to serue in the place of the Gods vpon earth. I am to the nations the iudge of life and death. It is in my hand what conditi­on and state euery man hath. What thing soe­uer fortune would haue giuen to any mortall man, she pronounceth it by my mouth. People and cities conceiue causes of ioy by our answer. No part doth any where florish saue onely when I am willing and fauourable. These so manie thousands of fencers which my power doth sup­presse, shall be girded at my becke. It is my iuris­diction what nations ought to be quite cut off, which ought to be transported, to whom libertie ought to be granted, from whom it ought to be taken, what kings ought to be bond-slaues, and vpon whose head the princely crowne ought to be set, what cities shal come to ruine, and which shall florish.

The crime of Rebellion.

THe fourth crime followeth, whereof we said the pope of Rome was long ago not onely accused by the most part of Christendome, but also conuict and condemned. We call the same rebellion, that is, factions procured with an enuious mind to ouerthrow the state of al common wealths that are in Christendome. But bicause this our disputation was princi­pally appointed for our country of France; it séemeth to be sufficient for this present, if from it alone, and so from the fresh re­membrance of those factions, we fet testi­monies of that crime. It is now thrée and twentie yéeres, during which our France hath béen pitifully vexed in a maner with continual ciuil wars: do I say with wars? Yea with butcheries, and furious and cru­ell slaughters. They that haue diligently numbred those which were slaine in those wars, doe finde them to be no lesse than twelue hundred thousande French men borne. Is there any in the Parleament of France either president or Senator, that dare from his hart sweare, that the pope of Rome was not the Alastor * of or prouoker. [Page 145] so great euils, that he was not the princi­pall brand of so great a fire? That he did not continually send cardinals or bishops, and others of his crue and retinue as mes­sengers to the court of France, that they might inflame the minds of the kings (like euill angels) to these deadlie and bloodie wars, to these butcheries, and to lay waste the realme of France? When as in the meane season he like a bloodie maister of fence, hauing set these swashbucklers by the eares togither, did behold these bloodie plaies from the top of his castell of Saint-angell: or like another Nero did from his tower looke vpon the citie, which he himselfe had fired: and did féede his eies with these doleful spectacles, and did couet to satisfie his cruell mind? But if we will record those things which haue happened in this our realme in the remembrance of our fathers, we shall first finde this: that Lodwik the 12. (alas, what king? Which obtained the name of the father of the countrie with the great consent of all good men) did make subiect to pope Iulius the second some cities of Italie, which he tooke in war. That the pope after a few mo­neths did repay this thanks to the king for [Page 146] the benefit receiued, that he did not onely pronounce him to be a schismatike and he­retike, he proscribed him, he procéeded a­gainst him with the fearfull thunderbolts of excommunications: but also he caused all the French men to be tormented like enimies, and to be slaine: he did also pro­mise reward to the murtherers, forgiue­nes of all their sins, and fréedome from pu­nishment, if any man could murder euen but some one French man any maner of way. What is it to be a rebell, or rather to surpasse rebels in all crueltie and wicked­nes, if not this? But it is woorth the labor to set downe somewhat more plainly all that whole tragedie. That pope was of a cruell nature, and so fierce, furious, and turbulent, that his companions in robbe­rie and murder the bishops and cardinals could not abide him, but to the kings and princes he séemed altogither intollerable. Therfore with the full consent of al, there was a Councell called at Pisa a citie of I­talie, that by common councel they might preuent those euils that did hang ouer the Church of Christ by reason of him. And how wisely, and lawfully, and solemnely that Councell was called, appéereth by the [Page 147] hundred fiftie one Councell of Philip De­cius a most famous lawier in those daies, which he wrote and published against that pope at Mediolanum. The furious pope did foorthwith disturbe that assemblie with war and weapon. Wherefore it was tran­slated by the authoritie of our king first to Mediolanum, and then to Lyons, where after the matter was heard and examined, pope Iulius was suspended from his pope­dome: that is, he was for a time put from the administration of the papacie. Wher­of when Iulius heard, he was so incensed with sorrow and anger, that he did not on­ly forbid all French men fire and water, but also he commanded that euery of them that was met, should be murdered: also he prouoked cut-throtes and murderers with rewards, as I haue alreadie said. Which madnes or rather furie of his, bicause Wil­liam Budeus of Paris, a man no lesse lo­uing to his countrie, than learned and skil­full, hath couragiously and sharply prose­cuted in his bookes De Asse, it séemeth to me most fit to set downe all that whole complaint of that couragious man and good subiect, to be read not onely of the Se­nators of our Parleament, but also of all [Page 148] men of all sorts and orders: especially sée­ing that all historiographers in generall do woonderfully agrée with him in setting downe that complaint. For this is Iulius the second, concerning whom both Arnol­dus Ferronus, a man very learned, and an historiographer of our country of France, and Burdegalensis sometimes a Senator of the Parleament, and many other haue written: that as he came out of Rome a­gainst France hauing gathered an armie, hauing his minde inflamed against our king, as he led his armed bands out of the citie ouer the bridge of Tiber being him­selfe armed, in the hearing of many thou­sand men, he vttered these words: Séeing Peters keies helpe vs nothing, go to let vs draw Pauls sword: & foorthwith he threw the keies which he brought with him into Tiber, and he drew his sword. Touching which we know that old verse: in English thus:

But now let vs come to Budeus his complaint which he setteth down at large in his fift booke De Asse: The bloudie ma­ster of the cleargie casting off all feare of God, sent cruell nations against the Lords people, & accursing those that tooke part with the french and their fautors, he raised with more than tragicall wickednes, almost the whole world be­ing loosed from religion against those that were accursed. Do we not remember that time when Peter and Paul, and their followers, the prin­cipall builders of the church, were not giuen to fight battels being infected with the cōfidence of glistering weapons, but trusting to bloud and innocencie, and being otherwise vnarmed, they were stirred vp with the trumpet of most hot loue, to defend the tents of Christ in the tu­mult? Now they are made onely bare names, after so long time, though the holie principall orders of the priests do shadow and cloake their pride with the people onely with their maiesty. O harde and monstrous blockishnes of most ho­lie [Page 150] power! For who did euer in minde conceiue so great wickednes, that the Top of priests, the master of the cleargie, that the princi­pall worker of holie things, should abide to arme his hallowed hands that are yet hot with wor­king at the altar, against the Lords familie! that with a mind more thā murderous he shuld seeke to put out the top of the christian name, namely a most christian king, in the blockish world! and that he should somtimes shake that mysticall sword edgeling and foyningly in his angrie purpose as we thinke: that he should sometimes borrow of Mars that bloudy speare or iauelin, and should also seeke to put those to death whom with cruell curses he had cast down, which peraduenture did turne vpon him? Lo what hands, what feet, thou dost willinglie kisse, from which thou oughtest to plucke backe thy mouth though bloudie and polluted. O wretch that thou then art, Iulius, and carried with distemperature, which thoughtest that thou oughtst to obey thy blind anger so far forth that thou wast carried with furious blindnes of minde? and not to respect either thy selfe, or the comelines of most blessed maiestie through ha­tred, but carrieng headlong with thee against their will for the most part, and euen murmu­ring against thee, that most honourable order, [Page 151] that reuerend senate, being famous with chiefe reuerence, the glorie of Libanus, thou shouldest seeke to oppresse vs with the fall of the tower of the church, and so consequently thy selfe? that thou shouldest also change in a maner the whol world, being shaken with those thunderbolts which thou hast raysed and shot against it, that thou shouldest behold vs with these firie eies, which are inflamed with hatred and enuie, and also burne with fire, & shouldest not now cease, but fall vpon our king as he did burne, thou ha­uing obtained thy purpose? O immortall God! was it lawfull for wickednes perswading euill things, to throw downe by right or wrong from the top of the sanctuarie so great a man, being euen stung with the waspe of reuenge more than that of Atrius? that he should hasten to destroy euen his bodie and soule in the graue of his enimies. Was it not sufficient for his most furious wrath to haue driuen vs backe againe into our owne coasts, being terrified with a thunderbolt, departing from the possession of Italie which we deadlie loued, and that with griefe and sorrow, vnlesse he should moreouer haue made vs fight for our altars and fires (as they say:) and finallie to feare most extreme examples? When as in the meane season vnder that bloudie fenser almost all this whole coun­trie [Page 152] did fight with vs with a most deadlie en­uious minde: where was then that zeale of the Lord, which is iust anger reuenging the maie­stie of God, being hurt or diminished? For it is lawfull for the holie armies to go into the battell with this standerd-bearer alone, if at anie time it be lawfull. Did he then, I praie you, fet aide out of that tower of Loue, or chappell of Faith, or crossed standerds? Was he anie whit ashamed to call himselfe, the Seruant of the Seruants of God, when as he did boast that he made France which was alwaies the beautie of Christians, and temple of the popes, and fortres of religion, famous with the graues of french men? Seeing that a priest being sea­uentie yeeres of age, the ambassadour of Christ, the authour and parent of peace, did offer sa­crifice to Bellona the goddesse of war: to whom he stroue to offer sacrifice with great losse of mankinde. And euen at such time as the pro­fane multitude did make their praiers before the altars of peace and concorde with a pitifull shew. Surely a spectacle woorth the beholding: To see a father not onely most holie, but also reuerend in respect of his age and white haires, stirring vp his soldiers whom he had called out with the fame of Bellona, as it were to procure tumult in France: not reuerently attired in [Page 153] his kirtle, and carrieng his gorgeous armes, not holie with his pontificall mace or scepter, but clad with a mantell, and in barbarous attire: but girt with furious boldnes, that I may so call it, glistering with these beastly and vaine thun­derbolts, hauing the crueltie of his spirits ap­peering in his sterne countenance and apparell. Vndoubtedly we haue seene in a few yeers ma­nie things, which our posteritie will thinke to be incredible. The ioints of ecclesiastical authori­tie and discipline being dissolued in this winde and tempest, how should the right faith haue continued, vnlesse it had been fastened with the iron and eternall pins, and vnlesse it had once been affirmed and established in the holie mo­niments? Thus far goeth Budeus, a man, as I said before, that loued his countrie, and which deserued al praise. Who though he knew not as yet fully what difference there was betwéen Christ and Antichrist, yet could he not being inforced with loue of his countrie, but set downe in writing that crueltie and barbarous fiercenes of the pope, to the eternall reproch of the pa­pacie: that al posteritie might vnderstand with how enuious and rebellious a mind our Alastor was the companion of Sarpedon king of Lycia, whome Vlisses slew at Troie. Alastores wer also certaine fiends that did sowe plagues, famin and ca­lamitie among men. Alastors raged in the time of Bude­us in France. Go to: let vs heare another [Page 154] testimonie of the same rebellion against the kings of France, being not a little more ancient. No man is ignorant that al­most halfe the realme of France was in times past in the possession of the kings of England for the space of more than thrée hundred yéers. When as king Philip who was afterward sirnamed Augustus, did séeke to recouer that region in war, it can­not in words be expressed how prowdly and furiously pope Innocentius the third did set himselfe against him. We do not thinke that any man is so void of humani­tie, that he is ignorant that in times past this was the policie of the Romans to bring vnder them other nations, that if they did perceiue any contention to be ri­sen amongst neighbors, or kings, or peo­ple, they did carefully nourish the same, and did offer friendship & felowship to the one partie by the most honorable decrées of the senate, and did also promise that par­tie aide against the other. After that by these shifts they had ouercome and subdu­ed the one side, they found afterward with­in short time very easie opportunitie to opprèsse the other. Our people (saith M. Tul­lius) De Repub. hath now gotten the whole world by de­fending [Page 155] their companions. The popes follow­ing this selfe same way of their ancestors, that is (as Iohn the munke a noble Cano­nist doth interpret it) the way and foote­steps of rouers and murderers, so soone as they know any discord arise among kings and princes that were neighbors, they be­gan to increase and nourish the same by their messengers the cardinals: and al­so to couenant with the one of them, that if by their meanes they could obtaine the kingdome of their aduersarie, then they should confesse that the sea of Rome was the author of so great a benefit: and that they should be sworne to them, to do ho­mage to them, and also pay a yéerelie tribute to the sea of Rome, for the king­dome newly gotten. When this couenant and conspiracie was concluded, foorthwith the prince that held on the other side was proclaimed an heretike and schismatike: and his kingdome was adiudged to him that did first get possession thereof. By which shifts, it cannot be told, how manie fires the popes haue kindled in all parts of Christendom within these fower hundred yéeres: how many kings and princes they haue made vassals, tributaries, and stipen­daries [Page 156] to them and their filthie stinking sea. Concerning which matter bicause we haue spoken at large a little before, it shall be sufficient to speake of those two kings of France and England. Therefore when there arose contention betwéen them, pope Innocentius the third sent first from his consistorie into France two legates, that they might both terrifie the king with threatening curses, and that they might raise his subiects to rebell against him, and that they might secretly consult and talke with the bishops and priests of France. That done, he did so quickly and sharply raise the emperor Otho the fourth, and al­so Ferdinandus earle of Flanders, and many other princes of other countries, to beare armes against the French king, that vnlesse he had happily with a valiant and stout hart contemned those threatenings and beastly buls of that pope, he had lost not onely that part of his kingdome, but also in a short time all the rest. The re­membrance whereof is extant, not onely in our French chronicles, but also in the Canonists *. For that decretall shall be a in c. nouit. 13. extra de iudic. perpetual moniment of the popes hatred and rebellious mind against our kings and [Page 157] countrie.

Therfore we suppose that it is appa­rent to all men by these things and other that we haue shewed before, what autho­ritie the orders and Counsellers of the realme of France ought to giue to this de­claration of pope Sixtus: whom we haue prooued by most manifest testimonies to haue béene not onely accused by the most part of Christendome of most notorious crimes, but also to haue béene conuict and condemned. But if happily there be anie that dispute, that like as bicause two parts of thrée parts of Europe, haue put downe the pope, the third part must giue him none authority: so séeing two parts of thrée parts of France would haue his authority reserued to him, it is méete that his autho­ritie be preserued in France: we haue a double answer in readinesse. The first bi­cause out of that number of French men which taketh part with the pope, all cardi­nals, archbishops, bishops, priests, innu­merable crues of munks and clerks, and other sharuebugs of the same sort, the popes vassals, finally all dogs, which licke the popes tribunal seat, must be culled out: bicause of the rule of the law wherein we [Page 158] saie, In what busines soeuer any mans matter is handled (bicause in some respect §. sed ne (que) Inst de testam. or­di. l. nullus, 10. D. de test. l. omnibus, 9. C. eodem. l. 1. §. in propria, D. quand. appell. sit. it concerneth him) he is not a méet witnes in that busines. The second is, that when as these are culled out of the number, no small part of the rest which follow the old custome of religion in France, do that not with iudgement and willingly, but being compelled with threatenings and terror: that they are no more to be numbred a­mongst the clients of the papacie, than (as the lawiers say) witnesses or Gardans re­tained in any busines by violence and feare, are numbred among fit witnesses and authors, of whom Vlpian writeth finely, those that are present at any act or l. 1. §. vltim. D de tutel. l. qui testament. 20. §. vlti. D. qui testamen. fac. l. nouiss. 7. §. 1. quod fals. tutor auctor. l. 2. D. de iud. busines against their will, they séeme to be no more present, than if they had béene in that place being asléepe, or oppressed with the falling sicknes. Finally, all men per­ceiue, that if the French men had like li­bertie to vse and exercise both religions, scarce the fourth part of the people of the realme would continue in the religion of the sea of Rome. In which place it liketh vs wel to recite that old saieng of Bartho­lus, who in the preface of the Digests *, num. 14. where disputing about Constantines do­nation, [Page 159] and rekoning vp the opinions of other doctors, when he commeth to his owne, he saith thus: Lo: we are vpon earth of the church, (for he taught at Bononia) and therefore I say, that that donation was of force. Where notwithstanding he writeth many things afterward flatly against that donation. And in like sort when the cano­nistes did dispute that it was not lawfull for the emperor to condemne any man of rebellion, that did follow the popes facti­on: Bartholus making mention of the sen­tence of Henrie the emperor, wherein he had condemned Robert king of Sicilia of rebellion, and of the contrarie sentence of pope Clement the fift, whereby he had absolued the same Robert: he sheweth surely that he dare not oppose himselfe a­gainst the pope. But he dissembleth not to allow the emperors sentence: with which Bartholus the canonists were therefore greatly displeased, which vse that verse of the pope and Caesar, calling the pope their Iupiter:

Moreouer Bartholus disputeth in the same place, that it was so far off, that Ro­bert [Page 160] was the popes vassall, as the pope a­uouched against the emperour: that he testifieth that when Robert was dead A­loysius his heire did sweare alleagance to the emperor in the name of Sicilia, in the city of Pise, he being there present. Con­cerning which matter we must repaire to the constitution of Henrie, Ad reprimen­dam, Qui dicant rebel. and the contrary In Clem. Pa­storalis, de iud. constitution of the pope, abrogating and reprochfully reuersing that. But if we thinke it méete to speake any thing of the ecclesiasticall rebellion of popes, it shal not be amisse to bring to light the testimony of one that was somtime a most famous Se­nator of Paris, called Cosma Guymerius: who vpō the preface of the pragmatical de­crée writtē at Bituriga, the author wherof was king Charles the seuenth, reckoneth vp some things which are greatly apper­tinent, to know the madnes of these Ro­mish Alastors. About the yeere of our Lord, saith he, M. cccxxc. after the death of Gre­gorie the eleuenth, when the cardinals were to proceed to choose another to succeed, they were threatned by the Romanes, that they should die, if they would not choose some Italian. Therfore they chose the archbishop of Bare, who was then [Page 161] at Rome, making knowne to him that they chose him to auoide danger, or rather they did feigne that they did choose him: but afterward, when opportunitie was offered they did freelie intend to choose another. Therefore when they had chosen him that was called Vrbane the 6. he said that if they would choose him, that they did choose him, bicause he did intend to be pope. Notwithstanding those cardinals departed from him after a while, and flieng to the citie of Funda, they chose another, who was called Clement the 6. he translated his court to Aue­nion, and France, Spaine, Catalonia reuerenced him for pope. And to the other did Italie, Al­maine, and Hungarie cleaue obediently, and this wicked schisme continued aboue xxx. yeeres. During this schisme, after Ʋrbanus succeeded on that side Boniface the 9. After Boniface came Innocentius the sixt. After Innocentius succeeded Gregory the 12. On the other side after Clement came Benedict the 13. who was called Peter de Luna, or of the Moone, vnder whom was kept a counsell at Pise: anno 1410. wherein after they were de­posed, Alexander was chosen who was cal­led Peter of Candie, in whose roome came Iohn the 23. by reason whereof arose another schisme. At length when there was a Councell [Page 162] gathered at Constance, by the emperor Sigis­munde, the saide Iohn the 23. and Gregory the 12. agreeing togither, and the cardinals of the Lord Benedict being there also, Gregorie the 12. gaue place there, and the other two were deposed for their stubburnnes, and to ap­pease the schisme. Thus writeth Guimeri­us. Now let vs heare another testimonie of this out of the same booke. Martin, saith Fol 5. col. 2. he, was chosen pope by the Councell of Con­stance, the other that did contend being depo­sed, who did long time cause a schisme. And he commanded that there should a Councell be held at Basill, where he was not by reason he was preuented by death. Yet he sent Iulian thi­ther, then his legate, of the title of Saint-angel in the eleuenth yeere of his popedome: the first of Februarie, to keepe the Councell: and after him succeeded Eugenius the fourth, who thogh he had approoued the Councell of Basill, and had sent the foresaid legate to Basill the day before the Calends of May, the first yeere of his popedome, and had also reuoked the dissolu­tion of the said Councell being attempted by him, ann. 1433. and in the third yeere of his popedome, in his publike session kept at Rome in S. Peters, the 17. day before the Calends of Ia­nuarie, in the same yeere, and had by his buls [Page 163] patents promised from that time forward to obey the said Councell, confessing that the same Councel was alwaies truly continued. Yet would he not afterward keep the decrees of the Coun­cell of Constance, neither obey the Councell of Basill, affirming that he ought rather to do the contrarie, and he dissolued the same againe, and translated it to Ferrarie, for the bringing backe of the Grecians, and thence to Florence, bicause of the plague that began there. Wherupon arose great strife among those that wrote touching this matter. For one side said that the pope is aboue the Councell: the other, that the Coun­cell is aboue the pope. Therefore he was cited by the Councell of Basill the last of Iulie, in the yeere 1437. he was suspended from the admi­nistration of the papacie the eleuenth day of the Calends of Februarie, 1438. and was also deposed the seuenth before the Calends of Iu­lie, in the yeere 1439. into whose place the Councell of Basill chose Amedaeus, the duke of Sauoy, being afterward called Felix the fift. But Eugenius regarded it not, for which arose a schisme, which continued nine yeers, and euen vntill the death of Eugenius. Into whose roome was chosen in the citie Nicolas the fift, to whom Felix gaue place, bicause he fauoured the vni­tie of the Church. Pope Pius the second, who [Page 164] was before called Aeneas Syluius, who was present at the Councell of Basill made a trea­tise for the authoritie of the Councell of Basill: but when he was made pope, he reuersed the same. Thus far goeth Guimerius some­times a Senator of Paris as we said: that the Senators of this age may more atten­tiuely perceiue with how great ambition, contention and madnes, the champions of Rome haue vsed rebellion in the Church, and how furiously they went by the eares togither among themselues, how manie fires they haue kindled in all parts of Eu­rope, that they might satisfie their owne ambition. Moreouer, how ancient and old this madnes of theirs is, we may know by the historie of Ammian Marcel. a man ex­pert Lib. 29. in Christian religion. Whose words are these. Damasus and Vrsicinus being infla­med aboue mans measure or capacitie to catch the bishops sea, being diuided in studies they made manie sharpe conflicts with danger of death and wounds, the aide of both going for­ward: which when Viuentius the gouernor of the citie could not redresse nor mollifie, being inforced with great violence he departed into the suburbs, and in the conflict Damasus gat the vpper hand, that side which did fauour him [Page 165] being instant. And it is manifest in the church of Seruinus, where there is an assemblie of the Christian rite, that in one day were found one hundred and seuen and thirtie carcases of dead men: and that the outragious multitude was hardly afterward appeased. Neither do I deny, considering the ostentation of citie affaires, that those that are desirous heereof, ought to chide with all their might and maine, for ob­taining that after which they long: seeing that after they haue obtained that, they will become so secure, that they are inriched with the obla­tions of matrones, and come abroad in their co­ches brauely apparelled, giuing themselues to prodigall banqueting, so that their banquets surpasse the banquets of kings, who might in­deed be blessed: if despising the gorgiousnes of the citie, which they set against vices, they would liue like certaine prouinciall bishops: whom slender diet, and moderate drinking, also basenes of apparell and countenances looking downe to the ground, do continually commend to God and his true worshippers, as pure and chaste. Thus writeth Ammianus: where­by it plainly appéereth how ancient this ambition and desire to beare rule, which was and is in the bishops of Rome, was, which was also coupled with fiercenes and [Page 166] crueltie. But to omit old things, and to come to touch those things which touch vs and our countrie of France more néere: is there any of so great a number of the kings Senators that is ignorant, how ma­nie wars the popes of Rome haue raised in Europe among christian princes with­in these fiftie yéers, either to defend or else to amplifie their power? The first was that of Heluetia, wherein they set at vari­ance most peaceable cities, which were linked togither not so much by most néere league, as by mutuall loue, and desire to preserue their common countrie. Then followed the war of Germanie, and after it that of England and of Scotland, which also euen at this day the same fiends and champions go about to renew by their messengers the squibbish Iesuits, being most assured firers of Christendom. What shal we say of our ciuil and deadly wars of France? For first of al the popes of Rome did earnestly desire Francis the first, that if any would imbrace the reformed religi­on, they might be burnt aliue hauing their toongs cut out, and hauing fire put vnder them. Among the king of France his con­stitutions, there be extant the edicts of that [Page 167] king, published in the yéere 1534. and also in the fortieth, and againe in the 42. by the authoritie whereof the Senators of the Parleament shed so much blood, and yet with so great godlines and constancie of the martyrs, that it séemeth that the poste­ritie will scarce beléeue it. What these hel­lish fiends gained by this crueltie, it is woorth the knowing by the testimonie of him, thā whom no more plentifull witnes can be brought foorth in this kind. That is, king Henrie the second, the father of these latter kings, a prince (as most men may remember) most famous both at home and in war. For his edict written at Castrobri­ant in the moneth of Iune, 1551. is ex­tant, the words wherof are these: All men might see before this with what studie, and with how great contention our father (whom God absolue) king Francis, being a most Christian king, and most catholike, endeuoured greatly during all his life time, to roote out heresies which budded out in his realme against our ho­lie faith and catholike religion: and how manie lawes and constitutions the same king with the same mind and purpose did publish: as the va­rietie and necessitie of times did require. Not­withstanding that so great studie and indeuour [Page 168] did no great good. For that disease was so spred through al the most noble families of our realm, that it did infect like a certaine contagion the families of all sorts and orders. Thus saith he in his edict, which containeth six and fortie articles, being all of them written most bitterly and sharply to stop the course of that religion. Moreouer, shortly after, that is in the yéere, 1547. there was another e­dict published by the same king, wherin by name he professeth in manie words, and doth plainly denounce, that he hath omit­ted no labour, no indeuor, no diligence in suppressing that religion. Onely so? Nay surely (saith he) the more carefully and pain­fully we labored to do this, so much the more that doctrine gat the vpper hand. Surely we may coniecture what was his indeuor and trauell, euen by that, that all men know, that there died of that miserable and bitter kind of punishment a great number of all sorts of men. There succéeded these kings, to wit, the grandfather and father, king Francis the second: his edicts, to wit, sixe in number, were most sharpe and vehe­ment, besides innumerable broad seales and letters patents, which he sent conti­nually through all parts of his kingdome [Page 169] with so great heate of mind and stomach, that aboue thrée hundred men were in lesse than thrée moneths space tormented, scort­ched, burnt and (as it was commonly writ­ten in the decrées of the senate) brought into ashes, by the decrées especially of the senate of Paris and Tholosa. This so great abundance of blood that was shed, might peraduenture satisfie euen the most bloodie tyrants: such as the report goeth Cyclops, Busiris, Siron, Phalaris, Tython, Gyges, were in times past. But so great crueltie cannot satisfie the pope of Rome, whom we may rightly tearme a rebell against mankind. It is woorth the hearing what good he did. For there is extant a decrée of the same king Francis the second, publish­ed at Ambosia, in the moneth of March, anno 1559: in these words, which we would haue the kings Counsellers to read very attentiuely, and to consider of what weight it is. We to the end we might answere and satisfie our princely office, were inforced to vse diuers kinds of punishments and paines, as the state of things and times did require. But by the instruments of criminall causes it is knowen and reuealed, that a great number of men, women, ages, kinds, and of all orders were [Page 170] present at vnlawful and priuy sermons, suppers, baptizings administred by those for whom it was not lawfull to do that. But and if euerie one of these should be put to torture, as the ri­gor of our authoritie and lawes doth require, there should woonderfull much blood be shed, of men, women, virgins, yong men of florishing age, whereof some being induced and suborned, o­ther some being persuaded through a certaine simplicitie and ignorance, other some inticed rather with a certain curiositie, than of malice, haue fallen into such errors and discommodi­ties. Which things if it should come to passe, we should be greatly and continually sorie: neither should that well agree either with our age or nature: both which do inuite vs to vse clemen­cie, gentlenes, and mercie in this kinde. There­fore we will haue all men know, that when this whole matter was in due time handled by our Counsellers in our presence, we are not deter­mined to leaue this first yeere of our reigne fa­mous to our posteritie, as cruel, bloodie, and full of the murders of our silly subiects: though they had greatly deserued this: yea after the example of our heauenly father, we are deter­mined to spare the blood of our people, and to bring backe our subiects to the way of salua­tion, and to preserue their life: hoping that [Page 171] through the Lords mercie it will come to passe, that we shall do more good by the way of gentle­nes and clemencie, than by the rigor of punish­ments. Therefore according to the opinion of our foresaid Counsellers, we say, appoint, ordain, that heerafter our subiects be not molested for the cause of crimes that are past, which concern faith & religion, by our iudges of what sort and condition soeuer they be, neither in iudgement, nor without iudgement. Moreouer, we declare that we grant to our subiects a general pardon, remission, & absolution for such crimes as con­cerne faith & religion. And shortly after: By the authority of the king who was chiefe in this counsel: & according to the sentēce of the lords cardinals of Bourbon, of Lorraine, of Chastil­lon, the dukes of Montpensier, of Guise, of Ni­uernois, and of Aumale. Thus far goeth Francis the second: plainly, as it appéereth, declaring and testifieng, that the tortures and punishments of former times did no­thing at all auaile to extinguish this re­ligion. What did then the fiends and eni­mies of mankinde, the popes of Rome? What did they? So soone as they percei­ued that some of the nobles of that realme, and furthermore that some of the princes of the blood roiall had tasted of that religi­on, [Page 172] and had reiected the deceits of Bernar­do and Dominick: so soone as they fore­saw that France would by little and little winde hir selfe out of the bondage of the papacie into Christian libertie: finally, so soone as they saw that so fat a praie would be taken out of their iawes, they began to cast new firebrands of ciuill war through­out all parts of France. That done, when this would not serue they appointed furi­ous massacres and butcheries to the euer­lasting discredite of the name of France: last of all when they perceiued that euen this way they could do no good, there arose a Franciscan frier our Sixtus the fift, who trusting to his whoorish and munkish im­pudencie, did proscribe our most excellent Princes, and commanded the most migh­tie king of France, to pursue them with force, arms, and camps, and that he should afresh fill his realme with murders, spoils, and burnings. But me thinks we haue al­ready spoken sufficiently of the furious rebellion of the hellish Champions of Rome.

The crime of Forgerie.

IT resteth that we speake of that crime, which we ranged in the last place, so briefly as we can: namely, of forgerie, or of false and corrupt writings. And wée haue very many testimonies euerie where of this wickednes, and especially out of the pontificall decrée of Gratian, which is full of such corruptions and forgeries. Wherof we will onely set downe a few, as for ex­amples sake, and first of al that instrument of the donation of Constantine, wherein the pope affirmeth that that emperor gaue him, the citie of Rome, and also Italie, Si­cilia, Sardinia, Spaine, Germanie, and Britaine *: and more fully and at large in Dist. 96. c. Constantinus. Bartholomew Picerne, and Augustine Steuche, which affirmed that that instru­ment was found at Rome in the popes li­brarie, written in Gréeke, and they pub­lished it being translated into Latine. For this is the summe thereof: The emperor Constantine being an enimie to Christi­ans, and infected with the disease of lepro­sie, being in a dreame admonished by Pe­ter and Paul the Apostles, that he should [Page 174] commit himselfe to pope Syluester pope of Rome to be clensed, being foorthwith bap­tised & healed by him, for recompence of so great a benefit, he gaue the same Syluester and his successors the citie of Rome, and al the empire of the west: also his crowne of gold and scepter, and the other insignes of the empire, that the pope of Rome might haue greater dignitie, than the emperor himselfe. Also he wisheth to his successors till the end of the world, that they might burne in the lower hell with the diuel and the wicked, vnlesse they confirme and kéep that donation. Giuen at Rome the third before the Calends of Aprill. Constantino A. quater & Gallicano Coss. Therefore we will prooue by very many arguments, that this instrument whereby alone the lordship of the popes is vpholden, is false, feigned, forged, and cogd in by som od pope, euen as the book of the Conformities. The first argument is this: 1 That séeing there be so many historiographers that wrote the facts of Constantine; yet there is no plentifull author that maketh mention of so great, so bountifull, and of so inofficious prodigalitie: amongst these Eusebius who wrote fiue bookes of his life. Also Socrates, [Page 175] Theodorit, Euagrius, Rufinus, Eutropi­us, Paulus Diaconus, Orosius, Beda, Zo­naras, Nicephorus: who, it is not likely, would haue passed ouer so great a matter with so great silence, if that donation had béene true. Moreouer, the popes of Rome themselues, who haue oftentimes & great­ly contended with other bishops about their power and honor, yet in prosecuting their title, and in publishing their instru­ments, they are neuer read to haue spoken any word of that instrument. The second, 2 bicause many patrones and defenders of the popes lordship do witnes, that all that chapter is wanting in the ancient copies of the decrée of Gratian: and amongst these Antoninus of Florence a bishop, in the 8. title, and first chapter of the first hi­storicall part, and Volateranus where he speaketh of Constantine. That chapter, saith Antoninus, is not in the ancient decrees. Therefore we are not very sure what and how much Constantine gaue. But Nicolas Cusa­nus in his third booke of the concord of Ca­tholikes, saith: Without doubt if that instru­ment had not been apocryphal, Gratianus would haue found it in the old copies, and collections of canons, and bicause he found it not, he set it not [Page 176] downe. Moreouer Eneas Syluius (he that after he was made pope, was called pope Pius) doth in a certaine dialog which he wrote being as yet cardinall, manifestlie conuince that instrument of forgerie: and he calleth them blockish pelting lawyers, which tooke so great paines in disputing whether that donation be of force, which was neuer made.

The third, 3 bicause Eusebius in his 4. booke of the life of Constantine hath re­corded, that a little before his death, he made this diuision of his empire amongst his sonnes, he assigned to the eldest the west, to the second the east, to the third, the countrie lieng betwéene. Also Socrates. Forasmuch, saith he, as he had three sonnes, he Hist. eccle. 3. cap. vlt. appointed that euerie one of them should be parteners in his empire. The eldest sonne being called Constantine after his owne name, of the west parts. The second being called Constan­tius after his grandfather, did he appoint in the east. And the yoongest named Constans, did he ordaine in the middle region. Also, Sextus Au­relius victor saith. The gouernment of the Romane empire was brought vnto three, Con­stantinus, Constantius, and Constans sonnes of Constantine. All these had these parts to go­uerne. [Page 177] Also, Zosimus. His children saith he, hauing gotten the succession in the empire did Lib. hist. pr. 2. diuide the nations among them. And Con­stantinus indeed being the eldest togither with the yoongest named Constans, got al that is be­yond the Alpes, and Italie, and Illyricum. Now let vs consider the historie of later times. For as al Chronicle writers do witnesse, the empire not onely of Italie, but also of Rome continued in the gouernment of Constantine his successours, an hundred and fortie yéeres, vntill the yéere of Christ 401. at what time that empire of the west began to be troubled with the Gothi, Franci, Alani, Burgundi, Vandales: yet it did alwaies continue vnder the dominion of the Romane emperors, vntill the time of the emeperor Augustulus, whom Odo king of the Goths droue out of Italie, ha­uing gotten the citie of Rome, anno. 476. at which time the Romane empire failed in the west, the Barbarians raigning both at Rome and also in Italy. For the prince­lie name of the Romanes continued in the power of the posteritie & successors of Odi­acrus 325. yéeres. Therfore we may sée in Cassiodorus verie many letters of Theo­doricus the king, written partlie to the [Page 178] senate of Rome, and partly to the people of Rome in the kings name, and by his au­thoritie: so that none can doubt but that both Italie, and the citie of Rome it selfe, did continue vnder the dominion of the Gothes, and not vnder the lordship of anie pope: vntill such time as the Gothes be­ing driuen out of Italie by the emperor of Constantinople, they began to sende presi­dents into that prouince: which were cal­led Exarchi: who though they had their abode at Rauenna, yet they bare rule in Italie many yéeres. Againe the Longo­bardi, whose reigne began in the yéere 568. kept all Italie, besides the citie of Rome, two hundred and sixe yéeres, that is vntill the yéere 744. all which things are gathered out of the writings of Procopi­us, Iornand, Marcellinus, Paulus Diaco­nus, and others: so that euery man may plainely sée, that that is false which the popes do hold, that their ancetors had their lordship either in Italie or in the citie of Rome by the gift of Constantine: séeing that lordship began only in the eight hun­dred yéere of our saluation by Christ, by the liberalitie of Pipinus and Charles the great, who gaue the Exarchate which [Page 179] they tooke from the Longobards togi­ther with the citie of Rome, to pope Ste­phen the second: as Platina, Volateranus, and all other do witnesse, but especial­lie Sabellicus, who besides the rest wri­teth, Ennead. 8. li. 8. that Constantine the fourth, the em­perour of the east, sent ambassadours vnto Pipinus into Italie, to intreat him to re­store to their emperor, Rauenna, and the rest of the places of the Exarchate which were belonging to the empire (so saith Sabel­licus) and not to the pope. And that Pipinus made answere that he went to war neither for Constantine, neither yet for any man, saue one­ly for the church of Rome, and that for that end and purpose he had put on armes, that he might saue the Apostolike sea from the iniurie of all mortall men: and that he might bring in sub­iection to the church of Rome, Rauenna and whatsoeuer the Longobards had subdued by force and weapon. So that the Grecian Ora­tors returned home hauing vnended their matter. Thus writeth Sabellicus. But Platina saith that the Exarchate was ta­ken from Astulphus a Longobard, and was giuen to pope Stephen anno 756. and also that he gaue the name of emperor to Charles the great, sonne of Pipinus, which [Page 180] the emperors of the East did hardly main­taine in those times, that is, anno 801. touching which matter Albertus Krant­zius writeth thus: Some do attribute to In Saxon. lib. 2 c. 1. Constantine the great that donation of Italie that was made to the church of Rome, of Italie and Germany, and I wot not of what prouinces: to which let them looke. It was Charles who with the victorie of the Longobards enriched the church of Rome; wheras long before both the Goths had giuen somwhat in their time, and the kings of the Longobards somwhat also.

The fourth, 4 bicause the popes them­selues speake contraries touching this do­nation, and also such things as do greatly disagrée among themselues. For séeing that in this place (that is, in d. c. Constan­tinus, dist. 96.) they confesse that they re­ceiued the Roman kingdome, and that of Italie, and of all the West, from Constan­tine, and in the yéere of Christ, 338. they do notwithstanding in another place com­mend Ludouicus Pius sonne of Charles the great as the author of this benefit of theirs, out of the yéere of Christ, 835. The impudencie of which falsehood and forge­rie that it may the better appéere, we will compare two instruments of that donati­on [Page 181] togither, the which the popes and cano­nists haue published for vs. For Volate­ranus saith thus: The maister of the librarie Lib. Georg. 3. saith much of the godlines of Ludouicus Pius toward the popes of Rome, reckoning vp the ci­ties which he gaue them. I likewise haue writ­ten out a copie out of the copie of the old booke, which is at this day kept in the vatican library, where his donation is recorded.

By this comparison it is euident, by what deceit, and how wicked policies the papa­cie did vse to obtaine that highest lordship of Italie. For as the true emperor Con­stantine l. scripturae, 14. c. de fide instru. saith in Iustinian, Diuers writings, and such as discredit one another, can haue no l. si is qui 13. § vtrum, D. de rebus dubijs. l. vbi pugnam. 188. D. de reg. iur. strength: séeing that two spéeches contai­ning contrarie things cannot bée true. Therefore so often as there be manie in­struments of one and the same act, they [Page 184] must agrée togither in as many words: though an error in some little mark be tol­lerable, as if L be written for C. * But an l. Sempronius, 47. D. de leg. 2. error in the note of the nūber is one thing, & the diuersitie in the things themselues is another thing, as in this place, where in one instrument there be only certaine pla­ces néere to Rome named, in the other be­sides the greatest part of Italie, there is mention made of Sicilia, Sardinia, and Corcyra: in which case bicause they be di­uers donations, there were diuers instru­ments required *. Finally, if Constantine l. sancimus, 34. §. si quis au­tem, C. de dona. l. quingenta, 12. D. de pro­bat. had giuen to the papacie the empire of the west, so long before, what new right could the pope get by this new donation of Lu­douike? Séeing that as it is commonly said, There is no getting of that which is l. 4. C. de con­trah. emp. a mans owne. Fiftly, 5 bicause the popes in another place also spake things contrarie one to another touching this same matter. For in the same decrée of Gratian *, there 12 q. 1. c. fu­turam. is extant the testimonie of pope Melchias, who held the popes sea before Syluester, where euen then, I say, before the papacie of Syluester he maketh mention of this donation of Constantine, made euen be­fore his papacie, in these words: He gaue [Page 185] very great gifts, and he built the frame of the temple of the first sea of S. Peter: so that he forsooke his imperiall seat, and he gaue it to S. Peter and his successors that it might profit them. For if Constantine made that gift before the times of Melchias, what argu­ment or substance can this fable of Sylue­ster haue, who affirmeth that Constan­tine was both baptized by him, and also that he gaue him so great an empire?

6 But now we must come néerer to the very instrument of the donation, and to the words of the historiographer. For who will thinke it to be a thing like to be true, that a dreame was offered by God to a man that was not onely a painim, and a worshipper of idols, but also to a most cru­ell persecutor of Christian religion? Or if it had béene offered, who can beléeue that God would not rather haue done that by some angell, according to the old and per­petuall custome (as the scripture doth wit­nes) than by the apostles that were dead? Finally, it is follie to beléeue any thing of dreames without the authoritie of the scripture. Wherefore no man ought to doubt, but that this instrument came out of the same shop, whence innumerable o­ther [Page 186] such inuentions, fictions, and lies of the papacie came, such as is that in Anto­ninus: As Dominick was at Rome, and made Par. 3. tit. 14. §. 3. his praier in the cathedrall church of S. Peter for the preseruation and dilating of his order, the hand of the Lord was vpon him, and he saw the glorious princes Peter and Paul comming to him: of whom Peter seemed to deliuer him a staffe and Paul a booke saieng: Go, preach: bicause thou art chosen of God for this mini­sterie. Or that other of pope Stephen the second, in Reginon in his chronicle, anno 753. where pope Stephen, to whom Pipi­nus gaue the Exarchate of Italie (as I said a little before) writeth, that As he slept in the monasterie of S. Dionysius in the streete of Paris (these be his words) vnder the bels, he saw before the altar S. Peter, and the tea­cher of the Gentils Paul: whom he knew by their scars: for S. Dionysius was slenderer and taller: and that The Lord Peter said, This our brother desireth to be healed, and that S. Paul answered, He shall be healed euen now. And that hee drew neere, and laid his hand on the brest of the Lord Dionysius friendly, and that S. Peter said merily to the Lord Dionysi­us: Thy grace is his health. And that by and by the Lord Dionysius holding in his hand a [Page 187] censar and palme, said to the priest and deacon, Begin to pope Stephen, Peace be with thee bro­ther: Feare not: arise vp whole. And by and by, saith he, I was healed: and I would haue fulfilled that which was commanded me: and those that were there said that I was mad, and so foorth. Which things are so foolish and blockish, that it séemeth that pope Stephen sought by that inuention to be laughed at. But we are to praise God that he hath suf­fered so great wickednes to befall blocke­heads onely. But moreouer that is not to be omitted touching the séeing of the apo­stles Peter and Paul in a dreame, which we read in the booke of the Conformities. Fol. 51. As S. Francis went to Rome, he was swéetly imbraced of the holie apostles Pe­ter and Paul, and there Peter and Paul be­ing requested by Francis did obtaine of Christ the confirmation of the rule of the Minorits.

The seuenth, 7 bicause it is not likely that Constantine the great was sicke of the le­prosie, forasmuch as neither Eusebius who wrote his life in fiue bookes carefully, as I haue already said, neither Zosimus, who for hatred of religion doth raile vpon Con­stantine so much as euer he can, neither [Page 188] Paulus Diaconus, neither any other ma­keth any mention of that disease: to omit the argument of Baptist Mantuan *, who de patient. 1. cap. 30. Plin. lib. 21. cap. 1. after he had taught out of Plinie * that that kind of disease was long ago extinguished in Italie, he inferreth thus: If therefore in the time of Plinie who florished vnder Vespasi­an, this disease was now extinguished in Italie, it is not likely that Constantine had it, who reig­ned long time after.

The eight, 8 bicause there is a wicked in­uention and lie added afterward in that place, and such as the eares and minds of Christians doe loath, that Constantine whiles he was in the font baptized by the pope, saw the hand of God sent down from heauen vpon his bodie, which clensed him from his leprosie. Being put into the font, saith he, I saw an hand with mine owne eies touching me out of heauen, vnder which I knew I was cleansed from leprosie. For who séeth not that this inuention is of the same sort, whereof those be, which we read euery­where in the booke of the Conformities of Francis, or in the life of Dominick?

The ninth, 9 bicause it is not likely that pope Syluester and his deacons would be so improuident, that they would baptize [Page 189] Constantine a most deadly enimie to Christians, and especially to the church of Rome, so soone and suddenly after he had told them his dreame, and would not first teach him the mysteries of Christ and re­ligion, as they vse to do to those whom they catechize. Moreouer, Zosimus an enimie to Christian religion, as I said, reporteth that he was taught that religion by a cer­taine Spaniard, and learned how great the force therof was in blotting out mens sinnes: and that then he banished out of his court soothsaiers, and flamines, and o­ther priests of the Romish superstitions.

The tenth, 10 bicause principall authors and historiographers do witnes, that Con­stantine onely a little before his death, and in the yéere of his age 65. was baptized, and that not at Rome, neither yet by Syl­uester the pope, who was dead almost fiue yéeres before, but at Nicomedia, by Eu­sebius of Nicomedia, in a great assemblie of bishops. Thus writeth Eusebius in his fourth booke of his life. Hierome in his Chronicles. Rufinus in his first booke and eleuenth chapter. Socrates in his first book chapter 39. Theodoret in his first booke chapter 31. Ambrose in his booke of the [Page 190] death of Theodosius. Neither must we giue credence to Nicephorus, who in his seuenth booke & 35. chapter, when he wri­teth that he was baptized at Rome, addeth afterward that he followeth the church of Rome therein as his authour. Especiallie séeing Vincentius in his 24. booke of histo­ries, feared not to write according to S. Hierome, that Constantine did truellie murder his wife Fausta, and his son Cris­pus, and that in the later end of his life, he was baptized by Eusebius bishop of Nico­media.

The eleuenth 11 bicause it is not likelie, if Constantine had appointed to cure his disease with the warme blood of infants, either that he would haue their throtes cut openlie by the priests of the Capitoli­um, or that he néeded so much blood that a whole cesterne might be filled therewith.

12 No more credible is that, that Constan­tine did so long oppugne christian religi­on, but that he had hard somwhat of Peter and Paul, most famous Apostles of Christ: and that he was not so vnskilfull in chri­stian affaires, that after he was raised out of that dreame he should aske of Siluester what gods they were, that were called Pe­ter [Page 191] and Paul: for though he had learned nothing saue the vision only, it is not like­ly that Peter & Paul did boast themselues before him for gods.

The thirtéenth, 13 bicause it had bin a wicked thing to haue acknowledged that he had receiued the benefite of his health, rather at the hands of Peter who was Gods messenger, than from God himselfe, from whom Peter was sent to him. Se­condly to Peter alone, rather than to Peter & Paul iointly. For he vseth these words: And by the benefits of the same Peter I felt the health of my bodie returne most fully and perfectly.

14 Also that is more absurde that is writ­ten, that Constantine hauing fiue sons, did notwithstanding according to the sentence of all his dukes (which word is altogither new, geason, and vnused in the lawes and moniments of the emperors of Rome) and of his whole senate and nobles, and of all the people that was in subiection to the Romane empire, gaue halfe his empire to a seelie poore priest: séeing al men know, that the senate of Rome retained their countrey supersti­tions, not onely at that time, but also vn­till the empire of Valentinian: which we [Page 192] vnderstand by the epistle of Simmachus, writtē to the emperors Valentinian, The­odosius and Arcadius *, wherein in the Lib. 10. Epist. 54. name of the senate of Rome he praieth them that superstition and worshipping of Idols may be restored againe in the citie of Rome: whom S. Ambrose in two epi­stles written to the same emperor Valen­tinian, and Aurelius Prudentius, in god­ly and fine verses answereth.

15 As absurd is it, and altogither vnméete for a christian bishop, which followeth, that Constantine did not onely giue po­wer equall with his imperiall power to pope Syluester, but also greater principalitie of power, than saith he, our princely soueraign­tie is knowne of all men to haue. And shortlie after. Giuing him power and dignitie of glorie, strength, efficacie, and honor imperiall. Tou­ching which matter, and the ambition of the popes, it is woorth the paines to heare the iudgement of Barnard abbat of Clare­uall, written to Eugenius the pope, in his second booke of consideration. Learne, saith he, by the example of the prophets to sit as chiefe, not so much to beare rule, as to do that which time requireth. Learne that thou hast need of a weedhook, not of a scepter, that thou [Page 193] maist do the worke of a prophet. Also, Admit, thou dost take these things thy self by som other meanes, yet not by apostolike right. For Peter could not giue thee that he had not: that he had he gaue, carefulnes for the churches. Did he giue lordship? Heare what he saith: Not as ouer Gods heritage, but being a patterne to the flock. And least thou think it to be spoken onely in hu­militie, and not in truth, it is the voice of the Lord in the Gospell: The kings of the nations reign ouer thē, but you shal not do so. It is plain, the apostles are forbidden lordship. Therfore go thou: & vsurpe greedilie to thy selfe either lor­ding it apostleship, or being apostolike lordship. Thou art flatlie forbidden to do either. If thou wilt haue both togither, thou shalt loose both.

No more tollerable is it that he addeth, 16 that he giueth to the pope of Rome princi­palitie ouer foure principall seas, of Anti­ochia, Alexandria, Constantinople and Hierusalem. Wherein we finde not onely manifest, but also ridiculous falsehoode. First, bicause there was not as yet anie Constantinople: which began to be buil­ded afterward in the tenth yéere of the em­pire of Constantine, as Nicephorus wit­nesseth *, Lib. 8. cap. 4. and all the citizens were for the most part giuen to idolatrie at that time. [Page 194] So far off is it, that there was there either any church or any mother-citie of the churches, or prerogatiue.

Also that is lesse tollerable that follo­weth, 17 that the pope of Rome is placed ouer all churches in the whole world. For I omit that which we shewed in another place, that this is a most true & most cer­tain mark of antichrist, whē any man ta­keth to himselfe principality ouer al chur­ches. But we plainly sée notorious mad­nes of the popes in this place, which also we touched briefly in another place, séeing they auouch out of this instrument, that they had that principalitie by the gift of Constantine, which notwithstanding in infinite other places they boast they had immediately from Christ himself. For, as all men know, that which is euerie mans owne, cannot be his own by many causes, for as much as lordship or mastership com­meth not by manie causes, but onely by one *. And it is ridiculous that they bring l. [...]. §. ex pluri­bus. D de acq. poss. 18. in Constantine boasting thus of himselfe, That, In building the church of Rome, he bare vp vpon his owne shoulders twelue baskets of earth, being equall in number to the twelue A­postles. For séeing that he doth so often giue [Page 195] greater honor to Peter alone than iointlie to all the other eleuen, did not the reason of the proportion require, that he should carrie vp more baskets full of earth in ho­nor of him alone, than of all the rest?

And no lesse ridiculous is that which he addeth afterward, that, 19 For continuing those lights which did burne in that temple, he gaue not onely lands and possessions, but also he gaue thereto his libertie, that is his right & power, in the east, west, north and south climate; name­lie in Iudea, Asia, Thracia, Graecia, Africa, Italie, and in diuers Iles: that they may be dis­posed by the hands of S. Syluester, and of all his successors. These things writeth the pope in as manie words and sillables: wherby we may vnderstand, that those tapers and lights were woonderfull déere: for main­taining wherof the tributes and yéerly re­uenues of the whole world, and specially of fower parts thereof must be giuen. And not onely so, but also bicause the faithful­nes of treasurers is somtime had in suspi­cion in such a case, it is reported that Con­stantine appointed that when hée was dead, the gouernment and dispensation of those reuenues should be committed to the popes themselues. So that it séemeth that [Page 196] it cannot easily be iudged, whether the im­pudencie of the popes that séeke to inforce vpon vs these old wiues fables, or the mad­nes of those men, if euer they beléeued an old wiues fable so foolish, was greater.

20 Furthermore, as ridiculous and false is that which followeth, touching the tenne gifts which the pope saith were bestowed vpon him by Constantine. The first, the Lateran pallace. 2. the crowne of gold. 3. the miter. 4. the imperiall collar. 5. the purple robe. 6. the scarlet cote. 7. the im­periall attire. 8. pompe of horsemen going before him. 9. the imperial scepter. 10. al insignes, banners, and standerds. There­fore admit that Peter the apostle was in times past shriueled, old, clad in a patched cote like a fisherman: his vicar will now wander throughout the whole world in broidered garments, clad in princely appa­rell, enuironed with a troupe of footemen and horsemen, with a fower square traine, with pompe and great preparation. How much better is the state of the chiefe vicar of the chiefe of the apostles, than of the chiefe apostle himselfe? O almighty God, how great is thy clemency, gentlenes, pa­tience, which dost so long suffer that filth [Page 197] and brothelhouse, to mocke thy Christ so fréely? O miserable kings and princes, which do so long licke the fowle and filthie flowres of that whoore! O good Iesus, how great difference was there betwéene that thy show and shape, and the pride of that cruell and vile tyrant! There was, saith E­saias, no beautie in Christ, no comlines. When we saw him, we turned away our eies and coun­tenance. An abiect, and contemned of men, full of sorrowes, troubled with continuall diseases, hiding away his face from vs. So despised, that he is counted as nothing. And will anie man woonder that the pope durst boast, that Constantine called him God? For in this distinction 96, c. satis. he writeth thus: It is sufficiently prooued, that the pope can neither be bound nor loosed at all by the se­cular power, who, as appéereth, was called of the godly prince Constantine, God, sée­ing it is manifest that euen God cannot be iudged of men. But it is woorth the paines to heare the iudgement of the doctor Ber­nard touching all this kind of pompe, who in his fourth booke of consideration, wri­teth to pope Eugenius in these words: It is not knowne that Peter at any time came foorth bedeckt either with pearles or silke: he [Page 198] was not couered with gold, not carried on a white horse, not garded with soldiers, neither inuironed with ministers making a blundering about him. Without these he both beleeued that the holesome commandement might well be fulfilled. If thou loue me, feede my sheepe. Also in another place: Consider before all things that the holie church of Rome ouer which thou art placed by God, is the mother, not the mistresse or ladie of churches: and thou thy selfe art not the lord of the bishops, but one of them. Thus saith Bernard: but what will we say of the clause following? where Constantine after that princely inuesting of pope Syluester, addeth, that he held the popes bridle with his hand, For reuerence of S. Peter, and that he serued him as an appari­tor. Wo, wo to that bewitching whoore, whose filthie flowers so great princes do so licourishly licke so long. For pope Stephen the second suffered king Pipinus to giue him this selfe same honor néer to Paris. A­lexander the third would haue had the emperor Friderike to haue done the like, so that it is not without cause that S. Hie­rom in the prolog of the holie Ghost, doth in plaine words call Rome Babylon, and that purple whoore, which is described in [Page 199] the Reuelation. But let vs againe heare the iudgement of the foresaide Bernard touching all this kind, who writeth thus: They go honored for the goods of the Lord, Vpon the Can­tic. ser. 33. which Lord they do not honor. Thence com­meth that whoorish glistering which thou seest daily, that stagelike apparell, that princely pre­paration, thence is that gold in his bridle, sadle, and spurs, and his spurs shine brighter than the altars. Thence are his gorgious tables, and cost­ly meates, and cups. Thence come banqueting and droonkennes. Thence are the lute, harpe, and pipe. Thence are the ouerflowing winepres­ses, and full sellers, one filling another. Thence are the fats of spices and ointments, thence are the strouting pouches. Fie for shame! Prouosts of churches, deanes, archdeacons, bishops, arch­bishops will be and are such. For these things do not giue place to that busines that walketh by darke: and by and by after: FOR HE IS ANTICHRIST. Did euer ei­ther Luther, or any other such as did in­ueigh against the papacie, bring foorth any more plaine or vehement thing to accuse the pope of Rome of the crime of Anti­christianisme?

But let vs hold on. 21 For this séemeth not ynough for the purple whoore: for in the [Page 200] verse following she maketh Constantine say thus: We giue the clerks that serue the church of Rome the same glorie, and power, and preeminence, which our most honorable senate hath: and we decree that the clergie of the church of Rome be worshipped, euen as the im­periall armie. Therefore the cardinals and other clerks trusting to this libertie, will héereafter go either to preach the Gospell, or to sing and say their masses furnished and armed with brest-plates, helmets, ter­gats, swords, & with other weapons. One­ly so? Yea (saith he) as the emperor his pow­er is adorned with diuers offices of chamber­laines, door-keepers, and garders, so we wil haue the holie church of Rome garded and adorned, and that they ride vpon horses most white, and that like as our senate vseth shooes with lat­chets: * so let them be clad in most white lin­nen. Is there any of so great a number of the Senators of the king of France, who when he remembreth the humilitie and modestie of Christ and his apostles, doth not with all praiers detest this pride and hautines of the popes?

Moreouer 22 he saith, that if the pope will choose any of Constantines senators into the order of the clergie, let them not proud­ly [Page 201] refuse that honor. With a mischiefe, what tyrannous barbarisme is this, that it is lawful for any college of clerks to choose at their pleasure any one of the order of the senators, whom they will also make a clerke or munke against his will?

He procéedeth: 23 and that the lawiers may remember that a doubled spéech hath greater force, he saith again, that he giueth both his pallace, and citie of Rome, and the prouinces, places, and cities of all Italie, and of the west countries, to all the popes of Rome, vntil the end of the world. More­ouer, he adioineth the forme of his grant and deliuery, that he may afterward tran­slate himselfe vnto the East countries, ha­uing left the empire of the West in the popes possession, and that he may place the sea of his empire in Bizantia: adding moreouer a very fit cause: Bicause, saith he, it is an vnmeet thing, that an earthly king should beare rule in that countrie, where the head of Christian religion, and the principalitie of priests is placed by the king of heauen. He did excellently make himselfe the begin­ning of this sentence: for in the time of Constantine, that is, two hundred yéeres before Iustinian, the deliuerance of the [Page 202] emptie possession was requisite to make a donation: but there be many other things that do disturbe the matter. First bicause if Constantine gaue to Syluester the emp­tie possession of that countrie, he could not afterward in his will leaue it to his sonne Constantius: séeing the alienation of any thing made among those that are aliue, doth leaue no place for making anie will l. 6. c. de test. l. sequens. 52. D. de leg. 2. thereof *. But if the donation were made after that diuision made among his sons, it was plainly void, and of none effect: bi­cause the diuision that a father maketh a­mong his sonnes, hath the force of a testa­ment, l pen. & l. vlt. C. fam. excisc. cum similibus. and therefore of a last will. Second­ly, with what godlines could Constantine who had thrée sonnes and two daughters, do so great iniurie to his children, as to de­priue them of halfe their inheritance, and to giue the same to a stranger especially to a wretch and vile person? For that is a pretie saieng of Augustine: Whosoeuer he be that will disinherit his sonne, and make the church his heire, let him seek another to take it than Augustine. Where also the fact of that 17. q. vlt. c. vlt. bishop is cōmended, who restored al again to a certaine testator, who hauing no chil­dren left his goods to the church, & then af­terward [Page 203] had children contrarie to his hope and expectation. Which selfe same thing is set downe, 13. q. 2. c. si quis irascitur. But nothing is so ridiculous, as is that reason of his purpose, which the counterfet Con­stantine addeth: That it is vnmeet, that in the same citie wherein a priest sitteth as chiefe, the emperor should haue the sea of his empire. Wo to thy head most holie hangman. For what shall we say of Salo­mon, of Aza, of Iozia, and other godlie kings of the Israelites, who placed the sea of their kingdome at Ierusalem? What of Theodosius, who had his at Mediola­num? But that we may not go far for ex­amples, what shall we say of Constantius sonne to Constantinus, who according to his fathers testament did not onely exer­cise his empire and iurisdiction at Rome, but also he put from the popedome, and thrust out of Rome pope Liberius for ta­king vpon him the defence of Anastasius a bishop a certaine magician & sacrilegious person? as Theodoricus, Zozomenus, and Ammian. Marcellin. lib. 15, haue left it written. 24 But now let vs returne to our purpose, for last of all there is a fearfull de­crée set downe: If any, saith he, of our succes­sors [Page 204] shall be a violater or contemner, let him be subiect to eternall damnation, being insnarled, and let him burne in the neathermost hell with the diuell and the wicked. But Constantine brought this curse first vpon himselfe: who (as we said euen now) in his last wil gaue the empire of the West to his eldest son: finally, he was bound with the same curse, whosoeuer possessed as his owne either the West, or any part of the West, either by the name of king, or duke, or by any o­ther name. And by this reason there hath béene none that hath béene king either of France or Spain héertofore, that burneth not in the neathermost hel with the diuell and all the wicked.

25 And now can we find any so ignorant of the Latin toong, that séeth not, that the ma­ner of spéech which the writer of the same instrument vseth, is far vnlike to the cu­stome of that age? Which part of repre­hension Platina did not omit in that Syl­uester. But Laurentius Valla a man of most sharpe iudgement in this kinde did more at large prosecute it. Whereto we will adioine this one thing: if anie man consider the maner of phrase wherein the lawes of Constantine are written in the [Page 205] booke of Theodosianus, and Iustinian: he shal soone perceiue without any great ado, that this instrument came out of the same shop which we shewed before, out of the Conformities of Francis, or out of the life of Dominick. And we must not passe ouer with silence another cosoning knacke of a certain latter pope (of Leo the 10. as it sée­meth) who to the end he might with some color couer that corruptiō of spéech & base­nes of stile, he heaped falsehood vpon false­hood. For he suborned a certaine hungrie Grecian called Bartholomew Picernus, and afterward Augustine Steuchus the maister of his librarie, to saie, that they found in I cannot tell what librarie of the popes, that instrument written in the Gréeke toong, and that then they transla­ted it somwhat more fitly into the Latine toong. Which inuention Gregorie the 13. hath now of late confirmed in the last edi­tion of the decrée of Gratian. But all the lawes of Constantine are extant in the foresaid bookes of Theodosianus and Iusti­nian, written in the Latin toong: though they were published both at Constantino­ple, and in a citie of the Grecians, and a­mong the Grecians. Furthermore Euse­bius, [Page 206] in his thirde booke of the life of Con­stantinus, hath recorded, that he spake in Latine in the Nicene synode. And in the second booke he witnesseth, that he turned into Gréek, his epistles and decrées which were written in Latine: so that som man may suspect, that either he neuer wrote that instrument in Gréeke, or, if he wrote it both in Gréeke and Latine, that surelie he did not vse that Beotian and foolish kind of phrase. But now it séemeth that we haue spoken sufficiently of the falsehoode and wicked inuention of the popes tou­ching the donation of Constantine: so that al men may plainly sée, that the whole pa­pacie, which rested onely vpon this foun­dation, cannot stand any longer, forasmuch as the foundation is taken away.

Another most ancient crime of Forgerie.

NOtwithstanding it séemeth to be a thing most fit to set downe som other examples of the popes forgeries and per­iuries, and specially those, wherby it may be vnderstood, that the pope of Rome hath affected that tirannicall lordship not onely [Page 207] against the authoritie of the holie Scrip­ture, but also of the old primatiue church. For after that ambition and desire to lord it had at that time possessed some bishops, the Nicene synode was gathered in the yéere of Christ 325. wherin it was decréed that in euery prouince or diecese (for these old fathers vsed both words) some pastor excelling (as we may thinke) in age and doctrin, should be chosen, who should haue authoritie when néed was, to call togither his fellowes in office, and to make report to them of the affaires of the common churches. This man was in those times somtimes called the Patriarch, somtimes Metropolitane, somtimes Archbishop in­differently: yet so, that neither the lesser bishops without this mans consent, nor this man without their consent and au­thoritie did any great and weightie mat­ter. The words of the senate were these: Let the ancient custome be of force, which was Chap. 6. in Egypt, Lybia, and Pentapolis, that the bishop of Alexandria haue authoritie ouer all these, bicause euen the bishop of Rome obserueth this custome. And likewise let the priuileges be kept both at Antioch, and also in the rest of the pro­uinces. And that is plaine, that if any be made [Page 208] bishop without consent of the Metropolitane, the great senate hath appointed that this man ought not to be bishop. And Rufinus doth Lib. 10. eccle. hist. thus interpret that decrée, Let this custome be kept in Alexandria, and in the city of Rome, that both the bishop of Alexandria take care for Egypt, and that the other be carefull for the churches, lyeng about the citie. Whereby we vnderstand, that the Nicene synod did hedge in the bishoprike of Rome, within the bounds of the churches of the suburbs: so far off is it that either principalitie or authority was giuen him by Constantine the emperor ouer al churches of the whole world. Let vs now heare what was de­créed sixe and fiftie yéeres after in the first Synode of Constantinople, touching the selfe same matter: that is in the yéere of Christ 321. For in the second chapter it is thus written: Let not the bishops which haue their seuerall diocese, incroch vpon the chur­ches that are without their bounds: neither let them confound their churches, but according to the canons, let the bishop of Alexandria go­uerne those things only that are in Egypt. And let the bishops of the east gouern onely the east. And let the church of Antioch retain her dig­nitie declared in the Nicene synod. And let the [Page 209] bishops of the diocese or prouince of Asia gouern those things onely that are in Asia: let those that are in Pontus, gouerne those things onelie that are in Pontus. And those of Thracia those things onely that are in Thracia. And let not the bishops, vnlesse they be called, intrude them­selues into another mans diocese or prouince, either to giue voices, or to any other ecclesiasti­call functions. And if the foresaid canon be ob­serued in diocese and prouinces, it is plaine that euery prouinciall Synod shall gouerne all busi­nesses of euerie prouince, as is decreed by the Nicene Synod. Moreouer, Socrates * con­firmeth Lib. hist. eccl. 3 the same thing in these words: A­gaine they confirmed the faith deliuered by the Nicene Synod, and they appointed patriarks in the described prouinces: that bishops being pla­ced and set ouer a certaine diocese, might not thrust themselues into other mens churches. And anon after: Notwithstanding reseruing the chiefe degree of honor and dignitie to the church of Antiochia, which they gaue to Mi­letius who was then present. And they decreed that so often as need should require, the Synod of euerie prouince should determine the busi­nes of euerie prouince. Thus saith Socrates. And we may sée the selfesame description of churches deliuered and set downe by [Page 210] the emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosian. Let the bishop of Rome now In. l. 3. C. Theo. de fide cath. go and boast, that Constantine the empe­ror gaue him principality ouer al churches of the whole world, and by name ouer the sea of Antiochia, Hierusalem, Alexandria and Constantinople. For we haue proo­ued that this state and condition of the pri­mitiue Church continued vntill the yéere of Christ, CCCXXCI. Moreouer, in the fift chapter of the same Synod it is thus writ­ten: Let the bishop of Constantinople haue the primacie of honor after the bishop of Rome, bi­cause it is new Rome. Which is also repor­ted, dist. 22. cap. Constantinopolitanae. Wher the canonist Gregorie the 13. hath of late noted, that that canon was not re­ceiued by the sea of Rome. And no mar­uell: séeing by that canon the papacie is manifestly conuict of forgerie. Let vs also heare Iohn Chrysostom his iudgement touching this matter, who florished about the yéere of Christ 300. and doth in plaine words attribute that primacy to the church of Antiochia, in these words: * Our citie Hom. 3. ad pop. Antiochenum of Antiochia is of all other most deer to Christ: and like as Peter did first preach Christ among al the apostles, so among cities (as I said before) [Page 211] this hath first of all the name of Christians, as a certaine woonderfull crown. Also Hom. 16. And what is the dignitie of our citie? It fell out that the disciples of Antiochia were first called Christians: and no citie in the world hath this besides, no not the citie of Romulus: wherefore Antiochia may lift vp hir eies a­gainst all the whole world. And this truly was (as I haue said) the condition of those times, when the pope of Rome was most far from that tyraunie, which afterward he had and vsed in the Church. Now let vs consider what was obserued afterward. For in the Synod of Ephesus, which was kept fiftie yéeres after, that is, in the yéere of Christ 431. in the last chapter it is thus written: It seemed good to the holie and vni­uersall Synod, keeping to euerie prouince the priuileges pure and sound, which do long ago and from the beginning belong to the same, ac­cording to the ancient custome vsed long ago, &c. Where is that principalitie that was long ago giuen to the pope of Rome ouer the churches of the whole world, by the emperor Constantine? Let vs heare the next generall Synod gathered twentie yéeres after at Chalcedon, that is, in the yéer of Christ, cccclj. For when the bishop [Page 212] of Constantinople, by reason of the sea of the east empire placed in his citie, was sicke of the like and very same disease of ambition, whereof our bishop of Rome is now sicke, he did effect by his policie and subtil shifts, that that mother citie, which had so great dignitie, should haue a certain priuilege aboue the rest: and that he alone should appoint the Metropolitans of Asia, Pontus, and Thracia. Whereby it came to passe, that the authoritie of the church of Antiochia so greatly cōmended by Chry­sostom, and established first in the Nicene Synod, and then afterward in the Synod of Constantinople was quite ouerthrow­en. Also by these deceits it was brought to passe, that fower men should be appointed to gouerne the whole world, who had me­tropolitans vnder their dominion or pro­uince. For Africa was granted to the bi­shop of Alexandria, the west to the bishop of Rome, and to the bishop of Constanti­nople almost all that part of Europa and Asia, except a few churches, which were left to the bishop of Hierusalem for the an­tiquitie and authorities sake of the citie. Therefore when as in times past archbi­shops, patriarks, and metropolitans were [Page 213] all one, and were called by so many names confusedly somtimes by one, somtimes by another, afterward there were onely fow­er archbishops made (who were also cal­led patriarks) which did beare rule ouer the metropolitans, as we haue alreadie said. For in the 28. chapter of the same Sy­nod it is thus written: And where the lawes of our most holie fathers that follow, the same things do we also determine and decree tou­ching the dignitie and excellencie of this most holie Church of Constantinople being newe Rome. For our fathers did woorthily giue the first degree of honor to the sea of old Rome, bi­cause that citie did then reigne. And vpon like consideration the Cl. bishops louing God most deerly, haue giuen like degree of honor to new Rome (note these words) the most holie sea: decreeing for good causes, that that citie, which hath got so great honor, that it should be both the sea of the empire, and that it should haue a senate, and should haue like degree of dignitie, as the old sea of the empire of Rome hath: haue euen in ecclesiasticall affaires like honor and dignitie as it hath, seeing it is next to it. Where did then that principalitie and lordship of the pope of Rome hide it selfe, which Constantine gaue him (as it is said) [Page 214] ouer al Churches. Let vs heare the words of the second Synod of Constantinople out of the 36. chapter: Renewing those things which were ordained by the 150. fathers, which were assembled in this citie preserued by God, and in this princely citie, and by the sixe hun­dred and thirtie that were gathered togither in Chalcedon; we decree that the sea of Con­stantinople haue like dignitie with the sea of old Rome, and that it be magnified as well as the other in ecclesiastical businesses (note these words) seeing it is next to that: and next to it let be the bishop of the great citie of Alexan­dria: and next to this the bishop of Ierusalem. But afterward the number of the archbi­shops was increased by little and little as pleased the emperors. For the emperor Iu­stinian gaue that honor to the citie of his countrie, Nouel. 11. where hée writeth thus: Being desirous to increase our countrie manie and diuers waies, wherein we were borne by the appointment of God, we command that the most holie bishop thereof, be made, not onely a metropolitan, but also an archbishop, and that certain prouinces be vnder the authority ther­of: that is, Dacia that lieth in the continent, Dacia that lieth neere the sea coast, Mysia the second, and Dardania, and Preualitana, &c. [Page 215] Also in the conclusion: We decree that the archbishop thereof be ordained by the reuerend councell of metropolitans. There were also other cities called by the same name Iusti­nians cities, in Africa Instinians Cartha­ginensis, which the same emperor adioi­ned to the Romane empire, in the yland Cyprus, Iustiniana the country of his wife Theodora, whereto Iustinian gaue like prerogatiue of right, honor, and dignitie. Therefore by these appéereth the manifold impudencie of the popes of Rome: first therein bicause in those times they reckon onelie fower patriarchies or archbishops seas: & also in that, that they make their sea to surmount those fower seas, & do chal­lenge to themselues, superiority and iuris­diction ouer them: secondly, bicause they take to themselues the authoritie and po­wer of those patriarks, séeing it appéereth most euidently, that that authoritie and power did belong to the emperors: all which that they may appéere more plainly and euidently, we will content our selues with one onely testimonie of the same Iu­stinian: whose words are these in the 230 Nouel. turned into Latin by Iulian Ante­cessor: Therfore we command the most bles­sed [Page 216] patriarks, that is, the pope of Rome, and of Constantinople, and of Alexandria, and of The­opolis, that is, of Antiochia, and of Ierusalem, seeing that it is a custome, &c. And by and by: And the metropolitans, which are conse­crated by their counsell, or by the most blessed patriarks, or by the metropolitanes, &c. Also Nouel. 131. Let the pope of Rome, saith he, sit aboue all bishops and patriarks, and after him the bishop of the citie of Constantinople: let the archbishop of the first Iustiniana haue vnder him the bishops of Dacia in the conti­nent, and Dacia toward the coast, also those of Praeualena, and of Dardania, and of the vpper Mysia, and of Pannonia: and also let him bee consecrated by them, and let him haue the same priuileges ouer them, which the pope of Rome hath ouer the bishops that are placed vnder him. Therfore it is euident, that in the first times of Christian libertie there were on­ly fower patriarks, being all of equall ho­nor, dignitie, iurisdiction, authoritie, de­grée: saue onely that the patriark of Rome sat vppermost in generall Synods, bi­cause of the old dignitie of old Rome: and that then the number of the patriarks was increased, not by the pope of Rome, but by the emperor of Rome: so that there [Page 217] were first fiue, then six, then seuen, and last of all eight: for we reckoned so manie vn­der Iustinian. Wherby we will also haue men marke the notorious fraud and im­pudencie of the pope of Rome in corrup­ting that 36. chapter of the Synod of Con­stantinople. For in Gratian, dist. 22. c. re­nouantes, they haue thus translated the Gréeke words of the Synod: Renewing the decrees of the holie Councell of Constantinople, we craue (yea we decrée, [...]) that the sea of Constantinople haue like priuileges which the former Rome hath. Yet let it not be mag­nified in ecclesiasticall affaires as the other: but this being next after that, before the sea of A­lexandria be reckoned, then that of Antiochia, and after it that of Ierusalem. Of which for­gerie that no man may doubt, we will cite the Gréeke words themselues: [...]. We decree that the sea of Constantinople haue like priuileges as the sea of old Rome, and that it be magnified in ecclesiasticall matters as the other. But peraduenture some man wil say, that that fault is amended in the edition of Grego­rie the 13. and that in stead of Non tamen [Page 218] or notwithstanding, is put Necnon, and also. Very well. For first of all by this reason the pope is compelled to grant, that he is conuict of most manifest forgerie: and that he vsed that forgerie and corruption for more than thrée hundred yéers wickedly & deceitfully to cosen & deceiue the church of Christ. And furthermore that that forgerie would neuer haue béene amended, vnlesse he had béen long ago accused and conuict of falsifieng by our men. But what will ei­ther Gregorie the 13. or our Sixtus say to this selfe same forgerie repeated and re­newed in c. antiqua, extra de priuileg. where there is also a more filthie forgerie committed. Renewing the ancient priuileges of the seas of the patriarks, we decree, that af­ter the church of Rome (which by the Lords disposition hath the principalitie of ordinarie power ouer all other churches, as being the mo­ther and mistresse of all the faithfull) the sea of Constantinople haue the first place, the sea of Alexandria the second, the sea of Antiochia the third, the sea of Ierusalem the fourth: re­seruing to euerie one hir owne dignitie: so that after the bishops of those places haue receiued the cloke from the bishop of Rome (which is a token of the fulnes of the popes office) hauing [Page 219] taken the oth of faithfulnes and obedience, free­ly, &c. Is there any either so hard harted, or so dull spirited, whom this so great im­pudencie of the popes in corrupting the moniments of the Church of Christ can­not mooue? And yet we must not passe o­uer in silence another like impudencie. For whereas it was decréed against the Ex c. placuit. 2. q. 6. pope of Rome in the sixt Synod of Car­thage, at which S. Augustine was pre­sent, that no man should appeale to his sea from the churches beyond the seas: if any durst be so bold as to appeale, he should be excommunicate: yet the same pope in that chapt. placuit, after these words: But as for him that shall thinke that he may appeale to places beyond the sea, let none within Africa re­ceiue him to the communion: he added this exception impudently, Vnlesse peraduenture he appeale to the sea of Rome: where Gre­gorie the 13. being of late manifestly con­uict of trecherous falsehood and forgerie, added this excuse, These things are written in the old copies as the words of Gratian. Very well againe. For by this means we sée the intollerable impudencie of the popes of Rome, who haue not onely purposely cor­rupted with that exception the decrée that [Page] was written against their ambition, but also they deceiued the Church of Christ with that lie for the space of more than thrée hundred yéeres, vntill our men found out that forgerie and iugling. And bicause we take this paines principally for our countrie men the French men, it shall not be vnappertinent to shew out of Doctor Bernard in his owne words, what befell Paris in times past by this ambition of appealing to Rome. This happened (saith Lib. 3. de consid he) at Paris the noble citie of France, the kings sea. A certaine man was openly betrothed: the solemne day of the marriage came, all things were prepared, many were bidden: and behold a man coueting his neighbors wife, brake forth into a sudden appeale, affirming that she was first deliuered to him, she ought rather to bee his: the bridegroome was daunted, they were all husht, the priest durst not proceede, all that preparation was dasht, euery one went home to his owne house, to eate his owne supper. The bride was suspended from the table and bed of the bridegroome, vntill returne was made from Rome. Againe in the same citie of Paris, a cer­taine man hauing betrothed a wife to himselfe, appointed the marriage day: in the meane while began a cauill: for some said, that they [Page 221] ought not to be ioined togither. The matter was brought before the church. But an appeale was made before sentence was giuen. Yet neuerthe­lesse he did accomplish that he purposed con­temning or making as if he knew not of the ap­peale. Go to: let vs consider the state of the later time. For in the yéere CCCCXXCV. there was a synod at Carthage, and that a generall one, whereunto the bishop of Rome sent thrée legats, Faustinus, Philip, and Asellus, with these commandements, that his authoritie & right that was gran­ted him by the Nicene synod should be re­serued for him, namely that appeal should be made from all Metropolitanes to him. Then at a sudden the scribe called Daniel, was commanded to reade those comman­dements: and also that chapter of the Ni­cene synod, which the pope of Rome had adioined for an instrument of his matter. The whole fift chapter of the synod of Sardis, was read, which the bishop of Rome had fraudulently & wickedly cogd in in stéed of the Nicene synod. All the bi­shops and archbishops that were present at that time denied that euer they read that in the Nicene synod. Therefore they agréed that the copie of the Nicene synod [Page 222] should be read, which they then had in their hands. There was no word of ap­pealing. It was decréed that certaine men should be sent to Constantinople, to Alex­andria, and finally to Rome, that they might fetch their copies of the Nicene sy­nod, but especially to Constantinople: where the authoritie it selfe, or the origi­nall of the Nicene synod was kept. The yéere following they were brought. They were read. There was no suspition of that priuilege and chiefe authoritie of the bi­shop of Rome. That could not be found in any place of the Nicene synod: yea on the contrarie it was decréed in the selfe same synod, that he should kéepe himselfe with­in his bounds as other popes and metro­politanes. Wherefore if he were wise, he would hencefoorth content himselfe with his diocese and dominion: and would not incroch vpon another mans possession. To this sentence subscribed two hundred and thirtie fathers: and among those, those same whom we named before, Faustinus, bishop of the church of Potentia, legate of the pope of Rome, Philip a priest and le­gate of the same bishop of Rome, Asellus a priest and the same bishops legate. And [Page 223] moreouer the synod alleaged these foure causes of that decrée of the Nicene fathers. Which it is not vnappertinent to repeat: The Nicen fathers did most prudently & iust­ly prouide, that all maner businesses should be ended in their places where they began: & that the grace of the holie Ghost would not be wan­ting in euerie prouince, whereby the priests of Christ may both wisely discerne and constantly hold equitie: especially, bicause it is granted to euerie one, if he shall be offended at the iudge­ment of those that are appointed to heare cau­ses, to appeale to the councels of his prouince, or also the generall councell, vnlesse peraduenture there be any man which doth beleeue, that God doth giue by inspiration to some one man the iustice of hearing and examining matters, and doth denie it to infinit priests assembled in a sy­nod. Or how shall the iudgement giuen beyond the seas be firme, whereunto the necessarie per­sons of witnesses cannot be brought, either for infirmitie of sexe, or of old age, or for many o­ther hinderances that come betweene? And as concerning those thrée legats, there are grieuous complaints made of them in those verie same letters, and especiallie of Faustinus, that they had greatly troubled the assemblie, when as they feigned that [Page 224] they mainteined the priuileges of the church of Rome. Then we sée that euen at that time the wickednes, trecherie, and impudencie of the pope of Rome was re­uealed, and that it was conuict and con­demned by a generall councell. Do we thinke that he did any thing hauing taken away al his enimies or familiars of out A­frica and Asia, that he might establish in his west parts the power that he did euen then affect? And thus much hitherto tou­ching the first cause of the nullitie, and in­competencie or insufficiencie of the iudge: which notwithstanding that they may be more apparent to the most excellent sena­tors of the kings parlement, and to other lawyers, we will confirme them with the authoritie of the doctors. And first of all with that cōmon saieng of the canonists, that The pope is no méete iudge euen in the onely crime of heresie, but that it ought to be iudged by others. * And Philip Deci­us C. si papa. dist. 40. doth constantly auouch, that in that case a councell ought not to be gathered by the popes authoritie. * The same doth Panor­mitanus in c. cum ve­nis. num. 37. extra de iudic. and Decius affirme, in c. signifi­casti, num. 4. & num. 9. de elect. But of al other Ludouike of Rome doth most copi­ouslie [Page 225] and constantly auouch *, out of the authoritie of the decrée it selfe, that he that in Concil. vlt. nu. 15. & seqq. liueth rebelliouslie, and refuseth to learne and do good things, is rather a member of C. nullus, dist. 38. in concil. 95. vol. 4. Decius cons. 115. the deuil, than of Christ, & that he is shew­ed to be rather an infidel, than a beléeuer *. The same saith Iason *, and Decius *.

The second Nullitie by reason of the falsenes of the Allegation.

THerefore we say that the second cause of the nullitie doth consist in the false­nes of the allegation: that is, in a false cause alleaged, which the pope followed in cōceiuing his sentence. For the rule of the law is knowen, that a sentence pronoun­ced according to false causes, false allegati­ons, false instruments, is voide in law and without any appeale, especially where the l. 1. & pass▪ C. si ex fals. instru. l. si praetor. 7. D de iudic. l. cum vero. 2. §. Sub­uentum, De fi­deic. libert. l. Seiae. 26. D. de tutor. & cur. dat. l. 1. §. haec verba, D. ne vis siat ei l. 1. C. si ex fals. al­leg. sentence had for the principall cause and foundation, the falsenes of the allegation *. But pope Sixtus saith that he hath ther­fore proscribed the king of Nauarre, and the prince of Condee, bicause they be (as he saith) notorious heretikes. Finely. For by this reason, if those princes be notori­ous heretiks, then they must be procéeded [Page 226] against with arms and war: if they be not notorious heretiks, then the proscription and execration is of none importance. Let vs sée then for what cause and allegation the foresaid Princes are condemned for heretiks. For so great a crime must not be laid to the charge euen of a man of base estate, without a great and weighty cause: much lesse of so great princes, and the kins­men of so great a king. The emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Honorius de­créed, that they be counted heretiks, which shall be detected euen by a light argument to erre and go astraie from the iudgement and path of catholike religion *. Who can l. 2. c. de haeret. & Manich. like of and allow that definition? For Au­gustine doth not account those heretiks, which defend their opinion though false and perniti­ous with no stubborne wilfulnes, especially which they haue not brought foorth through boldnes of their presumption, but haue receiued it from their parents, being seduced and fallen into errors, and do seeke the truth with warie carefulnes, being readie to be reformed, when they haue found it: as he saith text. 24. dist. 3. c. dixit. Againe Iohn Auentine in the third book of his chronicles left in writing, that a certaine bishop of Germanie called [Page 227] Virgil, being skilful in mathematical arts, was therefore accused of heresie, and was called to Rome by pope Zacharie, bicause he affirmed that there were Antipodes *. That is, such as go with their feete toward ours. The canonists decréed, that he should bée counted an heretike, that should not obey all and singular the popes decrées *. The gloss. dist. 10. c. nulli, & dist. 21. pope himselfe hath decréed, that he that de­nieth emperors, kings, princes, and finally euery humane creature to be subiect to the temporall and materiall sword of the bi­shop of Rome, be counted an heretike: bi­cause it is vpon necessitie of saluation to beléeue this: that is, it is one of the articles C. 1. in fin. extr. de maior. & o­bedient. of faith *.

In the yéere of Christ cxc 8. Victor pope of Rome did therefore pronounce that the East churches were heretiks, bicause they thought not the same concerning Easter, which his church thought. For which cause Ireneus bishop of Lyons, did sharpely re­prooue that pope: as Eusebius doth witnes in his fift booke 26. and Epist. 24. What néede many words? He is defined to be an heretike in popery, which doth not beléeue al those things which are taught for truth in the church of Rome *. But we haue be­fore C. nulli. dist. 19 shewed, that this doctrine was deli­uered [Page 228] to the Church of Christ of it to be beléeued, by the authority and commande­ment of the popes, that Dominic wrought more miracles than Christ and all his apo­stles: that the same Dominic was much more excellent than Christ and all his apo­stles. That Iohn Baptist, to whom the ho­ly scripture gaue this title, that there was neuer any mortall man vpon earth grea­ter than he, was by many degrées infe­rior to Dominic that cosener. We haue shewed furthermore that the popes haue approoued that fable touching the marks of Francis Bernardo; and that it is deliue­red to the church of Rome to be beléeued, and that that wise man that opposeth him­selfe against it must be punished as an he­retike, for the popes vse these selfe same words in their buls *. Wherefore this (saith Lib. conformit. fol. 234. col. 3. he) must be holden most firmely as true, and he that holdeth the contrarie must be despised of all men as an heretike. In like sort Anthonie of Florence writeth thus: The church hath Hist. part. 3. c. 1. §. 3. vndoubtedly approoued and declared that there be a solemne feast kept for this: that the Lord Iesus who was crucified appeered to Francis as he praied, and was transformed like to a Zera­phin (that is, hauing six wings) and that he im­printed [Page 229] in his hands and side the signes of his passion, wherein he felt great paine. Let the most excellent and most wise Counsellers of the French king iudge now, whether that be a true definition of an heretike, that he that shall not beléeue those most fil­thie inuentions touching Dominic and Bernardo, allowed by the authority of the church of Rome, shal be counted and taken for an heretike, and thrust from the felow­ship of the church. If they do not thinke that that is an equall decrée of the papacie of Rome, then let them remember that rule, wherein it is taught, that rash and light accusers, are not onely condemned of false accusing, and so noted with infamie, but also they are condemned to abide like punishment, which the other should haue suffered whom they accused *: and there­fore l. vlt. C. de ac­cus. that pope Sixtus the fift who hath fals­ly accused the king of Nauarre, and prince of Condie of heresie, ought flatly to be ta­ken for a schismatike and heretike. But let vs now a little more attentiuely consi­der, to whom that wicked crime and name of heretiks doth properly belong. Forso­much as we can gather by the authoritie of holy scripture, and of the ancient doctors [Page 230] of the Church, he onely is to be counted an heretike, which stubbornly holdeth, and se­ditiously soweth doctrine that is contrarie to the rule of faith (that is, the Christian Créed) notwithstanding he hath béen law­fully admonished and conuict. For thus doth Augustine define him *: Those (saith De ciuita. Dei 18. c. 51. he) that in the Church of Christ, do tast of any sicke or corrupt thing, if being rebuked, that they may sauour of that which is sound and right, they resist stubbornly, and they will not amend their pestiferous and deadly opinions, but persist to defend them, are made heretiks, and going out adoores, they are counted in the number of exercising enimies. And now as touching the créede of Christians, which Tertullian calleth the rule of faith, there is this notable testimony of the same Ter­tullian extant in his booke of Prescripti­ons of heretiks. It is the rule of faith (saith he) wherein it is beleeued that there is one on­ly God (note this periphrasis of the Christi­an créed) and none other besides the creator of the world, who hath brought foorth all things out of nothing by his word. P. That that word was called his son, that he appeered diuersly to the patriarks, that he was alwaies heard of the prophets; last of al, that he was brought into the [Page 231] virgin Marie by the spirit and power of God his father, that he was made flesh in hir womb, and that Iesus Christ came out of hir being borne, that thencefoorth he preached the new law, and the new promise of the kingdome of heauen, that he wrought miracles, that being fastened to the crosse he rose againe the third day, that being taken vp into the heauens he sitteth at the right hand of the father, that he sent the power of the holy Ghost to be his vice­gerent, to gouerne the beleeuers, that he shall come with glorie to take the saints into the fruit of eternal life, and of the heauenly promises, and to adiudge the profane to euerlasting fire: both parts being raised againe with restoring of the flesh. This rule instituted by Christ, hath a­mongst vs no questions, saue onely such as he­resies cause, and such as make heretiks. Thus writeth Tertullian. Whereby we vnder­stand, that those are by him defined to be heretiks, which bring in into the Church a doctrine contrarie to the Christian créed: which is consonant and agréeable to that commandement of the apostle: Hee that bringeth you another Gospell than that which we haue brought, let him be accursed. There­fore Tertullian in another place of the same booke saith: Whence came strangers [Page 232] and heretiks enimies to the apostles, saue onely from diuersitie of doctrine, which euerie one hath either broched or receiued of his owne head against the apostles? Therefore we must make account that the corruption both of the scriptures, and expositions is there where there is found diuersitie of doctrine. Also in another place: Let heretiks bring to light the begin­nings of their churches, let them turne ouer the order of their bishops, so descending from the beginning by successions, that first of all the same bishop had some one of the apostles or apo­stolike men, Who notwithstanding conti­nued with the apostles, for his author and predecessor. Tertullian doth in plaine words call those apostolike men, neither doth he suffer any other to be called by this name, saue onely those that haue agréed with the doctrine of the apostles, and haue continu­ed therein: so that it may easily be vnder­stood that apostolike men must not be estée­med by the sea and place, but by succession and perpetuitie of doctrine. Therefore he saith in another place: The doctrine of here­tiks being compared with the apostolik doctrin, shall by the diuersitie and contrarietie thereof pronounce, that it neither hath any apostle for the author thereof, nor apostolike man: for, as [Page 233] the apostles had not taught things that were di­uers among themselues, so the apostolike men had not published things that were contrarie to the apostles: saue onely those that fell away from the apostles, and preached otherwise. Lo how manifestly Tertullian sheweth, that those ought properly to be called heretiks, which bring in a doctrine contrarie to the Christians créed, though they call them­selues apostolike men: forasmuch, saith he, as they be fallen away from the apostles: and (as he said a little before) haue inuen­ted of their owne head, that is, their owne wit and inuention, somwhat besides holie scripture. Furthermore we must marke, that Tertullian doth not properly & chiefly call those apostolike men, which succéeded Peter, but generally which succéeded any of al his fellow apostles: and that not pre­cisely: that it ought to be referred to some certaine place and citie: but iointly, which succéeded the apostles in deliuering the do­ctrine of Christ by hand. Whereby appée­reth the impudencie of the popes, who did not onely properly restraine the name of apostolike vnto the bishop of Rome, but also they gaue the same to foolish things: as the apostolike sea, the apostolike legate, [Page 234] the apostolike messenger, the apostolike chancerie, apostolike penance, the aposto­like notarie, the apostolike treasurie, the apostolike priuilege, apostolike prouision, the apostolike bul: so that at length it may be said the apostolike mule, and (sir reue­rence) the apostolike pissepot, and so foorth. But to returne to our purpose, that the difference betwéene an heretike and an a­postolike man might more plainly be vn­derstood, Tertullian adioineth a most ma­nifest example, and very appertinent to that we haue in hand: Paul, saith he, in­structing Timothie, doth amongst heretiks nip forbidders of marriage. Why so, Tertullian? Surely, bicause that inhibition is contra­rie to the doctrine of the apostles: who taught in plaine words, that marriage is not onely comly and honorable for al sorts and orders of men, but also for the most part necessarie. Whereby it appéereth that the forbidding of matrimonie is not apo­stolike, but hereticall: bicause, according to Tertullians opinion, those are defined to be heretiks, which bring in doctrine con­trarie to the writings of the apostles. And those are defined to be apostolike and sound and catholike, which contenting them­selues [Page 235] with the writings of the apostles, do detest & accurse togither with the apo­stle, those that detract from, or adde to the same. Furthermore to this definition of heretiks agréeth that, which S. Augustine deliuereth *: He is an heretike, saith he, who In lib. de vtil. creden. for loue of gaine or principalitie doth either be­get or follow new opinions. Where he mea­neth principalitie of faction and departing from the Church, the captaine and prince wherof he professeth himselfe to be, hauing as it were set vp his banner. And with this selfe same mind Paul calleth Philetus and Hymeneus heretiks, bicause they had not only erred from the faith, but also sub­uerted the faith of others: whom like­wise in another place he calleth [...]: that is, wanderers or straiers, 1. Tim. 2. 2. Tim. 3. and such as lead others into errore also. But moreouer, Peter describing heretiks, saith, that they intrap the minds of incon­stant and weake men. Also in another place: Amongst them, saith he, there shall be false teachers, which shall secretly bring in he­resies or deadly sects. 2. Pet. 2. And as tou­ching the forme of declaring heretiks, Paul sheweth the same in these words: An heretike after the first and second admo­nition 1. Tim. 3. [Page 236] auoid. Vnto which forme that order doth also appertaine, which Christ prescri­bed *, that he be accused before the Church, Mat. 18. and if he shew himselfe stubborne, let him be counted as an heathen man, and pro­fane person. And we sée that euen the schoole doctors are of this mind: & amongst these the maister of sentences *: where he In 4. dist. 18. c. 7. writeth thus: that Excommunication ought to be put in practise, when a man being accor­ding to canonicall discipline called the third time to amend a manifest fault, and making no account to make satisfaction, is cut off by the sentence of the church, from the place of praier, and from the partaking of the sacraments, and from the fellowship of the faithfull, that he may be ashamed, and that he may repent being con­uerted through shame of his wickednes, that his soule may be saued. Who if professing repen­tance he do repent, he is admitted to the com­munion that was denied him, and is reconciled to the Church. By all which doth plainly appéere, that there be thrée marks of an he­retike, whereby they are knowen and dis­cerued from those that hold the truth: if they bring in any thing into the Church that agréeth not with the rule of faith, if they make a departure, and if being so­lemnly [Page 237] admonished they do stubbornely persist. But bicause this disputation doth for the most part appertain vnto the kings Senators which are lawiers, it séemeth to be nothing vnappertinent, to set downe another definition of heretiks, out of the bookes of Iustinian. For in the Nouel. 115. §. si quis, where amongst the lawfull cau­ses of disheriting children, he reckoneth vp heresies, he addeth these words interpre­ted by Iulian Antecessor. But we call those men sound, which communicate in the holie ca­tholike church, into which all the patriarks are gathered with one consent and concord: and the fower holie Councels are preached: the Ni­cene, that of Constantinople, the first of Ephe­sus, and that of Chalcedon. And we call those heretiks, which do not communicate with the catholikes. These things being thus set downe, let vs now sée by what right our foresaid Princes▪ are condemned by pope Sixtus the fift for heretiks: for whether we follow the former or the latter defini­tion, the foresaid Princes do professe and declare so earnestly as they can, and they call to witnes God and Angels, and all men of all sorts and kinds, finally heauen and earth, that they do neither bring in [Page 238] into the Church any thing that is repug­nant to the rule of faith and vsuall créede of Christians, ne yet to those fower most ancient Councels, but that they do with all their hart imbrace their doctrine and confession such as was cōceiued in the Ni­cene synod, the synod of Constantinople, of Ephesus, and Chalcedon, neither doe they depart euen an heares bredth (as they say) from the forme set downe by Athana­sius. Futhermore they professe, that they neither haue made, neither will make any departure, frō those churches, which haue continued in that rule of faith, and forme of confessions, such as be those churches of the most noble and mightie electors, and princes of the confession of Augusta. Last of all, that they were neuer till this daie admonished, & reprehended by any church of this sort, which hath perseuered in the doctrine of the apostles. But and if being yoong men, and terrified with the blood and infinite murders of the massacre of Paris, and mooued with the sight and presence of a most mightie king, and finally being hed­ged in with the swordes of manie armed soldiers, they did and pronounced those things vnwillingly, which they were com­manded [Page 239] either to do or pronounce, this must not be counted a solemne and lawful forme of ecclesiasticall admonition, and such as Christ appointed, and the Apostles and apostolike men haue kept: especially séeing that shortly after, when they had re­couered their libertie, they protested, that they did all that they did vnwillingly and compelled with threatnings: and did o­penlie craue pardon for that their infirmi­tie, at the hands of God & Christians, in a reformed church, before a great assemblie. And on the contrarie they shew, that the pope of Rome is condemned by the iudge­ment of the most part of Europe, not only amongst heretiks, but also as a chiefe he­retike, & as the chiefe author, and captaine of sedition. First, bicause he hath brought in into the church wicked fables, and blas­phemous, touching the false miracles of munks, and traditions most contrarie to those fower ancient councels: such as we haue before set downe, touching the feig­ned purgatorie, the inuocation of the dead, the worshipping of images, the daily re­nuing of the sacrifice of Christ in the masse, the idolatrous worshipping of the bread and chalice, touching the forbidding [Page 240] of mariage, touching the Dominicane munkes hid vnder the garment of the vir­gin Marie, touching more and greater mi­racles done by Dominic and Francis, than either by Christ or his Apostles: which are such wicked, hainous, and vngodlie blasphemies, that the minds of al the god­ly do abhor the rehearsal therof. Secondly, bicause hauing taken to himselfe lordship and princely power ouer the whol church, and vsing ministers and officers, dukes, and purpled cardinals, to defend him and furnish him, he professed himselfe to be the captaine and prince of a new faction and synagog. Last of all, bicause being about fower hundred whole yéers ago, requested by the praiers of al Christian princes, and admonished to admit some amendement and reformation, he did prowdlie reiect their request and precepts. Of which, not to fet testimonies far, surely the memorie of our fathers and grandfathers may be a witnes, out of the councell of Constance, Basil, Florence, and Trent: in which last, false and erronious doctrines were not on­ly not taken away, but also more and more confirmed: so that no man can now doubt, but that these thrée markes, whereby we [Page 241] said a little before, an heritike is discerned from one whose iudgement is sound, do most euidently appéere in the pope of Rome. Which things, séeing they are so, we thinke that it is now euident enough, of what importance this accusation of pope Sixtus ought to be with the counsel­lers of the French king, whereto the most part of Europe hath subscribed it selfe, also we vnderstand of what authoritie this ac­cusation by him made against the king of Nauarre and prince of Condie, ought to be with them. For to cut his throat (as they saie) with his owne sword, lo, in his owne decrées 24. distinct. 1. it is euerie where in manie testimonies set downe, that he that is fallen into heresie cannot depriue any man of his office, or insnarle him in any sentence, as in c. acasius. If therefore, a bishop (saith he) be fallen into an heresie alreadie condemned, being condemned by an ancient excommunication, he cannot con­demn others. For he that is excōmunicate, can­not excommunicate others. Which self-same thing is confirmed in that which follo­weth, by this reason being added thereto: For the power to binde or loose was giuen by the Lord, to true, not to false priests. And in the [Page 242] chapter following. Peters priuilege remain­eth wheresoeuer sentence is giuen according to his equitie. Hereto belongeth that which Iason writeth in his 145. councell. requi­situs. num. 3. vol. 2. That the pope cannot de­pose any man placed in dignitie, without cause: bicause the power granted to Peter, to feed the sheepe of Christ, is not extended to kill them. c. in nouo. 21. dist. for Peters power continu­eth so long as he iudgeth truely, and doth not erre with the keies. * The self-same writeth d. c. manet, &c. Abba. * Also Iason writeth more plain in in. c. vlt. col pe. & vlt. de confi. vtil. vel inut. & in c. consti­tutus, col. 3. de relig. dom. & in c. vlt. de po­stul. praelat. & in c. de multa, de praebend. his 95. councell, requisitus, vol. 4. When as, saith he, the pope is guiltie of heresie, seeing he may for this crime be deposed, c. si papa. 40. dist. by this he ceaseth to be pope, seeing he is without the catholike church: according to the notes by Innocentius in c. ex parte, de verb. sig. & in like sort when the pope shal be a noto­rious criminal person, & intangled in greeuous crimes, so that he doth offend the church; &c. Also, col. 3. But the old glosse held more strōg­ly, than the whole world alleageth, in d. c. si papa, that the pope may be accused for ano­ther fault, as symonie, or adulterie, which is no­torius, and the pope being admonished cannot be reformed, so that he offendeth the church of God, seeing he is counted as an heretike: and [Page 243] so the pope may be accused and punished, not onely for the cause of heresie, but also for anie other crime, wherein the pope committeth ex­cesse offending the church, if it be notorious and the pope cannot be reformed: bicause notable disobedience is counted heresie: wherefore, as the pope may be accused for heresie, and con­demned, so likewise for any notorious crime wherein he is incorrigible. Moreouer, Feli­nus saith *. The pope which is not canonicallie in c. Ego N. de iureiur. elect is a deuill, not hauing the keies of the kingdome of heauen, but of hell.

The third Nullitie by reason of the want of iudiciall order.

LEt vs now come to the third cause of nullitie, which we said to be the want of forme & iudiciall order. For as in times past the great orator saide, what is more vnséemely, than that iudgement should be giuen of his life and of all his goods, who was neither commanded to be present, nor yet cited, nor accused? We shewed before, that this forme and order of ecclesiasticall iudgement was appointed by Christ and his Apostles, in iudging heretikes, first, that they should be sometimes conuict of [Page 244] their error: then if they would not obey not one, but many and often admonitions of the church, but would (as saith Augu­stine) stubburnely resist, and perseuere in their error, then they should be counted as enimies and profane persons. Therefore admonitions are necessarie, and a solemne and lawful hearing of the cause. God was not ignorant what Adam and Eua had committed against his commandement or inhibition. Yet he called both of them foorth, and made as it were a question and hearing of the cause: and then at length he gaue sentence against them after they were conuict. The same God being a most seuere punisher of wickednes, was not ignorant with how great and how vile wickednes the Sodomites and Go­morrheans had defiled themselues. But yet notwithstanding that he might shew an example of equitie to mortall men that are iudges, he tooke vpon him to heare the cause, and he said that he would descend and know. Which thing likewise the ca­nonists haue in many words euery where deliuered in 1. q. 2. but specially in c. Deus omnipotens. But moreouer the same scripture doth in another place testifie, that [Page 245] the elders of the people of the Iewes who iudged matters at the foote of the mount Sinay, gaue not sentence before they had heard both parties, and vntill both parties had laied downe their matter. Moreouer, the Iewes though they did malitiously séeke to put Christ to death, and to destroie him, yet they kept the vsual order of iudge­ments, so that they accused him before Caiphas the highest priest, and a compe­tent iudge: and then they did bring him before the iudgement seat of the same high priest, after they had caught him, and also they did bring foorth witnesses for their ac­cusation. Therefore both sides laid downe their cause: and the opinions of those that sat with the highest priest were asked: and then at length, iudiciall order being kept, the condemnation was pronounced. But what néed more testimonies? When the woman was taken in adulterie (as saith the scripture) as the déed was a doing, and there was none to accuse hir, and to bring foorth witnesses, then said Christ, Neither Iohn. 8. saith he, will I condemne thée being not conuict *. Also in another place: when as vpon a certain day the Iewes would haue condemned Christ before they had heard [Page 246] him, then Nicodemus rebuked them in these words: Doth our lawe condemne anie man before he be heard, and his fact knowen? Finally, there is nothing whereof the olde patrons of the Christians, and amongst these Tertullian, Arnobius, Augustine, Lactantius do so greatly complain, as that the heathen men did euery where & rashly condemne the Christians being vnheard, and before their cause was knowen. But pope Sixtus and his assessors the cardinals haue followed the rashnes of these Eth­nikes in this most mad declaration, when as with certaine barbarous and giantlike arrogancie they condemned the foresaide most excellent king of Nauarre, and most noble prince of Condie, I do not say being vnheard, but not so much as commanded to be present or cited. But peraduenture some man will say, these Princes were condemned not simplie as heretiks, but iointly as notorious and manifest here­tiks. For they are oftentimes thus called in many places in that furious declarati­on. But this law is receiued among the canonists, that in manifest and notorious crimes there néedeth none accusation and C. manifesta. & ccc. seqq. 2. q. 1. iudiciall order *. Wherupon they wil haue [Page 247] this conclusion follow, séeing the foresaid Princes do manifestly and openly professe, that they are fallen from the sea of Rome, there néeded no citation or accusation, or hearing of the cause to condemne them. But we may easily answer this obiection: for the answere is thréefold. The first is, that the pope taketh that to himselfe as granted, which the most part of Christen­dome doth stoutly denie him, that the re­ligion of the foresaid princes, and of so ma­ny other kings and nobles which thinke the same thing, is heretical: and that ther­fore it is an absurd thing, that those should be called notorious heretiks, which are not euen heretiks. The other answer is, that all those points of the decrée of Gratian. 1. q. 1. which can be obiected to vs, do in no point appertaine vnto the crime of here­sie: but (as pope Nicolas saith *) vnto the c. 16. works of the flesh: which (as he addeth out of the apostle) are manifest: as man­slaughter, robberie, whooredome, incest, a­dulterie, and such like. Neither shal there in all these places any word be found tou­ching the crime of heresie: which crime doth differ from the works of the flesh, and other wicked déeds therein, bicause in con­demning [Page 248] heresie the correction and amen­dement of the person is sought: which Paul doth therefore call [...], vsing the same word or name, which Plato giueth to that chastisement, which is vsed for a­mendements sake: for in other punish­ments the amendement of the person is not sought, but there is an example giuen to others, that men with feare of like pu­nishment may be terrified from doing e­uill. For which cause the same Plato cal­leth it [...], or a publike example *. Agell. 6. c. 4. & Plato in Gorg. Therefore though a man wander in some article of religion, yea do manifestly erre, and slide, yet he must not foorthwith be ei­ther excommunicate, or (as Augustine saith) be accounted in the number of exer­cising enimies: but he must be once and often admonished, chastened, taught, nei­ther must he be remooued from the fellow­ship of the faithfull, vntil he shew himselfe rebellious and stubborne: and (to vse the words of the same Augustine) do stub­bornly resist the Church. Wherfore séeing that the foresaid Princes do neither pro­fesse any doctrine, dissenting from the rule of faith (as we said before:) but do most carefully imbrace the fower forenamed [Page 249] councels, neither yet haue bin reprehēded by any apostolike church: which (as Ter­tullian defineth it) hath perseuered in the doctrine of the apostles, neither yet haue shewed themselues stubborne in learning, but if they be conuict of any error are rea­die to amend it: we conclude without any delay, that we haue abundantly satisfied the cause of Nullitie set down by vs in the third place. To what end should I vse ma­ny words? For euen by the law of the ca­nonists all this declaration of the pope is prooued to be vniust and void: forsomuch as when an excommunication is sent out for no iust cause, and without obseruing the iudiciall order, then the curse of the ex­communication is said to redound vpon the head of him that accurseth. Touching an vniust cause, there be testimonies ex­tant in the writings of Augustine *, where in c. temerari­um, eodem. he thus writeth: Rash iudgement doth for the most part hurt him nothing, vpon whom iudgment is rashly giuen, but him that iudgeth rashly must the rashnes of necessitie hurt. Also in the chapter following: What doth it hurt a man that mans ignorance will blot him out of that table, if so be it an euill conscience do not blot him out of the booke of the liuing? Thinke [Page 250] of Augustine what thou wilt, onely let not my conscience accuse me in the eies of God, &c. Etsi, these things are cited out of the same Augustine: Though thou bee condemned of man for a time, the earthly seat is one, and the heauenlie throne another thing: from the low­er he receiueth sentence, from the higher a crowne. Also out of the same Augustine: 11. q. 3. c. E­piscopi, c. nemo. c. certum, c. ex parte, cap cum olim. De sente. excom. I in c. illud planè. will say that boldly and not rashly, that if anie of the faithfull shall be vniustly accursed, it shall rather hurt him that doth, than him that suffe­reth this iniurie. For the holie Ghost dwelling in the saints, by whom euerie man is bound, or loosed, doth not punish any man vndeseruedly. But in iudiciall order is required first cita­tion, then the stubbornnes of him that is cited Host. in sum. tit. de sent. ex­comm▪ num. 7. gloss. in c. sta­tuimus codem tit. in 6.. As for example, saith Hostiensis, if any man being commanded or admonished will not amend his wickednes. cap. ad nostr. De consuet. v­bi concord. in gloss. Furthermore it is requisite that the excommunicator be a competent iudge: otherwise the excommu­nication of an insufficient iudge is none c. solet. &c. venerabilem, & per tuas eod tit. in 6.. Thirdly, if the excommunicat person haue lawfully appealed, or in stead of appealing haue fitly protested *. For he that alled­geth no sentence, though he desire not to be absolued, but (as it falleth out in this matter) shewing lawful causes of Nullity, [Page 251] especially so many, and so lawfull, he must be heard: and in the meane season the sen­tence is suspended, as the same canonists do commonly teach in d. c. per tu­as. & in d. c. so­let.. In like sort if the sen­tence containe an intollerable error: as the same canonists affirme in d. c. solet. in d. c. per tuas.: as in this matter of ours, where the bull of pope Six­tus is conuict of most manifest errors: as is shewed in the last cause of Nullitie, espe­cially where the sentence doth manifestly contain the error of the fact: as Augustine in Sum. con­tra gloss. in d. c. per tuas. noteth. For a sentence pronounced accor­ding to false allegations is in law none: as we prooued before at large.

The fourth Nullitie by reason of the forme of the sentence.

THere remaineth the fourth cause of Nullitie, by reason of the foolish forme of the conceiued sentence. For, as it is com­monly said, the foolishnes of spéech decla­reth the foolishnes of the mind l. pend. D. de cond. & demon l. 1. §. pen. & vlt. D. de aedil. edict.. Therfore a iudge which giueth sentence foolishly, fondly, and absurdly, is called a foole l. vlt. c. de fi­deic. libert., such a one as we shall prooue this Frier, a schol­ler of Francis Bernardo to be, by this his [Page 252] sentence, and Frierlike bull. For he begin­neth thus: The authoritie granted by the in­finite power of the eternall king to S. Peter and his successors, doth surmount all the powers of earthly kings and princes. Sée how the hang­man speaketh sentences. But it is an old rule of the Logicians, that comparisons are vsed in those things onely that are of the same sort. But what agréement is there betwéene the authoritie that was gi­uen to the apostles, which appertaineth to religion and conscience, and the power granted to kings, which consisteth in ciuil and politike matters? Therfore our cow­led Frier hath spoken, as if he had said: The foolishnes of Bernardo his scholler doth surmount the eares of all the asses that are in Arcadia. But that we may an­swer somwhat in earnest, let this conclusi­on come to light. A successor of right, hath no more than his author had. Peter had not authoritie surpassing the powers of kings, but he was commanded to obey them as superiors. Therefore though the pope were Peters successor (which we proo­ued before to be false) yet being inferior to kings, he ought to obey them. The assump­tion is plaine out of these words: Let euery [Page 253] soule be subiect to the higher powers. Whosoe­uer he be that resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. Rom. 13. Tell them that they submit themselues to principalities and powers, that they obey. Tit. 3. Be subiect to eue­ry ordinance of mā for the Lords sake: whether it be to the king, as to the chief ruler: or to pre­sidents, as to those that are sent by him. 1. Pet. 2 But what shall the authoritie of the holie scripture auaile with the pope? For it shall euen now be refuted with this one word: Constantine granted to the pope all the kingdoms of the West, and he comman­ded that emperors and kings should hold his stirrop when he gat vp vpon horse­backe; that they should wait vpon him as pages, and finally that prostrating them­selues vpon the ground they should kisse his féete. This is that preeminence of the popes, whereof he speaketh in this place: such as either was in times past vpon earth, that of his god Francis, when being taken vp into the middle region of the aire, he talked familiarly with Christ: for which cause to auoid that cold he put on a hooded garment: or else is at this day in heauen, where he is said to sit stradling a­boue the Cherubins. But now let vs sée [Page 254] what followeth: Standing firme vpon the rocke, it doth not turne aside from the right course by any contrarie, or prosperous blasts. Who euer heard before this, that either authoritie being set vpon a rocke did saile, or that any ship was euer turned aside from the right course by prosperous blasts? But notwithstanding howsoeuer this ship doth saile, we haue shewed before, that he that did boast that he sitteth in the sterne therof, and doth hold the helme, hath not a place left him so much as in the pumpe, or sinke. Like to this is that that followeth: If he find any that resist the ordinance of God, those doth he more sharply punish. As if euen in the citie of Rome, which is a mansion of al wickednes, the ordinances of God were not resisted: or the pope did sharpely pu­nish any such as resist. But Petrarcha, Mantuan, Sannazarius, and many mo I­talians, call Rome the shop of all wicked­nes, Babylon, Sodom, the schoole of er­rors, the temple of heresies, a shamelesse strumpet.

saith Mantuan. Also in another place:

Also Albericus Rosat. in the word Rome:

Also S. Bernard in his fourth booke of con­sideration to pope Eugenius, cap. 1. Whom wilt thou shew me of a whole great citie, that receiued thee to be pope, without reward, or hope of reward? These being hated of earth and heauen, haue laid hands vpon both: being wic­ked against God: rash against holie things: se­ditious one against another. Also Petrarcha in his epistles: Whatsoeuer is read concer­ning Assyria or Egypt, or Babylon; whatsoeuer is read concerning the labyrinths; finally what­soeuer is read of the entrie of hell, and of the brimstone woods of hell, being applied to this hell it is a fable. Heere is the turretting, and terrifieng Nimrod. Heere is Semiramis with hir quiuer, heere is Minos that cannot be in­treated. [Page 256] Heer is Radamantus. Heer is Cerbe­rus that deuoureth al things. Heer is Pasiphae lieng with the bull, and the mixed kinde, as saith Maro, and the childe hauing two shapes. Heer is Minotaurus moniments of lust not to be named. Last of all you may see heer whatsoeuer is confused, whatsoeuer is blacke, whatsoeuer is any where horrible, or is feig­ned so to be: and to be briefe, a sinke of all wickednes and shamefull things. What saith our pope to these things? Let vs heare the praise of the citie of Rome, out of the chap­ter fundamenta 17. de elect in vj. Rome, saith he, is an holie nation, an elect people, a priestly citie, and a princely, by the holie sea of S. Peter made the head of the whole world. Was there euer any so shamelesse a baud or beast, out of whose mouth came a more shamelesse saieng? Or what shall we saie of our Franciscan frier, who careth for those things that are done beyond the Alpes: who regardeth not what things be done at home? Séeing Paul hath or­dained, that he that cannot gouerne his owne family, haue not the gouernment of the church cōmitted to him. It followeth. Casting down from their throne those that are mightier, he throweth them downe euen to the [Page 257] ground, as ministers of proud Lucifer. How madlie the drunken frier inuadeth the place of Isaias *, which doth properlie Ch. 14. concerne the popes of Rome, and the vni­uersall priests of the church? For Grego­rie the great, doth plainly testifie, that vn­der the person of Nabuchadnosor the v­niuersal pope is described. For in hel there are brought in the damned kings & prin­ces, comming out as it were to méete the pope, and to welcome him comming vnto them after his death, and mocking him thus. Hell was afraide bicause of thee a­gainst the meeting of thy comming, al the prin­ces of the earth that are dead, arise to thee. All the kings of the nations rise out of their throns, and they speak vnto thee on this wise: Art thou also become weake as one of vs, and art thou be­come like to vs? Thy pride is drawne vnto the hell. O Lucifer, when didst thou fall from hea­uen, thou sonne of the morning, and art cut downe to the earth, that didst terrifie the nati­ons? But thou saidst in thine hart, I will clime vp into heauen: I will exalt my throne aboue the stars of heauen. I will clime vp aboue the height of the cloud, and will become like to the most highest. Those that see thee, shall saie, Is this he that troubled the earth, and did shake [Page 258] kingdoms. Now let vs heare Gregorie out of his fourth booke of Epistles. ch. 82. where he applieth that place of Isaias, vn­to him that did professe himselfe to be pope and vniuersall bishop. I will clime vp, saith he, aboue the height of the clowdes: I will be like to the most highest. For what are all thy brethren, the bishops of the vniuersall church, but stars of heauen? Before whom whiles thou couetest to set thy selfe by a worde of pride, and to tread their name vnder foote in comparison of thee, what else dost thou say, but, I will clime vp into heauen: I will exalt my seat aboue the stars of heauen? Whom whiles your brother­hood despising them, doth go about to tread vn­der foote, what other thing saith it, but this which the old enimie saith, I will clime vp a­boue the height of the clowds? Al which things when I behold weeping, &c. By which words it is vnderstood, that the place of Isaias concerning Lucifer, cast downe into the neather most part of the earth, and of his crueltie thrust downe into hell, doth not belong to the most noble king of Nauarre, (than whom the sunne beholdeth nothing more méeke, more gentle) but vnto our Polyphemus Sixtus the fift, and vnto his pride in treading vnder-foote the ma­iestie [Page 259] of kings. But if we must cut the throat of this gyant with his owne sword, lo, we haue a plaine text in his owne de­crée, * where it is thus written. Lucifer de poeniten. dist 2. §. qui vero reprobi. whiles that he presumed of himselfe in pride, he was cast downe from paradyse into hell. Al­so *: Whiles Nabuchadnosor waxing proud in 23. q. 5. §. hinc notandum. his hart, said, Is not this Babylon which I haue built, &c. God did foorthwith change his reaso­nable mind, and he changed him into the forme of beastlines, so that flieng from men, he liued with beasts. Which words he reciteth, re­ferring them vnto the pope (which we wil haue especially noted) and he commendeth Ludouike of Rome *. But now let vs pro­céed in cons. vlt. num. 2. to the rest, after we haue added that one thing out of the 38. leafe of the booke of the Conformities, bicause mention is made of the seat of Lucifer. The peace ma­king Frier being caught vp into heauen, whe­ther in the bodie, or without the bodie God knoweth (let the readers consider how wic­kedly the vile munk doth mock the words of Paul) and he saw in heauen manie seates, a­mongst which he saw one higher than his fel­lowes, bedeckt with pretious stone. And he heard a voice saieng to him: This was Luci­fers seate, and in his place shall humble Francis [Page 260] sit. And this surely is that, which we said before, that Francis Bernardo togither with the rest of his stage plaiers and comi­call mates shall haue a place in Lucifers kingdome: so that we néed not greatly dis­pute whether Francis or pope Sixtus the fift, a bishop of the order of Francis, is wor­thie the seate. It followeth in the bull: Ac­cording to the care for all chruches, people, and nations that lieth vpon vs. Good Lord! What a burden hath our great cowled Frier ta­ken vpon him, séeing he hath taken vp vp­on his shoulders the care both for all chur­ches, and people, & nations. We will héer­after cease to woonder what is the cause, that painters haue in his image pain­ted the form of one that stoupeth. Scarce Atlas, who they say held vp heauen, did beare a heauier burden. What shall then become of vs, if the pope begin to faint and faile vnder that so great a burden, which he complaineth to lie vpon his shoulders alone? They say that the cause of a certain melancholy persons gréefe, was, bicause he was afraid, least Atlas, who had so long borne so great a burden should at length sinke vnder it. But we thinke it good to set downe in this place a certaine pleasant [Page 261] narration of William Budeus a man (as I said before) that loued his countrie, and was very learned, touching these Atlasses, out of his fift booke De Asse: A certain plea­sant and merie preacher, saith he, was woont not long ago, to cauill at them, and to say, that they seemed to him to be such as are those cor­bat images in churches, which are set vpon posts or pillers. For as we see some of these ima­ges as it were yeelding vnder their burden, which are either in stead of corbats, or else they reach without the mortesses of the corbats, and they seeme to one that beholdeth them, as if they tooke great paines, and swet with bearing the worke: whereas indeed they are without feeling, and they help the strength of the stones nothing, howsoeuer they seeme to take great paines: so we see these Atlasses set and placed vpon the very tops of the pillers in the temple of the Lord, hauing indeed that false honor, and maiestie of titles like reuerend old men, and their custome is to pretend holines, and to beare a faire shew of reuerend old men, that vnderprop the Lords sanctuarie: but when we behold their blockish ignorance or dissolute carelesnes, it is euident that they do no more good than images of stone. But it séemeth that we ought not to omit that, which An­toninus [Page 262] archbishop of Florence, whom we haue sundry times before mentioned, hath taught vs, that when as long ago the pope began to faint vnder so great a burden, there were some found that did vnderprop him with their shoulders, namely Domi­nican Friers. For he writeth thus *: Do­minic Histor. part. 3. tit. 23. §. 3. fol. 191. went to pope Innocentius, and praied him to confirme his order of predicants. The pope shewed himselfe at the first hard to be intrea­ted: but vpon a certaine night in a reuelation shewed him by God, he saw in his sleepe that the ioints and couplings of the Laterane church were as it were loosed, and did threaten that it would shortly fall. Which when he beheld trem­bling, and also sorrowing, the man of God Do­minic came to preuent it, who setting to his shoulders, he did vphold all that frame that was like to fall: at the strangenes of which vision whiles he did woonder, and wisely vnderstan­ding also the signification thereof, he did ioiful­ly accept the petition of Dominic: anno Do­mini, 1210. Thus saith he. But what if the Dominicans also who haue now more than thrée hundred yéers with their shoul­ders vnderpropped the papacie that is like to fal, do also begin to faint, and to be wea­kened? There is another helping piller [Page 263] found. For the Iesuits are risen of late, that they being sound & fresh may aide the wearie Dominicans. So that the matter is now brought to the third rank (as it is in the prouerbe.) Who being now weake­ned, the pope is descended to the vaine thunderbolt of excommunications, mistru­sting the principall matter. It followeth in the bull: That not onely the times of our seruice, but also all times to come may bring peace to all parts of Christendome. We spake before of this kind of seruice. Which we prooued to consist therein, that kings and emperors do hold the popes stirrop when he alighteth from his horse: that they wait vpon him when he entreth into cities, like pages: that they giue him diuine reue­rence & worship as he sitteth in his prince­ly throne: and that lieng prostrate vpon the ground, and lieng at his féet, for testifi­eng their bondage they kisse his shooes. But what words are these: At this time we condemne heretiks, that the times to come may bring peace to Christendome? Would our Sixtus vnles he had béen full gorged, well whitled, and starke drunke, not ra­ther haue writen: That in time to come we may bring peace to Christendome? But let [Page 264] vs procéed to the rest of the oracles of this bull. For he addeth afterward: In the realm of France Christian religion hath at all times beene in force, and so great hath been the god­lines, faith, and deuotion of those kings, so manie haue been their good deserts toward the church of Rome, that they had from it the sirname of most Christian. If alwaies Christian reli­gion hath béen so greatly imbraced by the French kings, why haue so many popes so and so often molested so manie kings of France with these most mad curses and proscriptions of theirs? Surely this was the reward and thanks which the popes haue repaied for so great merits of the French kings toward them and their sea. For what power soeuer the popes haue, it is euident they had all that by the benefits and great liberalitie of the French kings, and especially of king Pipinus, & Charles the great, and Ludouike sirnamed Pius: as we shewed before. It followeth: We are compelled to exercise our weapons that are not carnall, against two Sonnes of wrath Henrie somtime king of Nauarre, and Henrie somtime prince of Condie. Surely if any man do not remember by the sword of Iulius the se­cond, whereof we spake before, that the [Page 265] weapons of the popes are not carnall, or fleshly, but of iron, and (as Boniface the eight saith) materiall, yet shall he knowe this by these words of the same Boniface: * Surely, saith he, he that denieth that Peters in c. vnam sanctam. Ex­tra. de maiorit. & obedient. sword is temporall, he doth ill marke the word of the Lord, who saith: Turne backe thy sword into thy sheath. Therfore both swords are in the power of the Church: namely, the spirituall and the materiall sword. Was there euer any Sannio more ridiculous in any comedie than Bonifacius, who saith, that Peters sword, which inasmuch as he was a fisher­man he then peraduenture had at his gir­dle, was such a sword as Paul writeth was giuen by God to magistrates, that they might punish wicked and condemned per­sons? Furthermore, what great doltish­nes is this, bicause Christ forbiddeth Peter to vse his sword, and commandeth him to put vp his sword into his sheath, which he had drawen, to reason thus: That, there­fore it is lawfull for the popes to vse the materiall sword? Therefore let our Sixtus looke about him, how he can winde out himselfe out of this repugnance: that the popes weapons are not carnall, and that the pope hath power of the temporall [Page 266] sword, the material sword, the iron sword. That the popes weapons are not of iron, but that the king of France is commanded by the pope, to pursue the king of Nauarre his néerest kinsman with sword, armes, and camp: and to execute this his sentence in such sort, that all France may be filled with burnings and murders. For this is the very same which Boniface writeth in the same place: that The spirituall sword is exercised by the church, the temporall for the church, the former by the hand of the priest, the latter by the hand of kings and soldiers, but at the beck and sufferance of the priest. These be the words of pope Bonifacius written out in as many letters *: least any man ex d. c. 1. de maior. & obed. should doubt, but that kings must be ready in arms at the popes becke, as fencers at the becke of the maister of fence, and that they must lay down their weapons, when he beckeneth to them againe: that no man I say, may doubt, but that the most cruell and fierce tyrant pope Sixtus the fift, who in this place calleth the king of Nauarre and the prince of Condie by a new and strange kind of reproch, Sonnes of wrath, denounceth to al French men, sword, fire, torture, torment, plague, destruction, and [Page 267] finally an vtter ouerthrow. We are all in­déed by nature sonnes of wrath: as saith Paul, Rom. 3. and Ephes. 2. But the pope is a sonne of wrath by iudgement, malice, and will. But what is that which he doth often repeate in this bull: Sometime king? We shall afterward sée more touching his kingdome. But by what right hath our Henrie lost his name of king? by the same whereby a Sharuebug a scholler of Fran­cis Bernardo doth in this bul cal himselfe the monarch of the church? Wo to thy head, detestable vile-thiefe, and most holie Antichrist. Thou doest boast & reioice that thou art called God: as we haue shewed before. Thou hast kings and emperors in stead of bondslaues: thou desirest to haue diuine honor giuen thée by them. If anie man denie to thée that seruile idolatrie, shall he loose the name of a king or prince? Let vs heare how greatly Saint Bernard detesteth this Antichrist in his sixt sermon vpon the CXCI. psalme. The very offices, saith he, of the dignitie of the holie Church are gone into filthie gaine and the busines of darknes. Neither is the saluation of soules, but riot of riches sought for in these. For this they will be bounsed, for this they frequent churches, they [Page 268] say masses, they sing psalms. They striue impu­dently for bishoprikes, archdeaconries, abbats places, and other dignities, so that the reuenues of the Churches are wasted vpon the vses of superfluitie, and vanitie. It remaineth that the man of sin be reuealed, the sonne of perdition, a diuell not onely of the day, but also of noone day, which is not onelie transfigured into an angell of light, but is extolled aboue all that is called God, or that is worshipped. By which words our Sixtus is shewed to be Antichrist, not yesterday, or to day, or somtimes, but to day, to morrow, the next day, and so long as he shall retaine his tyrannie, which he exerciseth in the Church of God wickedly and vngodlily. It followeth in the bull: He followed errors and heresies from his youth, vn­till such time as being by the exhortations of manie conuerted to the church of Rome (as it was thought) he abiured publikely all his here­sies in the church at Paris. What words be these, From his youth? Séeing that he recei­ued that religion in a maner from his cra­dle, and almost with his milke, which this our hangman dare call heresie. But that is much more absurd, He which was falsely thought to be turned from heresies, con­demned those heresies. For how can he be [Page 269] said to haue changed his former opinion, who is falsely thought to be conuerted? And wheras our cowled Frier bableth of abiuring, we must make that a little more plaine.

The yoong man being scarce one and twentie yéers old, being lodged by the king his cosin, was called out of his bed naked long before day, he was brought amongst fearfull swords, and such as were wet with blood, he did and pronounced quiue­ring and shaking, those things which he was commanded to do and pronounce: he told pope Gregorie those things by his le­gats which he was commanded to tel him. Was that law receiued euer in any part of Barbarie, that those things that were thus done, should either be counted firme and sure, or that they should be thought to be done from the hart? That is an old and a true saieng of doctor Baldus: The holie Ghost put this into the mouth of the praetor: That which is done through feare will I not count firm. Also that: The presence and much more the threatening of a prince and mightier man causeth true feare. Thus writeth An­gel *. And also Abb. Sicul. in his 3. cons. in cons. 223. & cons. 378. vol. 2. Therefore the holie scripture doth [Page 270] witnes, that Peter the apostle being ter­rified by the voice of a sillie woman, did denie God euen with all cursing: but for­somuch as it was euident that that was done through feare and terror, he did ea­sily obtaine pardon at the hands of God. The Canonists report that pope Marcel­linus being terrified with the feare of the painims, did burn incense in the idol sacri­fices, but yet that it repented him after­ward of his fact & heinous offence *. Why C. nunc autem. dist. 21. shall that which is done for feare, be excu­sed in the pope, who professeth himselfe to be the piller of Christian religion: and shal it be counted firme in a yoong man, com­passed about with fearefull swords, drop­ping as it were with blood? It followeth in the Bull: The same Gregorie giuing cre­dence to the letters of the king of Nauarre, as of a king, absolued him from the censures giuen vpon him, taking from him all inhabilitie. The pope would haue these words to be of im­portance: As of a king, as if the authority of kings letters, letters patents, and edicts ought to be most firme. In which place we would gladly know of him, whether he were alwaies an author and perswader, that the letters and edicts of kings should [Page 271] alwaies continue firme? Of which thing there shall alwaies continue in all nati­ons, and amongst all people of the world, shall I say, a remembrance or a most shamefull infamie. But séeing pope Gre­gorie the thirtéenth is said to haue béen so great a doctor and professor of law, ought he not to haue remembred, that no autho­ritie ought to be giuen to letters and in­struments wroung out by violence and feare *? It followeth: He dispensed that not­withstanding l. si donationis, 7. c. de his quae vi & metu. causs. l. inter­positas. 13. C. trans. the lets of the third, and perad­uenture of other degrees of consanguinitie be­tween them, they might contract matrimonie togither, as they did contract it in the face of the church. It can scarce be vttered how many tokens of follie and popish fondnes appéere in these few words. The first is in that, that he saith, that the king of Na­uarre, his matrimonie was contracted through his grant and dispensation, after that the same king had abiured religion. Let vs returne vnto the computation of the time. The cardinall of Bourbon vncle to the same king, in the yéere 1572. the seauentéenth day of the moneth of August, after a masse celebrated in the chief church of Paris, with great pompe and solemni­tie, [Page 272] yet at fower of the clocke after noone, did celebrate that matrimonie in the pre­sence of the king of France, Charles the ninth, and of his two brethren, and in a great assemblie of princes. Then followed the massacre of Paris vpon the feast day of S. Bartholomew, that is vpon the fower an twentith day of the same month of August. But the king of Nauarre did abiure many daies after. But some per­aduenture wil say, the dispensation of pope Gregorie was brought after that abiu­ring, at the intreatie of the cardinall of Bourbon. Whether was it then brought, that it might be lawful to contract the ma­trimonie, which was contracted and ended so long before: or rather that being not lawfully contracted before, it might nowe be confirmed by the popes authoritie and dispensation? If to the end it might be Libro aduersus Faustum. 25. lawfull to contract it, the popes power is greater, than that which the diuines, phi­losophers, & lawyers do grant to almighty God, that things that be past can be chan­ged, that, that which is done can be made vndon: as witnesseth Augustine Lib. de legi. 2., Plato Arist. moral. ad Nicoma­chum. 6. c. 2. Nouel. de ae­qualit. dot. §. 1. l. in bello. 12. §. facta. D. de captu. l. verba. C. de testam. l. verum. D. de reg. iur., Aristotle *, I wil speak boldly saith Hierom, that though God can do all things, yet he cannot [Page 273] raise a virgin after her fall. c. si Paulus, 32. quaest. 5. Therefore, as I said, there is greater power granted to the pope than to God: who causeth that matrimonie alreadie contract, finished, ce­lebrated, and ended, was yet notwithstan­ding neither contract nor celebrated. But if the pope dispensed, that wicked matri­monie, and such as was contract contrarie to the lawes of the church, celebrated, and ended, might be counted firme and good through his authoritie: let vs beware, least he condemne the most mightie king of France, & his most honorable brethren, and the quéene their moother of most cruel wickednes: by whose direction, and who being authors, and counsellors, that matri­monie was contracted. Furthermore, he condemneth all the princes of the blood roiall, and al the chiefe nobles of the realm of France, which were present both at that contract, and also at the masse celebrated at fower of the clock after noone, and with their presence did set foorth the solemnitie of that matrimonie. But the pope doth with these words wound none so déepelie and sharplie, as the foresaide most noble prince, the cardinall of Borbon: who, he saith, did celebrate that matrimonie be­twéene [Page 274] his nephew by his brother, and the king of France his sister, contrarie to the holie canons: to omit the bishop who soong the masse with so great solemnitie in the chiefe church of Paris: and the deane and the subdeane which soong togither with him: the canons of the same church, and the other musitians and organ plaiers, which bare them companie: all which, if that matrimonie were wicked and inces­tuous, the pope ought either to haue ex­communicate, or else to haue absolued from the censures and penalties which they had incurred. Who is he that can a­bide that barbarous and fierce arrogancie, that a disciple of Francis Bernardo, dare condemn a king, whom he bosteth to haue béen called by him, most Christian, of so great wickednes: and to say that he procu­red the incestuous and wicked marriage betwéen his sister and kinsman? And now who is he of so great a number of cardinals, that can patiently abide that this Francis­can shuld offer this reproch to the memory of the former pope Gregorie, that he shuld say that he granted licence to the sister of the most christian king, to marrie with a notorious heretike: that he did either no [...] [Page 275] grant that libertie to the heretike, or else that he did it after he had abiured? Doth he not in these words flatly mocke Gre­gorie being dead: as if he had béene ano­ther pope Celestine, whom Iohn An­dreas, Baldus, Iason, and others do write to haue béen a beast, bicause in the mor­ning he granted grace, and in the euening he reuoked it: whereupon the cardinals, though they knew that through foolishnes he had renounced the papacie, yet bicause he was a beast, they did willingly accept his renountiation: and they created Bo­niface the eight, who is depainted to be a fox in his entrie, a lion in his sitting, and a dog in his fal? Baldus writeth thus in as manie words *. But if we must come née­rer, in c. 1. de natur feud. Jason. in concil. 145. cir­ca primam, nu. 2. vol. 2. what I pray you will our vncowled frier saie, and set downe touching that old and famous contention of the popes, one whereof, namely, Celestine the thirde granted power to either partie of a mar­ried couple, to contract new matrimonie, if the other were fallen into heresie: ano­ther, namely Innocentius the third doth not grant it *? But the impudent foole wil c. quanto, Ex­tra. de diuort. answer, first, that which we saide before, that there be but few friers found that are [Page 276] good canonists: secondly, that though pope Boniface the eight said, that the popes do containe all lawes in the chest of their breast *: yet Baldus wrote no lesse trulie, c. 1. de constit. lib. 6. that though the pope, inasmuch as he is pope, is doctor of both lawes, yet he is for the most part doctor in authoritie, not in knowledge: as saith Iason *. Therfore let in l. praescripti­one, col. 2. C. si contra ius vel vtilit. pub. the first follie of this article be shewed thereby, in that the pope durst saie, that wicked matrimonie was contract by the will, studie, and authoritie of the kings, and of the quéene their moother. The se­cond is vnderstood thereby, in that he wri­teth that he dispensed, that that matrimo­nie might be contract, bicause of the abiu­ration aforegoing, which was ended so long before that abiuring. The third ther­by, that he saith that he dispensed that ma­trimonie once contracted should be con­tracted againe: furthermore, as if lawfull acts, such as it is euident matrimonie is, could be iterated. For as touching that he saith concerning the second degrée of con­sanguinitie, we shal héerafter in a more fit place shew how this cōmeth to passe. But now let vs sée some more things. He sent Iohn lord of Duratium his orator, that he shuld [Page 277] make promise for his repentance and conuersi­on, in the sight of the seate apostolike. Looke out of what shop the letters came, out of the same came that legate: namely, from those which threatened death to the yoong man, being taken and terrified with wea­pons, vnlesse he would obey them to saie as they said. But I pray you what maner riddle is this, In the sight or presence of the seat apostolike? Whether was there some séeing and eied seat carried thither, or is it that which the popes call Stercoraria or the dunghill, in the pontifical booke, others Testiculatrix, or that whereon they grope them, from which they giue sentence ei­ther of the abilitie or inabilitie of the new installed pope? And surely it pleaseth vs well to recite that plesant iest concerning the Stercoraria or dunghill seat, out of the first booke of the popes ceremonies, Sect. 2. c. 3. The pope that is created is led by the prior and Chanons of the Laterane church vnto a seat of marble, which is called Stercoraria or the dunghill, and there they make him sit down: vnto whom the cardinals come and lift him vp honorably, saieng: He raiseth the needie out of the dust, and lifteth the poore out of the mire: that he may sit with the princes, and possesse the [Page 278] seat of glorie. Then riseth the pope, and taketh out of the treasurers lap that standeth by him, so much monie as he can hold in his fist, wherin yet notwithstanding there may be no gold at al, and throweth it among the people, saieng: Sil­uer and gold haue I none; but that which I haue, giue I thee. Whether do we thinke that this is follie of the popes, deseruing to be laughed at, or rather a detestable cu­stome of profaning the word of God? But let vs hold on in the bull, it may be we shal find foolisher things. It followeth: But he, as he was of a diuers and inconstant mind, did shortly after fall away from the catholike faith, and from due obedience toward the apostolike sea. Whether then may we call this follie or madnes? The king of Nauarre was falsely thought to haue returned to the o­bedience of the sea of Rome: and the same being of an inconstant mind fell from the same. Yea truly there appéered great and altogither singular constancy in that yong man, who being day and night beset with armed men, did yet notwithstanding con­tinually séeke meanes to escape, that being frée and at libertie, he might detest that which he had done being inforced by vio­lence and feare. It followeth: He hath of­ten [Page 279] raised vp heretiks, rebels, and seditious per­sons to beare armes against the most Christian king, against him and the rest of the catholikes. This Latin of the popes, agréeth with the rest of his subtilties. The king of Nauarre raised heretiks against the most christian king, against him and the rest of the catholikes. But let vs rather marke the meaning of these words. For the king of Nauarre did neuer beare weapon against the most Christian king: but against the popes conspirators, and the companions of the popes tyranny, his adiutors, and ministers: and finally a­gainst the authors of periurie and treache­rie: as the king himselfe hath most plainly testified in very many edicts tending to pacification. Therefore our chiefe cowled frier, doth wicked iniurie in this place to the most mightie kings of France: séeing he durst charge their maiestie with lieng: by whom it hath béen so often declared in edicts tending to pacification, that those that tooke part with the king of Nauarre & prince of Condie made war not against them, but that it was taken in hand for preseruation of their dignitie and state. It followeth: He hath compelled his subiects with threatnings and strokes * to take the same capescere im­pietatem. [Page 280] impietie. To take the same impietie is a kind of popish eloquence. But that any man was inforced these twenty yéers to change his religion, either by those that tooke part with the King of Nauarre or Prince of Condie, is as true, as it is certaine and sure, that neuer any beast in the brothel­houses of Rome was more impudent than Sixtus the fift in powring out lies. Though it be well, and we must thanke this pope, that he accuseth those by whom silly cap­tiues were inforced by threatenings and stripes to change their religion. For as Lactantius wrote most truly, religion can­not be inforced: the thing must be done ra­ther by words than stripes. But bicause Lactantius doth so dispute in that place, that he séemeth purposely to handle the cause both of the king of Nauarre, and also of the French churches, it is woorth the paines to heare his reasons. The aduersa­ries, saith he, do feigne that they giue counsell to godlie men, and that they would call them backe to a good mind. Do they then seeke to do this by any speech, or by any reason they render? No surely: but by violence and torments, O strange and blind madnes! it is thought there is an euill mind in them, which go about to keep [Page 281] faith: but in the hangman a good. Is there an euill mind in those which are pluckt in peeces contrarie to the law of humanitie, against all right? Or rather in those, which do these things to the bodies of innocents, which neither most cruell robbers, nor most angrie enimies, nor most furious barbarians haue at any time done? And by and by after: And bicause they can do nothing by violence (for the more the religi­on of God is depressed, the more is it increased) let them rather deale by reason and exhortati­ons. Let the bishops, and such as are priests, and prelates of religions come foorth. Let them call vs togither to an assemblie: (These are the daily requests of the king of Nauarre, and such as haue often béene deliuered to the king of France.) Let them draw out the sharpnes of their wit. If their reason be true, let it be brought: we are readie to heare if they teach vs. Surely we giue no credence to them so long as they keepe silence, as we yeeld not one inch when they rage. Let them imitate vs, or let them lay downe the reason of the whole matter. For we do not intise as they obiect: but we teach, allow, shew. Therefore we retaine no man against his will. For he is vnprofitable for God, which wanteth faith and deuotion. And yet no man departeth, the truth hir selfe retai­ning [Page 282] him. Let them teach thus, haue they any confidence of the truth, let them speake, learne, I say let them be so bold as to dispute any such thing with vs: surely the old women whom they contemne, and our boies shall now laugh at, and mocke their error and follie. What fitter thing and more appertinent to the state of these our times could Lactantius write for the king of Nauarre, and French chur­ches? He procéedeth: Butcherie and godli­nes are greatly contrarie: neither can either truth be ioined with violence, or iustice with crueltie. Thus far goeth Lactantius. wher­by appéereth plainly how well the lawes of those old churches, and of our churches agrée togither. It followeth in the bul: He sent a certaine deere friend of his being furni­shed with wicked pollicies, without the borders of France, by whom he imparted his wicked counsels with the chiefe heretiks: and he pro­uoked their forces and arms against the catho­like religion, and the power of the bishop of Rome. It is nothing appertinent to declare whom our frier meaneth in these words: onely we will say thus much. Though he whom he calleth the déere friend of the king of Nauarre, holdeth a place méete for his birth, among the greatest noble men [Page 283] of France, and pope Sixtus the fift came of late out of the beggerie and filth of fri­ers, yet will not that noble man disdaine to charge him with an impudent lie: and to send him (sir reuerence of the hearers) this paper of defiance, if he will haue anie, taken out of the 51. leafe of his conformi­ties: The diuell tempted Ruffine, saieng: Thou art damned, and Francis himselfe is damned, & whosoeuer followeth him, is deceiued. Which when Ruffinus had told Francis, Francis answe­red: If he appeere againe, and say any thing a­gaine, tell him, namely the diuell: Open thy mouth, and I will vntrusse a poynt in it. After­ward as Ruffinus did pray, the diuel appeered to him again, in the likenes of Christ, saieng: Bro­ther Ruffinus, did not I tel thee that thou shoul­dest not beleeue the sonne of Peter Bernardo? Why dost thou vex thy selfe? and streightway Ruffinus said to him, Open thy mouth, and I will vntrusse a poynt in it. Then the diuell being dis­pleased, departed from him in a rage, and with a tempest. Sir reuerence (as we said before) of the hearers. But the impudent mouth of that frier should haue béen stopped with this short answer. For neither did that noble man at any time make any mention of making war, before either any kings or [Page 284] princes: but onely of establishing loue and brotherlie good wil amongst the reformed churches. Though, who doth not sée, how profitable it is for all Christendome, that that wicked and bloodie murtherer of the Church of Christ, that author and defen­der of feigned religions, that he who is conuict of treading vnder foote the maiestie of kings, and the most certaine firebrand of our countrie, should be quite rooted out of the land of the liuing? It gréeueth him indéed to be robbed of so great tributes, which héertofore he had out of Denmarke, Sueueland, England, Scotland, Germa­nie, and Heluetia. But the noble man, whom in this place he touched, saith, that he was neuer so mad as now, when he is like to loose the realme of France: and that he doth the same which the asses that are fed with hemlocke are said to do in Thus­cia: of whom Matheolus writeth, that the fall so fast asléepe, that they séeme as dead: so that the countrimen come often­times to flea them, and haue almost taken off halfe the skin before they are awaked. But when they come to the backe, then at a sudden they start vpon their féet, and ha­uing the one halfe of their skin hanging [Page 285] about their héeles, they make an euill fa­uored braieng: so that somtimes the coun­trimen are sore afraid. The howling of pope Sixtus séemeth to be like this at this time, being spoiled almost of half his king­doms, and being out of hope of the rest, and being now readie to put his necke in the halter to hang himselfe, vnles most migh­tie kings and princes, for restoring his power, do fill poore France with murders and burnings. But let these things hither­to be spoken concerning the protestation of the king of Nauarre. And as for those things that are spoken properly and apart by themselues against the dignitie of the prince of Condie, we take them to be suffi­ciently refuted with this common answer. The pope chargeth him that he came of parents, which were both of them here­tiks. As it is an excellent thing to be com­mended, but of a man commendable: so it is an excellent thing to be discommended, if it be of a discommended, and discommen­dable knaue: such as it is euident that both this cowled baud is, and I cannot tel what other slaues of his the cardinals: who haue so hammered and wrought that thunder­bolt at Rome, as the Cyclops did some­times [Page 286] forge thunderbolts for Iupiter in the mountaine Etna. For who doth not vnderstand to what end this wicked re­proch touching the hauing of two here­tiks for his parents, vttered properly a­gainst the prince of Condie, doth tend? For there is a rule among the canonists, that no ecclesiasticall dignitie be granted to the sonnes of heretiks vnto the second generation *. Therefore no doubt, our Six­tus C. quicunque §. Haeretici, &c. statu. De H. erit. in 6. gloss. in c. 1. in verb regnum. Extr. de praeb. doth prepare this way by the counsell of certain poyoners to take from the most noble prince Charles, brother to the prince of Condie, and comming of the same here­ticall parents, his cardinalship and benefi­ces: which we hope he will easily marke, such is his wisedome. But let vs now pro­céed to the rest of the sentences of Sixtus his bull. For a few lines after, the pope hitteth the same prince of Condie in the téeth with his dispensation, that it might be lawfull for him to marrie his most no­ble kinswoman. What blindnes of mind appéereth in such an impudent lie? The prince had contracted that matrimony cer­taine moneths before that dispensation was brought from Rome. He neuer asked any dispensation: but being hedged in [Page 287] with armed men, which did command him, that he should with his hand subscribe an epistle by them written, and desiring a dispensation, he obeied against his will: euen in like sort as we noted before in the king of Nauarre, cosin to the same prince. But it is woorth the paines to consider, what maner liberalitie this was in the pope, that he should grant leaue to the prince to marrie his cosin-german: which matrimonie is not forbidden, either by the law of God, or by the ciuill law: for in that book before mentioned, the title wher­of is, The Taxes of the apostolike pe­nance, the popes absolution, for him that hath contracted in the fourth degrée, is tax­ed onely at seuentéene grosses. For in the 37. page it is thus written; A dispensation for the fourth degree of consanguinity, for mar­riage to be made or made ignorantly, gross. 17. For the third and fourth degree, gross. 27. For the fourth and fift, gross. 27. and he must agree with the popes treasurie. But if they haue con­tracted themselues wittingly, and haue dispat­ched it, gross. 21. and in like sort for affinitie, gross. 29. What? hath not the pope now somtimes dispensed contrarie to the ma­nifest inhibition of the lawes of God, that [Page 288] it might be lawfull for the vncle by the fa­ther or mother to cōtract matrimony with the brother or sisters daughter? Which notwithstanding ought to séeme so much the lesse strange, bicause pope Martin the fift, entring into consultation with his doc­tors and diuines (as saith the historiogra­pher) dispensed with a certain person, that he should take his owne naturall sister to wife. For Antoninus of Florence hath committed to writing this sacrilege in l si tibi fili­us, & l. si pater­familias. §. in arrogationibus D de adopt.: of In sua sum. 3. par tit. 1. ca 11 §. quod papa. whom Angel. de claua maketh mention, and followeth in his summe, in the word Papa, and Nicolas Boetius in his 20. coun­sell. vtrum papa, num. 26. And bicause the pope hath begun to speake of dispensati­ons, we must not passe ouer euen that o­ther famous dispensation, that it may be lawfull for a frier, laieng aside his cowle for a time, to marrie a wife for a certaine time: namely, vntil his wife be with child, least the noble stocke do die without issue; vpon that condition, that so soon as he hath a child, then the father, letting downe his eares, do returne to his cowle. Touching which thing we may sée Baldus his testi­monie Iohan. Andr. in c. actus legi­timi, & in c. se­mel Deo, de re­iur. in 6. Inno­cent. in c. cum ad monast. in verb. lic., Iohn Andreas & ibi Panor­mitanus de stat monach. Petr. Ancha in con. 339 parum du bitationis. Ma­rian. cons. 13. praesens con­sultatio, & con 28. circa pri­ [...]n., Panormitanus *, who doth also cite others more ancient *. [Page 289] William Benedict in c. Raynu­tius in ver. qui cum alia, num. 26. part. 3.. who noteth that the popes power is to dispense that a marri­age may be made to last onely for a time. Therefore such was the popes liberalitie in permitting to the munks to be married onely for a time, bicause he had learned out of the apostle Paul, that it was ho­norable amongst men of all orders. But on the other side sée either woonderfull great nigardlines, or seueritie of the same man. For pope Callistus 3. (saith Boerius) re­fused to dispense for a deacons marriage, who alledged that he had not the gift of continencie, and that he could not resist the law of the flesh, ne yet want a wife: though cardinall Senensis did at that time make intreatie for him, who did afterward succeed Callistus, being called Pius the second: as he witnesseth in his epistles made in the time of his cardinalship: writing to that his friend, that he must wait for ano­ther pope that may be better. Which historie the same Boerius recorded in the same 20. councell. Therefore let thus much be an­swered to that exprobration of the dispen­sation. For as concerning the last part of the popes declaration, wherein the fore­said princes are iointly crushed with the popes potguns, are excommunicate, pro­scribed, [Page 290] and their kingdoms, dominions, dukedoms, principalities, and iurisdicti­ons adiudged to him that can first get them, we haue sufficiently declared before, that the most part of Christendome ma­keth like account long ago of this kinde of trifles, as the most professors of the popes religion make of the miracles of Bernar­do and Dominic at this day: which reli­gion notwithstanding is so staied vp with the orders of the Franciscans and Domi­nicans, as with most strong pillers, that if they should suffer those pillers to be vn­dermined, they might thinke that their re­ligion were quite vndone. But it séemeth that we must speake somwhat more large­ly of those vain thunderbolts of the popes, long ago contemned and counted as no­thing.

Of the vaine and contemptible thun­derbolst of the popes.

FOr to cite a few of many testimonies, when pope Boniface the eight had pro­scribed with this same ancient boldnes, Philip the faire king of France, the king hauing assembled a parlement, did decrée [Page 291] according to the sentences of the orders, that the filthie legates of the pope, being reproched and ill intreated, should be ba­nished out of the borders of his kingdome. Boniface the pope, saith Laurentius Valla, who deceiued Celestine with trumpets that he had put into a wall, depriued the king of France of his kingdome of France, and iudged that the kingdome it selfe (as if hee would exe­cute the donation of Constantine) was and is subiect to the church of Rome. What? with what minde did king Philip suffer this his madnes? It séemeth more fit to hear the whole matter out of the words of Platina himselfe. Boniface, saith Platina, sent the archdeacon of Narbon to tell the king, that he should set at libertie the bishop of Apame. If he would not do that, he should say in the hearing of all men, that the kingdome of France was turned ouer to the church, and that he should adde a curse, and should absolue all the French men from their oth taken to the king. (Is not this the very same forme of proscription, which our mad headed Six­tus, hath vsed in proscribing the king of Nauarre, and prince of Condie? Platina procéedeth: But in the meane season, saith he, Philip king of France taking the arrogancie of [Page 292] pope Boniface impatiently, holding a great as­semblie of ecclesiasticall persons and noble men at Paris, and setting downe the iniuries that he had receiued at Bonifacius his hands, and his ambition, and wicked subtilties to get the pope­dome, which he held vniustly; he appealed vnto the sea apostolike, which was at that time (as he said vacant) and vnto the next councel that should be held. Wherwith Boniface being smit­ten, holding a generall councell, he maketh Phi­lip and his kingdome subiect to Albertus the emperor, whom he had reiected and put backe in the beginning of his popedome. But then Philip willing to tame his pride, sent Sarra Co­lumniensis, knowen in part of Massilia, and re­deemed from pyrates with Nogaretius a most faithfull French knight, to Rome, for this cause (as he did openly declare) that they might pub­lish his appeale. For he had another purpose in his head. For Sarra entring into Italie appa­relled like a seruing man, hauing gathered to­gither his friend, out of all parts, sendeth No­garetus before to Terentine with two hundred horsemen, being French men, and hired out of the campe of Charles Valesius, that they might aide him from thence, if need should be. But entring by night secretly into Agnania, hauing the Gibellines to aide him, whom Boniface had [Page 293] long and greatlie vexed, he caught the pope in his fathers house fearing no such thing, after he had brok vp the gates, & he bringeth him cap­tiue to Rome, where 35. daies after, he died for sorow. Thus writeth Platina, where he ad­deth also that of Iohn Andreas & Baldus, that he is as a dead dog, who entred like a fox, and ruled like a lion *. In which place, Bald. in c. 1. de nat. feud. it séemeth we ought not to omit that which our cowled frier hath left in writing in his booke of conformities, * in these words. Fol. 103. Pope Vrbane the fift, swore to destroy our order, but he died shortly after: pope Bonifacius the eight caused manie buls to be made, all of one tenor, that the friers minors should be dispatch­ed, as the tēplars, that our whole order might be destroied in one day. Before he could send them, he was taken prisoner, the buls were burned, and the pope himselfe died miserably. But omitting trifles, let vs sée to other things. Surely by these things we vnderstand, that euen at that time, that is in the yéere M. cccvj. these mad and furious proscrip­tions of the popes were contemned of the French kings, & counted as nothing. Nei­ther was the vertue and courage of king Charles the sixt, inferior, about the yéere M. ccccxviij. For as we vnderstand by [Page 294] the records, of the senate of Paris, & both French and Germane chronicles, so soone as Martinus the fift was made pope in the councell of Constance, being not content with so many and so great tributes, vpon which two former Antipopes, and also thrée former Antipopes, and a little before fower Antipopes relieng, had nourished deadly wars amongst them almost for the space of fortie yéers, he began to command moreouer new tributes, in the churches, and especially of France. Which message, after the king had receiued, he determined foorthwith to haue a parlement according to the custome. In that assemblie after the matter had béen long time hard and deba­ted, a decrée was made, that that new kind of the popes exactions should be inhibited. Which so soone as pope Martin knew, he sent foorthwith legates from his traine in­to France, to inhibite principally all the citie of Lions from all holie things. This was woont to be the force of those inhibiti­ons of the popes in that time of darknes, (if happilie any man knew it not) that they shut vp all the church doores, there was no masse saide, there was no vse or exercise of any religion, there was also no [Page 295] ringing of bels. Onely so? Yea surely those that were dead might not be buried in churchyardes. Wherewith it cannot in words be vttred, how greatly mens minds infected with superstition, were terrified. What did they then? Foorthwith accor­ding to the authoritie of the publike assem­blie, & the decrée of the senate of Paris, it was pronounced, that that curse should be counted as nothing. Let them remember, let thē think vpon, let them meditate vpon these things, if there be any in our country of France either so ignorant, and vnskilful of things, or so euil affected towards migh­tie princes, that they thinke that this foo­lish and ridiculous proscription of our cowled frier is of any importance: especi­ally at this time, wherein the hypocrisie of the popes is laid open almost to all Eu­rope. For our Peretus doth as snailes vse to do when winter is ouer: when they féele the heat of the sunne, then they thrust out their swelling necks and two hornes out of their shels, wherwith somtimes lit­tle children are terrified. So he hath long time couched in his munkish den, endu­ring hunger miserably begging from doore to doore. Now when he séeth that he is ad­uanced [Page 296] to so great honor, he casteth his cowle from about his ears, and doth proud­ly shew foorth his hornes, and he hopeth that he shal therewith terrifie princes and kings. But as we haue alreadie said, most Christian princes knowe the blindnes of those beasts: they haue learned long ago what difference there is betwéene a lion and an asse of Cuma: neither are they mooued either with the gaping mouthes of Antiks, and with the téeth making an hidious noise, or with other childish bugs of the same sort. It is recorded that that our French king, of whom we spake euen now, Charles the sixt, did with like cou­rage despise the vaine thunderbolt of the pope, about the yéere of Christ, M, CCCXXX. For when he was proscribed by pope Be­nedict the 13. bicause he had forbidden certaine new and vnaccustomed exactions of pope Benedict, he decréed according to the sentence of the publike councel and or­ders, that the popes legates, which had brought into France that bull which was fearefull to women and children, should suffer this ignominie at Paris: first, that about ten of the clocke in the forenoone, about which time the Senate of Paris [Page 297] vseth to be dissolued, being brought to the gréeses of the pallace, hauing some bishops standing by them, and a great manie of priests, being naked and holding in their right hand a burning torch, they should o­penly confesse the wickednes they had committed: and should humbly craue par­don for the same. Then, that being clothed by the hangman with garments painted to their reproch, and hauing that popes armes turned in in reproch, and being car­ried in a dirtie cart through the chiefe stréetes of the citie, they should be set to be laughed at of the common people. Which thing to haue béene done, and also to haue béene quickly put in execution, the moni­ments of the Senate of Paris do declare, and it is also reported by Paponius. Also In lib. Arrest. 1. tit. 5. Artic. 27. the authoritie of Baldus is extant against that rashnes of Benedict the 13. in c. olim. col. penult. Extra. de rescript. who sharpely and couragiously inueigheth a­gainst the Antipopes of that time: wher­of this Benedict had his sea at Auenion; the other, namely Boniface had his at Rome: and the former of these he called a bellowing oxe, the latter a warring beast: & he inueigheth against both most sharply and most fréely. Moreouer, there is extant [Page 298] in Theodor Nehemius * an epistle of the Vniuersitie and studie of Paris, where Tract. 6. c. 17. this first request is made, that The popes letter made like to a bull be rent and broken, as iniurious, seditious, fraudulent, and offensiue to the kings maiestie, with protestation to proceed vnto greater things: and let all suggesters, fau­ters, receiuers be taken and kept to be punished, and corrected according to the canons. Like courage appéered in the Florentines a­gainst pope Sixtus the fourth, whose name this Sixtus the fift thought he might take, and also imitate his example: who came out of the selfe-same seminarie of Bernar­do. For when he had proscribed the Flo­rentines for that traiterous bishop of whom we spake before, whom they hang­ed out at the court window, and had giuen them to Ferdinando king of Sicilia for a praie, the Florentines contemning the popes vaine thunderbolt, and taking to them the duke of Ferrarie to be their part­ner in war, they beate downe the madnes of the furious and fierce vncowled frier: and inforced him with war and armes, to reuerse his curse. Which historie Raphael Volateranus recordeth in his fift booke of Geographie. Furthermore, there is extant [Page 289] the councel of Francis Aretinus a lawier, being at that time very famous and no­ble: wherein defending the cause of the Florentines, he vseth these words: The crime wherwith the woorthie man Laurentius de Medicis is charged touching rebellion, is so manifestly refuted, that I am ashamed of the voice of the pope in this point. For in his letters written to the same woorthie man, in the mo­neth of September last past, it is declared, that as touching that crime he counteth him as in­nocent and giltlesse, and that he had no sinister suspition of him. Then most holie father, see you to it, why you, after a few moneths do heape vp so manie and grieuous crimes against him. It is not for me to set my face against heauen, onely I will say thus much: It is not honestly done of him that sitteth in the throne of God to vse so great varietie. Thus writeth Aretinus in his 163. councell, as Iohn, num. 3. Time should faile vs, if we would séeke to prose­cute the princes and nobles, who haue con­temned these proscriptions, and vain thun­derings, thunderbolts, lightenings of the popes, euen in former times, in so great mistines and darknes. The emperor O­tho the fourth was proscribed by Inno­centius. Henrie the fourth by Gregorie [Page 300] the 7. Henrie the fift by Pascalis the second. Friderike the first of Sueueland, by Adri­an the fourth and Alexander the third. Philip sonne of Friderike the first, by In­nocentius the third. Friderike the second by Gregorie the ninth, was excommuni­cate not once nor twise, but thrise. Conra­dus the fourth by Innocentius the fourth. But as touching the first beginning of this madnes & boldnes, from whom it first came, the Germane historiographers do not sufficiently agrée. Indéed Otho Frisin­gensis referreth it vnto the yéere, CIC. lxvj. wherein William king of England was proscribed by pope Alexander the second *. Lib. Chron. 6. c. 35. I read, saith he, and read againe the famous facts of the kings and emperors of Rome, and I can find none any where that was excommuni­cate before him. But Iohn Tritemius wri­ting concerning the emperor Henrie the fourth, saith: He was excommunicate by Gre­gorie In Chron. Hir­saug. cap. 4. the seuenth, and was deposed from the em­pire by the synodal decree of the bishops: though he cared not for it. But he is the first amongst all the emperors that was deposed by the pope. But howsoeuer it be (for it is not greatly appertinent to that we haue in hand, what time this insolencie of the popes began) it [Page 301] is euident that in all ages there were ve­ry many couragious men, which despised these thunderings of the popes, as squib­bish thunderbolts, and old bussings, and as fray-bugs to feare children.

Of the kingdome of Nauarre be­traied by the pope.

ANd it séemeth that we ought not to passe ouer in silence in this place, that curse, wherein the king of France Ludo­uike the 12. was proscribed togither with Iohn king of Nauarre his kinsman and subiect. For in the yéere M. DXI. at which time that war, whereof we spake before, waxed hot betwéen pope Iulius the second, and Ludouike the 12. king of France, who was called father of his countrie, and that same furious tyrant went about to terrifie him with his vaine thunderbolts, and had made his kingdome a praie and spoile to him that could get it, Iohn great grandfateer to this our Henrie reigned in Nauarre. He, forasmuch as he both was in the realme of France, and was neighbor to the French king, and also by reason of the great fées he had in his realme was [Page 302] his client and vassall, was requested by king Ludouike, that he would aide him a­gainst his enimie, according to the right of senioritie, and ordinances of seruiceable clientships. The king of Nauarre being not vnmindfull of his dutie toward the king, hauing with all spéed mustered and gathered bands of footemen and horsemen in his kingdom, he brought so great an ar­mie into the borders of France, that he left his realme in a maner naked and de­stitute of men. Which thing being know­en, pope Iulius determined foorthwith to deale by messengers with Ferdinando king of Spaine (to whom he then first of all gaue the sirname of Catholike, anno 1492.) that with all spéede he should make readie an armie, and should inuade the do­minion of the king of Nauarre who was absent: and he promiseth that for his part he would both proscribe Nauarre for an heretike and schismatike, and would also giue him his kingdome for a reward. Fer­dinandus hauing gotten so fit an opportu­nitie to do an exploit, determined not to be wanting to himselfe. After the curse was pronounced and published against the king of Nauarre, he assembled his [Page 303] forces: and entering the borders of the king his neighbor being absent, he tooke first the principall citie of the king­dome named Pompiopolis, and then af­terward the most part of the whole realm: hauing (as we said) pope Iulius for his au­thor, a good one, and without all doubt a fit one: if in the rule of the law, wherin it is written, that He possesseth vniustly, which possesseth hauing the pretor for his author: it were written the pope for his author, in stead of the pretor for his author. Soone after the king of France, being not igno­rant that the senior ought to deliuer his vassall from the danger of that euent (which thing euen Bellaius Langaeus som­times a most excellent light of France doth plainely testifie in his first booke of commentaries) sent his armie to recouer Pompiopolis, ouer which he set as cap­taine Dunosius chiefe gouernor of Aqui­tania, and duke of Longouilla. But it sée­meth more conuenient to defer vntil some other time, what happened both at that time, and many yéeres after: and to set it downe in a booke written of those things. For it is sufficient for vs to vnderstand at this time, that the king of Nauarre great [Page 304] grandfather to him that now is, was spoi­led of his kingdome for none other cause, saue onely bicause he aided as he ought, the king of France his neighbor, his seni­or, being excommunicate by pope Iulius, proscribed and pronounced to be an here­tike and schismatike. Whereof not onely the French historiographers are witnes­ses, and amongst these Arnoldus Ferro­nus, and Bertrandus Helias, but also the Italians and Spaniards, and chiefly Stephen Garibaius, in his 29. book. Fran­cis Tarapha, and Anthonie Nebrissensis in his booke concerning the war of Na­uarre *. In which places me thinks we 1. c. 1. 2. 3. should not omit the arrogancie of a Spa­nish peasant (as we say commonly) who railed vpon and slandered the most wise, and moderate king of France that euer was, and that in these words: Ludouike, saith he, the French king, a man most in­constant Ch. 2. after the maner of his nation, be­ing not content to kéepe himselfe within his owne little skin, that is, within the borders of his own kingdom, set his mind toward Italie. And shortly after: There­fore pope Iulius the second being angrie, tooke the sword out of Peters hands, and drew it [Page 305] against the rebellious and stubborne: he decla­reth them to be schismatiks, and therefore he­retiks: he maketh their goodes common: for the execution of which sentence he calleth vp­on Christian princes, & chiefly vpon our prince. Also chap. 3. Therefore the gouernor of the countrie of Spaine, fearing the rage of the French men, doth exhort Henrie king of the Britans (to whom Aquitania did belong) to re­quire it againe by war: and that he might haue iuster cause to aske it againe, the apostolike au­thoritie commeth betweene, whereby he depri­ueth the French king of Aquitania (let the se­nators and kings counsellers in France marke) and giueth it to the king of Britane to possesse and enioie. And by and by in that place where he bringeth in the pope con­ferring with his cardinals: The king of Spain (saith he) must be holpen. We must draw out both our swords against the common eni­mies of all good men the kings of France and Nauarre: and whiles that we whet the one, that is the secular, in the meane season let vs bend the other, namely the spirituall, against the necks of schismatiks. Therfore by the com­mon decree of the cardinals, the king of Na­uarre was declared to be a schismatike, and therefore an heretike: bicause being often ad­monished [Page 306] he was waxen stubborne, and he did openly professe that he was French. He was fi­ned in his kingdome and all his goods: not one­ly he, but also his wife, and his sonnes with all their posteritie, and all his right of being king was translated vnto Spain. The Spanish Ne­brissensis saith thus in as manie words: wherby we vnderstand, by what right, by what author, and for what cause, the king of Nauarre was robbed of his kingdome. Indéed Guicciardin in his 11. booke of his Italian historie setteth downe his iudge­ment touching this matter in these words: When the king of Spaine, saith he, could not af­firme that he did lawfully possesse the kingdome of Nauarre for any other cause, or by any other title, he reasoned that he had possession by the right of the popes commandement, and autho­ritie of the holie sea. For the pope being not well content with things that fell out happily in Ita­lie, had a little before published a decree against the king of France; wherin calling him no more most Christian, but most noble, he made him, and all that tooke his part, subiect to the penal­ties of heretiks and schismatiks: and hauing granted power by right to take and enioy their goods, kingdoms, and all that they had, he decla­red them to be condemned. To the same ef­fect [Page 307] also writeth Arnoldus Ferronus a most learned historiographer in matters of France, and sometimes senator of the Parleament holden at Burdeaux, in these words: Ferdinandus, saith he, king of Spaine, so soone as he vnderstood of the league made betweene the kings of France and Nauarre, turned his forces prepared against the French king, against the king of Nauarre: and this was the cause that Ferdinando did cast out the king his neighbor: though he did also pretend another, bicause both the king of France, and those that did aid him, were pronounced accur­sed by the popes edict, and their kingdoms were made common. Thus writeth Ferronus, whereby we may coniecture, what great danger hangeth ouer the most noble prin­ces of Germanie, and so consequently ouer all the kings of Europe, by reason of that so néere a conspiracie of the popes, and the Spanish inquisition. For by this short cut any munke, so he be of a craftie and subtill nature, hauing taried some time in Spain (as this our Sixtus) and hauing béene con­uersant with the inquisitors of Spaine, may make such a bargain and league with them, that if through their fauor and com­mendation he may obtaine the popedome: [Page 308] then he may pronounce what king or prince soeuer he will, a schismatike or he­retike taking to him any occasion: he may adiudge to them his kingdom, opened and committed as a fée to the sea of Rome. Therefore we are to wish, that we may once haue some king giuen vs, that may be of a valiant courage, that he may thrust this whoore of Babylon out of hir seat, and may at length rid the Church of Christ from so long and miserable seruitude, and restore hir to hir former libertie and dig­nitie: which courage that king of ours Lu­douike the twelfth, who was called the parent of the countrie, being wearie of that bondage, tooke vpon him; when after that furious curse of pope Iulius, he com­manded French crownes to be coined in France with this inscription: Ludouike 12. by the grace of God king of France: duke of Mediolanum. And then on the other side the armes of France and Medi­olanum ioined togither, with this inscrip­tion: I will destroy Babylon. Of which name if happily any man be ignorant, let him read the Reuelation of Iohn, ch. 17. and Hierom in his catalog, where he ma­keth mention of Mark, and writeth plain­ly, [Page 309] that Peter did figuratiuely vnderstand Rome by Babylon in his former epistle * Ch. 5.. Also in the prolog of his booke touching the holie Ghost, where he doth plainly call Rome Babylon, and that purple whoore, which is described in the Reuelation. Which thing he doth likewise confirme vpon Esay, c. 14. and againe, c. 47. and vn­to Aglasia in the 11. question. For which cause Paula also and Eustochium in that epistle, which they wrote vnto Marcellus, do in like sort call Rome Babylon: and no whit more obscurely Hierom in his epi­stle: When I was at Babylon, saith he, a citi­zen of the purple whoore, &c.

The conclusion of the former protestation.

THese things therefore being thus set down, it remaineth that we conclude this reason: Séeing pope Sixtus the fift hath béen condemned by the most part of Christendome, of seauen most gréeuous crimes, namely of impietie, of vsing tyran­nie in the Church, of corrupt religion, sa­crilege, treason, rebellion, and forgerie: and séeing that hauing followed the inso­lencie, [Page 310] boldnes, and crueltie of those that went before him, he hath published this most mad decrée contrarie to all lawes di­uine and humane, vsing false allegations, and that without any iudiciall order, yea foolishly, blockishly, & impudently, against the most excellent king of Nauarre, and most noble prince of Condie, and hath bur­dened them with filthie and geason repro­ches of words, forasmuch as he called them sonnes of wrath, obstinate heretiks, noto­rious, relapsed, such as lie tumbling in filth, rebels against the most Christian king, persecutors of the Church, a detesta­ble issue, traitors against God and man: and did for these causes depriue them of their principalities, dukedoms, lordships, fées, and all honors, and of the right of law­full succession in the realme of France: and forasmuch as this his old and outragi­ous boldnes of abiudging and adiudging of kingdoms, doth plainly appertaine vn­to all kings, princes, and potentates of Eu­rope, and it is to be feared least those that shall be desirous of other mens kingdoms, will lay wait for peaceable and quiet prin­ces héerafter, by this policie of excom­munications or proscriptions: for these [Page 311] causes the foresaid princes protest, that the same pope Sixtus the fift is to be counted a wicked, periured, sacrilegious person, a ty­rant, an author of feigned religions, a cru­ell and bloodie murderer of the Church of Christ, an importunate and wicked eni­mie of religion, and to be most assuredly Antichrist: and that al monarchs of Chri­stendome, kings, princes, potentates, and those that haue any gouernment or lawful power, are to be requested and earnestly intreated, that they will helpe these most roiall princes to suppresse the furie of this fierce tyrant, and to breake in péeces his cruell and furious assaults: and that they will lay their heads togither, and ioine togither their forces to extinguish that plague of mankind, and to deliuer the Christian commonwealth from that mon­strous and deadly monster. In the meane season, that the foresaid pope Sixtus the fift ought, for his intollerable reprochfull words, which he hath powred out against our foresaid princes with a beastly mind, to be accounted and called of al Christians, a most hidious monster, a most filthy mon­ster, and a monster not woorthie to be be­stowed euen in the farthest parts of the [Page 312] world, but such a one as ought to be bani­shed out of the coasts and borders of mans nature, as a most certaine, notorious, and manifest Antichrist: to whose accursed head all Christians ought to wish an euill plague, ruine, and destruction, that so long as any breth shall remaine in his accursed bodie, so long he may be to all the godlie Anathema Maranata, as saith the holie Ghost. And least happily any of vs do thinke this to be a new and vnwoonted kind of curse, we will desire the readers, that they will first of all remember those places, which we cited before, specially out of the books of Saint Bernard: where the papacie of Rome is flatly, plainly, by name called Antichrist, the sonne of perdition, the man of sinne, a diuell not onely of the day, but also of the noone day, who is not onely transfigured into an angell of light, but is extolled aboue al that is called God, or that is worshipped. Now Hierom cal­leth Rome Babylon, and the purpled whoore. Secondly, that they read and at­tentiuely consider the most holie sanction of the popes decrée *, where it is ordained, In c. 2. dist. 23. &c. si quis pe­cunia, dist. 79. that He which by monie, or fauor of men (such as it is manifest this frier had in the west [Page 313] parts) or by tumult of the people, or by anie pol­licie (that is, by ambition and euill arts) shall attaine to the papacie, let him be accoun­ted not apostolicall but apostaticall, and let him togither with his fautors and followers be cast out of the bounds of the holie Church of God, being thence separated, as Antichrist, and as an inuader and destroier of all Christendome. Whereto the canonists durst with great consent subscribe, and openly professe thus much, that The pope being chosen otherwise than canonically, is a diuell, and hath not the keies of heauen but of hell. For these be the words of Felinus *. Let them further­more In c. Ego N. de iureiur. consider, that all the popes, cardi­nals, and bishops which haue borne rule in the church of Rome more than an hundred yéeres, came assuredly out of the seminarie of schismatiks and apostataes. For it is now almost an hundred and fiftie yéers a­go, sithence the councel of Basill was kept and held with the great desire & will of all Christian estates. It is well knowen that neuer any councell was called, had, and kept in the church of Rome with greater solemnitie, than this. For it was both cal­led by the decrée of two popes, namely, of Martin the fift, and Eugenius the fourth, [Page 314] and also it was held, their legates being presidents. Eugenius being cited and cal­led out of the same councell after that they had solemnly heard the cause, he was at length conuict of fraud, iuglings, craftie conueiances, and factions against the li­bertie of that councell, and so put from the popedome, and disgraded as a schismatike and reuolt, togither with all the cardinals and bishops, which tooke his part. And A­medaeus duke of Sauoy was put in his place. Let vs heare what maner end this tragedie had. Soone after the same Euge­nius being condemned, depriued, disgra­ded, was through the fauor of certain prin­ces restored to his sea, and he likewise re­stored with him all the cardinals and bi­shops that tooke his part. And Amedaeus, hauing (though against his will) a cardi­nals hat giuen him, did resigne his pope­dome. Let graue men and such as are of courage now consider, whether according to that most holie function of the popes de­crée, wherof we spake euen now, they be to be counted apostolicall or rather aposta­ticall: whether they haue the keies of hea­uen or of hell, who arising out of that semi­narie of the Eugenians beare rule in the [Page 315] church of Rome in these times. Which, that it may more commodiously be iudged, it is woorth the labor to heare and knowe the opinions of the doctors and lawiers, who haue written somewhat touching this matter, and first of all of Ludo­uike of Rome, who was present at the councell of Basill, where he wrote the last councell, whose words are these *: If the num. 15. shepheard of shepheards offensiuely gouerning, and inordinately handling the church, being admonished by the church, do not foorthwith repent, yea continue in his insolencie of gouern­ment, he may and ought to be put from his of­fice. For seeing he honoreth not the church, ad­monishing him wholesomly; neither shall he then deserue to be honored of the church: so that it should tollerate him gouerning offensiuely, and being incorrigible: being an argument of that which the orator Domitius saith: and Hierom reporteth in his epistle to the Neopolitanes, saieng thus: Why then should I count thee as my prince, seeing thou dost not take me for a senator? * Therefore the truth is, that the pope dist. 95. c. esto subiectus. offending the church notoriouslye with his crimes, and remaining incorrigible, may be ac­cused to the church, and by the same be vnca­sed of his popedome. Which conclusion is shewed [Page 316] farther thus: The pope standing in a notorious crime that offendeth the whole church, and be­ing vnwilling to cease of, falleth into suspition of heresie *. He that liueth rebelliously, and refu­seth c. nullus. dist. 38. sic dicente. to learne and do good things, is shewed to be a member rather of the diuel than of Christ: and he is shewed to be rather an infidell than a beleeuer. Thus saith Ludouike of Rome, who, as we said, was present at the coun­cell of Basil with great authoritie. Where be those that dispute, that they are and ought to be counted heretiks, which set themselues against the popes tyrannie? Which thinke that his outragious bold­nes in proscribing kings ought not any longer to be borne with? Which detest the impietie of Sixtus the fift, in maintaining the feined religions of Bernardo and Do­minick? But now let vs cite another au­thoritie of the same notable man out of the same councell: for shortly after *, he num. 17. saith thus: If naturall reason tell vs, that an incurable member that infecteth the whole bo­die ought to be cut off for the safetie of the whole bodie: in like sort ciuill reason ought to tell vs, that an incurable member that infec­teth the whole mistical church, must be cut off, that the rest of the bodie be not infected or of­fended: [Page 317] and consequently the pope: (let vp­rightnes of minds be vsed in reading these things, and let these words of Ludouike of Rome be compared with that our curse and detestation:) who though he be a princi­pall part of the church, yet is he also a member of the bodie of the church, according to the glosse. * Also the reason of the scripture of God in c. ecce, 93. dist. persuadeth this, approouing the asseueration of Caiphas the chiefe priest, who said: It is expe­dient that one man die for the people, and that all the people do not perish: seeing that though he were pope placed to gouerne the people, yet ought he not to be their ruine: saith text. 11. q. 3. ita corporis. Yea he is worthie of as ma­nie deaths, as he sendeth ouer examples of de­struction to his subiects, saith text. eadem caus. & q. in c. praecipuè. For as it is a lau­dable and discreet thing to giue reuerence and honor to superiors, so it is a point of vprightnes, and the feare of God, not to cast behind vs by any dissimulation the things that are in them, and need any correction: least the disease go through the whole bodie, if the sicknes be not cured in the head, saith text. 2. q. 7. c. sicut in­quit. This conclusion is also prooued by the text. in c. in canonibus, 16. q. 1. and in d. c. sed illud. So likewise he ought to be banished [Page 318] out of the church, who is not amended by the admonition of the church: as the Lord saith, Take away euill from among you. For those wounds must be launced, which feele not the softening of the medicine argum. de iu­dic. c. cum non ab hom.. Thus writeth 82. dist. c. quia aliquanti 1. q. 1. c. reperiun­tur. Ludouike of Rome word for word. Wher­by, being compared with that our detesta­tion, vpright readers may iudge, whether iustly or vniustly we haue so boldly accur­sed the tyrannous boldnes of that pope. Moreouer, to that complaint of Ludouike of Rome agrée those things which cardi­nall Zabarella wrote about the yéere, M. ccccvj. in his treatise of schisme, num. 20. For euery notorious crime of the pope, saith he, if he cannot be reformed, and do offend the church, he may be accused, bicause he is accoun­ted as an heretike in c. olim. col. pen. extra. de rescrip.: for this incorrigiblenes not. in gloss. 40 dist. c. si papa. concerneth the cause of faith: as in the same gloss. And if it so fall out, that these men defend themselues by their temporall power, they may be bridled for the fact, euen by secular power *. Thus saith Zabarella. But Baldus * wri­teth more bréefly thus: Against the pope ab­vsing his authoritie, we must first vse words (that is, admonitions:) then herbs, (that is, threatenings:) thirdly stones: and that where the nature of vertue is not sufficient, the aid of [Page 319] armes must be of force there. And to the like effect writeth Iason in his 95. coun­cell, requisitus. col. 4. It is lawfull, saith he, to resist the pope when he offendeth the church, and he is not to be borne with c. etsi illa, 1. q. 7. &c. sunt. quidam. 25. q. 1.. Also Innocentius in c. inquisi­tionis, de sent. excom. & in c. quanto, de con­suetud.. And the Abbat in c. cum te­neamur, de ap­pellat.. Also Hie­rom speaking of the pope in c. non om­nes episcopi. 2. q., saith: that Vn­sauerie salt is good for nothing, but to be cast out at doors, & to be troden vnder foot of hogs. Thus writeth Iason, with as good corage it séemeth, as either Ludouike of Rome, or Zabarella: though notwithstanding they wrote these things in Italie, and in so great darknes of the church of Christ. And to the same effect speaketh Philip Decius in his councell, 151. maximi ponderis num. 4. vol. 1. When saith he, the pope is in­corrigible in any notorious crime, by reason whereof the church is offended. glo. in termi­nis in c. si papa. 40. dist. he holdeth that the pope may be accused: and out of that glosse there was a great foundation laid against Eu­genius the fourth, in the councell of Basil: and that glosse is commonly holden by all: as the ab­bot saith in c. significasti: de elect. & in disput. episco­pus quidam & rector. where he saith, that the whole world approueth that glosse, and Ludouicus of Rome approoueth that glosse by many reasons. in concil. 523 First bicause the pope that per­sisteth [Page 320] in a notorious crime, and will not be re­formed, falleth into suspicion of heresie. 38. dist. c. fin. 86. dist. c. si qui sunt. &c. fin. de poenit. But the pope may be accused for heresie d. c. si papa.. Therfore for such a crime. Secondlie bicause a bishop is remooued from a particular church, that the offence may be taken away, as Innocentius no­teth: in c. cum pri­dem, de renun. it seemeth we may saie the same of the stronger in the highest bishop, in whom the vni­uersal church is in danger. Thirdlie by the au­thoritie of the Gospell. If thine eie or thy foote offende thee. Whereupon the text saith finelie, in c. illud sanè, 24. q. 3. For it is expedient that one man die for the people, and that all the people do not perish. Therefore let that pope that cannot be reformed die ciuilly, that all the church do not perish, bicause the pope being set to gouerne the people, ought not to be their fal: as the text saith 11. q. 3. in c. ta corporis.. For he is woorthy as manie deaths, as he sendeth examples of perdition to those that are his 11. q. 3.. Which things séeing they are so, we conclude againe without delay, that not onely the excommunicati­on of the foresaid pope Sixtus the fift is to be counted as nothing, by reason of the in­sufficiencie of the rash iudge, the allegati­on of a false cause, the want of iudiciall or­der, and the follie of the sencence concei­ued: but also to the end the curses of the [Page 321] same pope Sixtus may turn vpon his own pate, he is conuict of seauen most heinous faults, and that by most assured testimo­nies, and therefore ought to be héerafter accounted of all Christians, an execrable and detestable Anathema Maranata.

Amen.

For the perpetuall memorie of the thing.

THe authoritie granted to Saint Peter and his successors by the infinite power of the eternall king, surpasseth all the powers of earthlie kings and princes, and standing vpon a firme rock, and being not turned aside from the right course with anie contrarie or prosperous blasts, it vttereth such iudgement against al men, as cannot be shaken: & doth diligently prouide espe­cially that Gods lawes may not be broken, and if it finde any resisting Gods ordinance, it doth sharply punish them, & casting downe from the kinglie seat euen those that are more mighty, it throweth them downe euen to the lowest part of the earth, as mini­sters [Page] of proud Lucifer. Wherfore according to that care for all churches, and people, and nations, that lieth vpon our shoulders, that the saluation of their soules may especially be prouided for, and that not onelie the times of our seruice, but also all times to come being purged from wicked and detestable monsters, may bring peace and rest to all parts of Christendome: and especially to the most ample realme of France, wherein Christian religion hath so florished alwaies; and so great hath beene the godlines, faith, and deuotion of the kings thereof; so many haue bin their deserts toward the church of Rome; that they by full good right had from the same the most glorious sirname of Most Christian; and also that we may neuer be accused before God for neglecting the care of our office, we are at this time compelled to exercise the weapons of our warfare, which are not carnal, but mightie through God to throw downe strong holds, against two sons of wrath especially, Henrie Borbon somtimes king of Nauarre, and Henrie Borbon somtimes prince of Condie. For that king quondam, hath followed from his verie youth the errors and heresies of Caluin, and hath so long shewed himselfe a stub­borne patrone thereof, vntill being conuerted (as it was thought) vnto the catholike and apostolike faith of Rome, by the godlie, and often exhortati­ons of Charles the ninth of famous memorie king of France, & of our most deerely beloued daughter in Christ Queene Katherine his most godlie mo­ther, and also of our welbeloued sonne Charles, of the title of S. Chrysogonus, cardinall priest of Bor­bon his vnkle, and of Ludouike duke of Mompen­ser, and by most manifest exhortations of diuines of excellent learning and vertue; he did openly in [Page] the church at Paris condemne all hereticall opini­ons contrarie to the catholike faith, he accursed them, and abiured them, & did openly professe the catholike faith; and hauing sent sundrie times his letters to pope Gregorie the thirteenth our prede­cessor, of blessed memorie, wherin he now acknow­leging the same our predecessor to be supreme hed of the church, humbly besought him, that he would vouchsafe to accept the confession of his repen­tance, conuersion, and obedience, and to grant him pardon for those things that were past, and also the grace of remission: firmly promising that he would continually keepe soundly, and inuiolably the ca­tholike faith. To the which letters, as being a kings letters, our predecessor giuing credence, and being mooued with the bowels of fatherlie loue, and also being perswaded with the most graue testimonie of the king, of the Queene his mother, of the cardi­nall, and duke aforesaid, touching such his conuer­sion; absolued him, confessing his former errors and humbly crauing pardon, from the crime of he­resie, and from the ecclesiastical censures which he had therefore incurred; and he admitted him into the bosom of the holy mother the church, and into the fellowship of the faithfull, taking from him all incongruitie. Nay furthermore that he might be bound with a more strait and firm bond, he dispen­sed with him and Margaret sister to the said king Charles, who being borne of that most Christi­an stocke, and being well brought vp, was thought to be able easily to keepe hir husband in his du­tie, and in obseruing the catholike religion, that notwithstanding the lets of the third, and perad­uenture of other degrees of consanguinitie be­tweene them, and also of spirituall kindred, they [Page] might contract matrimonie betweene them, as they did contract it in the face of the church; and that done, after a few moneths he sent Iohn Lord of Duratium his orator to our said predecessor, that in his behalfe he might promise concerning his repentance, conuersion, faith, and constancie in presence of the sea apostolike; & after that a pub­like, and solemne consistorie was made for him in the kings hall according to the custome, in the as­semblie of the cardinals and prelates of the holie church of Rome, and in a great concourse of others hauing professed all the foresaid things, the same Henrie was admitted as a king lately conuerted to the faith, and as catholike, the whole citie reioi­cing, and triumphing, and giuing great thanks for the sheep that was found & recouered. But he as he was of a diuers and inconstant mind, falling awaie shortly after from the catholike faith, and from due obedience toward the apostolike sea, and from o­ther things professed by him expressely and with an oth, and turning backe to that filth wherin he tum­bled before, withdrawing himself secretly from the most christian king, & hauing gathered togither in a place, a good way distant from the kings court, so great a multitude of wicked heretiks, and of wicked men of that stampe as he could, he openly reuoked there all those things which he before had done concerning the detestation of Caluinisme, the ab­iuring of all heresies, and the profession of the ca­tholike and apostolike faith of Rome: testifieng that he did professe Caluinisme, as he professed it, and hath alwaies sticked to that heresie with an ob­stinate and hardened mind; and liuing therein vn­till this day, he hath raised vp sundrie times here­tical rebels, and seditious persons (whose head, cap­tain, [Page] and defender he hath alwaies been in France, and also a most earnest fauorer of outlandish here­tiks) to beare armes against the foresaid Charles, and also against our most deerly beloued sonne in Christ Henrie the most Christian king, though he ought to haue reuerenced him, as his king and maister, to haue loued and followed him as his wiues brother, I saie, forgetting all dutie and godli­nes, he hath raised them vp against him and all ca­tholikes, he hath gathered most deadly armies, ha­uing gotten vnto him heretiks of other nations, by whom all places euerie where are defiled with the bloodie murders of godly men, holie temples are polluted and pulled downe, priests and religious men are slain with torments: furthermore, he hath taken the cities & fortresses of the catholiks, partly by policie, and partly by force and armes; and in them hath he forbidden and taken away the rites of the catholike church, he hath appointed hereti­cal ministers, & preachers, he hath inforced the ci­tizens inhabitants to tread in the steps of the same impietie, euen with threatnings & stripes. But thin­king with himself that he had not yet don ynough, amongst others he sent a certaine deere friend of his, furnished with his wicked subtilties, without the borders of France to diuers places, by whom he imparted his wicked counsels with certaine chiefe heretiks, and he prouoked their strength and forces against the catholike religion, and the power of the bishop of Rome; also he caused certain secret con­uenticles of heretiks to be kept in diuers prouin­ces; at some whereof (whiles those most vniust leagues against the catholike faith, and principally against the churches, clergie, and all the catholikes of the realme of France were handled) he himselfe [Page] was not onely present, but also a principall actor therein. And as for Henrie Borbon prince of Con­die, hauing two heretiks for his parents, forasmuch as they during their whole life had obstinately che­rished the deadlie opinions of Caluin, and the mi­nisters therof, he following the heresies of the same his father and mother, did commit like offences being but a yongling: afterward with like indeuor as the other Henrie vsed, taking the way of truth through repentance, and humblenes of hart (so much as could be gessed) and detesting likewise, and abiuring publikely all errors and dotings of he­retiks, he professed the catholike faith, as is said be­fore. Which things being brought to the same popes eares, and like intercession being made for him, the same our predecessor absolued from he­resie and such censures, him, and Marie somtimes of Clieue his pretensed wifc, being at that time in­fected with the same crime of heresie, being in like sort penitent, detesting, and professing; and he receiued them into the bosome of the catholike church, and companie of the faithfull: yea more­ouer he dispensed with them, according to the a­bundance of his fatherlie loue, that they might contract matrimonie betweene themselues not­withstanding the let of the second degree of con­sanguinitie, wherewith they were holden both of them. But he shortly after returning vnto his old impietie, and entring that most wicked waie, wher­in the footsteps of Ludouike of Condie his most wicked father, a persecutor of the catholike church had troden, and walking in the same footesteps, he likewise shewed himselfe a captaine and defender of the same heretiks and wicked persons of the said realme of France, and also an author of ciuill wars [Page] and seditions: he conueied into France bands of hereticall soldiers being strangers, he assaied to be­siege townes and cities, he ouerthrew churches, he did profane and destroie holie things; he did most cruelly murder priests; & appointing in their pla­ces ministers of wickednes, he commanded their peruerse doctrine to be published & retained: and finally he vsed all kind of crueltie and sauagenes, as well against Gods ministers, as also against other professors of the catholike faith. All which things forasmuch as they be manifest, publike, and notori­ous: and forasmuch as we do fully & perfectly know especially by the processe made in the time of the same pope Gregorie our predecessor, of blessed me­morie, & by manie other documents, & most graue testimonies, that Henrie sometimes king, and Hen­rie of Condie aforesaid are guiltie of the notorious and inexcusable crime of heresie, and that they are relapsed into heresie, and also that they are guiltie of fauoring heretiks; We being inforced to drawe the sword of vengeance against them according to the dutie of our office, are verie loth to do it, bicause we must for these offences turne it against this de­testable and degenerate issue of the noble house of Borbon, wherin there hath alwaies appeered since­ritie of sincere religion, & worship of vertue, and o­bedience toward the apostolik sea. Therfore being placed in this high seat, and fulnes of power, which the King of kings and Lord of lords himselfe hath giuen vs though vnwoorthie, by the authoritie of almightie God, and of Peter & Paul his Apostles, and by our owne authoritie, and by the councell of our reuerend brethren the cardinals of the holie church of Rome; we pronounce and declare, that Henrie somtimes king, and Henry of Condie afore­said, [Page] haue been and are heretiks, relapsed into he­resies, and impenitent; also captaines and fauorers, and manifest, publike and notorious defenders of heretiks, and so to be guiltie of treason against the maiestie of God, and to be such enimies of the true and sound Christian faith, that they can defend themselues by no cunning shift or excuse, and that therfore they haue damnably incurred the senten­ces, censures, and punishments contained in the holie canons, and constitutions apostolike, and in the lawes generall and particular, and such as are due to relapsed and impenitent heretiks, and speci­ally that the same haue been and are depriued in law, Henrie somtimes king, namely, of the preten­sed kingdome of Nauarre, and of the part there­of, which hee hath as yet enioied, and also of Bearne: and the other Henrie, of that of Condie, and either of them, and their posteritie of all and whatsoeuer other principalities, dukedoms, lord­ships, cities, places, and fees; and also of such goods as they haue taken to keepe, promising to make them better than when they had them; and more­ouer, of dignities, honors, functions, and offices, and princely pallaces, and iurisdictions, and rights, which they hold de facto, and wherto they haue had right by anie maner of means, or do pretend right; & that they haue therfore made thēselues vnwoor­thie therof: and that they haue been & are incom­petent and vncapable to retaine them, and heeraf­ter to obtain any such. And also that they are in law depriued, vncapable, & disabled from succeeding in whatsoeuer dukedoms, principalities, lordships, and kingdoms, and specially in the kingdom of France, wherein they haue committed so manie cruell and wicked crimes, and in lordships annexed to the [Page] kingdome it selfe, in iurisdictions, and places, and in the rest of the goods and things aforesaid, and to get them by anie other meanes whatsoeuer, like as also of our abundant power, & so much as is need­full we depriue them and their posteritie for euer, to wit, Henrie sometimes king, of the kingdome of Nauarre, and of that part therof, and of Bearne, and the other Henrie of that of Condie, and either of them & their posterity of al other principalities, dukedoms, lordships, fees, and of all other goodes and substance; and also of the right of succeeding and getting, and of all and singular the other pre­misses: and also we make them and their posteri­tie vnable for euer for them, and to succeed in anie principalities, dukedomes, lordships, fees and king­doms, and by name in the kingdome of France, and in all the foresaid things annexed therto, supplieng all defects of right or fact, if any have happe­ned in the same. And also that the nobles, feudata­ries, vassals, subiects, and people of the realmes, dukedoms, principalities, & other lordships afore­said, euen such as acknowledge none other superi­or, and all the rest which haue by any maner of meanes sworne to them, are absolued from all such oth, and altogither from al perpetual dutie of lord­ship, fidelitie, and allegeance, as we by the au­thoritie of these presents do absolue and deliuer them all, as well generally as particularly; and we command and forbid that all and euery of them, that they presume not to obey them, and their ad­monitions, lawes, and commandements: those that shal do otherwise, we insnarle in the sentence of ex­communication by the verie same. But as for our most welbeloued sonne in Christ, Henrie the most christian king of France, we exhort, beseech, and [Page] also admonish him by the bowels of the mercie of Iesus Christ, that being mindfull of the most excel­lent faith and religion of the kings his auncetors, which he hath receiued from them, as an inheri­tance far better than the kingdom it selfe, that be­ing likewise mindfull of that oth which he solemn­lie tooke at his coronation, touching the extirpa­tion of heretikes, he imploie himselfe by his autho­ritie, power, vertue and courage altogither prince­ly, to execute this our so iust a sentence, that in this likewise he may shew himselfe thankfull to almigh­tie God, and may performe due obedience to his mother the church. Furthermore we command & charge all our reuerend brethren the primates, archbishops, and bishops, throughout the realme of France, Nauarre, Bearne, and other places afore­named, in the vertue of holie obedience, that so soone as the copies of these letters shall come to their hands, they cause thē to be published, & to be brought to effect so much as in them lieth. And we will that the same our present letters, be set vp and published vpon the doore of the cathedrall church of the chiefe of the apostles, and in the side of the fielde of Flora of the citie, as the custome is. And that there be like credite giuen both in place of iudgement & elsewhere, in all places, to the copies thereof being printed and signed with the publike notories hand, and sealed with the seale of the ec­clesiasticall prelate, or with the seale of that court, which shuld be giuen to these presents if they were exhibited or shewed. Therefore let it not be lawfull for any mā at al to infringe this writing of our pro­nountiation, declaration, priuation, inhabilitation, suppletion, absolution, liberation, commandement, inhibition, innodation, exhortation, request, admo­nition, [Page] mandate and will, or to contrarie the same with rash boldnes. And if anie man presume to at­tempt this, let him know that he shall incur the in­dignation of almightie God, and of his blessed apo­stles Peter and Paul.

Giuen at Rome at S. Marks in the yeere of the incarnation of the Lord, one thousand, fiue hundred, fowerscore and fiue, the fift day before the Ides of September, in the first yeere of our popedome.

• Ego Io. Anto. Episc. Tusc.
• Card. Sancti Georgij.
• Ego M. S. Car. ab Alta­emps.
• Ego Iu. Aua. Car. de Arag.
• Ego P. Car. Sanctacrus­cius.
• Ego Gulielm. Car. Sirletus
• Ego Mic. Bo. Car. Alex.
• Ego Lud. Car. Madrutius.
• Ego N. Card. Senonensis.
• P. Card. Deza.
• Ego Ant. Card. Carafa.
• Io. Ant. Card. SS. Qua­tuor.
• Io. Ba. Card. S. Marcelli.
• Aug. Car. de Verona.
• Ego Vin. Car. Montis Re­galis
• Ego M. Car. S. Stephani.
• Scipio Car. Lancelotus.
• Ego Fer. Car. de Medicis.
• Phil. Vast. Card. Cam.
• [Page]Iul. Ant. Sanctorius Car. Seuerin.
• P. Card. Caesius.
• Ego Hier. Card. Rust.
• Ego. Io. Hie. Car. Albanus.
• Ego Vincē. Car. Gonzaga.
• Ego Fr. Car. Sfortia S. Nic
• Alex. Card. de Montealto.

In the yeer since the natiuitie of the Lord one thousand fiue hundred, fowerscore and fiue, the thirteenth indiction, and in the 21. day of the moneth of September, in the first yeere of the popedome of the most holy father in Christ, and our lord L. Sixtus the fift by the proui­dence of God pope, these letters were written out, set vp, and published in the Cathedrall church of the chiefe of the apostles of the citie, and in the side of the field of Flora, by vs Hie­rom Lucius, and Nicolas Talliet Cursitors to our most holie lord the pope.