THings naturall, saith Plutarch, are subiect to a continual fluxe of generation and corruption, and he onely immutable, who neuer had beginning, neyther shall haue ending. Man, as tou­ching his body, hath certaine periodes, wherein he euidently admitteth alteration, and accor­ding to the same doth increase and decrease, as the flower of age is swallowed vp in olde age; youth, in the flower of age, infancie in youth, and childhood in infancie. Herein dooth nature resemble the image of man, and man the figure of euery commonwealth, which how excellent and beautifull soeuer, doth by degrees wax old, [Page] as matter subiect to the brooke of liquide na­ture. Antiquitie hath knowne some well groun­ded in mightines, and triumphing in glory, but any that haue withstoode the course of time, hath no man seene, or euer shall: For as our bo­dies doo come to be dissolued, eyther through outward bruises, proceeding of extreme vio­lence of stripes, or bad proportion of humors, or finally by beeing broken and worne with olde age: euen so likewise doo commonwealthes and publike affaires growe to their last periode, and decay through diuers accidents: Some are ouerwhelmed and drowned in desolations, which ouerflow all: some kindled with fire of ciuill dissention: and other some vndermined by time, doo so growe to the last periode of con­tinuance, and as a person worne with age doo take end. To indeuour therefore to settle the course of worldly affaires, were, with the Giants to seeke to skale the heauens. But to take such or­der, that the alteration of the commonwealth may gently and naturally take effect: to seeke all meanes to yeeld it sure footing: to spread the sayles to all windes, for the bringing of it to the harbour of safegard: If it bee sicke, to play the phisition: if it stumble, to lend it a hande: if the sight of it fayle, to reach it spectacles: and finally, if it be striken in yeares, to become the staffe of the old age thereof: all these are [Page] the partes of a good and louing nature, yea, of such a nature, as is vtterly free from all Cinicall currishnesse; and to say the truth, is no more but the discharge of our dueties vnto our country.

This is the reason, O ye Frenchmen, why now that some for the patching vp of the olde broken walles of their auncestors ambition, doo goe about to choke vp our quietnesse, in tray­ning forward their cursed and execrable pur­poses, with the expences of our goodes, blood, and liues. I cannot, as one standing vpon the firme land, gaze vppon the shipwracke of my country, but seeing it tossed, and floting in daunger, must needes cast foorth the last sacred ancker of my selfe, which is, a bold­nesse of free speech: and because in humane accidents the discourse must be deriued from the originall, marke now the spring of our mi­serable calamitie.

In the time of Lewis the 12. surnamed the father of the people, Claude of Lorrayne, or rather of Vaudemont, set foot in France, where he straightwaies began to remooue euery stone for the laying of the foundation of that mighti­nes, wherevnto we now see his successors ascen­ded, and did so dazle the eies of the French with a false shew of his wealth, that in the yeare 1512 about the feast of God at Paris, in the hostel of [Page] Estampes, hee marryed Anthoinel of Bourbon, daughter to Frauncis of Bourbon, and Mary of Luxembourg. But Frauncis Duke of Valois, and Earle of Angolesme, by the decease of the sayde Lewis comming to the crowne, and beginning to smell out the humour of this straunger, helde him short, & diuiding the chiefest offices of his Du Bel­lay. lib. 1. house, then void, ouerslipped him. The Duke of Bourbon was made Constable, the Earle of Van­dosme Gouernour of the Ile of Fraunce, the L. of Lautrec Gouernour of Guyen, the L. of Pa­lisse Marshall of Fraunce, the L. of Boissy great Maister, Anne L. of Montmorency, and Philip Chabot the Kings two fauorites: Of Claude of Lorraine there was no speech, his winges were yet too short to soare to such highnesse, vnder the shadow whereof hee lay a whyle hidden, which no whit diminished his hope of happy successe. But Ambition, which (as sayth Thuci­dides) Plutarch in his treatise, whether an olde man, &c. neuer dyeth in man, causing him stifly to withstand fortune, taught him so slily to blot out whatsoeuer sinister opiniō the king had concei­ued of him, that after many turnings & tossings, he was finally takē into houshold, & made great hunter, which office had long continued in fa­milies of gentlemen of meane account: vnder Du Tillet chap. of the great hunter & [...]alconer. Charles the 6. it was administred by Lewis of Orguechin: vnder Lewis the 11. by Iuon of Fou: vnder Lewis the 12. by the Lords of Chenetz & [Page] Rouuille, whereby it is to be presumed, that this Lorraine was then farre off from the greatnesse pretended by his successors, and that it could not be said of him, that he made way to dignitie by the countenance of his auncestors, as by a certaine Romaine it was obiected to Piso: but rather that of a course haire & small credit him­selfe opened a way to himself to honor through craft and guile, yea, like a wily Foxe, as is said of Pope Boniface the 8. For in truth hee so cun­ningly pursued the point of his good hap, and from time to time so soundly husbanded the kings fauours, that according to the diuers oc­currences of affaires hee executed sundry func­tions. For about the yeare 1515, the king leuy­ing Du Bel­lay. lib. 1. an Army for the conquest of Millan, got in­to his pay 6000 Allemaigns, vnder the leading of the Duke of Guelderland, who shortly after hearing that the Brabanders had entred his country, posted home to releeue his owne peo­ple, and left his charge to Claude of Lorraine, Lord of Guise: neuerthelesse in the yeare 1521, in Admirall Boniuels voiage into Nauarre, he had the conduct onely of 2500 launce-knights, and in the yeare 1522, seruing in Picardy vnder the Lord of Vendosme, he had the charge onely of one company of men at Armes: But the wind turned so fauourably for him, that in the yeare 1523, when the Lord of Trimouile was made [Page] gouernor of Picardy, he left to him the gouern­ment of Burgondy, whereto the next yeare was adioyned Champaigne, by reason of the iourney into Italy, whither the chiefest of Fraunce ac­companyed the King, at whose returne this Lor­raine did so cunningly bend his affections, that in Ianuary 1527, hee erected him his village of Guyse into a Duchie, & in tract of time Charles Duke of Orleance, the kinges yonger sonne be­ing sent with a great Army to ground and cast the burden of the warres vppon the Duchie of Luxembourg, had for his chiefe Counsellors the Lords of Iametz and Guise. Thus may wee see this Lorraine crept very high for a gentle­man of base golde: but such was the kinges plea­sure, whose power appeareth in exalting the base, enriching the poore, and increasing the small: such was his fauour, yea such, that al­though there still rested in him some sinister im­pression of this straungers humours, yet would he not neuerthelesse depriue him of any of his offices or dignities, so that he prosecuting his good hap, obtained so ready entry into the fa­uours of king Henry the 2. that his children be­ing honorably appointed, he procured Aumale to be erected into a Duchie, in the yeare 1547. & so, to be briefe, being growne rich in goodes, alliance, and honour, as beeing Duke of Guyse and Aumale, Peer of Fraunce, and gouernor of [Page] Burgundy, hee deceased the 18. of Aprill 1550. in this like to M. Perpenna, who, as witnesseth Valerius, was Consull before hee was Citizen: but vnlike in that, that as saith the same author: The life of Perpenna was triumphant, but his death ignominious, through the lawe Papia in his fathers person, who being naturally a straunger, was banished Rome for vsurping the priuileges of Romane Citi­zens, whereas contrariwise this mans children continued their fathers triumphes, yea as it was said of Perpenna, They haue with a mischiefe rooted themselues in a forraine land.

This was the straunger, O ye Frenchmen, to Plut. in his nota­ble say­ings of the Lace­demoni­ans. Plut. in the life of Silla. Plut. of brother­ly loue. whom you might haue said, as the Lacedemo­nians said to Philip king of Macedon, that they would not he should come into their land, either as a freend or as a foe: this is that wretch, of whome yee may say as of Sillaes father, that he could scarse bee honest, seeing hee grew so soone rich: this is that vagabond, on whom we should practise the saying of Theophrastus, importing, that we must not loue strangers to proue them, but proue them to loue them: this is that great hunter, that faulconer that hath brought vp his children after the manner of rauenous fowles, who with their ambition, as with a crooked beake, doo rent poore Fraunce in pieces, & with sharpe tallants do seeke to seaze vpon this estate: O wise and valiant king Frauncis, how neere a [Page] true prophet came you, when you foretold that if euer this wretches ospring tooke footing or sure root in Fraunce, it would strip the kings into their doublets, and the people into their shirtes: for wee may gesse at that which is to come, by that which is eyther present or past, considering that nothing is done without cause, neither can any thing bee foreseene without some reason preceding. This Oracle might haue made vs to hauestood vpon our gard, but who can auoyd destinie?

The children of this Claude of Lorraine bee­ing fatally destinate to the subuersion of this e­state, haue enioyed the most part of the fauours of Court vnder Henry the 2. at whose coronati­on they so cunningly exalted their ambitiō, that they got the chiefe point of honour and presi­dence before the Duke of Montpensier, a prince of the bloud, as by the acte reserued by du Thier Secretary of commaundements, the 25. of Iuly 1547. which also in the yeare 1559. they put in practise at the annointing of king Frauncis the 2. in respect, saide they, of the antiquitie of their Peeryes, wherein must bee more regard of the represented then of the representing, notwith­standing Du Tillet in his col­lection of the great men of France. it had beene otherwise adiudged by a decree of the parliament of Paris, betweene the Dukes of Montpensier and Neuers in Iune 1541. Hauing wonne this barre and title of greatnes [Page] ouer France, they began vpon the earnest peny of their credit more & more to display the wings of their ambition: and in truth, as the defect of vessels cannot be seen so long as they stand emp­tie, but when licour is powred into them: euen so rotten and corrupt minds can no longer con­ceale themselues, when they haue once attained to authoritie and power, but must needes burst foorth and display themselues in their couetous affections and insolencies, as may bee noted in these vntimely births of fortune: For about the yeare 1548, when a certaine aduocate of the parliament in his plea for the Duke of Guyse, had giuen him the qualitie of a Prince, which by a present decree was razed, it so set them out of ioint, and filled them with bitternes, that the Cardinall Charles of Lorraine neuer left remo­uing euery stone for the displacing of President Liset, vntill hee had compassed the same in the yeare 1550, though vnder an other pre­tence. Afterward, for the further aduauncing of their ambitious drifts, and the nearer to re­semble the Cantharides, who, as Plutarch saith, doo still creepe into the purest wheat and fresh­est roses, they entered listes with the Lord Anne of Montmorency, vppon whome after sundry crossings, and vnder fauour of his imprison­ment, which fell in the yeare 1557, at the battell of Sainct Laurence, they so encroched, that the [Page] king gaue to Francis of Lorraine a commission of Lieutenant general, wherat the Constable, as a wary person, and one practised in seruing the time, could very well winke, and so set a faire countenance vpon a fowle game. But in tract of time the king grew to bee so glutted with the faire speeches of these Lorraines, and their im­portunate baying at the chiefe offices of the crowne, that as one not troubled with any le­thargie of mind, but euen to the quicke feeling some drifts of their ambition, he resolued vtter­ly to rid his hands of such & so subtil husbands, and to driue them from about his person, yea, euen out of his dominions, wherein they had through their crafty conueiances fattened them selues, euen to the great cōtempt of the Queene now the kings mother, who through their per­swasions was at the point to haue beene shame­fully reiected, and to the desolation of the French nation, among whom they haue serued onely for bellowes to kindle the fire of ciuil dis­sentiōs, so that since they came to be our guests we may exclaime of Fraunce, as did Agesilaus Plut. in his nota­ble say­ings of the Lace­demoni­ans. of Greece, when hee heard of a cruell conflict neere to Corinth betweene the mutinous Grae­cians one against another. Oh vnhappy Greece, who with their owne handes haue made away men ynow in one day of battaile to haue ouer­come all the Barbarians togither! But the kings [Page] purpose was preuented by Gods prouidence, who not willing to take that scourge from vs, made France a widow of this good king in Iuly, 1559, & so gaue vs ouer for a pray to the intol­lerable ambition, insatiable auarice, and raging cruelty of these strangers, who raigning ouer vs vnder the shadow of king Francis the 2. and vn­der the fauour of his minoritie plaied open play against the Princes of blood, yea, and set so sure foot vpon the throat of this estate, that Fraunce was the bloody scaffold, good Frenchmen the martyrs, and these Lorrains, most cruell, felloni­ous, and vnmercifull hangmen. This storme might immediatly after the decease of K. Henry haue beene foreseene: for whilest the Princes of the blood and chiefe officers of the crowne kept their maisters bodie at the Tournelles the kings house in S. Anthonies street, where euery thing sounded of sorrow and mournfull sonnets, these gentlemen triumphed at the Louure, whi­ther they had caried the king, about whom they commanded at pleasure, and vnder the cloke of tutorship made thēselues way to the souereign­tie, as did Tarquin the 1. who vnder the like pre­tence wrested the Romane kingdome out of the hands of Ancus Martius children, or as Stillicō & Ruffin, who being tutors to Arcadius & Ho­norius, brought the Romane Empire into com­bustion. But what ingratitude, what in humane [Page] vnthankfulnesse was it to stand with drye eyes, when all other accompanied the king with wee­ping and teares? What tiranny, to bend their masters minoritie to their passions? What im­pudencie, to in trude vpon the authoritie of the Princes of the blood? The law (by the common aduise of the three estates assembled at Tours, Anno 1484. decreed) commaundeth, If the crowne sall to a pupill the 3. estates must be assembled, and by them the king prouided of a counsell for the gouernment of his nonage: The custome is, The Princes of the blood haue the first place in this coun­sell, as it fell out, when at the decease of Lewis the 11. Charles the 8. at the age of 14. yeares came to the crowne. The Romane lawes will, That hee that affecteth or intrudeth himselfe into any tutorship, should be reiected as suspect. Besides, it is a generall, sacred and inuiolable rule, That no forraine Prince hold degree in France. But what can reason doo in rage, or custome among dis­orders? what can right doo where force beareth sway? or of what force are lawes among mur­der, blood, and tiranny? hauing assured them­selues of his Maiesties person, they played their game so cunningly, that a new gard was establi­shed vnder the Seneschall of Agen: Diana of Poictiers Duchesse of Valentinois, banished the Court: Bertrandi President of Tholouse, vnto whome Henry the 2. had committed the seales [Page] of Fraunce, flatly deferred, though pacified vn­der hope of better: The superintendence of the Treasurie taken from Auanson, and vnder co­lour of good husbandry, the faithfullest seruants of the crowne beeing displaced, the gate of ho­nour was open to none but the confederates of two straungers, who for their owne particular profite encroched to themselues all publike af­faires, euen as the winde Coecias, which (as it is saide) draweth the clowdes to it, and furnished the law with men of like stuffe as themselues, & such as were vowed vnto the execution of their bad purposes: as also at the same time they strengthened their owne faction with the ami­tie of the Marshals Brissac & S. Andrew, & the Cardinal of Tournon, the Conestables sworne enemy. Putting in practise also Andronodorus counsaile (who abusing the minority of Hierom king of Sicill, whome he purposed to rob of his estate, perswaded him to banish the chiefe of his Realme from the Court) they did vnder the kings auow craftily disperse all those that might haue crossed the course of their fortune, & with whome they could by no meanes beare, not so much because of the difference of their natures, as for that the French cannot put on the Lor­raines nature, or the Lorraine the Frenchmans, according to the saying of Cicero, speaking of the ordinary controuersies betweene the Ro­mane [Page] Consuls and Tribunes. The fire of ciuill dis­sention is kindled betwene them, not so much through diuersitie of qualities, as by contrarietie of humors & complexions. And thus was the Prince of Condésent into Flaunders, vnder pretence of streng­thening the amitie with king Philip, and after him the Prince of Roch-sur-yon, who at his re­turne was chosen togither with the Cardinal of Bourbon, to cōduct La. Elizabeth into Spaine: The Duke of Montpensier was furnished with the gouernment of Touraine, but they appoin­ted Chauigny to be his Lieutenant, with such authoritie, that the Prince had onely the title: The Constable had the gentle thumpe, and a­mong other trauerses lost the office of Great­maister, which wound was afterward renewed in the controuersie for the countie of Damp­martin, which Frauncis of Lorraine Cessionary of Rambures pretended to carrie away. The court beeing thus become a widow of the Prin­ces of the blood, and naked of the brauest of the French knights, the Guysians began to build vp their houses with the decay of many other, yea in such sorte as they spared neyther freend nor foe, Papist nor Protestant, spirituall goodes nor temporall: witnesse the Countie of Nantueil, and the chiefe benefices of the Cardinall of Le­noncourt, a frend to their family: witnesse the goods of the Marquise of Neelle, & of the Lord [Page] of Grignan, the castle of Meudon, the house of Marchais, & the land of Cheureus: witnesse the Monkes of Monstier▪ endé, whom the Cardinall thrust out, & burned al the titles of their church for the enriching of his house of Ginuille: wit­nesse the Storier of S. Disier, whom he caused to be burned for a Lutherian, notwithstanding, by the testimonie of all the country, hee went or­dinarily to Masse, so as the poore man might say as Quintus Aurelius, who finding himselfe in the roule of those who by placards were bani­shed, notwithstanding he neuer medled with the Plut. in Silla. warres of eyther Marius or Silla, cryed out, He­las my house at Alle killeth me. Shall I come to the conclusion and last acte of the Tragedy? Shall I open a wound which yet bleedeth? Things grew to that passe, that by the Cardinall and his bro­ther all lawes & good decrees were taken down: the Parliaments of the Realme dishonored, and euery way derided: the people choked with ty­ranny: the Prince of Condé imprisoned at Or­leance for fellonie, falsly inuented, as afterward it is declared by a decree of the priuie councell, dated the 13. of March 1560. and by two decrees of the court of Parliament: the La. of Roye im­prisoned at S. Germaines in Laye: the Consta­bles house appointed to ruine and subuersion: his nephew the L. d'Andelot discharged of the office of Coronell of the French footmen: the [Page] Cardinall of Arminacke banished the court: the Vidame of Chartres miserably detained in the Bastille: the prisons full of poore innocents: the skaffolds red with blood: the gibbets ordinarie: fiers kindled: all was but destruction and deso­lation: but robbing of houses: proclamations of banishments: and most cruell executions: in peace we bare the effects of a bloody warre, and in calme and faire weather the face of Fraunce was horrible and fearefull: and yet do we suckle vp these hangmen with our blood: we feed them with our goods: we make them triumph in our shame, and to them onely are the gates of ho­nors open: but why doo we not rather speake as did Rabirius by his aduocates mouth? Grac [...]hus (said he) would rather haue suffered 1000. most cru­ell deaths, then haue seene the hang man assistant in his court, who by the lawes of the Censors, ought to haue no habitation in Rome. And yet is the hang­man, as the minister of iustice, more tollerable then these, who in their bloody executions were not authorised, but by their owne ambition, whereto they had so smoothed the way, that there wanted no more but with open title to proclame themselues kings. For, to giue prouin­ces and the treasury: to make lawes, & to breake them: to determine of warre and peace: to giue and take away offices: to send embassages: and in all things to haue the last voice, was common [Page] among them: what then did they want more then the name, annointing, and crowne? hauing also laid their principall plot vpon certaine sedi­tious ministers of their passions, they drewe a­pace to the soueraignitie, if God, euen God tru­ly, the preseruer of France, had not cast a blocke in their way anno 1560. by the kinges death, whose name they made their buckler to the de­struction of himselfe and his estate: and vnder whose pretense they made the rampier of the vnruly effect of their immoderate passions, so that not beeing yet throughly fortified with all things necessary for their purposes, they stum­bled in the mid way, and their affaires suffered a chaunge. But now, Oye Frenchmen, looke vpon your kinges funeralles: his body without any pompe or solemnitie was conueied by Sansac and Brosse to S. Denis, where it was simply bu­ried. Blush ye Guysians, yea for shame hide your selues, when you heare that Hanniball bestowed honorable funerals vpon the Consul Caius Fla­minius, whom he slew at the lake of Peruse: that Lucius Cornelius did as much for Hanno the generall of the Carthagineans, and Marcus An­tonius vpon his enemy Arcilaus: and yet you without any pompe doo commit to the earth the body of so great a king, yea of that king that raised you to the tipe of honor. Hide, hide your selues, I say, when you vnderstand that Alexan­der [Page] spent 6. millions of gold vpon the funerals of Ephestion, and yet you that haue beene so prodigall of the common-wealth in your owne priuate affaires are become so nigardly in mat­ter concerning the funerals of one of the migh­tiest monarckes of the earth. The Emperor Au­gustus euen in winter time came from Rome to Pauye before the body of Drusus: Tiberius did assist the funerals of Augustus, Caligula those of Tiberius, and Nero those of Claudius: The kinges, Childebert and Clotaire led the body of Queene Clotilde from Tours to Paris: Lewes the grose that of king Philippe the first, from Meleun to S. Bennets vpon Loyre: and Phillip the 3. holpe to cary the Biere of S. Lewes from Paris to S. Denis, and yet you vnthankfull per­sons, you mushroms of a nightes grouth can­not vouchsafe to set one foote out of the gates of Orleāce for the least seruice of pietie to your maisters body▪ & yet must you be tearmed the Zopires of our kinges, the corner stones of this realme, the eyes, the sinewes, and the vaynes of this body! but rather indeede the tirants of our kings, the scourges of the poore people, & the spunges of our treasures: you I say, who haue no other God but ambition, no other king but A­uarice, ne any other religion then desire of gain, after which we see that you are fleshed as Ra­uens after cartiō, who rather then to leaue your [Page] hold will sometimes cast your honour at your backs: witnesse the lies that the late Lord prince of Condé in the yeare 1559. gaue you, when he offered to forget his degree & qualitie of prince to vpholde it against you with the point of hys sword or speare.

King Francis the second thus dead did for a time choke vp, not their euill willes but theyr practises: For vnder Charles the 9. although they endeuored to seed in him a marueilous mistrust of his subiectes, yet began the estates at Orleance to taste them so neere, and to go about to make them spue vp the treasures that they had swallowed, that their best waywas in hast to folow Tiberius Gracchus one of the plagues of Rome, who perceiuing that the senate were fra­ming of his processe strooke saile quietly, so that they thought it best to ship into Lorraine, and thence into Germany, where they promised the Princes of the Empire to frame thēselues to the confessiō of Ausbourg, which the Card. openly allowed and preached in the towne of Sauerne, shewing the greater testimonie of his conuersi­on by the rich gifts that he bestowed vpō Bren­tius the D. of Wittemberges minister, wherein these ij. fugitiues made thēselues like vnto The­ramenes slipper which ferued for either foote.

But what? the hard fortune of France soone af­ter, called thē againe to the end to goe forward with their game and make an end of the set: yea [Page] it placed them in the chiefest degrees, cōtrary to the good example of the ancients, who shut vp the gates of honour against such as yeelded no accompt of their administration: vpon which ground Diodetus and Aeschines formed their complaint against Ctesipho, at whose instance the Athenians had bestowed a Crowne of gold Plut. in the liues of the 10 Orators. vpon Demosthenes, before they called him to accompt of the office that was committed to him for the reparation of the walles of Athens: which did import a blowe and alteration in the lawes, which permitted not those that were accomptable so much as to giue any thing to the Gods, neither, as sayd the Emperour An­toninus, to proceed to any dignitie in the com­monwealth. Out of this reuocation as out of Tit. de debit. Ciuit. l. 1. C. Pandoraes boxe, are come the warres, murders, and manflaughters, wherin they so obstinately set themselues, that in the yeare 1563 they had a soppe of the same bread, with the cost of Fran­cis of Lorrains life. Howbeit the happe of this accident brake not the blowe of their purposes. For hee left 3 sonnes in whome after hys death his passions liued, and vnder the fauour of their vnckle the Card. they entred the same vowe as their father, & haue takē the Crowne of France Plut. in Silla. for the butte of their ambition, so as of them we may say as the Romans did of Silla, That onely they had changed the tyrant, but were not dis­charged [Page] from tyrannie. Also for their first blowes the studied to feede the warre that was hatched in their fathers and vnckles ambition: and in laps of time, namely in the yeare 1571 the kings fauour resembling a fayre winde, the first of these three blinded with his good fortune, and neglecting the meanesse of his race, presumed so farre as to aspire to the marriage of that goodly flower of France, Lady Margaret nowe Queene of Nauarre, which comming to the knowledge of king Charles the ninth, a Prince ielouse of the honor both of himselfe and of his bloud, hee caused the Lord great Pryor to tell him, that if he pretended to branche so high, he would bring him so low, that hee should be an example to the poste [...]tie: yea that if within two monethes he married not some other, himselfe would dagger him with his owne hands. These threates of so great a Prince, cooled the boy­ling affections of this Lo [...]raine, who by hys iournies togither with the fauour of his friends so well acquited himself, that within the tearme to him by the king prescribed, hee married the widowe of the late Lord Prince of Porcian: as also since his second brother matched with the widow of the late Lord of Mon [...]pesat, or rather they both married the great goods of these two Ladies, thereby to set a couler vpon their smale­nesse. To enter into the discourse of those tra­gedies, [Page] which at their instance were played du­ring the raigne of king Charles the ninth, were to refresh a wound which yet bleedeth to fresh­ly: and who can without teares looke vpon our France so tainted in bloud, cruelty, destruction, and disloyaltie? In the ende the Cardinall, whose life full of discretion stunck euen among the Anheistes and Epicures, ascending into A­uignon left the Triumuirat of his nephewes, who bring formed after his lore, haue no whit belied his actions, not so much as to admit anie companion of court, or not to hate those in whom his maiestie had fixed his affection: The Lord of Ho being gotten farre into the Kinges fauour had a wry looke: out hee so well husbanded his fortune, that they could catch no hold in he Lord of S. Maigrin did they mortal­ly push with their hornes, yea euen vnder the gates of the Lou [...]re: But the vicount of Ribe­rac hauing for the [...]eathes of the Lords of Che­lu and Maugiron encurred the kinges indigna­tion, wounded as he was could finde no better sanct [...]ie then the house of the Guyses, who seemed a sufficiōt contrepoise against the kings authoritie. Afterwarde, because the late Mon­sieur was a troublesome thorne in their foote, they framed a match against him: The bloud of Salcedo executed at Paris yet speaketh, and the truth of his deposition appeareth plainely in [Page] these commotions. What is it not therfore, that as occasions haue fallen out, they haue not en­terprised against Fraunce? What Prince, what greatnes haue they not endeuored to vnder­mine. The king himselfe, of whose secrets they haue made a traficke, haue they sold to the Spa­nyard, as flesh to the shambles, and vnder coue­red fire still drawing against him, they haue put in vre whatsoeuer wicked inuentions their euill angell hath to them presented, whereby to cause their passions to beare swaye, if not in calme and faire weather, yet during the tempest, amongst the blood, murder, crueltie, desolation, and de­struction of this poore estate: witnesse a Iesuite of Pont à-Mousson in Lorraine, called father Claude Mathew, who neuer did good but in weening to doo euill, confect in wickednes, & one of those sacred persons spoken of at Rome in this Tribunary law; He shall not bee accounted a Lex 12. tabul. manslear, who by the decree of the people shall haue killed a hallowed man. Witnesse, I say, this reue­rend, this sparke of sedition, this spirit of Sathan, who in two or three of his voyages into Italy & Spayne, hath in [...]ited the Pope, king Philip, and the Sauoyan to the destruction of France: and withall you Frenchmen, to the ende to vse you as vipers against our common mother, to make you bath your selues in your owne bloud, to change your curtesie into crueltie, your fidelitie [Page] into disloyaltie: to be briefe, of the faire face of Fraunce to make a horrible and fearefull specta­cle of death, to conuert her body into a graue, her townes into churchyards, her castles into broken walles, her fieldes into butcheries, her trees into gibets, her riuers into bloud, her life into pitifull, horrible, and fearefull death: to such purposes, I say, so furious, tragicall, and bloody, do they loud and shrill sound out, that they pro­ceed out of the stocke of Charlemaine, and that euer since Lothair, our kings haue their tables couered through the vniust vsurpation of Ca­pet, & with the expence of their race the lawful inheritour of this crowne. Here doo I desire all good Frenchmen to marke one practise of Tar­quine the proud, who determining to rob Ser­uius Tullius of the kingdome of Rome, began by bewitching the people with the discourse of his race, and by repeating to them, how that af­ter the death of king Tarquine his father woful­ly murdered, Seruius had ouerthwartly practi­sed the soueraigntie: so that the fathers lulled on sleepe with his faire words, & the youth snared with the presents wherewith he laid a bridge to to his purposes, he so far slacked the bridle of his ambition, accompanied with rashnes, that in full senate seizing vpon Seruius by the body, he ca­ried him out of the chamber, & cast him downe the staires. A tragicall & pitifull example, such a [Page] one as might stand Fraunce in stead for a mor­ning wake, now that it is thus baied at with tem­pests on euery side: but particularly the king, whose greatnes with like tooles as that where­with Seruius was ouerthrowne, they now vn­dermine. And king Clouys vnderstanding that a Lord of Artoys named Cannacare, puffed vp with wealth, gaue out that he came of Clodio the hairy, & so was lawfull heire of the crowne, being not only quicke of hearing, but also ielous of his greatnes, caused that sower of lies, & al his progeny to be rooted out. In the meane time, least the people being ticklish & itching at eue­ry new deuise, should suffer themselues to be led away with the perswasions of these abusers, I would demaund of you Lorraines, what is the groūd of your pretēded right? you say that Hugh Capet by force carried away the crowne from Charles of Lorraine, vnckle to Lewis the 5. in whō the race of Charlemain ended, & that you are come of the stocke of Charles: If it were so, why did you lately make the card. of Burbō your banner, as he that was fittest to succeed in this realme? was it not to shew that you could not a­gree but in contrarieties? or rather to imitate the wren, who hearing that the birds made a match who shuld be first in heauē, hid himself vnder the eagles wing, frō whence he crept out in so good time, that he gat the title of king? you say that [Page] Charles of Lorraine had but one sonne, named Ottho, and that this Ottho had but a daughter. We haue inough of this one distaffe to beat you withall, wee, I say, who are freed from the wo­mens gouernment, who stoppe not vnder the empire of women, through the benefite of the Salike lawe, a lawe that is the onely oracle of France, bought with the price of our auncestors bloud, with the destruction of our townes, with the decay of our houses, and with the losse of two wretched battailes Cressy and Poictiers: a law that preserueth vs from the dominion of strangers, and that cutteth off all forraine fashi­ons and kindes of life, which long since had fil­led ours with bastardy, sith it is much easier to know a fault in nature, then any vnlikelines be­tweene the Prince and the subiect, as saide The­odorike king of the Gothes in his writing to the Senate of Rome. But because the enemies of this Realme, and among others our selues do reiect this so holy, sacred, and hitherto inuiolable a law, as some shadow, dreame, or bugbeare, I pray you cast your view vppon custome time out of mind practised in Fraunce, and that which hath no lesse force then all the lawes in the world, euen by the saying of the Lawyers, Thinges brought in by auncient custome doo seeme more iust then those that are commaunded by lawes. Childe­bert left two daughters, Cherebert three, Gen­tran [Page] nine, Lewis Hutin one, who succeeded in the Realme of Nauarre, but not of France: Phi­lip the long, three, who neuer quarrelled for the crowne, to the which in processe of time succee­ded Lewis the 12. who excluded Lady Anne & Lady Ione, the daughters of king Lewis the 11. and sisters to Charles the 8. & king Francis the 9. set it vpon his head, but not in the right of his wife Queene Claude daughter to king Lew­is the 12. Hereto adde that the whole doth ordi­narily retaine the nature of his country, so that the crowne cannot fall to the distaffe, sith that the propertie of the prouisions of the yongers of the house of France, dooth euer in default in heires males returne to the crowne: and with that condition did Lewis the 8. in February 1223. indue his brother king Philip of Fraunce, Earle of Bologne, and by his will dated in Iune 1525. left Artois to his second sonne, Aniow and Maine to the third, Poictou and Auuergne to the fourth, with condition, for default of heyres males to returne to the crowne. The like did S. Lewis in March 1268. with the Countie of Va­lois to his fifth sonne Iohn of France, also Philip the faire in December 1311. to Philip the long his second sonne, after whose decease without heires male, his daughter Ione of France wife to Eudo the 4. D. of Burgondy, instantly challen­ging the possessory endowment of her father a­gainst [Page] Charles the 4. was ouerthrowne by de­cree of Parliament dated the 2 [...]. of February 1322. This custome beeing of it selfe strong i­nough, is accompanied with a decision of the law. If the Intruders successors doo for the space of one hundred yeares holde the souereigntie, in such case the prescription of so long yeares may serue for a title: namely, if there be no opposition or pro­testation of the subiects to the contrary, as that of the tribune Aquila, who tooke away the crowne that had beene set vpon Caesars image: so as the successors of Hugh Capet hauing bin maisters of this crowne euer since the yeare 997. haue too important an exception against these Carlingues. But vtterly to shut vp their mouthes, we doo in truth say, that our kinges are of the bloud of Charlemaine, whose race hauing fayled in seuen geuerations after Capet, was renued in the person of king Lewis the 8. For Philip August, or Giuen of God, in the yeare 1180. at Bapaulines marryed Isabell the daugh­ter of Baldwin the 4. of that name, Earle of Henault, who was descended of Hermengarde Countesse of Namure, & daughter to Charles the simple, from whose successors Hugh Ca­pet tooke the right of the crowne: of which marriage of king Philip and Lady Isabell, was borne the 6. of September 1587. king Lewis the 8. father to S. Lewis, out of whom as out of [Page] a nursery of plants, are issued the noble families of Valois and Bourbon. Yea I will say more, namely, that the Guyses cannot be of the bran­ches of Charles of Lorraine, the brother of Lo­thair the 33. king of France, & vnckle to Lewis the 5. neither consequently of Charlemaine: for it is but 120. yeares since the race of Vaudemōt tooke lande in the house of Lorraine, which in lesse then 460. yeares hath fallen in seuen seue­rall families, namely, from the house of Charle­maine into the house of Ardenne 1005. frō the house of Arden into the house of Bologne 1089. frō the house of Bologne into the house of Lem­bourg, from the house of Lembourg into the house of Louuain 1106. Thē in tract of time Re­né K. of Sicile, sonne to Lewis of Aniou, maryed the heire of Lorraine, by whom he left a son na­med Iohn, & a daughter named Yolande, who was wife to Fredericke of Vaudemont, & after­ward in 1464. inherited the duchie of Lorraine, through the decease of her nephew Nicholas her brother Iohns onely son: hereby we plainly may see that these men are like Esops crow, who disguised her selfe with many other fowles fea­thers, supposing, that processe of time might serue for a vaile to cloke their falshood: but it fal­leth out clean contrary, for truth is the daughter of time. Then persuading thēselues that their Ie­suit (a fit embassador for such potentates) had re­moued both heauen & earth, as well in Italy as [Page] in Spaine, and that the brute of their false discent had brought such effects correspondent to their desires: that the nobilitie had liked to lend them a shoulder, and the people had bene wholy bent to their passions they brake the impostume: and to the end to free themfelues from quietnesse, which was n [...]some vnto them, and to stiffle vp all peace which could no whit delight them, euē as an infected stomacke that can rellish no good food, they did of late put in practise that game which their predecessors had kept close and sea­led vp, and so began to play at thrust out with the king. True it is, that for feare of going bare­foot in so thorny a way, they haue disguised their ambition with many faire pretences, and to colour their warres they haue propounded.

1. The rooting our of heresie. 2. The nomi­nation of a Catholike successour to the crowne. 3. The reestablishing of the church in her a [...]nci­ent liberties. 4. The reintegration of the nobili­ty into their former dignity. 5. The abasing of certaine persons whom the king hath exalted. 6. The disburdening of the third estate.

Propositions which in outward apparance are good, but bad in effect; sweet to heare of, but of bitter tast; wholesome without, but heauy with­in. For the two first are forged against the king of Nauarre and the Prince of Condé: the rest haue no other end but to yeeld the king odious to the [Page] clergie, hated of the nobilitie, and to pull vpon him the malice of the people. This is the rediest way that they can finde to preuent the greatnesse of the king, and of the two chief [...] princes of the lillie, and to make that agreement with vs, wherof Demosthe­nes warneth the Athenians by the sheepe and the wolues, that willed the sheepe if they would haue any peace with them to deliuer into their hands all the mastifes that kept them. Of the rest of the Prin­ces, they weene to haue a great peny-worth, which all will prooue but dust before the East winde, and snow before the same. At the fame of these pro­positions, as trumpets that giue warning of warres, manie tooke part with their weapons, & turned thē ­selues to the fortune of these deceiuers, abando­ning an assured peace, to the end to follow a doubt­full warre: some being wonne with hope of amen­ding their estate: others hauing alreadie followed the warres, and liued according as the libertie of the time and impunitie had suffered them, seeing that peace tooke from them all meanes of spoile. Some that had miserablie consumed al their goods, and were still brauled at by their creditors, and as Cic. in Ca­telinariis. Cicero saide of Catelines confederates, Those whose handes were died in blood, their tongues formed to lyes, their soules bent to all wickednesse, their con­sciences corrupt with sundrie misdeedes, such as vnder­mined by pouertie, were assalted by iustice: Such out­castes (I say) did willinglie lend their hands to these nouelties: and yet is it a strange matter that some Gentlemen durst suffer themselues to be led at these mens pleasure, as if they coulde not but say well, [Page] neither themselues do well but in obeying of them: A pitifull case, that they should take the shadow for the substance, smoke for fire, the visage and lies, for truth, without considering that these pretences are but so manie snares to entrappe them, that they do wake them but to bring them on sleepe, that they instruct them but to destroy them, and that as an ancient man hath said, There can bee no lust cause to fight against their countrie. But who could choose but bee bewitched with so many faire pretences? Besides that these fire brands haue left no meanes vnprooued for the continuance of the traficke of their drifts. Furthermore, to the ende to keepe their confederates in breath, and courage, and to make others willing to take their parts, they promised vs mountaines and maruels, as knowing that often­times things fained, yet taken for true, are of great force in warres, as Marcus Portius, when the Iler­getes solicited him for succour: The earth should tremble vnder their power: the Spanish weapons did alreadie rattle vpon the frontiers: The Sauoy­an did but aske Where is it? The Pope calleth forth the diuels, giueth them the enimies bodies, they carrie them away, they cast them in hell: The Al­banians with their Iauelings, should come to beate downe the mountaines, and to put all to fire and sword: And as the Consull Varo said of Hanniball, These Guisians should ende the warres euen the first day that they shoulde see the Protestants, calling to minde the foolish enterprise, though not the weake suc­cesse of La Brosse, who in the yeare of our Lorde, 1559. being by their Father and Onckle, sent with [Page] the Bishoppe of Amiens into Scotland, promised in one moneth to driue al the Lutherans out of the lande: But the Scottish nobilitie more ielous of their liberties then wee, shewed him that he recko­ned without his hoste: and that he ought not to sell the Beares skinne before he see him, especially con­sidering that as that noble Lacedemonian captaine Brasidas saide, There is not so small a beast, but is a­ble Plut. in the notable sai­ings of kings. to saue his life, if his heart woulde serue him to de­fende himselfe: and the Consull Paulus Aemilius maruelled howe anie Captaine could aforehand tell what was to bee done in the battell, before he had seene either his owne armie, or his enimies: either situation of the place, or nature of the soile: for his part he would take no other counsaile before the time, then such as the occasions did vsuallie minister to man, and not man to occasions. And indeede these Lorrains doo resemble that great mountaine, which after manie pangs of childbirth brought forth but a mouse. Besides, what promise haue they performed? Of the Wisigothes that Liuius. li. 2. Dec. 3. should come and fall vppon vs, we haue no newes, they be so manie bugbeares: for besides that King Philip hath but few men, and too manie matters in hande, hee is too olde to take counsaile of the young: although through a desire that hee hath to strike a stroke, and make some alteration in the peace of France, and being allured by some hope to obtaine Marseiles as a first dish to his table, he furnisheth thē of a few crownes, which they wil re­ceiue without waying, to warme their kitchē withal: & God wot, whether the poore man whō they made [Page] twise or thrise to trot into Spaine, who so liuelie pro­secuted their affaires, that he fel sicke al Barbast, was any thing slacke in opening the mouth of his pouch more thirstie then an aduocates. Of the Sauoyan what can they hope? He is so neere the beare, that his best way will be to set sure sooting and haue a good eye to his owne countrie. From the Pope they can haue nothing but Bulles, wherewith they can not runne far, least the diuels whome hee will sende abroad to entrap the protestants, should light vpon these Guysians. What doo they then lacke, more then Gods vengeance to oppresse them, a tormen­ted conscience, and a blinde rage? For besides that there be two hundred families in France, which will not yeeld one iot to that of Guyze, the most part al­redie of those whom they promised to aduance to honors, doo imitate Lisander, who woulde not re­ceiue the rich and sumptuous robes which Denis the tyrant sent his daughters, saying, that such gay garments woulde make them seeme more foule. Plut. in the notable sai­ings of old kings. Manie of those that suffered themselues to bee carried vppon the wings of their good fortune, doo alredie make no farther account of their pro­speritie, which is tied togither with pointes, as a Lacedemonian sayde of Lampis a Burgesse of Egi­na. All good Frenchmen whom they called to their partie, in tickling them with faire promises, haue made answere that they will not holde so much as their liues of the murderers of their countrie, as a certaine Prenestine saide to the Dictator Silla, who had put all the Prenestines to the sword, sauing him, because he had beene his host. Yea many of those [Page] into whose handes they haue euen thrust weapons, Caesar. lib. 3 de bell. ci­uil. do with Pompeyes souldiers say, that they wil fight against the enemies, but not against their fellowe countrie-men: of whom those that haue better re­gard of common health and priuate commoditie, do with their eares and valiancie fauor that noble and valiant Prince Henrie, king of Nauarre, least they should resemble the Argonautes, who after they had forsaken Hercules, were forced to haue recourse to a woman: So that although a first blush and opinion, and at the first push, the weapons of the Guyzes did somewhat astonish the common people, which was as it were dazeled in the darke­nesse of their driftes: yet now it is freed from that feare, & perceiueth that their threats are no speares, that they haue embarked thēselues without either rudder or biscuit, and that their false winges that prognosticated so high & long a fight, will lead thē to the like end as Icarus. And indeede ye Guizards, the waies of your purposes are so surely shut vp, that shortly you shall feele the saying of Iob: Those that Iob. 4. plow iniquitie and sow malice shall reape the same. Your pride hath kindled the torch of diuisiō in the bowels of France, and you shall proue the sa [...]ing of Salo­mon true, Pride goeth before destruction, and highnesse Prou. 16. of minde before desolation. You haue lift vp your nose against the king, and shall tast of the wise mans say­ing: The wrath of the king is as the raging of the Lion, Pro. 1. & 20 and hee that displeaseth him, sinneth against his owne soule. You haue gone about to bring a whole storme of mischiefe vpon the king of Nauar, and the prince of Conde, and shall shortly, to your costes, learne [Page] this Prouerbe of Salomon: He that casteth a stone Pro. 26. at an other, it will light vpon him selfe. You shall learne that you haue hasted to outrunne your shadowe, and that against them you haue doone no more than he, who vndertaking to slay Prome­theus Plut. of ta­king profite of enimies. the Thessalian, thrust the sworde into his im­postume, which he pearced and so saued his life. And for the conclusion of this tragedie, you shall sooner be destroyed then fought withall, and soo­ner fought withall, then assaulted: for they bee no pettie wretches like your selues ye Guizardes: they be Princes, yea the chiefe Princes of the lilly, noble by birth, rich in amitie, husbandes of time, resolute in all pointes of honour, gentle and gracious in peace, two thunderboultes in warre, such as vse not vialles in steede of trompets, a daunsing hall, for a fighting fielde: or gentlewomen in liew of coura­gious souldiers: who neuer aske howe many the enemies be, but where they be: who were not Captaines before they were souldiers, but souldi­ers vnder themselues the Captaines: to be briefe, who are such as the Egyptians pictured their great Mercury by a double Idoll of both an olde and a young man, thereby shewing that a Prince must be both valiant and wise: and yet O Frenchmen, they goe about to defeate you of these two pearles of Europe, of these two eyes of your body, of these two lilly flowers: but vnder what pretences? These Leaguers do see that these two Princes, and many other Lordes which doo stoppe the course of their enterprises doo liue in the same doctrine wherein they were first suckled vp: to the ende therefore to [Page] sende discorde poast through out all partes of the realme, and to aduance their ambition vnder the visarde of common wealth, what doo these stran­gers? They propound vnto vs the rooting our of heresie: they arme themselues with the beautifull titles of Protectors of Saint Peter, and pillers of the Church: but it is not enough to haue the bare name, but to haue it lawfully. In France therefore of a priuate authoritie to take vpon them the pro­tection of Christianitie, is it not as much as to en­croch vppon the rightes of the most Christian king? Is it a lawefull vocation to be a title? Ney­ther is it enough that the will be good, vnlesse the meanes also to bring it to passe bee good: other­wise, as an ancient man sayde, It is better to stay the execution of a good thing, then to execute it amisse [...] yea it is not possible (sayth Saint Austen) for the counsaile to be good, when the means are nought: at the least, that which is to be commended in the cause, is to be reprooued in the effect. Saule was desirous to knowe the issue of his warre with the Philistians: this desire of it selfe was not to be mis­liked; but the vnlawefull meanes that he vsed, made it to stinke. These Lorraines, these great buck­lers of the faith, would cut vp the roote of Here­sie, this will is not badde, but what meanes doo they vse? The most Christian king hauing tryed all The Guisi­ans first pretence. industrie, all force, yea euen to the abandoning of his life, to the hazarde of battayles, for the cut­ting off the exercise of all religions, except the Ca­tholike Romaine, in the end perceiuing that the re­storing of the Church is a worke belonging to God [Page] and not to man, did imitate the good Phisician, who hauing vsed all sharpe remedies, and profiting no­thing, hath recourse to the gentle: and to the end to set his estate free from those miseries wherewith it was oppressed, quenched the ciuill broyles with an edict of pacification, not forcibly wrested from him, but grounded vpon the onely consideration of cōmon commoditie, and vpholden by the solemne oth of his Maiestie, the Queene his mother, the Princes of his bloud, the chiefe, Officers of the crowne, yea euen by the Guizes, and ratified in all his courtes of Parliament. This so solemne edict, this so authenticall lawe ought not to haue bin plucked vp without the like solēnities wherwith it was plan­ted: for as saith Vlpian: There is nothing so naturall, as to disolue a thing with the same meanes wherewith it was conioyned. And yet these frebrands, of their own priuate authoritie, haue trode it vnder foote to the great contempt of the king, oppression of the peo­ple, and destruction of this estate, yea contrarie to their owne so solemne oth. Is it then a good begin­ning, to roote out heresies with infringing faith? Must we be treacherous to our neighbours, to bee true to God? Doth the true spirit of religion coun­saile vs to violate publike lawes, to breake oths, and to fill a whole estate with murder and bloud? But what colour do not the suppostes of Satan finde to set a countenance vpon their actions? The counsell of Constance (say they) commandeth vs to keepe no faith with the enemies of the faith: by which de­cree, Iohn Hus and Hierome of Prague were con­demned to death, and the Cardinall S. Tulian, w [...] [Page] sent as legate into Hungarie, to breake the treatie of peace made with the Turkes. Surely they haue reason, as if we should confound two seuerall que­stions, the one of lawe, the other of deede: If we must breake promise with infidels, it is a point of lawe, for the decision whereof they alleage the de­cree of this Councell, the execution of two poore Priestes, and the breach of peace with the Turke: as if God had not shewed the error of that decree, by the tragicall effectes ensuing: for the bloud of these two Doctors (who vnder Sigismundes safecon­duct came to that Coūcel as to a schole of saluatiō, the better to learne, if better they might be taught) did so cry for vengeance, that Zischa a meane Gen­tleman lift vp his head against many Potentates, a handfull of nouices in matter of warre, against ma­ny thousands of old beatē souldiers: whose courage surmounted the number. On the other side the king of Turkes, being certified of the breach of peace, did put on Sigismundes spurres so neere, that hauing giuen him sundrie notable checkes, he finally built his great Empire with the spoyles of Christendom. And who dooth not in that Councell note ra­ther the cruell furies of Antichrist, and the bloudie passion of Nicholas Abbot of Palerme, principall author of that decree, than a milde inspiration of the holy Ghost, and an Apostolicall voice? Or what Christian Potentate liked of that resolution, when Luther was by the Popes Bull denounced an Arch-hereticke, the Emperour Charles the fift in the yeare 1519. gaue him his faith to come to the dyet at Wormes, where Eckius building [Page] vpon the decree of Constance, would haue bought his life with the price of the Emperours faith, yea euen at the same price as were Iohn Husses, and Hieromes of Prague. But there was no Prince but detested that bloudie minde, and Luther was sent safe home with a pasport and strong hande.

Since that time the Emperour Charles, hauing made a league with the Soldan of Persia, and king Francis the first with the Turke, layed in no better pledges then their owne faith: as also Iosua when the Gabaonites had deceiued him, woulde not neuerthelesse violate the agreement made be­tweene Iosue 9. them, least (sayth he) the wrath of God that they had sworne should fall vppon them. Vpon this ground did Pope Gregory the ninth cut off al those generally frō the Church, that willingly did breake their othes. These examples do stande with reason, for if it be lawefull to parley with Infidels, it is al­so necessarie to keepe promise with them: other­wise it were the waye to quench all hope of re­conciliation: besides that it is a manifest decision, That those among whome there is any communitie of right, might mutually binde them selues one to an o­ther. For this cause did the Romaynes alwayes make a conscience of breaking their faith, with banished persons, and such as were conuict of a­nie notable crime, because by the saying of the Lawyer Martian. They doe participate in the right L. Sunt qui­dam f. de paen. Bona fides [...]. depos. of Nations. And to whome Triphonius willeth wee shoulde restore the gage and pledge, in re­spect of the lawe of Nations and of Nature, which stretcheth euen vnto theeues, to whom we must [Page] keepe promise as did Augustus to Crocotas, and Dagobert to the Bulgarian robbers that were sca­tered all ouer Fraunce: No lesse to such as haue Cic. Philip. 12. Salust. in Coniur. Ca­telinae. betrayed their Countrie, with whome (as a Ro­maine sayde) wee may often enter parley, and keepe promise inuiolably, as Salust noteth in the confederates of Cateline, who by decree of the Senate, were denounced publike enemies. O­therwise we must promise nothing for, infringing our faith, which is the foundation of all agree­mentes. For this cause would not Tiberius heare the Embassadours of Tackfarin a Captayne of certaine theeues in Africa: and the Romaine Se­nate woulde neuer growe to anye accorde with Spartacus, when he had alreadie ouercome them in three pitched fieldes, and was Captaine ouer sixe thousande bonde-men. As also the Vene­tians by a decree of the ten published in the yeare 1506. forbad their Gouernours to giue anie safe­conduct to the banished men. Now as for vs, we haue not to do with men of such sort, eyther with such as haue falsified their obedience due to the king. The spindle that wee are to reele, is with frenchmen, with whom wee haue communitie of birth, of lawes, of manners and customes, so that beeing so straightly bound togither, as well by ci­uill lawe, as by nature, and after the example of the ancient Romaines, and other famous Prin­ces the great masters of Iustice, and of publike fayth, wee can not in their respect dispence with so religious a bonde as an oath, notwithstanding the purport of the decree of Constance corre­spondent [Page] to this maxime of Lisander: Wee must deceiue children with small bones, and men with cates. Plut. in the notable sai­ings of the Lacedemo­nians. Thus much for the question of lawe. Nowe to that of deede, whether those whome wee terme Protestantes, be attainted of Heresie? Wee call those men Heretikes, who with obstinate ambition doo depart from the articles of our faith: all these articles doo consist in the Apostles Creede, where­upon the Protestantes doo grounde their beliefe: They doo abandon the way of worldly honours: they walke in the contrarie, euen in the path of per­secution and disgrace: they will not bring in mans fantasies to be rules of faith, but they promise to amende if they may be better instructed: bee they then obstinate, ambitious, or heretikes? It is to no purpose to alleage the Councell of Trent, vnlesse we prooue it to bee lawefull. The Councell of Millaine consisted of almost three hundred Bishops, Sosomenes lib. 4. ca. 8. Euagrius li, 1, cap. 10. who in a manner all condemned Athanasius that mirrour of vertue, that lampe of the Church, of Heresie: In the seconde Ephesine Councell was that holy Bishoppe Flauian and his adherentes ba­nished, and the doctrine of Eutiches allowed.

Will you then call such congregations lawefull councels? or rather the diuelles great daies, the as­sistes of Antichrist, and the generall estates of the enemies of the faith. Moreouer, king Francis the first, knowing that the Councell of Trent was framed onely for the priuate profite of some, and not for the Christian common wealth, protested by the mouth of his Ambassadour the Abbot of Bellozane, that neyther hee, neyther anye of his [Page] realme should be bound by the decrees of the same counsell. The like did Henrie the second, vppon the support of the authoritie of al his parliaments, who euermore withstood the decrees wouen at Trent, as being of no force and abusiue.

But the K. of Nauar hath his more particular ex­ceptions: he is a soueraigne K. and one of the aunci­entest, yea the fourth in the degree of the kings of Christēdome, yet was he not called to this councel, & so consequētly there can be no default in him, for as saith Harmogenian. Hee is a contumaxe, who hauing had three summons or one peremptorie day L. Cōtuma­cia. F. de re Iudic. doth not appeare: so that the sentences formed a­gainst him, & those of the religion haue no ground: and as the Emperors Dioclesian, & Maximilian do say. The sentēces denounced against the absent that haue L. Ea quae C. quomodo & quando iud. &c. not bin lawfully summoned, can haue no force in the mat­ter iudged. Yea in ciuill causes, the party absent is or­dinarely restored: much rather then in criminal cau­ses, cōsidering that as the lawyer Paul saith, We ought L. Diuus F. de in Inter­rest. L. Arrianus F. de act. & oblig. L. I. C. de re­quie re. to be more enclined to absolue then to condemne. For this cause would not the Emperor Valerian permit the determining of the processe of the partie absent, be­ing burdened with trespasses: but that an inuento­rie being taken of his goods, he should be summo­ned to purge himself of such crimes, as he was char­ged withall. These circumstances not obserued in the Tridentine counsell do make it void, as also the protestations of our kings, and the parliaments of this realme, take from it al strength & beauty: what reasons then haue we to conuince these protestants of heresie?

Where they confesse not the bishop of Rome to be vniuersall, they say S. Gregory taught that it was a prophane name, sacrilegious and a foregoing of Cap. 16. Antichrist, for saith he, if he that is named vniuersall stumbleth, the whole Church falleth. They doo also al­ledge the 3. Councell of Carthage, wherein it was forbiddē that any shuld be called Prince of bishops. Authent. Col. 2. tit. 4. For as for that which wee reade in the Autenticals touching the high Priest, they greatly suspect it, and as Duarene noteth, that constitution is not to be seene in the greek Code. If they walke in darkenes, if Duaren de sac. sand. Eccles. mi­nisteriis. li. 1. cap. 10. August. E­pist. 12. they be blind in that mistery, which we cal the holy sacramēt of the altar, let vs shew thē the light & cō ­demne S. Austē of heresie, who against Adamantus the disciple of Manichee, saith thus: these three things The blood is water, This is my body, and The stone was Christ are spoken figuratiuely, by signe, and by significatiō. Let vs reiect that which Tertullian writeth against Tertu. lib. 4 Amb. lib. de sacram. Cap. 1. Marcion. Iesus Christ hauing taken bread and broken it to his disciples, made it his body by saying, This is my body, that is to say, the signe of my bodie. Let vs correct Am­brose: Like as in baptisme thou hast receiued the simili­tude of death, euen so hast thou also in this sacrament dronke the similitude of the pretious bloud of Christ.

Where as they bee so grosse that they cannot comprehend purgatorie, let vs prooue vnto them, that the bloud of our Lord is not sufficient to purge vs from our sinnes: Let vs plainely shewe them the name or doctrine of Purgatorie in the scripture, and reiect this place of Chrisostome. When we craue mer­cie, Chrisost. hom. 2. in 50. Psalm. we do it to the end not to be examined of our sinne, to the ende not to be dealt with according to the rigor of iu­stice: [Page] to the ende all punishment may cease, for where there is mercie, there resteth no farther torture, exami­nation, extremitie or paine.

For eating flesh in Lent they do it, say they, by the permission of Pope Eleutherius: by the authoritie Dist. 30. ca. 51. quis. of the Councel of Bracare, holden in the yeare 619. and of the 13. Councel of Tolete, which excommu­nicateth all such as forbid the eating of flesh at all times indifferently. Also by the example of the holie bishop of Cyrus Spiridon, who said, That hee durst Hist. Tri­part. lib. 1. cap. 10. freely eat flesh in lent, because he was a Christian. In that they adorne not their temples with sundrie pi­ctures and images, It is, say they, because Athana­sius thus crieth out against the Gentiles. Whie come yee not to the knowledge of God by the true creatures, rather then by shadowes and remembrances? It is be­cause they credite the saying of Lactance Firmian: Lact. lib. 2. Instit. ca. 1. That God, whose spirite and power is dispersed al ouer, can not bee absent, and therefore that the image is super­fluous: It is because they be tyed to this place of Au­gustine. August. de Cuit. lib. 4. cap. 9. & 13 The first bringers in of Images, tooke the feare of God out of the world, and augmented error. If their ministers marry, they do it because we say that mar­riage is a sacrament, and the ministers of the church ought to participate in euery sacrament: they doo it because S. Ambrose saith, Let no man be restrained, lest while we forbid him a thing lawfull, he falleth to vn­lawfull: They do it, because in Euseb. they find that Euseb. li. 3. cap. 27. S. Peter & Philip were married: They do it, because S. Austē saith, That he dare not prefer S. Iohns virgini­ty Aug. tract. de Nupt. cap. 21. before Abrahams marriage. They do it because Pope Pius said, that for good cause they had takē mariage from [Page] priestes, but for greater cause they ought to restore it: They doo it least men should haue occasion, with Platina de vitis ponti­sicum. Pope Alexander to say. That God hath taken awaie sonnes from Priests, but the diuell hath giuen them Ne­phenes.

As for other points in controuersie, if we deepely and fully consider of them, we shall finde that they consist rather in outward ceremonies of the church then in substance of doctrine, which is not cause sufficient to denounce them heretikes: for heresie hath relation to the substantiall points of faith, not to the outward ceremonies. But howsoeuer it be, by the order of the common and ancient decrees, they cānot be accounted heretikes before they haue bin admonished by sundrie synodes & iudged by a councell: whereupon Pope Gregorie the seuenth, writeth to the Princes of Germanie concerning the excōmunication of the Emperor Henry the fourth: thus: We haue sought to bring him to repentance, but to Abbas vs­perg. in Hen. 4. our faire songs he hath lent the adders eare. Also Pope Innocent the third, speaking of heretikes, saith, If a bishop with his chapter haue condemned any man of he­resie, let him be accursed. He must therfore be iudged before he be condemned, and heard before he bee L. Diuus. F. de in Integ. restit. Solomenes lib. 1. ca. 16. iudged: otherwise the Lawyer Marcellus sheweth that the partie absent is to bee restored against the sentence pronounced in the preiudice of his rea­sons not alledged. Likewise the Emperor Cōstātine for the cutting off of the heresie of Arrius a priest Euag. lib. 2. cap. 2. of Alexandria, called the first councell of Nice, where he gaue day of assignation to the Arrians: Martian for abolishing the error of Eutiches called [Page] the fourth councell at Calcedon. Theodosius the 2. Euag. lib. 1 cap. 3. & 4. assembled the 3. at Ephesus against the heresie of Nestorius. Gratian and Theodose Emperors, for rooting out the doctrine of Macedonius, called the second at Constantinople. And yet do we binde the Popes to mount Caucasus, we make them to turne Ixions wheele, & roule Sisiphus stone, when we call for a councell: so that the K. of the Romains, and K. Lewis the 12. in the yeare 1510. could obtaine none at the hands of Pope Iulius the 2. Also when Charles the 5. being at Bologne, by his Chancelor ptopounded a generall assembly of all Christian Bi­shops, Pope Clement answered him in bitter words, that it needed not, sith that all nēw opinions were condemned by the ancient councels: aswel might he haue said that the ancient coūcels were superfluous, considering that the holy Ghost in his word cōdem­neth all heresies. But the chiefe purpose of councels tendeth to call heretikes to repentance, & to pray to God in thē to fulfil the prophecie of Ezechiell: I will Ezech. 11. giue them a new hart to walke in my cōmandements. As it fell out in the time of the emperor Theodosius, who by meanes of a councel that he gathered togither at Constantinople, reduced to the knowledge of the truth an infinite number whō the heresies of Arrius, Nouatus & Macedonius had seduced. It is not ther­fore inough to say that the ancient coūcels cōdemn heresies, but we must haue new, to conuert heretikes: Aug. de fi­de catho­lica. otherwise, as saith S. August. He erreth in faith, that calleth not heretikes frō error. So we find in the decrees that the ancients celebrated the councels from 5. yeares to 5. & frō 10. yeres to 10. since the vniuersall [Page] crowne of Basill. Neither is it sufficient to hold one councell for the reclaiming of heretikes to the vni­on of the church, but for so godly a woorke they should not spare for two or three. Saint Ambrose was not content that the Arrians had sundry times beene conuict of heresie: but that seeing them spring vp againe in France and Italy, in an assembly of Bi­shops at Aquilee, hee disputed against Palladinus, who was infected with the same heresie. And that wise Emperour Theodosius, notwithstanding the Nicene councell, wherein the Arrians, Nouatians, and Macedonians had beene condemned, caused them to bee called to the generall assembly at Con­stantinople. According to these examples we can­not find any speedier way to preuent the pretended heresie of the Protestants, then by calling a councel: they craue it, let them haue it: they would lay downe their reasons, let them be heard: they would learne, let them be taught: they seeke light, let them haue it: yea, if they stand in doubt, let them be assured: if they be not assured, let vs goe to them, let vs dispute, let vs endeuour to take away the causes of their diuisi­on. Hereof are we not without examples, for when the Donatists infected Africa with their wicked do­ctrine, and that they practised all kinds of crueltie a­gainst the Catholikes, a great number of Christian Bishops assembled togither, and besought them to grant them time and place to dispute, and through a frendly conference to root out their diuision: then if the Protestants, beeing vrged to agreement, doo nourish debate: if they shut their eyes against the light, then let the church vse her authoritie and po­wer: [Page] but if ourselues in lieu of instructing doo de­stroy: if in lieu of mitigating we doo make more ea­ger: if for health we minister death: if in the chayre of iustice, clemencie, and truth, we preach murder, bloud, and slaughters, are not our selues the fire-box­es of sedition, the trumpets of Sathan, the soldiours of Antichrist, and the enemies of the Catholike church? And yet these firebrands, without other or­der of law, would haue vs to condemne the Prote­stants for heretikes, and euen at the first to begin a­gainst them with treason, disloyaltie, and periury: and of the father of Fraunce they seeke to make an executioner of Frenchmen: of our most mercifull king, a bloody tyrant, a Phalaris, a Busiris, who should be blind at the teares, deafe at the lamentations, and inexorable at the most humble petitions of his obedient and afflicted subiectes. Wherein there­fore doo not these mad beastes resemble the cursed Bertaire, who possessing the will of his maister king Thierry, diswaded him from yeelding to the pray­ers, lamentations, and teares of the poore French­men, who, as men born to beare the blame, or thrust forward with the calamitie of the time, were bani­shed out of their country? But God, whose helpe, as a matter worthie his mercie and our hope, we doo craue, will raise vp some Pepins against these infa­mous Bertaires. In the meane time, ye Frenchmen, let vs awake, and let vs not haue eyes to be blind, or vaines and sinewes to be filled with lethargy, neither let vs account the bloody murderers of Frenchmen to be partakers of the French church. If not, of neces­sitie, we must by armes set to the last helpe for this [Page] quarrell for religion, who may better then my lords the Princes of the bloud, that yet are not departed out of the bosome of the catholike church? who ra­ther then these noble & religious children of S. Le­wis, whose faith neuer came in suspect? who may, I say, better then they, take in hande the thunder, the lightening, & the three tined forke, to disperse all he­resies? Next to these Princes, what surer piller, what stronger buckler can our church haue, then that wise Fabius, that notable Scipio, the L. Marshal of Mont­morency? And yet haue none of these bene so much as called to this league: for although they be Catho­likes, yet be they not good Catholikes after the ma­ner of the leaguers, that is, ambitious, trecherous, cruel & bloody: notwithstanding they be euen thun­derbolts in war, yet are they no good warriers as the world goeth, I meane, enemies to peace, blinded with ambitiō, starued after goods, thirsty after bloud & void of all humanitie. For whilest the Pope aucto­riseth the Guisians, & giueth the spoile of the K. of Nauarre & Prince of Condies goodes, he practiseth not the cōmandement of Iesus Christ: Goe forth and Math. 10. preach, the kingdome of God is at hand. It is an other les­son then S. Paule teacheth, saying: The armors of our 1. Cor. 10. warfare are not carnall, but mightie in the Lord, to bring all knowledge to the obedience of Christ. He followeth Hier. ad nepotem. not S. Hieromes precepts, Let the bishops be ministers, not maisters: for truth cannot be ioyned with force. The persecuted to follow Christ, the persecutor Antichrist. He is deafe to heare the doctrine of Lactance: Religion Lactance instit. lib. 5. cap. 20. must be defēded, not by slaying, but by offering to be slaine, not by crueltie, but by curtesie, not by wickednesse, but by [Page] faith. He giueth place to the complaints of Hilary: Hilar. epist. ad Const. What meaneth this (saith he) that the Priests by prisons are forced to feare God? that the people beeing bound are committed to warde among the chayned? and the Virgins stripped naked to suffer paine? Finally, he taketh an o­ther course then God teacheth in the 3. of Ieremy, speaking vnto him: Hast thou not seene that this rebell Israel hath done? she hath gone a whoring into euery high mountaine, & into euery greene tree: Go therefore & cry out these words toward the North, Returne Israell, thou disobedient, and I will not let my wrath fall vppon thee. He willeth not to robbe, to spoile and sacke, to f [...]ll all with murder and bloud, as the Pope doth, yea euen in matter where there is but preuention, not sen­tence: but accusation, not proofe. To alledge that the King of Nauarre and Prince of Condé, in the yeare 1572. being brought home into the bosome of our church, do seeme in ther letters to the Pope, dated at Paris the third of October, to confesse that before they had bene detained in the snare of error, is as much as to be blind in the circumstances of the time and place: they were at Paris amongst their enemies, who barked at their liues, and were dy­ed red in the bloud of their seruants, yea euen in the time that the Frenchman was the cruell butcher & bloody murderer of Frenchmen: that the father cut his sons throat, that the mother slew the daughter, that the brother dispatched the sister, one neighbour killed another, cruelty triumphed ouer clemencie, and rage ouer pitie: who then at such a time with a trembling hand would not haue written whatsoe­uer his enemies had endited? But in such cases [Page] the lawes of the Emperors, and edicts of the aunci­ent Pretors doo declare all such actions none, as if they had not beene: for that is not called consent that we force him to doo that is depriued of his po­wer: for this cause doth Pope Alexander the 3. will Cap. 1. ext. de his quae v [...]met. Abbas. Vs­perg. in Hen. 5. those mē, that for feare of death are become Monks to [...]ast their weed into the nettles, & to marry. And Pascall the 2. hauing beene forced the right of inue­stiture of benefices to the Emperour Hen. the 5. cal­led a councell at Lateran, where he made voide all that by force he had bene compelled to doo. Like­wise, Platina de vitis Pont. the dooings of Silla were denounced to be ty­ranny, because that he hauing a mighty army with­in the walles of Rome, established himselfe Dictator, as also did Caesar by the law Seruia. So that the king of Nauarre and Prince of Condé may iustly disallow the declaration contained in their letters, sith that the more force that was vsed, the lesse will they had. At all aduentures, from whence doth the Pope take this authority to excommunicate the goods. Kings (saith Christ) haue dominion ouer the nations, but it Math. 20. shall not be so among you: Feed (saith S. Peter) the flocke of Christ, not as hauing dominion ouer their heritage, but so as you may be an example to the flocke. Iustinian Epist. 1. c. 5 Nou. 81. also writing to Epiphanius, diuideth the ministerie from the Lordship, and in an other place forbiddeth the Priests to take vpon them the titles of Lords, but of spirituall fathers. Yea Balde, one of the bucklers of the Romish Priest, exalting his power, is still forced to put in this bridle, In spirituall cases: and S. Bernard speaking to Pope Eugenius, saith: It is euident that the Apostles are forbidden all Lordship: how therefore [Page] darest thou vsurpe the title of an Apostle in playing the Lord, or play the Lord while thou sittest in the Apostolike sea? In olde time also the Priests iudged of heresies, but not of the punishment of heretikes: which was the reason that S. Paule was brought before Festus Act. 25. Theod. lib. 1. cap. 20. Tit. de he­ret. c. 1 lib. 1. De sum. trinit. L. Placet de sacro Ec­cles. c. the Emperors Lieutenant: that Constantine forebad the Bishops of Nicomedia from shewing any fauor to Eusebius and Theognis: that Honorius appoin­ted the Prouost Marcellus to be a iudge for the Ca­tholikes against the Donatists: and that the Empe­rors Constantine, Gratian, Theodosius, & Iustinian, did ordaine grieuous punishments for heretikes. Yea in the olde time so farre were the sacrificers and Priests from medling with secular iurisdiction, or incroching vppon the authoritie of kinges, that in whatsoeuer concerned priestly discipline, they bow­ed to them: Salomon deposed Abiathar the high 1. King. 2. 1. Chro. 29 Priest, and placed Sadoc in his roome: Ezechias re­formed the order of Leuites, and brought them vnto their first puritie: Iudas Machabeus deposed the 1. Macab. 4 Liuius lib. 1. dec. 1. wicked Priests of the law: and Numa, saith Liuy, de­liuered in writing, and signed a note vnto the high Priest, with what cattel, vpon what dayes, & in what temples they should offer sacrifice, & from whence they should haue the money to furnish such expen­ces. Afterward by the law of the twelue tables the whole depended vpon the wil of the Senate, who by that authoritie in the Consulship of P. Cornelius Lentulus, and M. Bebius Pamphilus, did openly burne the bookes of Numa, as being repugnant to their religion: the like also did Constantine with the Niceph. lib [...]. [...]. 18 bookes of Arrius: for from time to time the power [Page] of holding councels, and ordering the churches, de­pended vpon the Emperors, as we may gather by the decrees of Constantine, Gratian and Honorius, written in the first Code of Iustinian, who said, That he had no lesse care of religion then of his owne life: and of whom we read 17. constitutions concerning ec­clesiasticall discipline. As also our kings vppon the like argument haue builded many goodly decrees, namely Charlemaine, and Charles the 7. who the 13. of Iuly 1438. published the Pragmaticall sancti­on at Paris: & indeed, as saith Isidore, Emperors and Kings haue the first degree in the Church, whose nurses they are, according as Esay saith chap. 49. which was the cause that in olde time they had the greatest functions in the Church, as commanding of fasts and calling of councels, &c. That Boniface the 1. besought the Emperor Honorius to ordeine that they might lawfully proceed to the election of the Popes of Rome: that Pelagius the 1. sware in the hands of Ruffin, Childebert K. of France his embas­sador: that Leo the 4. protested obedience vnto the lawes of Lothair, and that Gregory entituleth him­selfe the vnworthy seruant of Maurice.

But since the Popes gat a tast of worldly affaires, they haue endeuored to satisfie themselues at the costes of the authoritie of Kinges and Emperours, whom, notwithstanding that according to S. Paule, euery soule ought to bee subiect to them, they haue gone about to bring in subiection to the crosse of Rome, whereto their enterprises haue had so good successe, that they haue made the kings of England, Arragon, Naples, Sicill, Ierusalem, Poland, Sardinia, [Page] Corsica, and the Canaries tributaries to the Pope: wherupon the Clergie themselues, considering that they had girded too far into temporall iurisdiction, & that oftētimes their ambitiō opened the gate in­to sundrie schismes, were forced to bridle them, and the Emperors to restraine their insolencies, as the Patricians were wont to doo at Rome, who, as wit­nesseth Liuie, Thought good that the Salians and Fla­mines, Liui. lib. 4. should without farther power and authoritie tende to their sacrifices onelie. Thus in the yeare 1046. the christiā bishops seing the wound which the church receiued through the ambition of Benet the ninth, Abb. Vrsp. in Hen. 3. Siluester the 3. and Gregory the sixt, Antipopes, did canonically depose thē al in a sinode holdē at Rome, being supported with the authoritie of the Emperor Henry the third. Afterward anno 1076. a councell was holden at Wormes, wherein with the consent of all the Germaine Bishoppes, except the Saxons, Gregorie the seuenth, called Hildebrand, was excō ­municated as one that brethed nothing but tyran­ny, Abb. Vr­sperg. in Hen. 4. as appeareth by a letter which the councel wrot vnto him in these termes: Because thou thorough dis­loialtie aud periurie hast opened the gate of honor: that the Church of God being tormented with thy newe in­uentions, as with a vehement storme, fleeteth in danger: and that thy life is tainted with manie villanies: wee shake off the yoke of obedience, that hitherto we haue lent thee, and as openly thou giuest out that thou accountest none of vs to be bishops, so doo not we take thee to be Apo­stolicall. Besides this Councell, the Emperor Henrie the fourth, summoned another at Bresse, anno 1080. wherein Gregorie the seuenth, was againe deposed [Page] and Wigibert Archbishop of Rauenna, substituted in his place: The same Emperor also anno 1083. tooke Rome, and Gregorie fledde to Salerne, Platina in vitis Pontif. where hee died. Shortly after, namely, anno 1111. the Emperor Henrie the fift, seeing that Pope Pa­scall the second sought to intrude vpon the ancient rightes of the Empire, concerning the inuestiture and collation of benefices, kept him prisoner vntill he had by declaration confessed that hee had gone farther then hee ought. Also by the aduice of the Germaine bishops, Philip the son of Frederike Bar­barossa raised an armie to bridle Pope Innocent the third, who had wrongfullie excommunicated him, and who ordinarely vsed to say, that either Innocent should plucke the royall diademe▪ from Philip, or Philip the Abb. Vrsp. in Philip. Apostolicall mitre from Innocent. But in the end all was appeased by the Popes Nephewes marriage with the Emperors daughter. In processe of time, Frede­ricke the second, to whome the Church was much bound, as wel for raising an army anno 1222. against the Sarazens in Sicill, Calabria and Pouille, as also Abb. Vrsp. in Fred. 2. for going about the conquest of the holie lande, in anno 1228. was thrise by Pope Gregorie the ninth, excommunicate, viz. in the yeares 1223. 1237. 1238. So as he by the counsell of the Germaine Prelates fell vpon Italy, seised vpon Verona, spoiled the ter­ritories of Padua: in whose time began the factions of Guelphes and Gibelines. Againe, about the Vit. P [...]d. yeare 1323. Lewes of Bauier, against whome pope Iohn the 22. had opposed Frederike of Austrich, did by the aduice of the Romaines, elect a new pope called Peter of Cerberie, whom he named Nicho­las [Page] the fift, who immediately created new cardinals, and burned Pope Iohn in picture, in the presence of the Emperor, who moreouer in the yeare 1336. assembled a dyet at Francfort, wherein by the decree of the Princes of the Empire, Pope Iohns procee­dings and excommunications were declared voide and of no force. In the yeare 1415. Iohn the three and twentith flying from the Councell of Constance, by the helpe of Fredericke Duke of Austrich, and the Archbishop of Mayence, was by the authoritie of the Councell and of the Em­peror Du Tillet. Sigismond deposed, togither with Grego­rie the twelft, and Benedict the thirteenth Anti­popes: to whom in Nouember 1417. was Surrogate Ottho, Cardinal of Columna, afterward called Mar­tin the fift.

These Popish insolencies had no better enter­tainement in France then in Germanie: for in the yeare 1198. when this realme was by the Councell of Diion accursed, because the king Philip Augu­stus, reiecting Engelberge sister to Cain king of Denmarke, had married Anne daughter to the D. of Morauia, the king appealed to his swoords point, and sharpely punished those that were assi­stant at that Councell: so that the Pope perceiuing that so great a Monarch woulde not bee hand­led without a snafle, endeuored to appease him, and in the yeare 1201. called a Councell at Sois­sons, where by orderly exhortations for bishoppes, the king tooke againe his wife Engelberge. But Philippe the faire proceeded farther: for at that time when Pope Boniface the eight had accursed [Page] the realme, and abandoned the same as a pray to the Emperor Albert of Austrich, in the presence of his princes and councell, he caused the Bull to be burned, and sent into Italie Noguarel with an ar­mie, & a decree of seizure of bodie, by vertue wher­of hee tooke the Pope prisoner. Also Lewes the twelfth, whose greatnesse the Priest of Rome had of­ten bayed at, but neuer could bite, perceiuing that Iulius the second followed the traine of his prede­cessors insolēcies, & that hauing excommunicated him & his subiects, hee stirred vp the Englishmen, Germaines & Spaniards against him, did openly by a decree of his Parliament, rent the Bull of introdu­ction, and imprison the bringers thereof: and then by the aduise of the French Bishops, assembled at Tours, about the yeare 1511. did resolue, by armes to withstand the Popes tyrannie, who since from time to time hath still practised some mischiefe a­gainst France, and as Martin du Bellay in the second booke of his remembrances testifieth, Pope Leo hearing that the French-men vnder the conduct of the Lorde of Lautree, had lost Millanine, anno 1521. conceiued such ioy thereof, that he died sud­denlie. Oh glorious death of one of the Apostles succes­sors! O the holy father, who doth not onely delight in the mischiefe that he committeth, but also doth euen bathe himselfe in that harme that he doth not! Since that this Popish ambition hath of ouer­flowed all Christendome, that the Church is at this present vtterlie disfigured: witnesse the king­domes of England, Scotland, Denmarke, and Sue­den, the seculars of the holie Empire, a great part [Page] of Poland and Boheme, the chiefe Cantons of the Zwitzers, and many great townes and communal­ties of Germany that haue played bankerout with the catholike romish religion: what thinkest thou, O thou Romish priest, howe goest thou to wrecke, and how corrupt is thy life! Is thy holy water now turned to bloud? Hast thou no other holy water stocke thā poore France, rent in peeces with so ma­ny mischiefes? Is the knife the holy water sprinkle? Be the harquebushes S. Peters kayes? Is thy cour­tesie crueltie? and thy peace warre? dost thou saly for to heale? dost thou scatter to gather togither a­gaine? dost thou prouoke, to appease? and pul down, for to build againe? My kingdome is not of this world, sayth Christ, and yet thou wilt lift vp thy crosse a­boue scepters, and thy miter ouer diademes. Nourish (sayth he) peace and charitie, and thou sendest thy bulles post abroad to sowe debate among those that be at one! He sheweth thee the heauens, but thou beholdest the earth: he giueth thee the charge ouer soules, but thou wilt master the bodie. Thou hast beene hurt, and yet seekest to refresh thy wound. For if any heresie springeth vp in the worlde, thou shouldest deale with the mind, not with the goods, neyther shouldest thou fight with kniues, but with reason. If we vse not to apply to the body the me­dicines fit for the soule, why shouldest thou apply to the soule those that appertaine to the body: like disease, like medecine: like wound, like oyntment: like occasion, like remedie. To bodily wounds, be­long bodily medicines: and to spiritual diseases, spi­rituall remedies. To seeke therefore by force to root [Page] out heresies, is to cure the soule by the bodie: or rather to slay and not to heale: to vexe, not to com­fort: by darkenesse to shewe light, and by crueltie to teach courtesie. If thou wilt not destroy, thou must vse instruction: to instruct, thou must subuert; to subuert, thou must conuince, and to conuince reason is necessarie. Is it reason to passe to condem­nation before proofe? to commit the stewes to the reformation of harlots, and the execution of sen­tence to the partie adiudged?

To the generall reasons of this discourse the king of Nau. and prince of Conde do adde particulat ex­ceptions. As that by decree of Charles the 6. pub­lished anno. 1369. it was forbidden to excommuni­cate any towne, communaltie, bodie or colledge of this realme: besides that by the priuiledges of the lilly the Pope can not excommunicate either the k [...] or his subiectes: so that Clement the 5. by his bull made voide the interdiction of Boniface the 8. a­gainst Philip the faire, & declared this realme exēpt frō the Popes power, & so was accounted & adiud­ged by Alexander the 4. Grogory the 8. 9. 10. 11. Clement the 4. Vrban the 5. & Benedict the 12. Al­so in the yeare 1488. the kings proctor appealed as of abuse, from the excommunication that the Pope had cast vpon the inhabitantes of Gaunt, vassals to the crowne of France. And the court of Parliament by a decree of the 27. of Iune 1526. and an other of the last of Ianuary, 1552. declared the clause by the Apostolike authoritie, inserted into the Popes re­scriptes, and sent into France to be voide and abu­siue. Againe when in March, 1563. the Romish [Page] inquisition had cited the Queene of Nauarre perso­nally to appeare before the Pope, within 6. months vnder paine of confiscation of goods, king Charles the 9. thinking that this adiournment touched his honor and the priuiledges of his realme, tolde the Popes Nuntio, that hee would chastise the authors of that enterprise. As in the like case did Lewes the young 1143. deale with Tibault Earle of Cham­pagne, who had procured Raoul Earle of Verman­dois, to be censured. Hereunto do I adde with Du Du Tillet cap. of the Peere. Tillet bishop of Meaux, that wee ought not to suf­fer a peere to be excommunicate, because we are to be conuersant with him about the kinges counsels, who in case hee had not whereof to liue, ought to finde him. Vpon such reasons, examples and pri­uiledges, do the king of Nauar, & prince of Conde depende: and as true Frenchmen, make a shield a­gainst the enimies of France, who for preparing the way to their ambition with the price of the poore people, do studie to corrupt those goodly priuiled­ges, vsing the priest of Rome, as the minister of their furie: who being filled with rashnosse haue hatched The Guizi­ans second pretence. all the tragedies at this day played in France, yea euen so farre as to seeke to make the king to nomi­nate a successor to the Crowne. In olde time the Dictator Fabius Buteo, endeuouring to bring into order, that which time and necessitie had disor­dered, sayde that he would not depose out of the Senate anie of those whome the Censors C. Fla­minius Liuius li. 3. dec. 3. and L. Aemilius had established. Who can then beleeue that the king woulde depriue from the right of the realme, those that are called [Page] not by the Censors, but by the lawe, which is the [...]le of Censure? I meane that grounded lawe of France, by vertue whereof the successor is seised in a manner during his predecessors life, and without other inuestiture, is halfe possessioner: wherof grow­eth this prouerbe, In France the king neuer dieth. Be­sides, to corrupt those lawes whereby hee reigneth after his predecessors, euen since the beginning of this Monarchie, were as much as to hate himselfe: for although we liue vnder a soueraigne, whose handes can not be bound, yet must we say with L. Valerius against the Oppian law. There be lawes that Liuius li. 4. dec. 4. be inuiolable, in respect of the perpetuall profite of the common wealth, and there be others necessarie for a time only: those do neuer die, but these are mortall according to the diuersitie of occurrences. So that these thinges thus by nature distinguished, we place first the laws Royall, and such as concerne the state of the realm, because they be annexed and vnited to the crowne, as is this lawe of succession, to the preiudice wher­of the king can not elect any other successor then whom the same doth appoint him, and in this case we may say that which Pacatius saide to the Empe­rour Theodosius. That onely is lawfull for thee to doo, Bartol. in li. prohibe­re. Plane f. quod fiant clam. that the lawes do permit, and no otherwise, for diuerse considerations.

First that that is obserued in part, must take place in all. But the kings do holde it for a generall rule, that the publike demaynes are by nature holy, sa­cred, and inalienable. For that cause was the towne of Zikeleg that Achis gaue to Dauid neuer aliena­ted. And the kinges of Englande, France, Spaine, [Page] and Polande, do sweare neuer to dismember their demaynes: yea the king of Englande in his trea­tie with the Pope and Potentates of Italy added this clause: That they should giue no part of the de­maynes of Fraunce, for the deliuerie of king Frances. The reason is, because the demaines of the Crowne is a publike valuation in respect of the prosperitie thereof, the profite whereof is made priuate and particular to the king that reigneth only so long as he liueth. This caused the Emperour Pertinax to raze his name that was grauen in demainiall inheri­tances: that Antonine the pitifull would not dwell but vpon his owne inheritance: and that Lewes the 8. chose rather to sell his owne moueables & iewels for the satisfying of his legacies, then to touch the demains: which considering the other rights of the common wealth, can be tearmed but a part thereof: so that if the king can not alienate, much lesse may he passe away his kingdome and subiectes from one stocke to an other.

The second consideration shall be taken of the example of tutors, who as witnesseth Aulus Gelli­us. lib. 5. cap. 9. could not passe away their pupils into other mens power, neither kinges their sub­iectes, considering that they are onely tutors to the people, to whose generall benefite their eyes ought to be more open then to their owne parti­cular commodities: and by the saying of an aun­cient man. Euen as tutorshippe, so the charge of Cicer. lib. 1 Offic. the common wealth hath more regarde to the pro­fite of the Gouernors then of the gouerned. So that if the king being ledde by euill counsell, transferreth [Page] his realme, the fittest to succeed may frustrate what­soeuer hath beene done to his preiudice: which was put in practise by Charles the 7. against Henry the 5 king of France and England, who in respect of his marriage with Lady Katherin of France, daughter to Charles the 6. was inuested in this realme, as ap­peareth by the agreement made the 21. of May 1420 Moreouer, although in certaine cases our lawes do permit the father to disinherite his sonne, yet doth this permission take no place in our kinges, as be­ing heyres not to them, but to the crowne: for by lawe the heyre is bound to all hereditarie actions, whether actiue or passiue, because as saith the law­yer L. Non mi­nus ff. de haered. Instit. Caius, the inheritance representeth the person of the deceased. And yet we holde that the king is not bound to the priuate agreementes and othes of his predecessors: for when Philip the faire, for the cōcluding of the marriage of his eldest sonne Lewes Hutin with Margaret of Burgūdy in February 1299 agreed that in case Lewes Hutin deceased before he came to the crowne of France, leauing any heyres male, euery younger brother should haue 20000. frankes of rent, the sayde agreement bound not his successor. Likewise when Charles the fift in Octo­ber 1374. decreed that his seconde sonne Lewes of Fraunce should haue for his maintenance 12000. frankes of rent with the title of Earle, and 40000. payd him at one payment, this decree bound none but himself. Also king Lewes the 12. answered those that demanded the artilerie that had beene lent to his predecessor Charles the 8. that he was not his heire to pay his debtes. And king Frances the 2. in [Page] the yeare 1559. Ianuarie 19. writ thus to the Lords of the league. Although we be not bound to the payment of our most honorable late lorde and fathers debtes, for that we take not this crowne in title of his heyre, but by the lawe and custome generally obserued in this realme euer since the first institution thereof, yet wishing to dis­charge our sayde Lorde and fathers conscience, wee are determined to pay so manie as we shall finde iustly to be dewe, &c. Thus, sith the crowne commeth not by fa­therly succession, but by the lawe of the realme, the king can not take it from him, to whom the lawe giueth it. Furthermore we are in farre better con­dition, then the franchized Romaines, who by the constitution of the Emperors Dioclesian and Maxi­mian might chose to inherite where it pleased thē, and the heyre (as sayth Pomponius) that was char­ged to set them free might not without their owne consent discharge themselues by an other: much lesse then should any against our willes, make vs to bow our neckes vnder the power of others then those that are appointed vs by succession, which is of greater force then the last will of a testator. And to say that the king of Nauarre by reason of his re­ligion can not be sacred, or receiue the oyle, ob­serued according to custom by the Guizians saying euer since Clouis the 1. & so consequently may not be k. of France, is to go about to make the accessarie principall, & of the accident the essence: for the sa­cring of a king is no part of the essence, or else they might serue for a difference in the definition of a king: & euē as the definition & thing defined ought to haue relatiō, so should it follow that he that were [Page] annoynted and sacred shoulde be king, and euerie king should be annoynted and sacred. Which not­withstanding throughout the whole line of the Me­rouing ans the Chronicles make no mention of sacring or oyle. Clouis the first, by the testimo­nie of Gregorie of Tours, after his baptisme, was crowned and carryed about the campe vpon a Tar­get: likewise Sigebert in steede of Chilpericke that was besieged at Tournay. And according to Ai­moinus, certaine Dukes hauing conspired against the kinges Gontran and Childebert, did at Briue la galliard make Gondeuault their king with like ce­remonies which were common to other Nations. For Brinion was made Duke by the Kennemer landes, as saith Tacitus: Valentinian the first, and Pliocas by the Romaine army as sayth Nicephorus, and Hipatius, as saith Cassiodore. Who then seeth not that the enemies pretended reasons are but fol­ly accompanied with deceipt? Hereto I will adde, that at the request of these Guizians, this realme, should be made electiue, also besides the law & rea­sons aforesaide, the custome should be violated: sith that by the testimony of Agathius a greeke writer, who liued in the yeare 400. and of Cedrenius, who liued in the time of Philip the first, king of France, the Frankes hauing chosen the best forme of com­mon wealth, had no king but by successiue lawe. But what stone do those men let ly still, that yaune after principalities? The house of Bourbon, say these firebrands, are at this day passed the tenth de­gree of agnation from the Royall house, and there­fore by the ciuill lawe excluded from succession. [Page] Marke here you French men, how this young Alex­ander, this beautifull branch of S. Lewes, Henrie K. of Nauar is not alone the marke that the wretched purposes of these strangers aime at, but also all the Princes of the house of Bourbon, generallie are bar­ked at. But in what sort? with some breach still in the realme which holdeth of none but God & the sword. They heere oppose against vs the lawes of the Romaines: and we say they are a-bodie without a soule, sauing so farre as they take life at the autho­ritie of our kings, as appeareth by the priuiledges granted to the vniuersitie of Orleance, in the yeare Du Tillet in his collecti­on of the kings of France cap. titres & grand. 1312. by Philip the faire, and the decree dated the 15. of Iuly 1351. wherein it was saide that the king might derogate from the Ciuill law: which also Phi­lip of Valois put in practise in the two wils that hee made anno 1347. and in his donation to the Queen anno 1330. the 21. of Nouember. To cut thē there­fore off short: this realme is not hereditarie, but in the family: and the succession of our kings is not ru­led by a written law, but by custome, & her groun­ded lawes, which doo transport the crowne to the next of the blood royall descending from the male, yea were he in the thousand degree. And yet not­withstanding al these reasons, and nothing conside­ring Liui. lib. 2, Dec. 3. the saying of Fabius Max. we may oftentimes make right sicke, but kill it we cannot: the Guisians meane to pluck away the crowne from those whom nature hath made kings, yea euen to bring the king to such passe that he must be forced to nominate to them a successor. Although, as saith the wise man, The height of the heauens, the depth of the earth, and the [Page] harts of kings ought not to be sounded. The Coūcel also Prou. 25. of Tolete excommunicateth all those that enquire who shall raigne ouer them after him that ruleth the scepter: for besides a vitious curiositie, we may still suspect some practise against the king. And in deede when in the yeare 1566. in the Parliament of England, the estates solicited the Queene to nomi­nate to them a successor to her crowne, shee answe­red them, that they digged her graue before shee were deade: at the least shee might say that they en­deuoured to abase her authoritie: for as said Pom­pee, Men worship the sunne at her rising, rather then at her setting. But to what purpose is this naming of a successor? The Aegyptians surnamed all their kings Pyramis, which signifieth the selfesame thing, be­cause wee cannot tearme anie thing good in na­ture that is not proportioned in all parts. Who then Arist. l. 7. Polit. dare be so bold as to say, that our king being a man is none, either that he is vnable to engender? If by nature the time of generation endeth not before 60. yeares, or as some say before 70. shall wee say that a lustie Prince, euen in the flower of his age is past hope of issue: also if, as Seneca saith, Euerie lighte beleefe is a foolish document, whie shoulde wee perswade our selues that our king is barren? but let vs proceede to that that goeth yet nearer.

The Guysians by vow and profession ancient eni­mies to the blood royall of France, weening to haue brought his maiestie to haue a tast in practising the counsaile that Tarquine the proud gaue his sonne Sextus, which was to slay all the chiefe lords of the [Page] Gabiens, and thinking it an easie matter to breake an eele with their knee, and to wurry the Princes of the blood, who cannot be so much as shaken with­out the totall destruction of this estate, do by their last propositions studie to bring al the estates of this realme out of tast with their duetie, whereto nature and the law of God doth bind them, and vnder the kings support to oppresse the Princes of the blood, and by the subiects reuolt to trippe away the kings legge. This appeareth euidently: for in propoun­ding The Guyses third pre­tence. to reestablish the Church in her liberties and and ancient priuiledges, seeke they notto bring in the clergie to plaie gainst his maiestie?

Hath the church lost her prerogatiues? Who but he that hath authority hath taken thē away? or who hath authority but the K. onely? But if, as a certaine Emperor said, we ought not to haue any sinister opi­nion of our Princes, who shal say that our king hath willed more then he ought, or that he hath not ruled his power with reason? It is, said Plinie to the Em­peror Traian, the highest degree of happinesse to be able to do what a man will, and of greatnesse to will that which a man may. Now this power is not mea­sured according to mans affections, but by the foot rule of vertue and lawes. Herein do we know tyrāts from kings, for tyrants will haue their affections serue for lawes, and kings haue no other affections but lawes: & yet, as if his maiesty had contrary to all reasō rauished from the church her ancient liberties, these Guysards wil restore them to her againe. But what doo these Mushromes of a nights growth call ancient? In old time according to the decrees of the [Page] of Antioch, and since by the ordinances of Charle­maine, the Election of bishops consisted in the ap­probation Theod. li. 14 cap. 18. of the people, without whose aduow, the vniuersal Councel of Cōstantinople would not or­daine Nestorius bishop: & when Athanase declared Peter his successor, the people, saith Theodoret, did allow him. Yea euen by the decree of Pope Nicho­las. The election of Popes made by the Cardinals ought to be ratified by the people. In olde time the Pope was no Prince of Priests, neither was president in coūcels, where the order of the Hierarchy ought strictly to bee obserued: In the Councell of Nice, Athanasius was present, In the second of Ephesus, Dioscorus Patriarch of Alexandria. In the fifth of Cō ­stantinople, Menas Patriarch of the same place: At Carthage, Aurelius Archbishop of the towne: and S. Cyprian speaking of the bishop of Rome, calleth him but brother or companion. In olde time the Guysards were no bodie, & of late of pettie compa­nions they are growne vp at the cost of the crucifix: Restore things then to their first estate, and ye make a breach in the Popes authoritie, and the Guysards must lose their grace: yet do they speake of reesta­blishing the Church in her ancient priuiledges! but from whence haue they this authoritie? from their ambition. By what meanes? by sucking the goods of the Church, not for the aduancement of the cler­gie, but to smooth the way to their pernitious pra­ctises: like as those factious persons, Robert Earle of Angiers, and his brother Hugh, who seeking to wrest the scepter out of the hauees of Charles the simple, hyred their men with Church goods. But [Page] these men will keepe her. O what a good keeper of the sheepe is the wolfe! How will they keepe her? with armes: as if they might leuie armes without the Princes commandement: who is the dispenser of the same? Read ouer the lawes, you shall finde that L. vnica. c. vt ar. vsus &c. Taboeth in para. Reg. the enemies Valens and Valentinian, doo expresly forbid the raysing of any banner without their au­thoritie: Examine the regall lawes, and you shal find that it is one point of maiestie to appoint war: looke into reason, there shall you know that the taking of armes which toucheth the commonwealth, should not be practised by any particular person: peruse the histories, there shall you see that the estates of the Athenian people denounced warre, as they did a­gainst the Siracusians, Megarians, and the kinges of Macedon: you shall find that the Aetolians forebad Liuius lib. 31. the concluding of any thing concerning war, except in Panaetolio & Pylacio consilio: also that at Rome it lay in the people to denounce, as they did against Mi­thridates by the lawe Manilia: against Philip the se­cond king of Macedon, by the law Sulpitia: against the Pirates, by the law Gabinia. And because Caesar Plut. in Cat. warred in France without the peoples commande­ment, Cato was of opinion, that the army should bee reuoked, and Caesar deliuered to the enemies. Yea, the Senate seeking to encroch that authoritie vnto themselues, was still withstood by the Tribunes. There was (saith Liuy) debate touching the resolu­tion, Liuy lib. 4. whether warre should bee denounced by the commaundement of the people, or whether the de­crees of the Senate should suffise. The Tribunes had the vpper hand: as also it fell out when the second [Page] Punike warre was motioned: also when they were to fight against the Hernicques, Vestins, Palepoli­tains, Prenestines, & Eques. Likewise when the Ta­rentines denounced warre to the Romains. The Se­nate Plut. in Pyrr. (saith Plutarke) gaue the aduise, and the people of Tarent granted the precept. What lawes then, what right, what reason, what examples do authorise, or rather do not condemne the weapons of these per­turbers, who of their owne authoritie haue kindeled the fire of an vniust, cruell, and bloody warre? And shall these bee the bucklers of the faith, and pillers of the church? no, but the diuels sergants, & scour­ges of Antichrist: for warre, murder, and cruelty are no marks of a Christian, who (as saith Socrates the Scholast. lib. 7. cap. 15. speaking of the murder of Hi­patie) ought to haue his handes cleane from bloud. And according to an olde saying, We must rather de­bate our right with reasō, then with armes. Which was the cause, that the Athenians and Mitelenians those Periander for an arbitrator in their controuersies for a certaine territory: that the Acheans remitted their quarrell with the Argiues to the iudgement of the Mantineans: & that the Romains before they tooke armes against Hanniball, sollicited him to rayse his siege before Sagunt. Yea, in olde time, when neces­sitie forced them to the taking of armes, it was not doone without southsaying, and for the most part they asked the counsaile of Oracles: so that P. Clau­dius and L. Iunius being Consuls, they were by the decree of the people condemned, for sayling away without southsaying: as was also Gabinius, for leading an army into Aegypt, contrary to the tenour [Page] of the Sibils bookes: and shall the murderers of the commonwealth, robbing euen before the magi­strates face, be accounted the pillers of the Church? men that haue not put on armour, but to the end to increase their meanesse, to fish in troubled water, to tryumph vpon the Frenchmens reproch, shall they be named the protectors of Saint Peter?

What benefite, my maisters, ye Bishops, do you looke for of so many mischiefes committed in your fauour? you lende your hande to the seditious: Is Eccles. 7. that the way to retire from the wicked, least his sinne fall vpon you? Is that your practising of Ter­tullians counsayle, that it is better to be killed, then to kill: to bee betrayed, then to betray: and to serue for a marke to the wicked, rather then to doo euill? What may the Romaines say vnto you, Liuy lib. 9. dec. 1. they that deliuered the Consull Posthumius vnto the heralds, and so returned him bound and fette­red vnto the Samnites for making a necessary peace with them, of you, I say, who through pas­sion, rather then reason, doo fauour an vniust warre? For whereof doo you complayne? If you say that sundry gentlemen doo holde Abbyes and Bishop­rickes in commandement, or otherwise, wee may aunswere, that aforetime they were giuen in por­tions: as we finde that Adolph the second sonne vnto Bald wine the second Earle of Flaunders, and Lady Estrilde daughter vnto Elfrede King of Eng­land, had for his portion the Countie of Saint Pol, and Abbey of Saint Berthine. Also Robert Earle of Angiers, before the decease of his brother of Eude, helde the Abbyes of S. Germaine in the medowes, [Page] S. Crosse and S. Owen. Yea, and our kings, seeing that Abbyes were growne most wealthy, and were reduced in manner to the forme of their warlike fa­uors, conferred them to their soldiours, who by dis­cretion placed in them a head, whom they tearmed Deane, which appeareth to haue bene vsed since the raigne of Charles the balde, vnto the time of K. Ro­bert. If your argument consist vppon the vnfit pro­motions vnto ecclesiasticall dignities, dooth not the imposition of hands, and consecration rest in your selues? why doo you then giue them to vnwoorthy persons? Besides, there is no apparance to cut off the kings from their right of presentations, because they In the olde historie of S. Denis. be the patrons of the churches. Yea, Pope Adrian held a councell, wherein it was decreed, that thence forth Charlemaine should haue the inuestiture of Archbishops and Bishops in their prelacies: besides that, as saith Duarene, The installing of Bishops, by the authority of our kings, is one of the corner stones of this Realme. For (saith hee) who knoweth not the Duaren de sac. sanct. eccles. min. lib. 1. cap. 6 sleights of the Court of Rome, & how much French blood that horsleach sucketh vp? And the exchange of his lead with our gold is growne to a Prouerbe, as that in Homer of Glaucus and Diomedes. And S. Ber­nard Bernard lib. 4. de consider. ad Eug. euen in his time complaineth, that from al parts of the world, the ambitious Simonists, whoremai­sters, and incestuous persons ran to Rome to get the honors of the church. If you complaine because of some leuie of coine vpon the clergie, we may tell you that necessitie hath no law: that men are gouer­ned according to the time, not the time according to the men: and the occurrences are as it were guides [Page] to our actions. Wherevpon in the yeare 1171. Le­wis the yoong had an aide of the clergie, wherewith to send the Earle of Sancerre to the conquest of the holy land: Againe, in March 1188. king Philip Au­gust, by the decree of the councell holden at Paris, obtained the tenthes of the church for one whole yeare, which were tearmed Saladins tenths: & with part of the like in the time of Theodorike the secōd, Charles Martell rewarded such gentlemen as had borne the brunt of the warre against the Saracens. Also in the time of Charles the 6. the Earle of An­iou, by permission of Clement the Antipope, leuyed diuers vpon the clergie. Againe, in the yeare 1532. king Francis being molested with forraine war, had the helpe of the prelats of his realme. Besides all which, the clergie cannot exempt themselues from tribute, because Christ paide it: and Ambrose saith, Ambrose de Basill trad. Theod. lib. 4. cap. 8. If the Emperour requireth it, we must not refuse it. Valentinian likewise writing to the Bishops of Asia and Phrigia, saith, that good Bishops are not slacke in contributions: yea in such a case the Emperour Constantine threatneth them with grieuous paines. And in the time of the Macedonian warres, the Ro­mane Senate seeing the people oppressed, raised a tax vpon the Priests, notwithstanding their oppositions framed vppon such freedomes as Numa Pompilius had graunted them, from the which they appealed to the Tribunes: who, saith Liuy, declared the Priestes appeale to come out of season, so as they exacted of them the taxes of all the yeares that they had not payed: and yet you my maisters, doo practise enter­prises against your king, because that he, forced by [Page] necessitie doth exact of you some tribute, and tick­leth you, when he might claw you vnto the very bones, by a iust reformation grounded vppon the e­state of the primitiue church. Wake not therefore him that sleepeth, neither thinke, my maisters, that those that do serue their owne turnes by the warres, as by a spoonge wherwith to sucke vp the substance of the Church, and haue no other goodes but the wealth of the crucifixe, will prouide any remedy for your pretended sicknesse: and to say that now they will root out the Protestants, is but badly to weigh their actions, and well worse their power: for are they become Briarees since they began to fight vn­der our kings authoritie? vndoubtedly there is no­thing increased in them but folly, and desire of do­minion. At all aduentures, if they be led by the feare of God, and pietie of Catholike religion, why doo they not turne their weapons against Iewes, who do scatter the accursed seede of their doctrine through­out Europe, in Italy, yea euen in Rome the sea of that holy Priest? If they bee so deepe as they say in the king of Wisigothes fauour, why doo they not perswade him to expell the Moores out of Spaine? If they be kings of Hierusalem, why goe they not to thrust out the Turkes? If they be Princes of the Empire, why do they not display their force against the Lutherans, but must needes come to disturbe the quietnesse of Fraunce, wherein they are but straungers? But herein may we see our bad desti­nie, that hath brought vs to that passe, that wee take our enemies for our frends, periured wretches for faithfull persons, forreiners for houshold seruantes, [Page] and Atheists for religious men: so as we may say, Ephraim is as a cake on the herth not turned: straun­gers haue deuoured his force, and hee knoweth it not. Thus much for the first attaint that they giue the king: let vs proceed to the rest.

Their bad Angell, the spirite of discord hath taught them, that there is a great sympathie or re­semblance betweene heauen, mans body, and a monarchy: that in each of them them there are two principall things. In heauen, the sunne and the moone. In mans body, the head and the hart. In a monarchy, the king and the nobilitie. That the e­clipse of the sunne or moone darkeneth the hea­uen, the sicknesse of the head or heart disquiet the whole body; and through controuersie betweene the king and his nobilitie, the whole monarchie tendeth vnto destruction. Following therefore this lesson, they seeke to kindle the torch of diuision betweene the king and his nobilitie: for whereat The Guy­sards 4. & 5. pretēces. else dooth that fierce desire to encroch vpon cer­tayne gentlemen whom the king hath aduanced, ayme? or whereto tendeth the reintegration of the nobilitie in her former dignitie? It is noueltie: it is a wonder in France, yea it is felony, it is sacrilege, that a subiect should set downe a law and measure to his Prince, that he should bridle his will, that he should limit or straighten the supreme authoritie. It is a spite to nature, that the arme should command the head, that the soule should obey the body, and that reason should stande in awe of the sences. It is the dissolution of all ciuill societie, to make the maister to honour the seruaunt, the regent [Page] obey his scholler, & the magistrate yeeld to the pas­sions of the people. And what is all this but to seeke to make the Prince hate those whom he loueth: cō ­temne those whom he esteemeth: abase those whom he aduanceth: and to face him to will that that hee willeth not? and yet is it the thing that the sediti­ous nowe seeke to put in practise: it is one of the marks that their purposes doo aime at: it is the way that they take to crosse the kings power: but vnder what pretence? that men of base gold haue receiued open honor, and honorable persons be forced to lye at ancker. Who complaineth? strangers. What strā ­gers? such as of petie companions haue by the libe­ralitie of our kings beene exalted. But admit they were houshold seruants, yea naturall Princes, what of that? If the king holdeth not the crowne of vs, but of God, and the ancient law of this realme, who diuideth honors as he listeth, why should we pre­scribe him a law and measure in louing of vs? Kings vse not to submit themselues to that distributiue iu­stice of the rules of Philosophie, which measureth the reward by the desert, neither to the forme of the Olimpian iudgement, which had certaine lawes beyond the which they neuer passed. Kings are as auditors, Realmes as counting houses, and subiects so many coūters, whom we make to be worth some­time 100. sometime 1000. and sometime 10000. Kinges doo resemble the sunne, and dignities the moone, which sometime appeareth great, sometime small, now in a corner, then in the plaine middest, sometime light, sometime darke, euen as the sunne giueth it light: and euen so do kings make dignities [Page] high or low, great or small, as occasion falleth out, according to the time, & as it please them: in which case the subiect should resemble the Lesbian rule, which bendeth some time to one side, sometime to another, euen as it please the soueraigne: and so shal we haue the subiectes obedient to Princes, which the ancients, as Eschines saith, haue pictured vnto vs by the goddesse Pitarchie, the wife of Iupiter and mother of felicitie.

I say not that the Prince should indifferentlie de­uide honors, for the reward of vertue being commu­nicated Plut. in Ni­cia. Liu. lib. 9. de 1. to the vnworthie, groweth into contempt: as it happened at Athens, when the people seeing Hyperbolus fallen, brake the Ostracisme: at Rome when Flauius Appius libertine had gotten the of­fice of Aedilis Curulis: and in France when Charles the sixt, at the siege of Bourges made aboue 500. Monstrolet cap. 93. bannerets. But by force, violence and open threat to endeuour to limit the kings will, is it not to seeke to stay the sun, or rather to fasten a haulter to hange themselues? For if the the law do deeme those guil­tie of treason, that haue vsed the Emperors sacred L. Sacri affa­tus. cap. de diu. vesc. anker: If in old time the Romaine Censors disgra­ded a bourgesse for yaning too wide in their pre­sence: if in respect of the magistrate it was not law­full to laugh in the Senate of the Areopagites: and if according to Vlpian, the magistrate may lawfullie proceed by a mends and seisure vpon body & goods against those that rashly do speake against him: what shall become of these rebels that doo bring the sub­iects out of taste with their due obedience to the K. that doo kindle the fire of sedition in his estate, that [Page] arme themselues against his person, that seise vpon his townes, & that do conuent forren Princes to the spoile of his realme? And the law Valeria saith, that in such cases we must preuent the way of iustice by the way of deed. Whereat then stayeth it, ye french men, that the lawe is not fulfilled? what letteth vs from imitating that good tribune Aulus Cornelius Cossus, who in the battel spying out Tolumnius the Captaine of the Fidenates, exclaimed saying, Is this that periured and breaker of alliance? Is this that defiler Liuie lib. 4. dec. 4. of the common law of nations? And wherefore do not we with that valiant Romaine bring to ground with the speares point those traitors, those periured per­sons that do breake the law of nations, that doo de­light only in our displeasure, and do bring this estate into combustiō? To say that they wil restore the no­bility to their first eminencie, is to couer themselues with a wet sacke: for who but their race haue troden vnder foote al respect of French nobilitie? who but their father and Oncle caused that by edict of the 18. of August 1559. al donations, sessions, transports and alienations giuen to Gentlemen in recompence of their seruice were reuoked and made voide? who but those furies made the edict that forbad all bea­ring of armes, yea euen the nobilitie, and reuoked all particular prouisions to whomsoeuer the same was granted? And yet, as if the crow had ingende­red the swanne, these men will build vp that which their father destroyed. Yeeld then ye Guysards your affected gouernements of Burgondie, Champagne, and Britaine to the domesticall seruants, not to strangers: referre the offices of great master, and [Page] chamberlaine, that you stole from the houses of Montmorencie and Longueuille: Giue ouer your titles of Earles and Dukes, wherewith within these 25. or thirtie yeares, ye haue shadowed your meane­nesse: and walke in that estate wherin your grandfa­ther came into France, weake of goods, poore of honor, and naked of dignitie. But what? yet by their saying is the king in their debt; and by their discon­tentment they do sufficiently shew that they wil not suffer the nobilitie so much as to tast of those honors wherwith it ought to be satisfied, gleane where they haue reaped, or gather any grapes where they haue made their vintage: do they then terme this the re­storing of the nobilitie? What aduancement may any French Gētleman look for, when 24. Lorraines must haue dined before he sit downe? & when they must beglutted with honors before hee may taste of any? Or rather why doo we not rather abandon all hope, considering that their appetite is vnsatiable, & that they are men, yea men that are starued after ho­nors, thirstie of goods, & hot with ambition? More­ouer, sith they wil dazle our eyes with the false shew of their seruices, know we not that they haue anoin­ted our lippes with honie, but made vs swallow gall? know we not, since the raigne of Francis the seconde, they neuer permitted any young peace to waxe old in France? Or who hath not seene them more willing to hafard this realme for a pray, then to giue ouer anie iot of their particular passions? At all aduentures, was there euer such impudencie as to seeke to bring the King to such passe that hee shall bee forced to rewarde their pretended [Page] merits, and to let them choose their recompence?

Wee reade of a braue Romaine souldier that re­fused a chaine of golde at Labienus Cesars Lieute­nants hand, saying that he would not haue the wa­ges of the couetous, but of the vertuous: and that Pittacus being by his citizēs forced to take so much of the land that hee had conquered of the enimies as he listed, would take no more then he could cast his Iaueling: wee finde that Sicinius was 65. times hurt in the stomake, and had beene in 120. battels: that Manlius preserued the Capitoll: that Camil­lus expelled the Gaules out of Rome: and that diuers others haue abandoned their liues to the ha­zard of warres, for the seruice of their countrie: we reade that almost al the Princes of the noble race of Bourbon, or rather of that Orchard of Alexanders, sacrifising their liues in the seruice of our kings, haue had no other hearse but the field of battel: Pe­ter of Bourbō was slaine the 19. of September 1356. at the battell of Poictiers: Iames and his sonne Pe­ter at the battell of Brunay neere Lyons: Lewes at Agincourt fielde, 1415. Francis at the battell of S. Brigit vpon holy roode day in Septēber 1515. Iohn at saint Lawrence field 1557. Antony at the siege of Roan 1562. We find that many french knights haue prodigally spent their blood in the seruice of our kings: but that any haue sought violentlie to wrest the reward of their merits we find not. Only we read that one Sigibert gouernor of Coloine, euery where shewing his wounds, & cōplaining of his small re­compence was by Clouis the first, depriued of al his dignities: and yet these good childrē shal force the K. [Page] to part his estate with them. And what king, ye vnsa­tiable glotons, what estate can satisfie your hunger? What sea, ye dropsicke persons, what waters can quench your thirst? Or who can fill the perced ves­sels of the Danaides? Of strangers they haue beene made housholde seruants: of Gentlemen, Dukes & Earles: to aduance them we haue made a breach in the authoritie of the princes of the bloud: to pre­ferre them, a thousande braue gentlemen haue bin put backe: so as Sir, they want no more but the crowne, which God, the grounded law and custome of the realme, haue set vpon your head: and yet do they gape after goods, greatnesse and glorie: or ra­ther they vnfolde all meanes to winne the heartes of the nobilitie, and to bring vpon you the hatred of the same. For with what impudency can they deny that to be their intent? You (O most christian king) are the father of this great family, and Pilote of this The 6. pre­tence of the Guizians. French ship. If the Offices of the house be euill de­uided, or the ship misgouerned, is not the father in the fault, and the Pilote to blame?

It is in manner the same argument that they haue begunne, wherewith to bring the commons to re­uolt against his Maiestie. For they set before vs one that is naked of fatte, flesh, and bloud: they figure vs an anatomie of mans body, hauing no more but skinne and bones, which they say, the French­men do by a woonderfull simpathie resemble: that we must restore and make vp againe this poore bo­die, that we must cure it of this wound, that them­selues will be the Chirurgions, and their weapons the plaisters: but who is so blinde as for sundry con­siderations [Page] not to iudge this proposition to haue a very bad sauour?

First, because it toucheth the kings honor whom by this meanes with hue and crie they proclayme a Tyrant: and withall do endeuour to entangle him in the same mishappe as Acheus king of the Lidians, whom his subiectes slew for the tributes which hee went about to exact. Or as Henrie king of Sueden, Theodorick king of France, and many other Prin­ces, who for like cause haue beene depriued of their estates. Secondly, because, (as sayth Plutarch) it is not his part that falleth, to lift vp: that knoweth no­thing, to teach: that is disordered, to order: that is vnruly, to rule: or that can not obey, to cōmand: but as sayde Licurgus, a man must shew a thing in him­selfe, that he wisheth to be in others. This was the reason, wherefore they mocked Philip k. of Mace­don, who liuing at variance with his wife Olympia­des and his sonne Alexander, was inquisitiue of the Grecian life among thēselues. If therefore the Gui­sards do mislike the kings loanes, let not themselues borrow: If they will needs discharge the people, let thē leaue the heauie burden of debtes that hangeth vpō their own armes & stop their creditors mouths that dayly doo cry after them. But wherein will not Plut. in Silla. they resemble Sulpitius, a man confect in all mis­chief, who hauing by the voice of the people passed a decree that no Senator should borrow aboue 200 crownes, at his death owed 3. hundred thousand.

The third reason is ciuill: for by the lawes it lyeth not in the meaner magistrate to cōmād the greater, neither may he resist the iudgement of his superior, [Page] as sayth the Emperour Iustinian, or correct his acts, either take notice of appeales from him, as Vlpian saith: yea if he chance to admitte any accusations against his superiour, he may be taken for a partie, and called into an action of iniurie: as Caesar when he being but Praetor, was accused before a Quaestor to be a partie in the conspiracie of Cateline, he cau­sed the iudge to be cōdemned in great fines, because Suetonius in Iulio. (sayth Suetonius) he suffered a greater magistrate to be accused before him. Also by decree of the Parlia­ment the 7. of Ianuarie, 1547. all inferiour iudges were forbidden to vse any defences against the roy­all iudges, because by an auncient saying, The lesser may not commande the greater, Doth it then be­seeme the Guisardes to receiue the peoples com­plaintes, to take notice of the kinges actions, or to limitte the kinges will? Besides, sith that vnder the benefite of peace, tilled by his Maiesties wise­dome, the people were freed from sundrie imposi­tions, what need we now counterfeit Hercules, Dy­on, Timoleon or Aratus, who were intituled corre­ctors of tirāts? must we vse such corrosiue medicines where there was scarce any sore, & where passed ca­lamities were buried vnder the law Amnestia? wold right that we should preuent the way of Iustice by the way of deede? were it reason the seruant should prescribe a law to his master? Is it not the custome in case of excessiue exactions to haue recourse to the estates, as we had in the yeare 1338. in the time of Philip of Valois? Otherwise to proceede to fire and sworde before wee lay any playsters, is to fester, not to close vppe the wounde: to empaire, [Page] not to amende the condition of the people, which had neuer good successe against their king: vnder Philip the faire, anno, 1312. vnder Charles the sixt, about the yeare 1382. and vnder Henry the second, the people oppressed with extraordinarie taxes, sought by force to shake off that yoke, but the whole storme light vppon themselues. Not that I meane herein to imitate Anaxarchus, who to the ende to comfort Alexander, who was oppressed with sor­rowe for the murder of Clitus, tolde him that Dice & Themis, that is, iustice and equitie, are Iupiters assistors, thereby to shew that whatsoeuer the prin­ces actions can be no other but iust and right: but contrariwise I say, that it is euill done to wast trea­sures prodigally, and to oppresse the subiectes: as Tiberius Caesar saide, It is the part of a good shep­heard to sheare his sheepe, not to slea them. I say with Seneca, the more lawfull that all thinges are to the king, the lesse lawfull they are. And that the father is not more bounde to the bringing vp of his children, or the nurse to giue them her breast, then is the Prince to the protection of his subiectes: But withall I say, that resisting the power by God esta­blished, we resist his ordinance: also that it would proue a dangerous gappe & of great consequence, if conspirators might by force and violence proceed to reformation, as do these factious persons that ma­nifestly do aspire to the crowne: which is the thing that hath armed them: neyther must these hypo­crites alter the occasion, for at whom are they gree­ued? Not at the third estate: for as they say, they purpose to discharge the same of the burden of [Page] subsidies: neither at the nobilitie: for it they will restore to the auncient dignitie: neither at the Cler­gie: for they go about to reestablish the Church in hi [...] ancient liberties: neyther at the Protestantes: for they shew all fauour to sundry of them, besides that heretofore they haue sought to giue them a desire to come vnder the couert of their protection, therein resembling (but with this glose, if the Pro­testantes Plut. de de­fect. orat. be heretikes) the God of the Planetiades who expelling the wicked by one gate, let them in againe at an other. It is then the king that they shoot at: the Princes of the bloud: Iustice: yea it is all good Frenchmen that they are offended withall: and yet do they liue, yea they liue in greatnesse and glorie, and are esteemed faithfull in their disobedi­ence: loyall, in their disloyaltie: true, in their false­shoode: peace masters in their bloudie warres: zea­lous to the common-wealth in their priuate com­moditie: fathers of the people in exactions, and pil­lers of the Church in their sacrileges: This is the cause O eternall God that hast so long fauoured the French Monarchie, that we do present to thee our teares, our sighes and sobbes: for what else may a torne people, rent in peeces with a thousande mis­chiefes, and choked with forren tyranny, present vnto thee. O Lord in their anguish they visite thee, and thy discipline causeth them in complayntes to crie vnto thee. Sith therefore thou art pitifull, take from vs the torch of thy indignation, couer our faultes with thy grace, and display thy proui­dence vpon this miserable estate. Let thy issue be prepared as the break of the day, and come [Page] vnto vs as the slow raine and seasonable vppon the earth. Wherefore, O almightie God, who art the Iusticer, sith thy fury traceth like the fire, & that the rockes do cleaue before thy face, plead O Lord with plague & bloud with these infamous monsters, who delight only in murder and crueltie: Come vpon thē in a storme, and let thy pathes be in a tempest: giue them to be a slander and curse in all places. Send vp­on them famine and sword: and make them O God to reape the whirle winde, because they sowe the winde. And you O most christian king, weene not in reading this to heare the voice of a mutinouspeo­ple, and such as desire domesticall troubles, but ra­ther Sir, the mournings, and as it were the last sobs of your poore subiects: Hearken O mercifull king to the complaints of your France, which is deuided into factions, spoyled by the stranger, and couered with sores. Is it not enough (sayth she) that man is borne in teares, growe vp in sighes, liue in payne, and finish his life in griefes, but he must be made vtterly miserable? Is it not enough that beeing bauled at of my enemies, I haue groned vnder the burden of so many forraine warres, but that my owne children must pearce my flankes, plucke out my guttes, and bath themselues in my bloud? Is it not enough that the plague consume mee, but I must bee wasted with famine? Is it not e­nough that I perish with hunger, but that warres must hasten my death? Is it not enough that I be­come a fable to strangers, but they must drinke my bloud, gnawe my bones and sucke vp the mar­rowe of my children? And if (as the wise man [Page] sayth) the multitude of people bee the Crowne of the King, and that the principall lawe that God and nature hath giuen vnto Princes, is the preseruation of their subiectes, wherefore, most Christian king, doo you authorize the hangmen of your people? If good Princes doo feare for their subiectes, and Tyrantes their subiectes, why doo you (O Prince) take weapons in the middest of your subiectes: or rather, why doo you not arme your selfe for the defence of Frenchmen a­gainst strangers?

If sir, there be no question of your owne re­mayning in your countrie onely, but also that your countrie must dwell in it selfe, as Camillus sayde to the Romaines, will you suffer your France to be made a butcherie, a graue, and a wildernesse? If, as it was sayde to Denis the Tyrant of Siracuse, tirannous domination is no beautifull monument to be buried in, what braue sepulchre may a king haue in a lande all tainted with the bloud of his poore subiectes? If, as a certaine Romaine sayde, Caesar fastened his images by raysing those of Pompey, what footing may your estate take by authorising the nearest of your bloud? If, as sayde Iason the tyrant of Thessaly, it be necessarie to doo wrong in retayle to the end to doo right in grosse, what were it to redeeme publike peace with the life of two or three rebelles? If a king ought ra­ther to feare dooing euill, then receiuing euill, as the one beeing cause of the other: and that hee dooth euill, that hindereth not the doing of euill when he may; will you Sir, suffer so many bloudie [Page] murders to bee committed vnder your name and authoritie: and (which is more) by those that clayme to them selues the branches of Charle­magne: that doo euen by trompet sounde you a Tyrant, and that doo turmoyle both heauen and earth, to pull vppon you the hatred of the Clergie, of the Nobilitie, and of the people? Shall it bee sayde, that vnder your scepter these young hare­braynes, these lost children of fortune, haue with incredible boldnesse troden downe your edictes, violated your lawes, strangeled the peace where­to you were so solemnely sworne, and robbed and murdered your poore subiectes? Can you without horrour heare of their bloudie slaughters; without pittie, of the destruction of your townes: without teares, of the desolation of your subiectes, and without greeuous displeasure, of that ease which the strangers doo reape in your trauayles? Con­sider most mercifull king, that they thrust the knife into your handes wherewith to shedde your owne bloud: that the rigour of your weapons lighteth vpon your subiectes: that getting the victorie ouer them, you can not triumph, but in your owne shame, neyther gaine, but in your owne losse: that those are to bee feared that doo nothing but vpon necessitie, that haue no hope but in dispaire: that looke for no peace, but in warre, and that haue nothing left but weapons and courage. That the destruction of the Princes of the bloud, and of the members and subiectes of the estate can not be far from the ineuitable destruction of your crowne: That extremitie changeth humanity into furie, cle­mencie [Page] into dispaire, and obedience into rebellion. That there be certaine vertues that do openly fight against the enimies, as force and valiancie, but that those are best which do vndermine the aduersaries hearts, as faith, clemencie and mercie: That the course of reason must stay the Princes power, in imi­tating the same, which when it is at the highest in the North part, walketh more slowly and by slacknesse maketh his course more assured. Consider that those whom with fire and sword they pursue, are the same children to whome you are a father: the sheepe to whom you are a sheepheard: the seruants to whom you are a master, the subiects to whom you are a king: euen the same subiects to whome of late you pawned your faith. And sith it is accounted among matters of fortune, if a Prince breaketh promise, sith it is a warrant to his subiects of their mutal oblagiti­ons: with farre greater reason is he debter to iustice in his owne deed. Taint not therfore sir your so pure and cleaine faith, neither make it a slaue to the pas­sions of a few seditious persons. The people behol­deth you as the sunne that shineth equally vpon al: let your loue therefore be generall (if you desire to be beloued, for loue naturally wil begin at the most perfect) of the true Prince to his subiectes: of the true father to his children, and by a certaine reflecti­on the children do loue the father, and the subiects the Prince.

If in your opinion any heresie buddeth foorth in France: if there bee any maime in the Church, let it please your maiestie to consider that the wounde lieth in the soules of the heretikes: that the soule is [Page] a spirituall thing, which neither fire, nor water can bite: that for obtaining the victorie thereof, you must be armed with spiritual weapons: that the dis­ease is not cured by the disease, that to lay a necessi­tie where God leaueth a libertie, is to make a mor­tall wound in the conscience: that onely rigor cau­seth not men to change aduice, but for the most part maketh them more resolute and to perseuer: That religion cannot be aduanced by the destructi­on of the estate, and that the estate is scattered by the dissipation of the subiectes. And if there be no­thing vppon earth more greater, or more religious then your maiestie, it may please you to set before you the example of 300. bishoppes that were in the Councell of Nice 150. in the Councell of Constan­tinople: 200. in the Councell of Ephesus, and 630. in the Councell of Calcedon, who all were of opi­nion to vse no other wepons thē Gods word against Arrius, Macedonius, Nestorius & Eutiches, mon­sters conuicted of heresie and blasphemy against the holy Trinitie. Let your maiestie, if it please you, cast your view vpon the clemencie of Augustus to­ward the Iewes, to whō hee sent his ordinary almes, and sacrifices to Hierusalem: vppon Theodoricke king of the Gothes, who being a fauorer of the Ar­rians would not force the consciences of his sub­iects: vppon the king of the Turkes, who sent his almes to the Calogers, Christian religious persons of mount Athos, to the end they might pray to God for him: vpon the Pope, who suffereth the Iewes to set foote in Italie: vppon the Emperor Charles the fift, who by prouision at Ausbourge 1530. gran­ted [Page] that peace which we call of the religion, and in the yeare 1555. conuerted the saide prouision into a perpetuall edict: vpon your realme of Poland and Boheme, wherein sundrie religions do florish: And yet onely in your realme of France shall they ende­uour to plant faith by armes? Other Princes do liue in peace, and you sir are wrapped in continual wars. After their example most courteous Prince then, change the labors of your poore subiects into rest, and their misfortunes into prosperitie. And nowe that it seemeth God hath chosen your raigne to the end vnder the same to repaire the breaches of his church, with both your hands, seise vpon this hea­uenly gift: prepare a councel, a schoole of saluation, wherein the blinde in faith may bee lightened, the diseased consciences healed, the darkenesse of heresies expelled, and the truth may shine forth: so shal God be serued of you, you of your subiects, and this realme set free from the miseries that doo now oppresse it. This shalbe the right felicitie of a good king.