CHAP. I.
Of the forme of the Hebrewes Common-wealth vn­till Christ his comming, and when the Scepter departed from them.

THe forme and state of gouern­ment hath beene subiect to change, & variation amongst all Nations, but especially a­mongst the Iewes, wher these changes are obserueable.

At first, the Fathers of their seuerall fami­lies, and their First-borne after them, exercised all kinde of gouernment, both Ecclesiasticall, and Ciuill, being both Kings and Priests, in their owne houses. They had power ouer their owne families, to blesse, curse, cast out of doores, dis­inherit, and to punish with death, as is appa­rent by these examples of Noah towards Cham, Gen. 9. 25. of Abraham towards Hagar and Is­mael, Gen. 21. 10. of Iacob towards Simeon and [Page 2] Leui, [...] 3. and of Iudah towards Thamar, Gen. 3 [...]. 24.

In Moses his daies then did this prerogatiue of primogeniture cease; and as Aaron and his po­sterity were inuested with the right, and title of Priests: so Moses, and after him Iosua, ruled all the people with a kinde of Monarchical authoritie. For Moses was among the righteous as King, Deut. 33. 5.

After Iosua succeeded Iudges; their offices were of absolute and independent authority, like vnto Kings, when once they were elected; but there were long vacancies, and chasmes commonly betweene the cessation of the one, and the election of the other: yea for the most part, the people neuer chose a Iudge, but in time of great troubles, and imminent dangers; which being ouerpast, he retired to a priuate life. After that Gedeon had deliuered the peo­ple out of the hand of the Midianites, he being offered the Kingdome, replied, I will not reigne ouer you, neither shall my childe reigne ouer you, Iudge 8. 23. That of Samuel, that he iudged Israel all the daies of his life, 1 Sam. 7. 15. was Zepper. lib. 3. leg. Mos. cap. 6. extraordinary. In this respect their Iudges symbolize with the Roman Dictators. This state of Regiment continued amongst them by the computation of Saint Augustin. de ciuit. Dei l. 18. c. 23. Augustine, three hun­dred twenty nine yeares. In these vacancies or distances of time, betweene Iudge and Iudge, the greater & weightier matters were determi­ned by that great court of the Seuenty, called the Sanedrim, in which respect the forme of [Page 3] gouernment may bee thought Aristocraticall. Kings succeeded the Iudges, and they continu­ed from Saul vnto the captiuity of Babylon, that is, Zepper. leg. Mo­saic. lib. 3. cap. 6. about fiue hundred and 20. yeares.

From the Captiuity vnto the comming of Christ, (which time is Vide Funcii Chro­nol. thought to haue beene fiue hundred thirty six yeeres) the state of the Iewes became very confused. Sometimes they were ruled by Deputies and Vicegerents, who had not supreame authority in themselues, but as it pleased the Persian Monarchs to assigne them, Maimon. in Iad lib. vlt. tract. Sa­nedrin, cap. 4 §. 13. they were termed [...], Rasche galiuth, [...], Heads of the Captiuitie. Of this sort was Zerobabel and his successors, who are rec­koned in the Seder Olam minus. Hebrew Chronicles to be these, Mesullam, Hanania, Berechia, and Hosadia. All which are thought to haue reigned vnder the Persian Monarchy, and to haue beene of the po­sterity of Dauid: as likewise the other succee­ding ten chiefe Gouernours after Alexander the great. In the last of these ten, the gouern­ment departed from the house of Dauid, and was translated to the Maccabees, who descended from the Tribe of Leui. They were called Mac­cabaei, from Iudas Maccabaeus, Carion Chron. li. 2. p. 144. and he had this name [...] Maccabaeus, from the Capitall letters of this Motto, written in his Ensigne or Banner. [...], Quis sicut tu inter Deos ô Domine? Where the first letters are, M. C. B. A. I. Among the Maccabees soue­raigne authority continued vntill Herod the As­kalonite his reigne, at what time our Sauiour [Page 4] Christ was borne, according to Iacobs prophe­cie: The Scepter shall not depart from Iudah, nor a Lawgiuer from betweene his feet, vntill Shiloh (that is, the Targum Vziel. eadem poenè verba habet Targum Ie­rosolym. Messias) come, Genesis 49. 10.

For the right vnderstanding of this prophe­cie, wee must note two things; 1. The time when the Scepter was giuen to Iudah; 2. When taken from him. But first we must obserue how these two words Iudah, and the Scepter, are di­stinguished.

• Some take Iudah,
  • 1. For the
    Origenes homil. 17. in Gen. Epiphan. contra Ebionaeos, & maxima Hebrae­orum pars.
    Particular Tribe of Iudah; but this seemeth flat contrary to Scripture, for ma­ny of the Iudges were of o­ther Tribes, and all the Macca­bees of the Tribe of Leui.
  • 2. For the
    Cunaeus de rep. Hebr. lib. 1. cap. 9. p. 81.
    Two Tribes which cleaued to Rehoboam; because in that diuision of the people, these two Tribes alone were called Iewes, and that from Iudah, and that neuer before this diuision.
  • 3. For
    Euseb. demonstr. lib. 8. cap. 1. Mon­tacut. in Analect. p. 72. Casaub. con­tra Baron. p. 16.
    all the whole body of Isra­el, consisting of twelue Tribes; all which (in the iudgement of these men) were afterward by the singular prouidence of God, called Iewes from Iudah.

• [Page 5]Some take Scepter,
  • 1. For
    Patres plaeri (que) omnes.
    Regall power, and soue­raigne authority, residing in one man principally.
  • 2. For the
    Casaub [...]n. aduers. Baron. p. 19. It. p. 23. Iustinus Mart. in dialog. cum Try­phone. Cunaeus lib. 1. de rep. Heb. c. p. 9. p. 82.
    forme of gouernment, and face of a Common­wealth, gouerned and ruled by its owne lawes, customes, and rites: signifying as well the rule, and authority of in­feriour Magistrates, yea of Priests also, as of Kings and Princes.

From these different acceptions of these two words, flow fowre different interpretations of Iacobs prophecie.

Some are of Cunaeus lib. 1. de rep. Heb. cap. 11. p. 96. opinion, that the Scepter taken in the second acception, began to be giuen to Iudah, that is, to the two Tribes cleaning to Rehoboam, at the time of that diuision of the people: and that this Scepter was not ta­ken from them vntill the destruction of Ieru­salem, because that after Herods time vntill then, their lawes remained in force, their Priesthood continued, and their Common­wealth, though it were much defaced, yet not quite ouerthrowne.

Some are of Ioseph Scal [...]ger ex quo Casaub. aduers. Baron. p. 19 li. p. 39. opinion, that the Scepter taken in the second acception, began to be giuen to Iudah, that is, to the Twelue Tribes, from the time of Moses; and that this Scepter was not taken from them, vntill the destruction of [Page 6] Ierusalem: not in Herod, because he was a Iew (in that he was a Proselyte) for a Iew is a name, say they, of profession, not of countrey, or nation.

Some are of Montacut. in A­nalect. p. 74. opinion, that the Scepter, taken in the second acception, began to be giuen to Iudah, that is, to the Twelue Tribes, from the time of Moses, and that it was taken from them in Herods time: yet so, that in Herods time, this was but begunne, and inchoate, and at the destruction of Ierusalem it was fulfilled and consummate.

Some are of August. contra Manich. lib. 12. cap. 47. Euseb. demonst. lib. 8. Carion Chron. p. 143. opinion that the Scepter taken in the first acception, began to bee giuen to Iudah, that is, to the Twelue Tribes from the time of Moses, and that it was taken from them fully in Herods time. The former opi­nions, makes the comming of the Messias, to be a forerunner of the departure of the Scepter: this makes the departure of the Scepter to be a forerunner of the Messiah his comming, which I take to be the principall thing aimed at in the prophecie. This opi­nion, as it is more generally receiued than the others, so vpon iuster grounds. Now the Scepter was departed, & giuen to a Pros­elyte, neuer so before P. Galatin. lib. 4. cap. 6. p. 203. ex Talmud. Ierosol.: yea now also, the Lawgiuer was departed from betweene Iu­dahs feet, and now the Messiah borne.

CHAP. II.
Of the Publicanes.

WEe hauing seene the most re­markable changes in the Com­mon-wealth of the Hebrewes, we will note the chiefe obseruations concerning the persons there inhabiting, and first concer­ning the Publicanes, who were in the latter times, an heterogeneous member of that Commonwealth. After that the Iewes became tributary to Rome (which Ioseph. Ioquutus de Pompeio lib. 1. de bello Iud. cap. 5. p. 720. was effected by Pompey threescore yeares before the birth of our Sauiour) certaine Officers were appointed by the Senate of Rome, vnto whom it belon­ged, as well among the Iewes, as in other pro­uinces, to collect, and gather vp such custome­money, or Tribute, as was exacted by the Se­nate: those that gathered vp these publique pai­ments, were termed Publicani, Publicanes; and by reason of their couetous exactions, they commonly were hated by the people of the prouinces Harum societa­tum frequens men­tio facta est apud Ciceren. in orat. pro Sex. Rosc. Mura [...]a, Cn. Plancio.: Euery prouince had his seuerall societie or company of Publicanes: Euery socie­tie, his distinct gouernour, in which respect it is, that Zaccheus is called by the Euangelist, [...], Princeps publicanorum, the chiefe re­ceiuer of the Tribute, or chiefe Publicane, Luke 19. 2. And all the prouinciall Gouernours in these seuerall societies, had one chiefe Sigon. de Antiq­iure ciuium Rom. lib. 2. [...]. 4 [...] Master [Page 8] residing at Rome, vnto whom the other sub­ordinate Gouernours gaue vp their accounts. These Publicanes were hated in all prouinces, because of their exactions, but chiefly in the Common-wealth of the Iewes, because though it were chiefly maintained by the Galilaeans, yet it was generally inclined vnto by the Iewes, that Tribute ought not to be payed by them: this hatred is confirmed by that Rabinicall pro­uerb If. Casaubon. ex­ercit. 13. 37., Take not a wife out of that family wherein there is a Publicane, for such are all Publicanes. Yea a faithfull Publicane was so rare at Rome it selfe, that one Sabinus for his honest managing of that office, in an honourable remembrance thereof, had certaine images erected with this Sueton. in Flau-Vespas. c. 1. superscription. [...] For the faith­full Publicane. And therefore no maruell, if in the Gospell, Publicanes and sinners goe hand in hand.

It is now generally receiued as a truth vn­doubted, that not only Heathen people, but sometimes Iewes themselues became Publi­canes. Tertullian was of another opinion Tertull. de pudic. cap. 9., and thought that all the Publicanes were Heathens; but he hath beene in that long since confuted by Hieronym. epist. ad Damasum. Ierome, and reason it selfe perswadeth the contrary. First, Matthew who was a Publicane, was afterward an Apostle, and therefore vn­likely to haue beene an Heathen. Second­ly, Zaccheus, his name was a pure Hebrew name, hauing no affinity with Roman names. Thirdly, the ground or principall argu­ment [Page 9] on which Tertullian built, was meerely Fraudl fuit acu­tissimo Poeno, He­braicae linguae ig­noratio, nusquam enim occurrit in fonte, spurius ille textus, quo Tertullianus potissimum niti­tur, Non erit vectigal, pendens ex filus Israel, Deut. 23. erroneous.

CHAP. III.
Israelites, Proselytes.

THe whole Common-wealth of Israel consisted of two sorts of men, Hebrews, and Proselytes; he that was born an He­brew either by Father, or Mothers side, was an Hebrew; but he that was born so of both, was an Hebrew of the Hebrew; such a one was Saint Paul, Phil. 3. 5. He that was borne a Proselyte ei­ther by Father or Mothers side, was termed Benger, The son of an he-proselyte, or Bengera, The son of a she-proselyte; But he that was by Father and Mothers side a Proselyte, was termed Magni quidam nominis Rabbi apud Iudaeos fuit, quem ex Paganism [...] ad Iudaismum con­uersum [...] per sigla appellarunt, i. filius proselyti, fili­us proselytae. Pirke Aboth, cap. 5. Bag­bag, that is, the sonne of he and she Proselytes.

The Hebrews were of two sorts, some liued in Palaestina, and vsed the Hebrew text, these were called Hebrews, or Iewes; others were di­spersed in diuers places of Greece, they vsed the Greeke translation, and thence were termed [...], De Iudaeis Graeci­ensious v [...]de Scal. animaduers. Euseb. 124. 1. & in Can. Isagog. 278. Graecists: Saint Luke mentioneth both. There arose a murmuring, [...], of the Graecists, towards the Hebrewes, Acts 6. 1. Where note the difference between [...], and [...], the Graecians, and the Graecists; The Gre­cians are vsed by Saint Paul, to signifie all the heathen people, and stand in opposition with He­brews [Page 10] in the generall acception, containing both the Graecists, or dispersed Hebrews, and al­so those of Palaestina: the Graecists were both by birth and religion Hebrews, standing in oppo­sition with Hebrews in the strict acception, ta­ken for those of Palaestina.

The whole body of Israel was diuided into twelue Tribes, and publique records were kept, wherein euery ones genealogie was registred, to manifest vnto what particular Tribe he be­longed. These records Herod burnt, hoping that in after ages, he might be thought origi­nally an Israelite, if those publique monuments might not be produced against him. Euseb. Eccles. hist. lib. 1. cap. 8. Thus much Eusebius plainly deliuereth of him. I am of opinion, that another reason might be ad­ded, namely, That no distinction either of tribe or family, might appeare, but all being confounded, and amongst the rest, Dauids (vnto whose family by a peculiar right the Scepter belonged) Herod and his posterity might be the better secured of the Kingdome.

Proselytes were those heathen people, who disclaiming Paganisme, became conuerts, and ioyned themselues vnto the Church of the Iewes. They were termed Proselytes, [...], from their comming, and adioyning vnto the Iewes. Concerning these Proselytes, we will consider these three things: 1. The seue­rall kindes of Proselytes; 2. The manner of ma­king them; 3. In what account or respect they liued among the Iewes.

[Page 11] First, the kindes of Proselytes were two; [...], Ger berith, Proselytus foederis, A Pro­selyte of the couenant. Hee submitted himselfe vnto Circumcision, and to the whole Mosaicall Praedagogie. Rabbi Salomon, Deut. 23. 14. The Rabbies terme such a one [...] Gertsedek, Proselytum iustitiae, A Prose­lyte of righteousnesse. Secondly, [...] Ger schagnar, Proselytus portae, A proselyte, or stran­ger within thy gates, Deut. 14. 21. Of him also wee reade in the fourth Commandement. He was suffered to dwell amongst them, whence he is also called [...] Toschab, Incola, an in­habitant. Hee was not circumcised, neither did he conforme himselfe to Mosaicall rites, and ordinances, onely he was tied to the obedience of those commandements, which among the Hebrew Doctors goe vnder the name of Noahs seuen Commandements: Sheindler in Pen­taglot. p. 1530. which they reckon thus: 1. Iudgements, or punishments for ma­lefactors. 2. Blessing the name of God; vnder this is contained the keeping of the Sabbath. 3. Disclaiming Idolatry. 4. Vncouering ones nakednesse. 5. Shedding of bloud. 6. Robbery. 7. Eating of any member of a beast, taken from it aliue. Of this sort were Naaman the Syrian, the Eunuch Cornelius, and those of whom wee reade, That there were dwelling at Ierusalem Iewes, [...]. Men that feared God of euery Nation vnder heauen, Acts 2. 5.

Secondly, to the making of one to be a Pros­clyte of the couenant, according to the diffe­rence of sex, and the difference of times, the [Page 12] rites of initiation varied. To the making of Moses Kotsens. fol. 40. [...]l. 2. a Male Proselyte, at first three things were re­quired. [...] 1. Circumcision. 2. A kinde of purifica­tion by water. 3. The bloud of oblation. This oblati­on was commonly two Turtles, or Pigeons. To the making of a Woman Proselyte, were requi­red onely, Purification by water, and Oblation Drusius de tribus sect. lib. 2. p. 102.. Now, because the Iews haue neither Altar, nor Sacrifice, they say that for the males, Circumci­sion, and Purification by water, sufficeth; and for the females, onely Purification by water. Moses Aegyptius in Assure biah, Pe­rek 13. fol. 137. vide Serarium tri­hae [...]. lib. 2. cap. 2. In Da­uids time they say, that many thousands of Pro­selytes were ioyned vnto the Church without Circumcision, onely by this Purification.

Hence we may obserue, that a kinde of initi­ation by water was long in vse among the Iewes, though it were not Sacramentall vntill Christ his institution: yea therefore it may seeme to haue beene vsed by them, because they expected it at the comming of the Messias, as appeareth by their comming vnto Iohn, questioning not so much his Baptisme, as his authority, by what au­thority he baptized; Why baptizest thou then, if thou be not that Christ, nor Elias, neither that Prophet? Iohn 1. 25.

Thirdly, the respect borne by the Iewes to­wards Proselytes, was charitable; P. Fag. Exod. 22. 21. they vsed no vpbraiding termes towards them, saying; Re­member thy former deeds. Notwithstanding it was also prouided, Moses Aegypt. lib. ult. Iad tract. San­hedrin, cap. 2. No Proselyte should be eli­gible into the Court of their Sanhedrim, yea in their common commerce, they had a vsuall [Page 13] prouerbe which admonished them of wari­nesse; Casaubonus ad­uers. Baron. p. 27. Vel ad decimam vsque generationem à Proselytis caue; Beware of Proselytes to the tenth generation.

CHAP. IIII.
Of their Kings.

WEE shall reade of three sorts of Kings in the old Test. Melchisedek was King and Priest, Dauid King and Prophet, others simply Kings. Melchisedek was King and Priest, Dauid King and Prophet. The concurrence of Princely Soueraigntie, and holy orders, in the same man, intimates that supreme authority should alwaies be accom­panied with care of religion: In which respect Ioash, when he was anointed King, receiued the Testimony or booke of the Law, 2 Kings 11. 12. neither did these two meet onely in Melchisedek and Dauid, but the same man a­mong the Heathens Rex Anius, Rex idem hominum, Phoebique Sacerdos. Virg. Aeneid. lib. 3. was oftentimes King and Priest. And Trismegistus, had his name Ter max­imus, Alex. Neopolit. lib. 2. cap. 6. because he was Philosophus maximus, Sa­cerdos maximus, & Rex maximus. All Kings were not anointed, but only those in whom succes­sion was broken, and there the first of the fa­mily was anointed for his successors, except, in case of dissention, where there was required a renued vnction, for the confirmation of his authority. For this reason it was that Salomon [Page 14] was anointed as well as Dauid, because of the strife betweene him and Adoniah.

Furthermore, Saul and Iehu were anointed [...], Bepac, with a Cruse of oyle, to shew the short continuance of their kingdomes. Dauid and Solomon were anointed [...], Bekeren, with an horne of Oyle, that is, in a plentifull measure, to shew the long continuance of their kingdomes.

As Kings were distinguisht from the people by many Ensignes of honor, by their Crowne, their Scepter, their Throne, &c. so likewise were they distinguished by their apparell; that was the reason that Ahab entring into battle, changed his apparell, 1 Kings 22. 30. Though purple and white colours were not appropri­ated vnto Kings, Valer. Max. lib. 1. cap. 6. yet these colours were in chiefe esteeme, and principally vsed by them, Alex. ab Alex. lib. 1. cap. 20. yea purple aboue others was affected by the Emperors, and Nobility of Rome; and white, by the Nobilitie of the Iewes, whence the He­brewes terme their Noblemen, and such as are of best ranke, [...], Chorim, Albatos, men clad in white; and on the contrary, men of mea­ner rank, [...], Chaschucim, Sordidatos, men clad with a foule garment. Hence is that of Saint Iames, If there come a man with a gold Ring, and in goodly apparell, [...], in a white garment, and there come also a poore man, [...], in a vile or foule raiment, Iam. 2. 2. This may be the reason, why when the Iewes accused Christ of treason, Pilate his [Page 15] souldiers clad him in purple, Matth. 27. 28. and Herod the Tetrarch of Galile put on him a White garment, Luke 23. 11. both therein applying themselues to the customes of their owne Countrey, and in derision, clothing him as a King.

CHAP. V.
The High-Priest, Priests, Leuites, and Nethinims.

THere were three rankes or degrees of Ministers about the Temple, Priests, Le­uites, and Nethinims; they may be pa­ralleld with Ministers, Deacons, and Subdeacons, in the Primitiue Church: Ouer all these the High-Priest was chiefe.

In Aaron, and his posterity, was continued the succession of the Priests; the High Priesthood was tied to the line of his first-borne; all the rest of his posterity were Priests, simply so called, or called Priests of the second order, 2 King. 23. 4.

Except Aaron, and those that issued from his loynes (in whom the series of Priests was con­tinued) all the rest of Leui his posteritie were called Leuites.

Both in the High-Priest, and the second, or in­ferior Priests, there are two things considerable. First, their consecration: Secondly, their Office. In both these, somewhat they differed, some­what they agreed.

[Page 16] In their consecration they differed. 1. Hinc Sacerdos summus in fonte le­gitur Sacerdos vn­ctus, Leu. 4. 5. Io­nathan habet, Sa­cerdos magnus vel summus. Disertè Aben Esra, Sacer­dos magnus ipse est Sacerdos vnctus. Lyranus adhuc cla­rius, Sacerdos vn­ctus est Sacerdos magnus, quia infe­riores Sacerdotes non vngebantur, &c. The High-Priest was anointed: the materials of this chrisme or ointment are prescribed, Exod. 30. 23. It was powred vpon Aarons head, Leuit. 8. 12. It ran downe to his beard and to the bor­der of his garments, Psal. 133. 2. The second Priests were onely sprinkled with this Oyle, mixed with the bloud of the Sacrifice, Leuit. 8. 30. In this was typed out the vnction of our Sauiour, who was anointed with the oyle of gladnesse aboue his fellowes, Psal. 45. 8. Hee was anointed aboue his fellowes, Extensiuè, and Intensiuè, Extensiuè, for though Aaron was a­nointed Priest, Saul anointed King, Elisha a­nointed Prophet, Melchisedek King and Priest, Moses Priest and Prophet, Dauid King and Pro­phet; yet none saue onely Christ, King, Priest, and Prophet. Intensiuè, he was anointed, we sprinkled. He was full of grace and truth, Iohn 1. 14. And from his fulnesse, we receiue grace for grace, Vers. 16. And all Christians, especially Mini­sters, are vnto God the sweet sauour of Christ, 2 Cor. 2. 15.

Secondly, they differed in their garments, which were a necessary adiunct to their con­secration. The High-Priest wore at the time of his ordinary ministration in the Sanctuary, eight garments, Exod. 28. First, Breeches of linnen, put next vpon his flesh. 2. A Coat of fine linnen, put ouer the breeches. 3. A girdle im­broidered, of fine linnen, blew, purple, and scarlet, wherewith the coat was girded. 4. A Robe all [Page 17] of blew, with seuenty two bells of gold, and as many Pomegranates, of blew, purple, and scarlet, vpon the skirts thereof; this was put ouer the coat and girdle. 5. An Ephod of gold and of blew, purple, scarlet, and fine linnen curious­ly wrought; on the shoulders thereof were two faire Beryll stones engrauen, with the names of the twelue Tribes of Israel. This Ephod was put ouer the Robe, and girded thereto with a curi­ous girdle made of the same. 6. A Brest-plate wrought of gold, blew, purple, scarlet and fine lin­nen, which being a spanne square, was fastned by golden chaines, and ringes vpon the Ephod: herein were set twelue seuerall stones, on which the names of the twelue Tribes were engrauen: Moreouer in this brest-plate were the Vrim and Thummim placed. 7. A Miter offine linnen, six­teene Cubits long, wrapped about his head. 8. A plate of pure gold, or holy crowne two fingers broad, whereon was grauen, Holinesse to the Lord: this was tied with a blew lace vpon the forefront of the Miter.

These eight garments the High-Priest vsed in his ordinary ministration, and they are ter­med by the Rabbies [...] Bigde Zahab, Vestimenta aurea, Golden vestments, because of their richnesse in comparison of other extra­ordinary garments, which he wore only, once a yeere, when he entred into the Holy of Ho­lies, vpon the propitiation day, Leuit. 15. 4. 23. These latter are called, [...] Bigde laban, Vestimenta alba, White garments, they were in [Page 18] number foure. 1. A linnen breeches. 2. A linnen coat. 3. A linnen girdle. 4. A linnen Miter, Le­uic. 16. 4.

In time of the second Temple, Cunaeus lib. 2. de rep. Hebr. cap. 7. p. 222. because the Chrisme or holy oyle could not be found, there­fore as formerly in respect of his vnction, the High-Priest was called by the Talmudists, [...] Mithrabe Mischa, Auctus vn­ctione, The annointed: so when the oyle was lost, in respect of his garments, hee was termed, [...] Mithrabe begadim, Auctus ve­stibus, The clothed. Those forementioned gar­ments Moses Kotsensis praecept. aff [...]m. 173. fol. 212. col. 3. the High-Priest might not weare abroad in the citie, vnlesse some vrgent occasion com­pelled him, as Simeon the iust did, when hee went forth to meet Alexander the great.

In his apparell the threefold office of our Sa­uiour Christ was shadowed, the Crowne signi­fied his Kingly office; the Vrim and Thummim, and likewise his Bells and Pomegranats, his Pro­pheticall office: by Vrim and Thummim, hee an­swered as from an Oracle; by the Bells was ty­ped the sound of his doctrine; by the Pome­granats the sweet sauour of an holy life; the names of the twelue Tribes engrauen on the Ephod, and the Brest-plate, signified his Priest­ly office, presenting vnto God the whole Church, for which he maketh intercession. Hee know­eth his owne sheepe by name, Iohn 10. 3.

The inferiour Priests had onely foure gar­ments, which they vsed in their ministration. 1. A linnen breeches. 2. A linnen coat. 3. A lin­nen [Page 19] girdle. 4. A linnen bonnet, Exod. 28.

Thirdly, they differed in their mariage. The High-Priest might not marry a Widdow, nor a diuorced woman, nor an harlot, but a Virgin, Le­uit 21. 14. From a Widdow he could not expect the first loue: from a diuorced woman hee could not expect the first or iust loue: from an harlot neither first, iust, nor only loue: all which Christ (whom the High-Priest did herein represent) expecteth from his Church. The other Priests might lawfully marry a Widdow, Leuit. 21. 7.

The High-Priest and the inferiour Priests, agreed in their consecration in these particulars. It was required first, that both should be voide of bodily blemish, Leuit. 21. 17. Secondly that both should bee presented vnto the Lord at the doore of the Tabernacle, Exod. 29. 4. Third­ly, that both should bee washed with water, Exod. 29. 4. Fourthly, that both should bee consecrated by offering vp of certaine Sacrifi­ces, Exod. 29. Fifthly, that both should haue of the bloud of the other Ramme, put vpon the tip of the right care, the thumbe of the right hand, and the great toe of the right foot, Exod. 29. 20.

In the time of their consecration certaine peeces of the sacrifice were put into the Priests hand, Exod. 29. 9. The ceremony in the Chri­stian Church, vsed by the Bishop vnto the Mini­ster in time of ordination, that the Bishop giueth the Bible into the hands of the Minister, doth much resemble this. And both may signifie, [Page 20] that no man taketh this honour vnto himselfe, but hee that is called of God, as was Aaron, Heb. 5. 4. Hence consecration in the Hebrew phrase is termed Filling of the hand. And contrary to this did Ieroboams Priests, whosoeuer would, he Filled his owne hand, 1 King. 13. 33. that is, He thrust himselfe into the Priesthood.

In the discharge of their offices, the High-Priest differed from the other Priests: First, be­cause he only, and that but once a yeere, entred into the Holy of Holies, Exod. 16. 34.

Secondly, the High-Priest might not mourne for the death of his nearest kinne, Leuit. 21. 10, 11. The phrases vsed there to expresse mourning are two. First, vncouering the head. Secondly, Renting the clothes: Of both these somewhat is spoken in the chapter of burialls, but concerning the latter it will not bee amisse, to note that the Talmudists determine the matter thus: saying, Vide Cunaeum de rep. Heb. lib. 2. cap. 3. That it was lawfull for the High-Priest to teare the skirt, or neather part of his garment, but from the bosome downeward, it was vnlawfull: which if it bee true, then it doth not necessarily follow, that Caiaphas did contrary to the law in renting his clothes, Matthew 26. 65. The inferiour Priests might mourne for these six; Father, Mother, Sonne, Daughter, Brother, and Sister, that had no husband, Leuit. 21. 2.

In the discharge of their offices, the High-Priest, and other Priests, agreed in these parti­culars: 1. They both burnt incense, and offe­red [Page 21] sacrifices, 1 Chron. 6. 49. Secondly, they both sounded the trumpets, the vse whereof was twofold; sometimes to sound an alarum in warre, sometimes to assemble the people and their Rulers, Num. 10. Thirdly, they both slew the sacrifices, 2 Chron. 29. 22. Fourthly, They both instructed the people, Mal. 2. 7. Fiftly, They both iudged of leprosie, Leuit. 13. 2.

For the more orderly performance of these offices, the High-Priest had his suffragan, Elias Thisbit. cal­led [...], Sagan, who in case of the High-Priests pollution performed his office. Of this sort was Zephaniah. Ier. 52. 24. And of this sort An­nas is thought to haue beene, when Caiaphas was High-Priest. Casaubor. aduers. Baron. p. 242. It. Ioseph. Scaliger. in Prolegom ad Euseb. In this sense they interpret Annas and Caiaphas to haue beene High-Priests the same yeere, Luke 3. 2. The High-Priest and his Sagan, resembled our Bishop and his Suffra­gan: The Patriarke of Constantinople and his Primore termed Protosyncellus, and amongst the Romanes, the Centurion and his Optio: for the Lieutenant in warre, who in case of necessity; supplied the Centurions place, were termed Optiones.

That euery one of the Inferiour Priests might equally serue in his order, King Dauid distribu­ted the whole company of them into twentie foure rankes, or courses, called [...], Turm [...], vices. Nadab and Abihu being dead, there re­mained onely two sonnes to Aaron, namely, Eleazar and Ithamar; now as the succession of Priests was preserued in these two families, so [Page 22] did Dauid at this time according to the num­ber of people in each family, make his diuision. Eleazars family he diuided into sixteene ranks, and Ithamars into eight; the diuision was by Lot, the first lot fell to Iehoiarib, the second to Iedaiah, the third to Harim, &c. 1 Chron. 24. Euery ranke or course serued weekely in the Temple by turne, and the rankes receiued their names from those, who at that time were the heads of the seuerall families, and euer after retained the same names. The chiefe of euery ranke was called, Summus Sacerdos istius classis: The chiefe Priest of that ranke. Hence it is that we reade of many High-Priests assembled toge­ther, Marke 14. 1. Furthermore we are to note, that as the weekely courses fell out by lot, so did they by lot determine each particular Priests seruice; namely, who should burne incense, who slay the beasts, who lay them on the Altar, who dresse the Lamps, &c. Zacharias was of the course of Abia, Luke 1. 5. that is, of the eight course, and his lot was to burne incense, Luke 1. 9.

The office of the Leuites was to pitch, to take downe, to beare vp and downe the Taber­nacle, and the vessells thereof. Leui had three sonnes, Gershon, Cohath, and Merari: and accor­dingly the whole company of the Leuites were distinguisht into three orders, Gershonites, Coha­thites, and Merarites. The Gershonites charge was to carry the couerings and hangings of the Tabernacle. The chiefe things within the San­ctuary [Page 23] were committed to the Cohathites. The wood-worke, and the rest of the instruments were committed to the charge of the Merarites, Numb. 3. This was the office of the Leuites, in Moses his time, and whiles they were on their iourney in the wildernesse; but afterward when they were setled in the promised land, then Da­uid changed their office, appointing them some to haue the charge of the treasures of the Tem­ple, 1 Chron. 26. 20. others to be ouer-seers and Iudges, others to bee Porters, others Singers, 1 Chron. 23. 4. The singers in time of singing were clad in linnen Robes, or Surplesses, 2 Chro. 5. 12. The Singers were diuided into twentie foure orders, or courses, 1 Chron. 25. 8. And the Porters into as many, 1 Chron. 26. that both might supply their turnes weekely by lot as the Priests did. In Moses time also, their consecra­tion beganne at the fiue and twentieth yeare of their age: In Dauids at the twentieth, 1 Chron. 23. 24. Ezra 3. 8. Here we may note the liber­tie granted vnto the Church, in changing Cere­monies: the office of the Leuites in Dauids time, was not the same as in Moses; and againe, Moses and Dauid agreed not in the time of their con­secration. Againe, in the Christian Church we shall finde in Matthias his election, the vse of lots; not so in Pauls, or any other of the Apo­stles: In their meetings, vse of an holy kisse; and at the Lords Supper, vse of their loue feasts, both now antiquated throughout Christendome.

Moreouer there are certaine degrees obserue­able [Page 24] among the Leuites: 1. Their initiation, when they were a moneth old, they were initi­ated, and presented vnto God, Numb. 3. 15. Se­condly, their consecration, they were consecrated by imposition of handes, when they were 25. yeares old, Numb. 8. 24. From thence for the fiue yeares following, they learned their office. Those that imposed hands on them, are said in the Text, Numb. 8. 10. to be the sonnes of Israel. Chazkuni interpreteth that place, the First borne of Israel. They were the Representatiue Church, and in allusion to this, the Church of Christ is cal­led the Church of the first borne, Heb. 12. 23. At the same time the Leuites were waued by the Priests, that is, as the Greeke reades it, [...]. Separated, which word is vsed for the Ministers of Christ, [...]. Separate mee Barnabas and Paul, Acts 13. 2. Thirdly, their Ministration, to carry vp and downe the Tabernacle, and this was at the thir­tieth yeare of their age, vntill the fiftieth, Num. 4. 3. Lastly, their vacation, or discharge from that laborious seruice of carrying the Taberna­cle; notwithstanding, euen then they were to serue in their charge, to encampe round about the Tent, to sing, and to beware that no stran­ger came into the Temple, Francisc. Iunius Analyt. expos. Num. 8. and likewise to ouersee and instruct younger Leuites in man­ner of Bishops. Vnto these degrees the Apostle seemeth to haue respect: They that haue mini­stred well get themselues a good degree, 1 Tim. 3. 13. The like kinde of Dionys. Halicar­nass. lib. 2. degrees are obseruea­ble among the Vestall Virgins, they remained in [Page 25] their nunnery 30. yeeres. Ten yeeres they lear­ned the mysteries of their profession; Ten yeeres they exercised them, and ten yeeres they taught them others. From this custome of imposing hands on the Leuites, hath flowne the like cu­stome, vsed by the Apostles in conferring orders, Acts 6. 6. 1 Tim. 5. 22.

Obserue the difference of these three phra­ses, [...], The imposition of hands. [...], The holding vp of hands, in token of election, or ordination, Act. 14. 23. And [...], A stretching forth of the hands. Both the first ge­stures were vsed in Ordination or conferring or­ders. The first of all, namely, imposition of hands, was borrowed from the Hebrews, The second, namely the holding vp of hands, was taken from the Aeschines contrà Ctesiphontem. Athenians, who had two sorts of Magi­strates, [...], Magistrates chosen by lots: and [...], Magistrates chosen by holding vp of hands. The third gesture of the hands, cal­led [...], A stretching forth of the hands, Herodian. p. 45. sometimes it is termed, [...], the beck­ning with the hand, a gesture vsed in crauing si­lence; so Paul stretched forth the hand, and an­swered for himselfe, Acts 26. 1.

There were Moses Kotsensis, fol. 211. col. 4. another sort of holy persons, termed [...] Ansche Magnamad, Viri stationarij, the law requiring that whosoeuer of­fered either gift or sacrifice, he should present it vnto the Lord with his owne hands, and stand by during the time of his oblation. Now be­cause [Page 26] all Israel could not stand by, for the nar­rownesse of the place, hence when an offring was made for all the people, certaine selected persons chosen for that purpose, supplied the stead of all the people. They were diuided as the Priests and Leuites, into twenty foure rankes or orders, weekely to minister in the Temple, but the choise was not restrained to the Tribe of Leui, but was indifferently made out of the peo­ple. Euery ranke had one foreman, chiefe aboue the rest, termed [...]. Stationum Princeps: the Fore­man of that station. The Nethinims office, was to be hewers of wood, and drawers of water for the house of God; they were not Leuites, no nor Israelites, but Gibeovites, whom because of their fraudulent dealing, Ioshuah made in this manner tributary, Iosh. 9. 23. They were after­ward called Nethinims, Ezra. 2. 43. from [...], Nathan, which signifieth to giue, because they were giuen for the seruice of the Temple. Their office was vile and base, as appeareth by that prouerbiall speech. From the hewer of thy wood, vnto the drawer of thy water, Deut. 29. 11.

CHAP. VI.
Of the Prophets.

THere are diuers names giuen vnto the expositors of the law, and although the particular yeere or time when each name began, bee not clearely euidenced by monuments of Antiquity, yet in generall, wee may conceiue three distinct periods of time, in which the names altered. First, from Adam, vntill Moses. Secondly, from Moses, till the peo­ples returne from Babylon. Thirdly, from their returne, vntill the daies of Christ, and after. In the first period as Adam was Prophet and Priest in his family, so afterward euery first-borne sup­plyed these two offices, together with their Princely office in their seuerall families. That they ruled their families as Kings, and instru­cted them as Prophets, is cleere to any acquain­ted with Scripture; the greatest doubt is, what sufficient proofe there is for their Priesthood. Adams Priesthood is gathered hence, Bertram. Polit. Iud. cap. 2. p. 17. because that, Gen. 4. 3. & 4. Abel and Kain are said to haue brought their sacrifices: to haue brought them, namely, vnto Adam, who offered them vnto God in their name. The Priesthood of the First borne is gatherable hence, because the Leuites were appointed to the seruice of the Altar, in stead of the first borne, and as their [...], or price of Redemption, Numb. 3. 41. In [Page 28] the second period, though a priuate catecheticall exposition of the law belonged to the Masters of families, yet the publike ministeriall exposition thereof was appropriated to Priests, and Pro­phets. In the third period when prophecy ceas­sed, then the office of expounding Scripture was more common, and in stead of Prophets, came in a multitude of other expositors; In generall wee may call them teachers of Israel, Iohn 3. 10. Wee may distinguish them into 3. seuerall sorts. 1. Wisemen. 2. Scribes. 3. Dispu­ters. The Apostle compriseth them all, 1 Cor. 1. 20. Where is the wise? Where is the Scribe? Where is the Disputer? Vnto any of these, or whatsoeuer other Doctor eminently gifted aboue others, the title Rabbi was prefixed. First, of their Prophets. Secondly, their Wisemen, Thirdly, their Scribes. Fourthly, their Disputers. Fiftly, their Rabbies.

To Prophecie, or to be a Prophet, hath diuers acceptions in Scripture. First, It is taken for the bookes and writings of the Prophets. They haue Moses and the Prophets, Luke 16. 29. Se­condly, for the whole word of God: No Pro­phecy in the Scripture is of [...]y priuate motion, 2 Pet. 1. 20. Thirdly, those vnto whom God vouchsafed familiarly to reueale himselfe, they are called Prophets. Abraham was a Prophet, Gen. 20. 7. and Miriam a Prophetesse, Exod. 15. 20. Fourthly, ordinary interpreters of the word are called Prophets. He that receiueth a Prophet, in the name of a Prophet, Matt. 10. 41. [Page 29] Lastly, it is taken for those, who were enabled by diuine reuelation, to lay open hidden se­crets, transcending all possibility of humane search. Hence it is, that Prophets in old time were called, Seers, 1 Sam. 9. 9. And their pro­phecie was termed a Vision, Esai 1. 1. because God extraordinarily inlightened their mindes, with the knowledge of these secrets.

There are three obserueable names applied to Prophecy in Scripture. 1. Verbum Domini. 2. Visio. 3. Onus. The word of the Lord. Vision. A burden. The first importeth the Lord speaking, or reuealing his secrets; the second implieth the Prophets attending or beholding them; the third, being applied only to Iudgements, signi­fieth the burden somenesse of them, on that peo­ple against whom they came forth.

For the propagation of learning, Colledges and Schooles were in diuers places erected for the Prophets, their Schollers were termed Eodem sensu Gracia pellant ar­tis medi [...]ae Candi­dato, [...] de­dicatoria Hilario praesiae. Filij Prophetarum, Children of the Prophets, 2 Kings 6. 1. vnto which phrase there is allusion, Matt. 11. 19. Wisdome is iustified of her children: by reason of this relation, the Prophet sometimes is called a Father. Elisha cried out, my Father, my Father, 2 Kings 2. 12. The Targum. 2 Reg. 2. 12. Targum expoun­deth that place, Rabbi, Rabbi, as much as to say, my Master, my Master. And in truth, the Rabbies, grew very ambitious of the name Father, which was the reason of our Sa­uiours speech, Matthew 23. 9. Call no man Father vpon earth.

[Page 30] The Chimchi in prae­fat. ad Hoseam. Scripture, sometimes ioyneth to the name of the Prophet, the name of his Father, as Hosea the sonne of Beëri, Hos. 1. 1. And such a one the Hebrews confesse to bee both a Pro­phet, and the sonne of a Prophet: Sometimes it mentioneth the Prophets name, but not the Fathers, such a one they confesse to bee a Pro­phet, but not the sonne of a Prophet: Sometimes it mentioneth with the Prophet, the name of the city where hee prophecied, and then it follow­eth, that he was a Prophet of that city. When a Prophet is mentioned without the name of the citie, then hee is thought to bee a Prophet of Ie­rusalem.

2. Wisemen: This title though in it selfe it be generall and common to all Doctors, and tea­chers of the law, yet for many yeares before our Sauiours incarnation, Gorionid. lib. 4. cap. 29. it was either arro­gated by the Pharisees, or else by the ignorant multitude appropriated vnto them, from an opinion of their extraordinary wisdome, in teaching of traditions, which they preferred beyond the law. Hence the Pharises were cal­led, Drus. de trib. sect. p. 86. Masters of the traditions. And hence was that counsell of R. Eleëzar to his Schollers, Buxtorf. Recens. operis Talmud. p. 195. That they should forbid their children from the study of the Bible, and place them be­tweene the knees of their Wisemen. Hieronym. ad Al­gasiam quaest. 10. Likewise, hence when any of their Doctors did reade le­cture, their saying was, [...]. Our Wisemen doe teach traditions. The like ambition we shall finde among the Gracians, all of them [Page 31] striuing to bee intituled [...], Wisemen. And hence, whensoeuer the chiefe of them had pleased the people in the performance of their orations, or any other publike businesse, they were honoured with a Grande [...], that is, with a loude acclamation of [...], Well done, or Wisely done, vntill Pythagoras in dislike of such swelling titles, stiled himselfe Philoso­phus, a Louer of wisdome, which kinde of mode­sty was afterward practised by the Hebrew Do­ctors, for they in after times, to auoide the su­spicion of arrogancy, refused the name of [...] Chacamin, Wisemen, Elies Thisbit. and stiled them­selues [...] Discipuli sapientum, Learners of wisdome.

3. Scribes, This name was giuen to two sorts of men, some meerely Laicks, other Clergie men. The body of the Laick Scribes, were those, to whom was committed the instruction of young children in their minority, especially to teach them to write, we may English them Scri­ueners. This office was appropriated to the Tribe of Simeon. In this sense we reade not of Scribes in the Scripture, although the ground of their first institution haue beene taken thence, namely, from those words which Iacob vsed vn­to Simeon and Leui. I will diuide them in Iacob, and scatter them in Israel, Gen. 49. 7. So that as Leui had no portion, but liued dispersed a­mong the other Tribes by the benefit of the altar: Solom Iarchi Gen. 49. vide Am­bros. Tom. 4. cap. 3. & Targum. Hiero­solymit. In like manner, Simeon had no portion, in the iudgement of the Hebrews, but liued [Page 32] scattered among the other Tribes, getting their maintenance by teaching and schooling little children: whether this office of teaching children was appropriated to them, I leaue to the enquiry of others; certaine I am, that the Simeonites had their o [...]ne inheritance by lot, Iosh. 19. 1. and the prophecy concerning their being scattered, is thought to haue beene ac­complished in this, that the inheritance of the Simeonites, was taken out of the portion of the children of Iudah, Iosh. 19. 9. Furthermore it is certaine, that if not all Scriueners, yet those publike notaries who were imployed in draw­ing deeds, and writing contracts (be they of what Tribe they will) they were called by the name of Scribes. Vnto this there is allusion, Psalm. 45. 1. My tongue is as the penne of a swift writer, or ready Scribe. Out of the body of these I conceiue certaine choise men to haue beene elected for publique imployments, some to attend the King, as his Secretaries, ter­med [...], the Kings Scribes, 2 King. 12. 10. Such were Sheia, 2 Sam. 20. 25. And Shaphan, 2 Kings 22. 3. Others to attend the publique courts, and consistories: they much resembled our Clarkes of Assizes, these were termed [...], the Scribes of the people, Mat. 2. 4. It. 1 Maccab. 5. 42.

The second sort of Scribes, belonged to the Clergie, they were expositors of the law, and thence are they called [...], & [...]: Scribes of the Law, Esr. 7. 6: Ex­pounders [Page 33] of the Law, Luk. 7. 30. and Doctors of the Law, Luk. 5. 17. Their office was to write, reade, and expound the law of Moses to the people. The name was a name of office, not of sect. Of this sort was Esdras, Esr. 7. 6. who though hee were a a Leuite, yet Drusius de trib [...] sectis lib. 2. cap. 12. ex Chaldaes paraphrast. others there were of the Tribe of Iudah, and, as it is thought, they might indifferently bee of any Tribe. The name was of the like esteeme among the Hebrews, as the Magi were among the Chaldeans; the Quinde­cimuiri among the Romanes, for expounding Sibyllaes Oracles: or the Canonists in the Church of Rome. The word [...], Sopherim, trans­lated Scribes, signifieth Numberers, or Compu­ters, and is applied to the Masorites, because they spent their time in reckoning, and num­bring, not only the verses, but the words also, and letters of each booke throughout the Bi­ble; which as it is an argument of their indu­stry: Augustin. in Psalm. 40. So likewise of Gods prouidence, in the preseruation of his truth vnuiolable. As the Wisemen in their preaching pressed traditions: so the Scribes claue to the written word, whence they were Drusius de trib. sectis lib. 2. ca. 13. termed Text-men, or Ma­sters of the Text. And to this purpose it is worth our obseruing, that whereas both the Scribes and the Pharises, sought to fasten accusations vpon our Sauiour, Matth. 9. The Scribes accused him of blasphemy, Vers. 3. The Pharises, of eating with Publicanes, and sinners, Vers. 11. The Scribes accusation, was a breach of the law; the Pharises, a breach of traditions.

[Page 34] 3. The Disputer, Vide Thisbit. in [...] Hee insisted vpon allego­ries, and searched out mysticall interpretations of the Text. Hence himselfe was termed Dar­schan, and his exposition, or homily, Midrasch. And their schoole, Beth Hammidrasch. They were counted the profoundest interpreters, whence that of the Psalmist, Psam. 84. 7. They goe from strength to strength, Targum Psalm. 84. 7. is interpreted, from their Temple, to their Beth Hammidrasch, from an inferior to an higher schoole. Hereby wee see the difference betweene those three sorts of predicants mentioned by Saint Paul. The wise men were teachers of traditions, the Scribes teachers of the Text according to the literall interpretation, and the Disputers tea­chers of allegories and mysteries; which fabulous expositions, because they breed questions and disputations, [...], 1 Tim. 1. 4. Hence is it that such an expositor, is termed [...], A Disputer. These three sorts of preachers, which Saint Paul termeth, the Wise man, the Scribe, and the Disputer, 1 Cor. 1. 20. are by the He­brews named, [...] Chacam, [...] Sopher, [...] Darschan.

CHAP. VII.
Of their title Rabbi.

ABout the time of our Sauiour Christ his natiuity, titles beganne to bee multiplied, and amongst the rest, [Page 35] these of Rab, Ribbi, Rabbi, and Rabban, were in especially vse: they all are deri­ued from [...], Rabab, signifying Multiplicatus fuit, and they sound as much as [...], that is, a Master, or Doctor eminently gifted with varietie of knowledge. Concerning these titles, they write thus, Aruch in voce [...]. that Rabbi, is a more excellent title, than Rab; and Rabban more ex­cellent than Rabbi; and the simple name with­out any title, as Haggi, Zachari, Malachi, was more excellent than Rabban. About this time they vsed a set forme of discipline in their Schooles. The Schollar was termed [...], Talmid, a Disciple in respect of his learning, [...], Katan, a Iunior, in respect of his minori­ty; [...], Bachur, that is, one chosen, or elected, in respect of his election or cooptation, into the number of Disciples. After hee had proued a good proficient, and was thought worthy of some degree, then was hee by imposition of hands made a Graduate, [...], Chaber, a compa­nion to a Rabbi. This imposition of hands, they termed [...], vel [...], Semicah, or Se­micuth, which ceremony they obserued in imi­tation of Moses toward Ioshua. The Lord said vnto Moses, Take thou Ioshua the son of Nun, in whom is the spirit, and Put thine hand vpon him, Num. 27. 18. At which time hee that im­posed hands on him, vsed [...] Id est, Scaligero in­terprete: Ego tibi impono manum, et manus tibi imposi­ta esto. Tribaeres. c. 5. p. 264. vide eti­am Cunaeum de Rep. Heb. lib. 1. cap. [...]. this forme of words, I associate thee, and be thou associated. Af­ter this, when he was worthy to teach others, then was he called Rabbi; and whereas in his [Page 36] minoritie, his owne name being suppressed, hee was called only by his Fathers name, the sonne of N. When he was made Graduate by imposition of hands, then was hee called by his owne name, N. the sonne of N. And afterward, when hee was thought worthy to teach, then was the title Rabbi prefixed, after this manner; Rabbi N. the sonne of N. For example, Maimonides, at first was termed onely Ben Maimon, the sonne of Maimon: after his degree, then was he cal­led by his owne name added to his Fa­thers, Moses Ben Maimon, Moses the sonne of Maimon: at last being licenced to teach, then was hee called [...] Rambam, which ab­breuiature, consisting of Capitall letters, sig­nifieth, Rabbi Moses ben Maimon, Rabbi Moses the son of Maimon. So Rabbi Leui, the son of Gersom, in his minority was called the sonne of Gersom, afterward Leui the sonne of Gersom; at last, [...], Ralbag, Rabbi Leui the sonne of Gersom. This distinction of Schollers, Companions, and Rabbies, appeareth by that speech of an anci­ent Rabbi, saying, Vide P. Fagium in Scholiis suis ad cap. 4. Pirke Aboth. I learned much of my Rab­bies or Masters, more of my Companions, most of all of my Schollers. That euery Rabbi had disciples, and that his owne disciples, and other well-wishers stiled him by the name of Rabbi, in the daies of our Sauiour, needeth no proofe. Iudas came to Christ and said, God saue the Rabbi, Matth. 26. 49. In like manner Iohns Disciples came and saluted Iohn, by the name of Rabbi, Iohn 3. 26. And Christ by the name of Rabbi, [Page 37] Iohn 1. 38. But whether there was such a for­mall imposition of hands then in vse, I much doubt. The manner of their meetings, when Disputations were had in their Synagogues, or other Schooles, was Philo Iud. Quod omn [...]s probus, p. 679. thus. The chiefe Rab­bies sate in reserued chaires, these are those chiefe seats in the Synagogues, which the Scribes and Pharises so affected, Matth. 23. 6. Their Companions sate vpon benches, or lower forms, their Schollers on the ground, at the feet of their Teachers. Saint Paul was brought vp at the feet of Gamaliel, Acts 22. 3. And Mary sate at Iesus feet, and heard his word, Luke 10. 39. The positure of their body, differed according to their degrees. The Scaliger in Tri­baeres. cap. 5. ex cap. 1. Beracoth. Rabbi is described to be [...], Ioscheb, one that sitteth: The Compa­nion, [...], Mutch, the word signifieth a kinde of leaning vpon a bed, or bench, ones head ly­ing in the others bosome, in manner of the ancient sitting at table, and it was a deport­ment of the body, inferiour to that of Pirke Aboth. cap. 4. sitting: The Scholler was termed [...], Mithabek, one that doth lie along in the dust, and this was a token of the Schollers humility, thus humbling and subiecting himselfe, euen to the feet of his Master: Ambros. 1. cor. 14. This same custome it is thought, Saint Paul laboured to bring into the Christian Church, 1 Cor. 14. Their Schollers were not all of equall capacity, whence Pirke Aboth. cap. 5. they said, some had conditionem spongiae, others clep­sydrae, others sacci foecinacei, and others Cribri. Some resembled the sponge, and suckt in all [Page 38] that they heard without iudgement; others the Houre-glasse, they tooke in at one eare and let out at the other: others the Winesacke, through which wine is so drained from the dregges, that only the dregges remaine behind: lastly, others the rying seiue, which in winnowing lets out the courser seed, and keepeth in the corne.

CHAP. VIII.
Of their Nazarites, and Rechabites.

THere are two sorts of Votaries men­tioned in the old Testament, Recha­bites, Ierem. 35. and Nazarites, Num­bers 6. I finde scarce any thing warrantable concerning these two, more than what the Scripture deliuereth in the forequoted places: therefore concerning the matter of their vowes, I refer the reader to the foresaid texts of Scripture, here only we will note the distin­ction of Nazarites. The first are these Votaries, termed so from [...] Nazar, to separate, be­cause they separated themselues from three things: First, from wine and all things procee­ding from the Vine. Secondly, from the razor, because they suffered no razor to come vpon their head, but let their haire grow all the daies of their separation. Thirdly, from pollution by the dead: this separation againe was two­fold, either for a set number of daies, or for a [Page 39] mans whole life: that, they termed Naziraea­tum dierum, this, Naziraeatum seculi: of that sort was Saint Paul and those foure with him, Acts 21. 24. Of this sort was Sampson, Iudge 13. and Iohn Baptist. The iust number of daies, how long the former of these two separated them­selues, is not expressed in Scripture, but the Sheindler in Pen­taglot. Hebrew Doctors determine them to be thirty, because it is said, Num. 6. 5. Domino sanctus [...] erit; which word (say they) contei­ning thirty, expresseth the iust number of daies to be obserued in this voluntary separa­tion. The second sort of Nazarites, were so termed from [...], Natsar, from whence com­meth Natsereth, or Nazareth, the name of a certaine village in Galile, where Christ was con­ceiued and brought vp: Hence our Sauiour himselfe was called a Nazarene, or Nazarite, Matth. 2. 23. and those that imbraced his do­ctrine Nazarites, Act. 24. 5. Afterward cer­taine Heretiques sprung vp, who, as the Samari­tanes ioyned Iewish Ceremonies with Heathenish rites: so Hieronym. Isaiae 8. Idem refert Epiphanius lib. 1. Tom. 2. haer. 29. they ioyned together, Christ and Mo­ses; the Law, and the Gospell; Baptisme and Cir­cumcision: of the beginning of these wee shall reade, Acts 15. 2. Then came downe certaine from Iudea, and taught the brethren, saying; Except ye bee circumcised after the manner of Mo­ses, yee cannot be saued. These Heretiques were called Nazarites, either of malice by the Iews, to bring the greater disgrace vpon Christian religion; or else because at first they were true, [Page 40] though weake Nazarites, that is, Christians mis­led by Peters Iudaizing at Antioch, Gal. 2. 11. And hence it is Franscisc. Iun. parall. lib. 1. 8. thought, that the Church at Antioch, in detestation of this new bred heresie, fastned vpon them by the name of Nazarites, forsooke that name, and called themselues Christians, Act. 11. 26. Symmachus that famous interpreter of the old Test. was a strong defen­der of this heresie, and Augustin. lib. 19. contra Faustum Manichaeum, c. 4. from him in after times they were named Symmachiani. The Iews had them in as great hatred, as the Samari­tanes, whereupon, Epiphan. lib. 1. Tom. 2. haeres. 29. three times euery day, at morning, noonetide, and euening, they closed their praiers with a solemne execration, Male­dic Domine Nazoraeis. Lastly, another sort of Nazarites there were, so termed from [...], Na­sar, signifying to abolish, or cut off, Epiphan. lib. 1. Tom. 1. haer. 18. because they did abolish and cut off, the fiue bookes of Moses, reiecting them as not Canonicall.

CHAP. IX.
Of the Assideans.

IT is much controuersed, whether the As­sideans, were Pharises or Essens, or what they were? Were I worthy to deliuer my opi­nion, or, as the Hebrews prouerbe is, to thrust in my head amongst the heads of those wise men: I conceiue of the Assideans thus. Before their captiuitie in Babylon, wee shall finde the word [...], Chasidim (translated Assidaei, [Page 41] Assideans) to signifie the same as [...], Tsadikim, Iust, or good men: both were vsed pro­miscuously, the one for the other, and both stood in equall opposition to the [...], Re­schagnim, that is, vngodly, or wicked men. At this time the whole body of the Iewes, were distinguisht into two sorts, Chasidim, and Re­schagnim: Good and Bad.

After their captiuity, the Chasidim began to be distinguished from the Tsadikim. D. Kimchi Psal. 103. [...]7. The Tsa­dikim. gaue themselues to the study of the Scripture. The Chasidim studied how to adde vnto the Scripture. Pirke Aboth cap. 5. Secondly, the Tsadikim would conforme to whatsoeuer the law requi­red: The Chasidim would be holy aboue the Law. Thus to the repairing of the Temple, the maintenance of sacrifices, the reliefe of the poore, &c. they would voluntarily adde ouer and aboue, to that which the law required of them. Whence it is noted, that those were Chasidim, who would say, What is mine, is thine; and what is thine, is thine owne; those Re­schagnim, which would say, What is thine, is mine; and what is mine, is mine owne; and it is proba­ble, that that middle sort mentioned in the same place, who would say, What is mine is mine, what is thine is thine owne, were the very Tsadikim.

At this time the body of the Iews, were distinguished into three sorts, in respect of holinesse. 1. Reschagnim: [...], Wicked and vngodly men. 2. Tsadikim, [...], Iust, and righ­teous [Page 42] men. 3. Chasidim, who are sometimes translated, [...], Holy men, and that for the most part: Assidaei de quibus agitur. 1 Macab. 7. 13. vocantur à Io­sepho lib. 12. c. 16. [...]. but sometimes also [...], Good men: These of all others were best reputed, and be­loued of the people. The Apostle shewing the great loue of Christ, dying for vs, amplifieth it by allusion vnto this distinction of the peo­ple: Christ died for the vngodly. Scarcely for a righteous man, will one die, yet peraduenture for a good man some would euen dare to die, Rom. 5. verses 6, 7. The gradation standeth thus: Some peraduenture would die for one of the Chasidim, a good man: Scarcely any for one of the Tsadikim, a iust, or righteous man: For the Reschagnim, or vngodly, none would die; yet Christ died for vs vngodly, being sin­ners, and his enemies.

Now as long as these workes of superero­gation remained arbitrary, and indifferent, not required as necessary, though preferred before the simple obedience to the law: so long the heat of contention was not great enough to breed sects and heresies: But when once the precepts and rules of supererogation, were digested into Canons, and vrged with an opi­nion of necessity; then from the Chasidim issu­ed the brood of Pharises; Ioseph Scaliger. Trihaeres. cap. 22. and also from them (as it is probably thought) the heresie of the Essens, both obtruding vnwritten traditi­ons vpon the people, as simply necessary, and as a more perfect rule of sanctity than the Scripture: At this time the Tsadikim in heat [Page 43] of opposition reiected not onely traditions, but all Scripture, except onely the fiue bookes of Moses; for which reason they were called Karaim Ioseph. Scalig. ibid.. Some are of opinion, they reiected onely traditions, and embraced all the bookes of Scripture: Which opinion soeuer wee follow, they had their name [...], Karaim; Textuales, Scriptuarij, (i.) Text-men, or Scripture readers, because they adhered to Scripture alone, withstanding and gainesay­ing traditions with all their might. And if wee follow the latter, then all this while the Karaim were farre from heresie: but in processe of time, when from Sadok, and Baithus, these Karaim learned to deny all future rewards for good workes, or punish­ment for euill, or resurrection from the dead; now the Karaim became compleat Sad­duces, and perfect Heretiques, taking their de­nomination from their first Author, Sadok. The time of each heresies first beginning, shall bee more exactly declared in their seuerall chapters.

CHAP. X.
Of the Pharises.

THere are Quartam ety­mologiam (cutus fundus & autor putatur Hierony­mus Praefat. in Amos) refellit scriptura Hebrai­ca, si enim Phari­saeus diceretur à verbo [...] Di­uidere, scriberen­tur Pharisaei [...]. non three opinions concerning the Etymologie of the name Pharisee. The first, are those which deriue it from [...], Parash, Expandere, Explicare; either from the enlarging and laying open their phy­lacteries, or from their open performance of good workes in publique view of the people, as being ambitious of mans praise. Second­ly, from [...], Parasch, Exponere, Explanare; because they were of chiefe repute, and coun­ted the profoundest Doctors for the exposition of the law, so that they were termed Gorionides, cap. 29. Perus­chim, quia Poreschim; Pharises, because they were expounders of the law. Thirdly, others deriue the name from the same verbe, but in the coniugation Piel, where it signifieth Diui­dere, Separare, to separate. Suidas. In this acception, by the Greekes they were termed [...], we may English them Separatists. Their separation is considerable, partly in the particulars vn­to which; partly in those from which they Se­parated.

1. They Separated themselues to the study of the Law, in which respect they might bee cal­led, [...], Separated vnto the Law. In allusion vnto this, the Apostle is Drusius de trib. sect. lib. 2. c. 2. thought to haue stiled himselfe, Rom. 1. 11. [Page 45] [...], Separated vnto the Gospell: when hee was called from being a Pharise, to be a Preacher of the Gospell: and now not sepa­rated to the Law, but to the Gospell.

2. They separated themselues, or at least pretended a Suidas. separation to an extraordinary san­ctitie of life aboue other men. God I thanke thee that I am not as other men are, extortioners, vn­iust, adulterers, &c. Luk. 18. 11.

The particulars from which they separated themselues, were these:

1. From commerce with other people, as after­ward will appeare in their traditions, whence they called the common people by reason of their ignorance, [...] populum terrae, the people of the earth. In the Gospell of S. Iohn 7. 49. they are called [...]: This people who knoweth not the law are cursed.

2. From the apparell and habit of other men: for they vsed peculiar kindes of habits, where­by they would be distinguished from the vul­gar. Hence proceeded that common speech, Vestes populi terrae, conculcatio sunt Pharisaeorum.

3. From the Thisbites. customes and manners of the world.

This heresie of the Pharises seemeth to haue had its first beginning in Antigonus Sochaeus. He being a Pharise succceeded Simeon the Iust, who was coetanean with Alexander the great: he liued three hundred yeeres before the birth of Christ.

The Pharises were Chrys. Matt. 15. not tied to any particu­lar [Page 46] Tribe or Familie, but indifferently they might be of any. S. Paul was a Beniamite; Flauius Ioseph. lib. 13. c. 18. Hyreanus was a Leuite.

Each sect had his Dogmata, his proper Apho­rismes, Constitutions, or Canons: so the Pharise had theirs. My purpose is, both concerning these and the other sects, to note only those Canons, or Aphorismes, wherein chiefly they were hereticall, and one differing from the other.

First, the Pharises Ioseph lib. 13. cap. 9. ascribed some things to Fate or Destinie, and some things to mans Free­will.

2. They confessed that there were Angels and Spirits, Act. 23. 8.

3. Concerning the resurrection of the dead, they acknowledged it, and Ioseph. de bello lib. 2. cap. 12. taught that the soules of euill men deceased, presently depar­ted into euerlasting punishment, but the soules, they say, of good men, passed by a kinde of Pythagorean [...] into other good mens bodies. Hence it is S [...]rar. Trihaeres. lib. 2. cap. 3. It. Drus. in graeter. thought, that the different opinions concerning our Sauiour did arise; Some saying that he was Iohn Bap­tist, others Elias, others Ieremias, Matt. 16. 14. As if Christ his body had beene animated by the soule either of Iohn, Elias, or Ieremias.

4. They did stifly maintaine the traditions of their Elders. For the better vnderstanding what their traditions were, we must know that the Iewes say the Law was Moses Kotsensis in praes. lib. praecept. twofold, one com­mitted to writing, which they called [...] [Page 47] [...] Thorah schebichtab, The written Law; the other deliuered by tradition, termed by them [...] Thorah begnal pe. They say both were deliuered by God vnto Moses vp­on mount Sinai, the latter as an exposition of the former, which Moses afterward deliuered by mouth to Ioshua, Ioshua to the Elders, the El­ders to the Prophets, the Prophets to those of the great synagogue, from whom successiuely it de­scended to after ages. These traditions were one of the chiefe controuersies betweene the Pharises and the Sadduces. Gorionidu [...]c: 29. The Pharises said, Let vs maintaine the Law which our forefathers haue deliuered into our hands, expounded by the mouth of the wise men, who expounded it by tra­dition. And loe, the Sadduces said, Let vs not be­leeue or hearken to any tradition or exposition, but to the Law of Moses alone. The traditions which chiefly they vrged were these.

1. They would not eat vntill they washed their hands. Why doe thy disciples transgresse the tradition of the Elders? for they wash not their hands when they eat bread, Matth. 15. 2. This washing is said to haue beene done [...], Mark. 7. 3. that is, often, as some translate the word, taking [...] in this place, to signifie the same as [...] in Homer, frequentèr. Others trans­late the word accuratè, diligentèr, intimating the great care and diligence they vsed in wash­ing: with this the [...] i. [...], Luc. 1. 39. Syriacke text agreeth. Ioseph. Scaliger Trihaeres. c. 7. Others thinke that there is in that phrase, al­lusion vnto that rite or manner of washing in [Page 48] vse among the tewes, termed by them [...] Netilath iadaim, the lifting vp of their hands. The Greeke word [...] is thought to expresse this rite, because in this kinde of wash­ing, they vsed to ioyne the tops of the fingers of each hand together with the thumbe, so that each hand did after a sort resemble [...], i. a fist. This ceremonie was thus performed: First they washed their hands cleane. Secondly, they composed them into the fore-mentioned forme. Thirdly, they lifted them vp, so that the water ran downe to the very elbowes. Lastly, they let downe their hands againe, so that the water ran from off their hands vpon the earth. Munster. in Deut. 8. And that there might be store of wa­ter running vp and downe, they powred fresh water on them when they lifted vp their hands, and powred water twise vpon them when they hanged them downe. Vnto this kinde of washing Theophylact seemeth to haue reference, when he saith that the Pharises did Theophylact. in Marc. 7. 3. cubitaliter lauare, wash vp to their elbowes. Lastly, Bezain maiori­bus suis annotati­onibus, Marc. 7. 3. others interpret [...], to be the fist, or hand closed, and the manner of washing hereby denoted to be by rubbing one hand closed in the palme or hollow of the other. All imply a diligent and accurate care in washing: the ceremonious washing by lifting vp the hands and hanging them downe, best expresseth the superstition, which only was aimed at in the reproofe, though all these sorts of washing, to the Pharises were superstitious, because they [Page 49] made it not a matter of outward decencie and ciuilitie, but of religion, to eat with washt or vnwasht hands, vrging such a necessitie here­of Drusius praeterit. Matt. 15. in ad­dend. & Buxtorf. synag. Iuda [...]. ca. 6. pa. 193. ex Talmud., that in case a man may come to some wa­ter, but not enough both to wash and to drinke, he should rather chuse to wash than to drinke, though he die with thirst. And it was deemed amongst them, as great a sinne, to eat with vnwasht hands, as to commit forni­cation. This tradition of washing hands, though it were chiefly vrged by the Pharises, yet all the Iewes maintained it, as appeareth by the places quoted.

We may obserue three sorts of washing of hands in vse among the Iewes. 1. Pharisaicall and superstitious, this was reproued. 2. Ordi­nary for outward decencie, this was allowed. The third in token of innocencie, this was com­manded the Elders of the neighbour cities in case of murder, Deut. 21. 6. It was practised by Pilate, Matt. 27. 24. and alluded vnto by Dauid, I will wash my hands in innocencie, so will I com­passe thine altar, Psal. 26. 6.

2. When they came from the market they washt, Marc. 7. 4. The reason thereof was, because they there hauing to doe with diuers sorts of people, vnawares they might be polluted. The word vsed by S. Marke is, [...], they bapti­sed themselues: It implieth the washing of their whole body. And it seemeth that those Pharises who were more zealous than others, did thus wash themselues alwayes before dinner. The [Page 50] Pharise maruelled that Christ had not first washed himselfe before dinner, Luk. 11. 38. Vnto this kinde of superstition S. Peter is thought to haue inclined, when he said, Lord not my feet only, but also the hands and the head, Iohn 13. 9. Thus finding his modestie disliked, when he refused to haue his feet washt by his Lord and Master; now hee leapeth into the other extreme, as if he had said, not my feet only, but my whole body. Hence proceeded that sect of the Hemerobaptistae, i. Daily-baptists, so called Epiph. lib. 1. Tom. 1. cap. 17. because they did euery day thus wash themselues.

3. They washed their cups, and pots, and brasen vessels, and tables, Mark. 7. 4.

4. They held it vnlawfull to eat with sinners, Matt. 9. 11. yea they iudged it a kinde of pol­lution to be touched by them, Luk. 7. 39. If this man were a Prophet, he would surely haue knowne who, and what manner of woman this is which toucheth him, for she is a sinner. Of such a people the Prophet speaketh: They said, Stand apart, come not neere to me, or (as the words may be rendered) [...] Ne attingas me. Touch mee not, for I am holier than thou, Esay 65. 5. Scalig. de em [...]nd. temp. lib. 7. Idem refert Epiphan lib. 1. Tom. 1. c. 13. The like practise was in vse among the Samaritans, who if they met any stranger, they cried out, [...], Ne attingas, Touch not.

5. They fasted twise in the weeke, Luk. 18. 12. Theophylact. in Luc. 18. 12. It. Epiphan. haeres. 16. namely, Mundayes and Thursdayes, Drusius in Luc. 18. 12. because Moses (as they say) went vp into mount Sinai on a Thursday, and came downe on a Munday.

[Page 51] 6. They made broad their Phylacteries, and en­larged the borders of their garments, Matth. 23. 5. Here three things are worthy our considera­tion. 1. What these Phylacteries were. 2. What was written in them. 3. Whence they were so called. Epiph. lib. 1. Tom. 1. cap. 15. Epiphanius interpreteth these Phyla­cteries to be [...], purple studs or flourishes wouen in their garments: as if Epipha­nius had conceiued the Pharises garment to be like that which the Roman Senators were wont to weare, termed, by reason of those broad studs and works wouen in it, Laticlauium: but seeing that these phylacteries were additaments and ornaments, whereof there were Moses Kotsensic. praec. affir. 22. two sorts, the one tied to their foreheads, the other to their left hands; hence it followeth, that by these phylacteries could not be meant whole garments, or any embossments, or flourishings wouen in the cloth. Generally they are thought to be schedules or scorlles of parchment, whereof, as I noted, there were two sorts, phy­lacteries for the head, or frontlets, reaching from one eare to the other, and tied behinde with a thong; and phylacteries for the hand fastened vpon the left arme aboue the elbow on the inside, that it might be neere the heart. Both these sorts were worne, not by the Pharises onely, Maimon. in Te­phillim c. 4. §. 3. but by the Sadduces also, but with this diffe­rence; The Pharises haply for greater ostenta­tion wore their hand phylacteries aboue their el­bowes: the Sadduces on the palmes of their hands. Scaliger. Tri­haeres. p. 258. Nay all the Iewes wore them, our Sauiour [Page 52] Christ not excepted. The command was ge­nerall, Exod. 13. 9. It shall be for a signe vnto thee vpon thine hand, and for a memoriall be­tweene thine eyes. So that it is not the wea­ring of them which our Sauiour condemned, but the making of them broad, whereby they would appeare more holy than others.

In these parchments they wrote Chrysostom. & Hieronym. in Mat. 23. only the Decalogue or ten Commandements, in the opi­nion of Chrysostome and Hierome: but generally and vpon better grounds it is thought they wrote these foure sections of the Law.

1. The first beganne, Sanctifie vnto me all the first-borne, &c. Exod. 13. 2. to the end of the 10. verse.

2. The Second began, And it shall be when the Lord shall bring thee, &c. Exod. 13. 11. to the end of the 16 verse.

3. The third began, Heare O Israel, &c. Deut. 6. 4. and continued to the end of the ninth verse.

4. The fourth began, And it shall come to passe; if you shall hearken diligently, &c. Deut. 11. 13. to the end of the 21. verse.

These foure Sections written in Scrolles of parchment, and folded vp, they fastened to their foreheads, and their left armes: those that were for the forehead, they wrote in foure di­stinct pieces of parchment Moses K [...]tsens. fol. 104. col. 3. especially, and if they wrote it in one piece, the length of euery section ended in one columne, & they did put [Page 53] them into one skinne, in which there was the proportion of foure housen or receptacles, and not into foure skinnes: euery receptacle was distinct by it selfe; and those that were for the hand, were written in one piece of parch­ment principally, the foure sections in foure columnes, but if they wrote them in foure pie­ces, it was at length, and they put them in a skinne that had but one receptacle. Munster. de prae­cept. affirm. In time of persecution when they could not openly weare these Phylacteries, then did they tie a­bout their hands a red threed, to put them in minde of the bloud of the couenant and the law.

Touching their name, Moses calleth them, [...], Totaphoth, which word hath almost as many Etymologies, as interpreters; the most probable in my opinion, is that they should be so called per antiphrasin, from [...], Incede­re, to goe, or moue, because they were immouea­ble: Hence the Septuagint translates them, [...], Immoueable ornaments. The Rabbines call them Tephillim, Praier-ornaments: Hieronym. in Mat. 23. Others call them Pittacia, and Pittaciola, from [...], which signifieth a piece or parcell of cloth. In the Gospell they are called [...], Phylacteries, from [...], to conserue or keepe. First, because by the vse of them, the Law was kept and preserued in memory. Secondly, be­cause the Pharises superstitiously conceited, that by them as by Amulets, Spells, and Charmes, hanged about their necks, them­selues [Page 54] might bee preserued from dangers. The word [...], signifieth a Spell, and Hierome testifieth, that the Pharises had such a conceit of these ornaments: In which place hee com­pareth the Pharises with certaine superstitious women of his time, who caried vp and downe vpon the like ground, paruula euangelia; & cru­cis ligna, Short sentences out of the Gospell, and reliques of the crosse. The same superstition hath preuailed with many of latter times, who for the same purpose hang the beginning of Scaliger. Trihae­res. cap. 7. Saint Iohns Gospell about their necks. And in the yeere of our Lord, 692. certaine Sorcerers were condemned for the like kind of Magick, by the name of Concil. quini Sexti, Canon. 61. [...], that is, Phylacterians.

Thus much of their Phylacteries; in the same verse is reproued the inlarging of their borders. Vide D. Kimchi Radic. That which we reade borders, in the Gospell, is called, Num. 15. 38. [...], Tsitsith, Fringes: and [...], Gedilim, Deut. 22. 12. which word we likewise translate in that place, Frin­ges. They were in the forequoted places com­manded, and our Sauiour Christ himselfe did weare them, Luke 8. 44. The latter Hebrew word signifieth a large fringe, which aggraua­teth the superstition of the Pharises, in making their fringes larger, when the law had allowed them large. This literall exposition I take to be most agreeable with the Text, though to en­large, in [...] apud Euripidem in Bacchis, valet, Magnifice iactare, Efferre. Magnifi­care apud Varro­nem & Plinium cadem significatio­ne vsurpatur. The­odor. Beza in Mat. 23. Greeke, and Latine, sometimes sig­nifieth to boast, vaunt, or bragge of a thing, and in this sense it may very well fit a Pharise. The [Page 55] reason of this command was, to put them in minde of the commandements, Num. 15. And for the furtherance of this duty, Hieron. in Matt. 23. they vsed sharpe thrones in their fringes, that by the of­ten pricking of the thrones, whether they wal­ked, or sate still, they might be the more mind­full of the commandements.

There were Talmud: tract. Suta. cap. 3. seuen sorts of Pharises. 1. Pha­risaeus Sichemita, Hee turned Pharise for gaine, as the Sichemites suffered themselues to bee circumcised.

2. Pharesaeus truncatus, so called as if he had no feet, because he would scarce lift them from the ground when he walked, to cause the grea­ter opinion of his meditation.

3. Pharisaeus impingens. Hee would shut his eies when he walked abroad, to auoid the sight of women, insomuch that hee often dasht his head against the wals that the bloud gusht out.

4. Pharisaeus quid debeo facere, & faciam illud. He was wont to say, What ought I doe? and I will doe it. Of this sort seemeth the man in the Go­spell to haue beene, who came vnto Christ, say­ing, Good Master what shall I doe? &c. and at last replyed, All these haue I done from my youth vpward, Luke 18.

5. Pharisaeus mortarius. So called because he wore a hat in manner of a deepe Mortar, such as they vse to bray spice in, insomuch that hee could not looke vpward, nor of either side; onely downeward on the ground, and forward or forthright.

[Page 56] 6. Pharisaeus ex amore. Such a one as obey­ed the law for the loue of vertue.

7. Pharisaeus ex timore. Such a one obeyed the law for feare of punishment. He that con­formed for feare, had respect chiefly to the ne­gatiue Commandements; but hee that confor­med for loue, especially respected the affir­matiue.

CHAP. XI.
Of the Sadduces.

TO omit other Etymologies of the name, there are two onely which haue shew of probability. Epiphan. lib. 1. cap. 14. Some deriue it from Sedek, Iusticia, as if they had bin Iusticiaries, such as would iustifie themselues before Gods tribu­nall. [...]. Theophylact. There are that deriue it and that vpon more warrantable grounds: from Sadoc, the first Author of the heresie; so that the Sadduces were so called from Sadoc, as the Arians from Arius, the Pelagians from Pelagius, the Donatists from Donatus, &c.

This Sadoc liued vnder Antigonus Sochaeus, who succeeded Simeon the Iust. He was Antigo­nus his Scholler, and by him brought vp in the doctrine of the Pharises, but afterward fell from him, and broacht the heresie of the Sad­duces, which heresie because it had much affi­nity with that which the Heretique Do­sitheus taught, hence are the Sadduces, [Page 57] said to Epiph. haeres. 14. It. Tertullian. de praescript. c. 45. bee a branch or skirt of the Dosi­theans, though in truth Dositheus liued not till Origen. contrae Celsum lib. 2. after Christ; and although these two heresies did agree in many things, yet in a maine point they differed. Epiph. haeres. 13. Dositheus beleeued the resur­rection, the Sadduces denied it, and by conse­quence the Dositheans beleeued al other points necessarily flowing from this.

The occasion of this heresie was this. When Aboth cap. 1. Antigonus taught that wee must not serue God as seruants serue their masters for hope of reward, his schollers Sadoc and Baithus vn­derstood him, as if he had vtterly denied all fu­ture rewards or recompence attending a god­ly life, and thence framed their heresie, deny­ing the resurrection, the world to come, Angels, spirits, &c.

Their Dogmata, Canons, or Constitutions were, 1. They reiected Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 18. the Prophets, and all other Scripture, saue onely the fiue bookes of Moses. Therefore our Sauiour when he would confute their errour concerning the resurrection of the dead, he proues it not out of the Prophets, but out of Exod. 3. 6. I am the God of Abraham, the God of Isaack, and the God of Iacob, Mat. 22. 32.

2. They reiected Elias in [...] all traditions. Whence as they were called [...] Minaei, i. Heretiques, in respect of the generall opposition betweene them and Pharises; First, because the Pharises were in repute the only Catholikes; Secondly, because in their doctrine, the Pharises were much neerer the truth than the Sadduces: So [Page 58] in respect of this particular opposition, in the ones reiecting, the others vrging of traditions, the Sadduces were Drusius de trib. sect. c. 8. lib. 3. p. 130. termed [...] Karaim, Biblers, or Scripturists.

3. They said there was no reward for good works, nor punishment for ill in the world to come. Hence S. Paul perceiuing that in the Councell the one part were Sadduces, the other Pharises, he cried out, Of the hope, i. of the reward expe­cted, and of the resurrection of the dead, I am cal­led in question, Act. 23. 6.

4. They denied the resurrection of the body, Act. 23. 8. Matt. 22. 23. Luk. 20. 27.

5. They said the soules of men are Ioseph. de bello lib. 2. c. 12. annihilated at their death.

6. They denied Angels and spirits, Act. 23. 8.

7. They wholly denied Ioseph. lib. 13. cap. 9. Fate or Destinie, and ascribed all to mans Free-will.

The Samaritanes and the Sadduces are of neere affinitie: but yet they differ. 1. Epiphan. Tom. 1. lib. 1. haeres. 14. The Samaritanes sacrificed at the temple built vpon mount Garizim; but the Sadduces sacrificed at Ierusalem. 2. The Samaritanes allowed no com­merce with the Iewes, Ioh. 4. 9. yea the mutuall hatred betweene the Samaritanes and the Iewes was so great, that it was not lawfull for the Iewes to eat or drinke with the Samaritans. How is it that thou being a Iew, askest drinke of me which am a woman of Samaria? Ioh. 4. 9. Nay whereas libertie was granted vnto all na­tions of the earth to become Proselytes to the Iewes, so did the Iewes hate the Samaritans, [Page 59] that they would not suffer a Samaritan to be a Proselyte. This appeareth by that solemne Drusius de trib. sect. lib. 3. cap. 11. ex Ilmedenu. Excommunication termed Excommunicatio in secreto nominis tetragrammati: the forme there­of, as it was applied (say they) by Ezra and Nehemiah vnto the Samaritans, was thus. They assembled the whole congregation into the temple of the Lord, and they brought 300. Priests, and 300. trumpets, and 300. bookes of the Law, and as many boyes, and they sounded their trumpets, and the Leuites singing cursed the Samaritans by all the sorts of Excommunication, in the mysterie of the name Iehoua, and in the Decalogue, and with the curse of the superiour house of iudgement, and like­wise with the curse of the inferiour house of iudge­ment, that no Israelite should eat the bread of a Samaritan, (whence they say, he which eateth a Sa­maritans bread, is as he who eateth swines flesh) and let no Samaritan be a Proselyte in Israel, and that they should haue no part in the resurrection of the dead. R. Buxtorf. epist. Hebr. p. 59. Gersom forbade the breaking open of the letters, vnder the penaltie of this Excommunication. This proueth what formerly was said, namely, that betweene the Iewes and the Samaritans there was no commerce; but the Sadduces familiarly conuersed with the other Iewes, euen with the Pharises themselues, yea both sate together in the same Councell, Act. 23. 6. Now the Samaritans and Sadduces agreed. 1. In the reiection of all traditions. 2. In the reiection of all other Scriptures saue only the fiue bookes of Moses. 3. In the deniall of the resur­rection [Page 60] and the consequencies, as future punish­ments, and rewards according to mens works: but the Samaritans held that there were Angels, which the Sadduces denied. For the proofe of these agreements & disagreements betweene them, reade Epiphanius haeres. 9. & 14.

Touching the Samaritans, there are three degrees, or alterations in their religion ob­seruable. 1. The strange nations transplanted by Shalmanesar into Samaria, when Israel was carried away captiue into Assyria, worshipped euery one the God of their owne countries, 2 King. 17. Secondly, when they saw they were de­uoured by lions, because they feared not the Lord, the King of Assyria sent one of the Priests which was taken captiue, to instruct them in the true worship of God; which manner of worship though they receiued, yet they would not lay aside their former idolatrie, but made a mixture of religions, worshipping the liuing God, and their owne dumbe Idols. Thirdly, Manasses brother to Iaddus the high Priest in Ierusalem, being married to Sanballet the Horo­nites daughter, by reason of Nehemiahs charge of putting away their strange wiues, being dri­uen to that exigent, that hee must either put away his wife, or forgoe the hope of the Priest­hood; by Sanballets meanes he obtained leaue from Alexander the Great, to build a Temple Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 11. cap. 8. vpon mount Garizim, one of the highest mountaines in Samaria, whither many other apostated Iewes fled, together with Manasses [Page 61] being made their high Priest; and now the Sect of Samaritanes (betweene whom and the Iewes there was such hatred) began, now all those forementioned errors were maintained: And of this Hill it is, that the woman of Samaria speaketh, Iohn 4. 20. Our fathers worshipped in this mountaine, &c.

By comparing the Dogmata of the Pharises, with these of the Sadduces, wee may perceiue a manifest opposition betweene them, yet both these ioyned against Christ, Marke 12.

This heresie though it were the grossest a­mongst the Iews, yet was it embraced and maintained by some of the high Priests them­selues: Gorionides cap. 29. Ioannes Hyrcanus was a Sadducee, so were his sonnes Aristobulus and Alexander, Euseb. hist. lib. 2. c. 23. Ex Ioseph. an­tiq. lib: 20. c. 8. and likewise Ananus the younger, so that Mo­ses chaire was not amongst them exempted from error, no nor heresie.

CHAP. XII.
Of the Essenes.

THe etymologies of the names Essaei, or Esseni, (i.) Essenes, are diuers; that which I prefer is from the Syriak [...], Asa, signifying [...], to heale or cure dis­eases. Ioseph. de bello l. 2. c. 12. p. 786. Hence are the men so often termed, [...], and the women amongst them, [...], that is, Physicians. For though they [Page 62] gaue themselues chiefly to the study of the Bi­ble, yet withall they studied Physicke.

Of these Essenes there were two sorts, some Theorikes, giuing themselues wholly to specula­tion; others Practicks, laborious and painfull in the daily exercise of those handy-crafts in which they were most skilfull. Of the latter Philo treateth, in his booke intituled Quod om­nis vir probus: Of the former, in the booke fol­lowing, intituled, De vita contemplatiua.

Their Dogmata, their ordinances, or constituti­ons, did symbolize in many things with Pytha­goras his; where they doe agree therefore, my purpose is first to name Pythagoras his, and then to proceede on with the Essenes. They follow thus.

The Aul. Gell. l. 1. c. 10. It. Laert in Py­thag. [...]. Pythagoreans professed a communion of goods: So the Essenes, Ioseph. lib. 18. cap. 2. they had one common purse or stocke, none richer, none poorer than other; out of this common treasury euery one supplied his owne wants without leaue, and administred to the necessities of others: onely they might not releeue any of their kindred without leaue from their ouerseers. They did not buy or sell among themselues, but each supplied the others wants, by a kinde of com­mutatiue bartring: yea liberty was granted to take one from another what they wanted, with­out exchange. They performed offices of ser­uice inutually one to another, for mastership and seruice cannot stand with communion of goods: and seruants are commonly iniurious [Page 63] to the state of their masters, according to that, saying of R. Gamaliel, [...] Marbe gnabad [...]m, Marbe gezel. [...] Aboth. c. 1. He that multiplieth ser­uants, multiplieth theeues. When they trauelled, besides weapons for defence, they tooke no­thing with them; for into whatsoeuer city or Village they came, they repaired to the frater­nity of the Essenes, and were there entertained as members of the same. And if we doe atten­tiuely reade Iosephus, we may obserue that the Essenes of euery citie ioyned themselues into one common fraternitie, or Colledge; euery Col­ledge had two sorts of officers: 1. Treasurers, who looked to the common stocke, prouided their diet, appointed each his taske, and other publique necessaries. Secondly, Others who entertained their strangers.

2. The Pythagoreans shunned Iustin. lib. 20. pleasures. Ioseph. de bello lib. 2. c. 12. So did the Essenes: to this belongeth their auoi­ding of oyle, which if any touched vnawares, they wiped it off presently.

3. The Pythagoreans Suidas It. Aeli­an. de varia hist. l. 12. c. 32. garments were white: Ioseph. de bello l. 2. c. 12. So were the Essenes white also, modest, not cost­ly, when once they put on a suit, they neuer changed till it was torne or worne out.

4. The Pythagoreans forbade Laert. in vita Py­thagorae. oathes. Philo Iudaeus. So did the Essenes, they thought him a noted lyar, who could not be beleeued without an oath.

5. The Pythagoreans had their Suidas, It. Laer­tius. Elders in sin­gular respect. Ioseph. de bello lib. 2. c. 12. So had the Essenes: the body, or whole company of the Essenes, were distinguisht, [...], into foure rankes or orders, ac­cording to their Senioritie, and if haply any [Page 64] of the superior rankes, had touched any of the inferior, he thought himselfe polluted, as if hee had touched an Heathen.

6. The Pythagoreans dranke Suidas. water. So did the Philo de vita contemplatiua. Essenes only water, wholly abstaining from wine.

7. The Pythagoreans vsed Laertius in vita Pythag. [...], Ina­nimate sacrifices: So did the Ioseph. Antiq. l. 18. c. 2. Essenes: they sent gifts, to the Temple, and did not sacrifice, but preferred the vse of their holy water before sa­crifice, for which reason the other Iewes forbad them all accesse vnto the Temple.

8. The Pythagoreans ascribed Suidas. all things to Fate or Destinie. So did the Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 9. Essenes. In this Apho­risme all three Sects differed each from other. The Pharises ascribed some things to Fate, o­ther things to mans Free-will. The Essenes ascri­bed all to Fate, nothing to mans Free-will. The Sadduces wholly denied Fate, and ascribed all things to the Free-will of man.

9. The Pythagoreans the Quinquenne hoc silentium à Pytha­gora auditoribus suis indictum vo­cabant [...], à cohibendo ser­mone. first fiue yeeres were not permitted to speake in the schoole, but were initiated per quinquennale silentium, Laertius in Py­thagor. and not vntill then suffered to come into the presence or sight of Pythagoras. To this may be referred the Essenes silence at Table straitly obserued, so that Decem simul sedentibus, nemo loquitur in­uitis nouem. Drusius de trib. sect. l. 4. Drusius renders it, that ten of them sitting together, none of them spake without leaue obtained of the nine. When any did speake, it was not their custome to in­terrupt him with words, but by nods of the [Page 65] head, or beckonings, or holding their finger, or shaking their heads, and other such like dumbe signes and gestures, to signifie their doubtings, disliking, or approuing the matter in hand. And to the time of silence amongst the Pythagoreans, that it must be for fiue yeeres, may be referred the initiation of the Essenes, for amongst them none were presently admit­ted into their societie with full libertie, but they vnderwent foure yeeres of triall and proba­tion. The first yeere they receiued Dolabellam, Ioseph. de bello lib. 2. c. 12. Perizoma, & vestem albam, a spadle with which they digged a conuenient place to ease nature, a paire of breeches, which they vsed in bathing or washing themselues; a white garment, which especially that sect affected. At this time they had their commons allowed them, but without, not in the common dining hall. The second yeere they admitted them to the parti­cipation of holy waters, and instructed them in the vse of them. Two yeeres after, they admit­ted them in full manner, making them of their corporation, after they had receiued an oath truly to obserue all the rules and ordinances of the Essenes. If any brake this oath, an hundred of them being assembled together expelled him, vpon which expulsion commonly fol­lowed death within a shorttime, for none ha­uing once entred this order, might receiue almes or any meat from other; and themselues would feed such a one onely with distastfull herbes, which wasted his body, and brought [Page 66] it very low; sometimes they would re-admit such a one being brought neere vnto death, but commonly they suffered him to die in that miserie.

10. The Essenes Philo item Ioseph. worshipped toward the Sun rising.

11. The Essenes bound themselues in their oath, to Ioseph. de bal. l. 2. c. 12. preserue the names of Angels: the phrase im­plieth a kinde of worshipping of them.

12. They were aboue all others strict in the ob­seruation of the Ioseph. ibid. Sabbath day; on it they would dresse no meat, kindle no fire, remoue no ves­sels out of their place, no nor ease nature. Philo de vita con­templat. Yea they obserued [...], euery seuenth weeke a solemne Pentecost, seuen Pente­costs euery yeere.

13. They abstained from marriage, not that they disliked marriage in it selfe, or intended an end or period to procreation; but partly in warinesse of womens intemperance, partly be­cause they were perswaded that no woman would continue faithfull to one man. This auoiding of marriage is not to be vnderstood generally of all the Essenes, for they disagreed among themselues in this point. Some were of the opinion before noted: others maried for propagation. Nihilominus autem cum tanta ipsi moderatione conueniunt, vt per triennium ex­plorent valetudinem foeminarum, & si constanti purgatione apparuerint idoneae partui, ita eas in ma­trimonia asciscunt. Nemo tamen cum praegnante concumbit, vt ostendant quòd nuptias non volup­tatis, [Page 67] sed liberorum causâ inierint. Thus the lat­ter sort preserued their sect by the procreation of children: The former sort preserued it by a kinde of adoption of other mens children, counting them as neere kinsmen, and tutoring them in the rules of their owne discipline, as Iosephus witnesseth. Plin. hist. lib. 5. cap. 17. Pliny addeth also, that many other of the Iewes when they began to be strucke in yeeres, voluntarily ioyned them­selues vnto them, being moued thereunto, either because of the variable state and trou­bles of the world, or vpon consideration of their owne former licentious courses, as if they would by this meanes exercise a kinde of pe­nance vpon themselues.

Concerning the beginning of this sect, from whom, or when it began, it is hard to deter­mine. Serarius Trihae­res. lib. 3. cap. 9. Some make them as ancient as the Rechabites, and the Rechabites to haue differed only in the addition of some rules and ordi­nances from the Kenites, mentioned Iudg. 1. 16. And thus by consequence the Essenes were as ancient as the Israelites departure out of Egypt; for Iethro, Moses father in law, as appeareth by the text, was a Kenite: But neither of these see­meth probable. For the Kenites are not menti­oned in Scripture as a distinct order or sect of people, but as a distinct familie, kindred, or na­tion, Num. 24. 21. Secondly, the Rechabites, they neither did build houses, but dwelt in tents, neither did they deale in husbandrie, they sowed no seed, nor planted vineyards, [Page 68] nor had any, Ier. 35. 7. The Essenes on the con­trary, they dwelt not in tents, but in houses; Ioseph. antiq. l. 18. c. 2. and they imployed themselues especially in husbandrie. One of the Ios. Scaliger in Trihaeres. c. 23. Hebrew Doctors saith, that the Essenes were Nazarites; but that can­not be, because the law inioyned the Nazarites when the time of the consecration was out, to present themselues at the doore of the Taber­nacle or Temple, Num. 6. Now the Essenes had no accesse to the Temple. When therefore, or from what Author this sect tooke its beginning, is vncertaine. The first that I finde mentioned by the name of an Essene, was one Ioseph. lib. 13. c. 19. Iudas who liued in the time of Aristobulus the sonne of Ioannes Hyrcanus, before our Sauiours birth about one hundred yeeres: howsoeuer the sect was of greater antiquitie; Ioseph. lib. 13. c. 9. for all three, Pha­rises, Sadduces, and Essenes, were in Ionathans time, the brother of Iudas Maccabaeus, who was fifty yeeres before Aristobulus. Certaine it is, that this sect continued vntill the dayes of our Sauiour, and after; for Philo and Iosephus speake of them, as liuing in their time. What might be the reason then, that there is no mention of them in the New Testament? I answer: First, the number of them seemeth not to haue been great, in Philo and Iosephus his time, Philo lib. Quod omnis probus. p. 678. about foure thousand, which being dispersed in ma­ny cities, made the faction weake, and haply in Ierusalem when our Sauiour liued, they were either few, or none. Secondly, if we obserue histories, we shall finde them peaceable and [Page 69] quiet, not opposing any, and therefore not so liable to reproofe as the Pharises and Sadduces, who opposed each other, and both ioyned against Christ. Thirdly, why might they not as well be passed ouer in silence in the New Testa­ment, (especially containing themselues qui­etly without contradiction of others) as the Rechabites in the Old Testament, of whom there is mention only once, and that obliquely, al­though their order continued about 300. yeeres, before this testimonie was giuen of them by the Prophet Ieremie, for betweene Iehu (with whom Ionadab was coetanean) and Ze­dekiah, Chronologers obserue the distance of so many yeares. Lastly, though the names of Essenes bee not found in Scripture, Vide Chemnic. ex­am. conc. Trident. part. quart. p. 120. yet wee shall finde in Saint Pauls Epistles many things reproued; which were taught in the schoole of the Essenes. Of this nature was that aduice gi­uen vnto Timothie, 1 Tim. 5. 23. Drinke no lon­ger water, but vse a little wine. Againe, 1 Tim. 4. 3. Forbidding to marry, and commanding to ab­staine from meats, is a doctrine of Deuills: but espe­cially, Coloss. 2. in many passages the Apostle seemeth directly to point at them. Let no man condemne you in meat and drinke, verse 16. Let no man beare rule ouer you, by humble­nesse of minde and worshipping of Angells, vers. 18. [...]; why are yee subiect to ordinances? vers. 20. The Apostle vseth the word [...], which was applied by the Essenes to denote their Ordinances, Aphorismes, or Con­stitutions. [Page 70] In the verse following he giues an in­stance of some particulars. Touch not, taste not, handle not, verse 21. Now the Iunior company of Essenes might not touch their Seniors. And in their diet, their taste was limited to bread, salt, water and hyssop. And these ordinances they vntertooke, [...], saith Philo, for the loue of wisdome; but the Apostle conclu­deth, vers. 23. That these things had onely, [...], a shew of wisdome. And whereas Phi­lo termeth the religion of the Essenes, by the name of [...], which word signifieth religi­ous worship, the Apostle termeth it in this same verse, [...], Voluntary religion, or Will-wor­ship: yea, where hee termeth their doctrine, [...], a kinde of Philosophy receiued from their forefathers by tradition, Saint Paul biddeth them beware of Philosophie, verse 8.

We formerly obserued two sorts of Essenes; Practicks, and Theoricks, both agreed in their Aphorismes, or Ordinances; but in certaine cir­cumstances they differed.

1. The Practicks dwelt in the cities; The Theoricks shunned the cities, and dwelt in gar­dens, and solitary Villages.

2. The Practicks spent the day in manuall crafts, keeping of sheepe, looking to bees, til­ling of ground, &c. they were [...], Artifi­cers; The Theoricks spent the day in meditati­on, and praiers, whence they were by a kinde of excellency, by Philo termed, [...], Suppli­cantes.

[Page 71] 3. The Practicks had euery day their din­ner and supper allowed them; the Theoricks only their supper.

4. The Practicks had for their commons, e­uery one his dish of Water-gruell, and bread; The Theoricks onely bread and salt: if any were of a more delicate pallat than other, to him it was permitted to eat hyssop; their drinke for both, was common water.

Some are of opinion that these Theoricks were Christian Monkes, but the contrary appea­reth, for these reasons:

1. In that whole booke of Philo, concerning the Theoricks, there is no mention either of Christ, or Christians, of the Euangelists, or A­postles.

2. The Theoricks in that booke of Philo's, are not any new Sect of late beginning, as the Christians at that time were, as is cleerely eui­denced by Philo his owne words. First, in cal­ling the doctrine of the Essenes, [...], A Philosophy deriued vnto them by tradition from their forefathers. Secondly, in saying, Habent priscorum commentarios, qui huius sectae auto­res, &c.

3. The inscription of that booke, is not on­ly, [...], but also, [...]: Now Phi­lo Philo in principio. lib. de legat. ad Caium. elsewhere calleth the whole Nation of the Iewes, [...], which argueth that those Theoricks were Iewes, not Christians.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the Gaulonitae, and the Herodians.

OTher factions there were among the Iewes, which are improperly termed Sects. Of these there were principal­ly two. 1. Gaulonitae. 2. Herodiani. The Gaulo­nitae had their names from one Iudas, who Ioseph. antiq. l. 18. c. 1. sometimes was called Iudas Gaulonites, Ioseph. lib. 18. c. 2. sometimes Iudas Galilaeus, of whom Gamaliel speaketh, Acts 5. 37. After this man arose vp Iu­das of Galile, in the daies of the tribute. The tri­bute here spoken of, was that, made by Cyrenius, sometimes called Quirinius, the name in Greeke is one and the same, but differently read by expositors. This Cyrenius was sent from Rome by Augustus, into Syria, and from thence came in­to Iudaea, where Coponius was President, and there he raised this tax, which taxation is vn­aduisedly by some confounded with that men­tioned, Luke 2. 1. Both were raised vnder Au­gustus, but they differed. First, this was only of Syria and Iudaea; that in Saint Luke was vniuer­sall of the whole world. Secondly, this was when Archelaus, Herods sonne, was banished in­to Vienna, hauing reigned nine yeares; that vnder Herod the Great: whence there is an ob­seruable emphasis, in that Saint Luke saith, it was the first taxing, hauing reference vnto this second. Ioseph. loco supe­rius citato. The occasion of this faction was thus, [Page 73] When Cyrenius leauied this tax, and seazed vpon Archelaus Herods sonnes goods, then a­rose this Iudas opposing this tribute, and tel­ling the people, that tribute was a manifest token of seruitude, and that they ought to call none Lord, but onely him who was Lord of Lords, the God of heauen and earth. Whence those that adhered vnto him, were called Gau­lonitae: they were also called Galileans. Oecumenius, Act. 5. 37. It. Theophy­lact. Luc. 13. 1. It was their bloud that Pilat mixed with their sacrifi­ces, Luke 13. 1. For Pilat had not authoritie o­uer the nation of the Galileans. The Theophylact. in Luc. 13. reason of this mixture is thought to bee, because the Galileans forbad sacrifices to be offered for the Roman Empire, or for the safety of the Emperor, whereupon Pilat being incensed with anger, slew them, whiles they were Ioseph. lib. 7. de bello cap. 28. p. 985. sacrificing. To this faction belonged those murderers termed [...], mentioned Act. 21. 38.

Concerning the Herodians, those that num­ber them among Heretiques, make the heresie to consist in two things. First, in that they tooke Herod the Great for the promised Messi­as, because in his reigne, he being a stranger, the Scepter was departed from Iudah, which was the promised time of the Messiah his com­ming. Secondly, they honoured him with su­perstitious solemnities, annually performed vpon his birth-day. Of Herod his birth-day the Poet speaketh

Now whether this latter may be referred to Herod the Great, I much doubt, because I finde not any author among the ancients to speake of Herod the great his birth day: It was ano­ther Herod, Tetrarch of Galile, otherwise called Antipas, whose birth day, we reade celebrated Marke 6. 21. The former point, that the Hero­dians receiued Herod as their Messiah, though it hath Epiph. haeres. 20. & Theophylact. Matt. 22. 16. & alij plures. many graue Authors auouching it, yet Hieronym. Matt. 22. 17. others iustly question the truth thereof; for if the Herodians were Iewes, (as most thinke) how then could they imagine, that Herod a stranger, could be the Messiah, seeing that it was so commonly preached by the Prophets, and knowne vnto the people, that the Messiah mu [...] be a Iew borne, of the tribe of Iudah, and of the house of Dauid?

Others say, Theodor. Beza. Matt. 22. 16. that the Herodians were cer­taine flatterers in Herod his Court, varying and changing many points of their religion with Herod their King.

To omit many other coniectures vtterly in­probable, I incline to Saint Hierome, whose o­pinion is, Hieronym. Matt. 22. 17. that the Herodians were those, who stood stifly for tribute to be paied to Caesar. It concerned Herod, who at first receiued his Crowne from Caesar, to further Caesars tribute, not onely in way of thankfulnesse, but also it way of policie, to preuent a possible deposing [Page 75] or disceptring, for it was in Caesars power to take away the Crowne againe, when pleased him. Now in respect that Herod sought to kill Christ, and the Herodians with the Pharises tooke counsell against him, vnto this our Sa­uiour might haue reference, saying, Mark. 8. 15. Beware of the leauen of the Pharises, and of the leauen of Herod, viz. of their conta­gious doctrine, his foxelike subtil­ties.

CHAP. I.
Their Temple.

WHen the Israelites came out of Egypt, Moses was commanded to build a Tabernacle for the place of Gods publique worship. Afterward when they were set­led in the promised land, then Salomon was commanded to build a Temple.

These two shadowed the difference be­tweene the Iewes Synagogue, and the Christian Church. The Tabernacle was moueable, and but for a time; The Temple fixed, and permanent: the state of the Iewes vanishing, to continue in their generations; the state of Christians du­rable, to continue vnto the worlds end. More principally it shadoweth forth the state of the [Page 78] Church militant here on earth, and triumphant in heauen: vnto both the Prophet Dauid allu­deth▪ Lord who shall soiourne in thy Taberna­cle? Who shall rest in thine holy mountaine? Psal. 15. 1.

There were in the same tract of ground three hills, Sion, Moria, and mount Caluarie. On Sion was the Citie and Castle of Dauid, on Mo­ria was the Temple, and on mount Caluarie Christ was crucified. Genebrard. in Chronog. lib. 1. An­no Mundi 3146. But all these three were generally called by the name of Sion, whence it is, that though the Temple were built on Mo­ria, yet the Scripture speaketh of it common­ly as if it were on mount Sion.

In the Temple there are these three things considerable: 1. The Sancta Sanctorum, the Holy of Holies, answerable to our Quire in our Cathedrall Churches. Secondly, the Sanctum, the Sanctuarie, answerable to the body of the Church. Thirdly, the Atrium, the Court, answe­rable to the Church-yard.

In the Holy of Holies there were the gol­den censer, and the Arke of the Testament, Heb. 9. 4.

In Sunt qui illud [...] apud Apostolum Heb. 9. 4. referunt ad [...], vt dicant in taberna­culo secundo, quod appellant Sancta Sanctorum, fuisse vrnam mannae, & virgam Aaronis, tabulasque foederis, videl. vrnam & virgam ante Ar­cam (ita Moses Kotsensis 210. 1.) tabulas autèm in Arca. the Arke there were three things: 1. The pot of Manna; 2. Aarons rod that budded; 3. The tables of the Testament, Heb. 9. 4. Thus they were in Moses his time, but afterward in the dayes of Solomon only the tables of the law were found in the Arke, 1 King. 8. 9.

The couer of this Arke was called [...], the Propitiatory, or Mercy seat, because it couered [Page 79] and hid the law, that it appeared not before God to pleade against man. It was a type of Christ, who likewise is termed [...], our Pro­pitiatory, Rom. 3. 25. and [...], our propitia­tion, 1 Iohn 2. 2. At each end of the Mercy seat stood a golden Chenub, each Cherub stretched forth his wings, and from betweene them as from an Oracle, God gaue his answer, Exod. 25. 22. Hence it is, that the Lord is said to sit be­tweene the Cherubims, Psal. 99. 1. The positure of the Cherubims was such, that their faces were each towards the other, but both looking downe towards the Mercy seat; they fitly sha­dowed out the people of the Iewes, and Chri­stians, both looking toward each other, but both expecting saluation in Christ onely.

In the Sanctuary, there was the incense altar in the middle, and the table, with the twelue loaues of shewbread on it, on the one side, and the candlesticke on the other. The incense al­tar was a type of our praiers, Psal. 141. 2. And that this Altar must bee once euery yeare sprinkled with the bloud of the sacrifice by the high Priest, Exod. 30. 10. it teacheth that our very praiers, except they bee purified by the bloud of Christ, they are vnauaileable before God. The twelue loaues were a type of the twelue Tribes, and the candlesticke a type of the word of God. In them all wee may see the necessity of both ordinances required, Praier and Preaching, if wee would bee presented acceptable vnto the Lord: The Candle­sticke, [Page 80] was a type of Preaching; Incense, of Praier.

In Moses his Tabernacle, there was but one table, and one candlesticke: in Solomons Tem­ple, there were ten Tables, and ten Candlesticks; as likewise in the Court of the Tabernacle, there was but one brazen Lauer, in the Court of the Temple there were ten, and another great vessell wherein the Priests washed; in the Tabernacle there were but two Siluer Trumpets, in the Tem ­ple there were an hundred and twentie Priests sounding Trumpets.

The Courts of the Temple at first were but two, Atrium sacerdotum, the Priests Court; and Atrium populi, the Peoples Court.

In the Priests Court, were the brazen Altar for sacrifices, and the Lauer for the washing, both of the Priests, and the sacrifices. The Lauer, and the Altar situated in the same court, signified the same as the water and bloud issu­ing out of Christs side, namely, the necesary concurrence of these two graces in all that shall bee saued, Sanctification, and Iustification: Sanctification intimated by the Lauer and Wa­ter: Iustification by the Altar, and bloud.

The Court for the Priests, and the Court for the people, Ioseph. l. 8. cap. 3. were separated each from other, by a wall of three Cubits high.

The Court for the people was sometimes cal­led the outward court, sometimes the Temple, sometimes Solomons Porch, because it was built about with porches, into which the people [Page 81] retired in rainy weather, it had Solomons name, either to continue his memory, or because the porches had some resemblance of that porch which Solomon built before the Temple, 1 Kings 6. 3. Iesus walked in the Temple, in Solomons porch, Iohn 10. 23. All the people ranne vnto the porch, which was called Solomons Act. 3. 11. That is, this outward Court.

In the middest of the peoples Court Solomon made a brazen skaffold for the King, 2 Chron. 6. 13.

This Court for the people went round about the Temple, and though it was one entire court in the daies of Solomon, yet afterward it was diuided by a low wall, so that the men stood in the inward part of it, and the women in the outward. This diuision is thought to haue beene made in Iehosaphats time, of whom wee reade that hee stood in the house of the Lord, before the new Court, 2 Chron. 20. 5. that is, be­fore the womens Court.

There was an ascent of fifteeene steps or staiers betweene the womens Court, and the mens, R. Dauid Kimchi. Psa. 120. vpon these steps the Leuites sung those fifteene Psalmes immediatly following the one hundred nineteenth, vpon each step one Psalme, whence those Psalmes are entitled Psalmi graduales, Songs of degrees.

In the womens Court stood their treasurie, or almes box, as appeareth by the poore widowes casting in her two mites into it, Luke 21. 1. In Hebrew it is termed [...], Korban, the chest of [Page 82] oblations, the word signifieth barely an oblation or offering, and accordingly Saint Luke 21. 4. faith, they all haue of their superfluities cast in­to the offrings, that is, into the Korban, or chest of offrings. In Greeke it was termed [...], when [...] commeth the Latine. word Gazophyla­cium, A Treasurie. That set vp by Iehoiada, 2 King. 12. 9. seemeth to haue beene different from this, and to haue beene extraordinary, only for the repairing of the Temple, for that stood beside the Altar in the Priests Court, and the Priests, not the parties that brought the gift, put it into the Chest. Sometimes the whole Court was termed Gazophylacium, a Treasurie. These words spake Iesus in the treasurie, Iohn 8. 20. It is worth our noting, that the Hebrew word [...], Tsedaka, signifying almes, signifi­eth properly Iustice; and thereby is intimated, that the matter of our almes, should be goods iustly gotten; and to this purpose they called their almes box [...], Kupha Schel Tsedaka, the chest of iustice, and vpon their almes box they wrote Buxtorf. de ab­breu. in [...]. this abbreuiature, [...], A gift in secret pacifieth anger, Prou. 21. 14.

In Herods Temple there were Ioseph. lib. 2. con­tra Apion. p. 1066. foure Por­ches, the meaning is foure Courts, one for the Priests, another for men, another for women, and a fourth for such as were vncleane by legall pollu­tions, and strangers. This outmost court for the vncleane and strangers, was separated from the womens court, with a stone wall of three Cubites high, which wall was adorned with [Page 83] certaine pillars of equall distance, bearing this inscription: [...]. In locum sanctum transire aliemgena non de­bet. Ioseph. de bell. lib. 6. c. 6. Let no stranger enter into the ho­ly place.

The Temple at Ierusalem was thrise built. First, by Solomon: Secondly, by Zerobabel: Thirdly, by Herod. The first was built in seuen yeeres, 1 Kings 6. 37. The second in 46. yeares: It was begun in the second yeare of King Cy­rus, Esr. 3. 8. It was finished in the Ioseph. antiq. lib. 11. c. 4. ninth yeare of Darius Hystaspis. The yeares rise thus,

• Yeares.
  • Cyrus reigned 30
  • Cambyses 08
  • It was finished in the yeare of Darius Hystaspis 09

One yeare deducted from Cyrus his reigne, there remaine 46.

Herods Temple was finished in Ioseph antiq. l. 15. cap. vlt. eight yeares. It is greatly questioned among Diuines, of which Temple that speech of the Iewes is to be vnderstood, Iohn 2. 20. Fortie and six yeares was this Temple a building: Many interpret it of the second Temple, saying, that Herod did on­ly repaire that, not build a new: but these dis­agree among themselues in the computation, and the Scripture speaketh peremptorily, that the house was finished in the sixth yeare of the reigne of King Darius, Ezr. 6. 15. and Iosephus speaketh of Herods building a new Temple, pluc­king downe the old. Vid. Hospinian. de Orig. Templ. c. 3. It seemeth therefore more probable, that the speech is to bee vnderstood of Herods Temple, which though it were but eight yeares in building, yet at this time when [Page 84] this speech was vsed, it had stood precisely for­tie six yeares, Vide supputatio­nem Funccianam anno 3947. for so many yeares there are pre­cisely betweene the eighteenth yeare of Herods reigne (at which time the Temple began to bee built) and the yeare of Christ his Baptisme, when it is thought that this was spoken, all which time the Temple was more and more adorned, beautified, and perfected, in which respect it may be said to be so long building.

The ancient men are said to weepe, when they beheld the second, because the glory thereof was farre short of Solomons, Ezr. 3. 12. It was inferiour to Solomons Temple; First, in respect of the building, because it was lower and meaner. Hospinian. ex Talmudistis de O­rig. Templ. cap. 3. Secondly, in respect of the ves­sels, being now of brasse, which before were of pure gold. Thirdly, in respect of fiue things, lost and wanting in the second Temple, all which were in the first. First, there was wan­ting the D. Kimchi in Hagg. 1. 8. Eadem scribit Rabbi Solo­mon ibid. Arke of God; Secondly, Vrim and Thummim, God gaue no answer by these two, as in former times; Thirdly, fire, which in the second Temple neuer descended from heauen to consume their burnt offrings, as it did in the first: Fourthly, the glory of God appearing be­tweene the Cherubims, this they termed [...], Schecina, the habitation, or dwelling of God, and hereunto the Apostle alludeth, In him dwelleth the fulnesse of the godhead bodily, Coloss. 2. 9. Bodily, that is, not in clouds and ceremonies as betweene the Cherubims, but essentially. Lastly, the Holy Ghost, namely, enabling them [Page 85] for the gift of Prophecie; for betweene Malachie and Iohn the Baptist, there stood vp no Prophet, but onely they were instructed per filiam vocis, which they termed [...], Bath Kol, an Eccho from heauen, and this was the reason why those disciples, Acts 19. 2. said, Wee haue not so much as heard whether there bee an Holy Ghost.

Here it may bee demanded how that of the Prophet Haggai is true; The glory of this last house shall be greater then the first, Hag. 2. 10. I answer, Herods Temple which was built in the place of this, was of statelier building than Solomons, and it was of greater glory, because of Christ his preaching in it.

Herods Temple was afterward so set on fire by Titus his souldiers, Genebrard. Chro. lib. 2. anno Christi 69. that it could not bee quenched by the industrie of man: Theodoret. l. 3. cap. 11. Sozome­nus l. 5. cap. 19, 20, 21. at the same time the Temple at Delphi, being in chiefe request among the heathen people, was vtterly ouerthrowne by earthquakes and thun­derbolts from heauen, and neither of them could euer since be repaired. The concurrence of which two miracles euidently sheweth, that the time was then come, when God would put an end both to Iewish Ceremonies, and Heathe­nish Idolatrie, that the kingdome of his Sonne might be the better established.

CHAP. II.
Their Synagogues, Schooles, and Houses of Praier.

THe word Synagogue is from the Greeke [...], to gather together, and is applied to all things whereof there may be a collection, as [...], copia lactis; [...], collectio eorum quae sunt ad bellum neces­saria. God standeth in synagoga Deorum, in the assemblie of Iudges; but Synagogues are com­monly taken for housen dedicated to the wor­ship of God, wherein it was lawfull to pray, preach, and dispute, but not to sacrifice. In Hebrew it was called [...], Beth Hacueseth, the house of Assembly. The Temple at Ierusalem, was as the Cathedrall Church; The Synagogues, as pet­ty parish Churches belonging thereunto.

Concerning the time when Synagogues be­gan, it is hard to determine. It is probable that they began when the Tribes were setled in the promised land: The Temples being then too farre distant for those, which dwelt in remote places, it is likely that they repaired vnto cer­taine Synagogues in stead of the Temple. That they were in Dauids time appeareth; They haue burnt all the Synagogues of God in the land, Psal. 74. 8. And Moses of old time had in euery ci­tie, them that preached him, being read in the Synagogues euery Sabboth day, Act. 15. 21.

[Page 87] In Hierusalem there were Sigonius de rep. Hebr. l. 2. c. 8. foure hundred eighty Synagogues, beside the Temple, partly for Iewes, partly for strangers; one for strangers was called the Synagogue of the Libertines, Act. 6. 9. Whence it had that name, whether from the Roman Libertines, such as had serued for their freedome, being opposite to the Ingenui, those that were free-borne (for many of those Li­bertines became Proselytes, and had their Philo in legat. ad Caium. Sy­nagogues) or whether it were from Vide Tremel. Act. 6. 9. Lubar, sig­nifying an high place (for as their Temple, so their Synagogues and Schooles were bu [...]t on hills, and high places) because it is said, Prouerbs 1. 21. Wisdome calleth in high places. I leaue to the iudgement of the Reader.

Out of Ierusalem, in other cities and prouin­ces were many Synagogues: there were Syna­gogues in Galile, Mat. 4. 23. Synagogues in Damas­cus, Acts 9. 2. Synagogues at Salamis, Acts 13. 5. Synagogues at Antiochia, Acts 13. 14. Yea their tradition is, that Maimon. in Te­philla c. 11. §. 1. Wheresoeuer ten men of Israel were, there ought to be built a Synagogue.

Their Synagogues had Buxtorf. de ab­breuiatur. pag. 73. 181. 174. many inscriptions: ouer the gate was written that of the Psalm. 118. 20. This is the gate of the Lord, the righteous shall enter into it. In the walls these, and the like sentences, Remember thy Creator, and enter into the house of the Lord thy God in humilitie. And, Praier without attention, is like a body without a soule. And, Silence is commendable in time of praier.

As the Courts of the people before the Tem­ple, [Page 88] were distinguisht by a wall into two roomes, the one for men, the other for the wo­men: so in the Synagogues, the women were se­parated from the men, Talmud. in tract. Suta cap. vlt. vi­de Buxtorf. Synag. c. 9. p. 240. by a partition of lat­tice, or wireworke.

In the Synagogues the Scribes ordinarily taught, but not onely they, for Christ himselfe taught in them, &c. Hee that gaue liberty to preach there, was termed [...], The Ru­ler of the Synagogue. There was also a Minister who gaue the booke vnto the Preacher, and re­ceiued it againe, after the text had beene read. Christ closed the booke and gaue it againe to the Mi­nister, Luke 4. 20. This is probably him whom they called [...], Sheliach Tsibbur, the Minister, or Clerke of the Synagogue.

Their Schooles were different from their Sy­nagogues. Paul hauing disputed for the space of three moneths in the Synagogue, because diuers beleeued not, but spake euill of that way, he de­parted from them, and separated the disciples, disputing daily in the Schoole of one Tyrannus, Act. 19. 8, 9, 10.

Their Schoole sometimes is called [...] Beth, an house simply, as appeareth by that saying, Drusius de tribus sect. l. 2. c. 10. Octodecim res de quibus contentio fuit inter do­num Sammai, & domum Hillel, ne Elias quidem abolere posset. Those eighteene matters contro­uersed betweene the house of Sammai, and the house of Hillel, Elias himselfe could not decide: that is, betweene their two Schooles. Some­times it is called [...] Beth hamidrasch, [Page 89] an house of subtill and acute exposition. Here points were more exactly, and punctually dis­cussed, than in the Synagogue, or Temple; whence they held it a profounder place for expositi­on, than the Temple: to this purpose tend those sayings, Maimon. Tephil­la. c. 11. §. 14. They might turne a Synagogue into a Schoole, but not a Schoole into a Synagogue, for the sanctitie of a Schoole, is beyond the sanctitie of a Sy­nagogue. And that grouth from vertue, to ver­tue, Psal. 84. 7. Paraphrast. Chal. in hunc locum. They interpret, a kinde of pro­motion or degree, in remouing from their Tem­ple to their Schoole. In their Temple, their Ser­mons were as it were Ad populum, in their Schooles, Ad clerum.

As they had Synagogues, so likewise Schooles, in euery citie, and prouince, and these were built also vpon hills. There is mention of the hill Moreh, Iudges. 7. 1. that is, the Hill of the Teacher.

The Masters when they taught their Schol­lers, were said to giue; Giue vnto the wise, and he will be wiser, Prou. 9. 9.

The Schollers when they learned any thing, were said to receiue it: Heare my sonne and re­ceiue my words, Prou. 4. 10. Hence is that of the Apostle, This is a true saying, and by all meanes worthy to bee receiued, 1 Tim. 1. 15. that is, learned: the like phrases of speech are in vse among the — Da si graue non est. Hor. l. 2. sa­tyr. 8. Sed tamen iste De­ [...]s qui sit, da Tytere nobis. Virg. Bucol. Accipe nunc Da­naum infidias.—Virg. Aeneid. l. 2. Latines.

Whether their Oratories, or places of praier called Proseuchae, were different places from their Schooles, or Synagogues, I haue not yet lear­ned. [Page 90] That some of these were without the citie, that proueth nothing, for so might Synagogues, and Schooles too. Epiphanius treateth of these Epiphan. Tom. 2. l. 3. c. 80. Oratories, but there he speaketh not one word to shew the lawfulnesse of ciuill businesses to be done in them: could that be proued, a dif­ference would easily be shewen. Some say they were Beza Act. 16. 13. Synagogues, others Philo Iud. de vi­tâ Mosis. p. 530. Schooles. Of this house of praier, mention is made Acts 16. 13. in which Saint Paul sate downe and spake vnto the women, which gesture intimateth rather preaching than praying: true, all gesture was in vse for praier, standing, kneeling, sitting; Abraham stood before the Lord, Gen. 18. 22. that is, he praied. The Publican stood a farre off and praied, Luke 18. 13. whence by way of prouerb they said, R. Iuda in lib. Musar. vid. Drus. praet. Mat. 6. 5. Sine stationibus non subsisterit mun­dus, Were it not for standing, the world could not stand. Steuen kneeled, Acts 7. 60. Dauid sate before the Lord and said, 2 Sam. 7. 18. yet sitting, when the speech is to the people, not to the Lord, implieth preaching, not praier. It is probable that as at the gate of the Temple, so at the gate of these Oratories, the poorer sort of people assembled to expect almes, whence some vse the word Quá te quaero proseucha? Iuuen. Sat. 3. Proseucha, to signifie an hospitall.

The Caninius de locis N. Testam. c. 5. p. 38. Talmudists taxed the peoples negli­gence in praier, saying, they vsed three sorts of Amen, and all faulty. A faint Amen, when praied without feruency. A hastie Amen, when they said Amen before the praier was done. A [Page 91] lazie Amen, when they pronounced it at length, as if they were a sleepe, diuiding the word A-men. The first they termed [...], Ie­thoma, pupillum. The second [...], Chetupha, Surreptitium. The third [...], Ketugna, Se­ctile, quasi in duas partes sectum per osci­tantiam.

CHAP. III.
Of the Gates of Ierusalem.

THe gates of the whole circuit of the Sheindler. pen­taglot. wall about Ierusalem were 9. The sheepe-gate, Nehem. 3. 1. This was neare the Temple, and through it weare lead the sheepe which were to bee sacrificed, being wa­shed in the poole Bethesda neare the gate. The fish-gate, Neh. 3. 3. before this Iudas is thought to haue hanged himselfe: Stukius conuiu. lib. 2. c. 11. Some thinke that these two gates, and likewise the horse-gate, Ne­hem. 3. 28. were so called, because they were in manner of three seuerall market places, and at the one gate, sheepe, at the other, fish, and at the third, horses were sold. The oldgate, was so cal­led, because it was supposed to haue remai­ned from the time of the Iebusites, and not to haue beene destroyed by the Assyrians, it was neare Caluarie, and without this gate Christ was crucified. Concerning the other gates little is spoken.

[Page 92] Touching the gates of the Temple, there were R. Iuda in l. Mu­sar. vid. dru [...]i prae­terit. Ioan. 9. 22. two of principall note, both built by Solomon, the one for those that were new ma­ried; the other for mourners, and excommu­nicate persons. The mourners were distingui­shed from the excommunicate persons, by ha­uing their lip couered with a skirt of their gar­ment: none entred that gate with their lip vn­couered, but such as were excommunicate. Now the Israelites, which on the Sabboth daies sate betweene those gates, said vnto the new maried, Hee, whose name dwelleth in this house, glad thee with children; vnto the mourner, Hee, which dwelleth in this house, glad and comfort thee; vnto the excommunicate, Hee, which dwelleth in this house, moue thy heart to hearken to the words of thy fellowes.

Among the Iewes, the gates were places of chiefest strength, so that they being taken, or defended, the whole citie was taken or defen­ded: and they were chiefe places of iurisdicti­on, for in them, Iudges were wont to sit, and to decide controuersies, hence proceeded those phrases: The gates of hell shall not preuaile a­gainst &c. And Thy seede shall possesse the gates of his enemies.

CHAP. IV.
Of their groues, and high places.

THe ancient Heathens did not onely not build Temples, Hospin. de Orig. Templ. p. 1. but they held it vtterly vnlawfull so to doe. The reason of this might be because they thought no Temple spa­tious enough for the Sunne, which was their chiefe God. Hence came that saying, Alex. ab Alex. l. 2. c. 22. Mundus vniuersus est templum Solis; The whole world is a Temple for the Sunne. Moreouer they thought it vnfit to streighten, and confine the suppo­sed infinitenesse of their fancied Deities, with­in walls, and therefore when after times had brought in the vse of Temples, yet their God Ter­minus, and diuers others of their Gods were wor­shipped in Temples open roofed, which were therefore called [...]; This I take to be the reason, why they made choise of hills, and mountaines, as the conuenientest places for their Idolatry. These consecrated hills, are those high places, which the Scripture so often forbids. Afterwards, as the number of their Gods in­creased: so the number of their consecrated hills was multiplied, from which their Gods and God­desses tooke their names, as Mercurius Cyllenius, Venus Erycina, Iupiter Capitolinus. At length to beautifie these holy hills, the places of their idolatrous worship, they beset them with trees, and hence came the consecration of groues, and [Page 94] woods, from which their Idolls many times were named. Populus Alcidae, gratissima vitis I­accho, Formosae myrtus Veneri, sua Laurea Phoeb [...]. Virg. Eclog. 7.. At last, some choise and select trees, began to be consecrated. Plin. nat. hist. lib. 16. cap. 44. Those French Magi, termed Dryadae, worshipped the Oake, in Greeke termed [...], and thence had their names. The Etrurians worshipped an Holme tree: And Maximus Tyrius Serm. 38. fol. 225. edit. Steph. amongst the Celtae, a tale Oake was the very Idoll, or image of Iupiter.

Among the Israelites, this Idolatry began vnder the Iudges, Othniel, and Ehud, Iudges 3. 7. and at the last it became so common in Israel, that they had peculiar Priests, whom they ter­med Prophets of the groue, 1 King. 18. 19. and Idolls of the groue, that is, peculiar Idolls, vnto whom their groues were consecrated, 2 King. 21. 7. 2 Chron. 15. 16. As Christians in the consecration of their Churches, make speciall choise of some particular Saints, by whose names they call them, as Saint Peters Church, Sain [...] Pauls, Saint Andrews, &c. So they conse­crated their groues vnto particular Idolls, whence in profane authors, we reade of Diana Nemorensis, Diana Arduenna, Albunea Dea, all receiuing their names from the groues in which they were worshipped: yea the Idoll it selfe is sometimes called by the name of a groue: Iosiah brought out the groue from the house of the Lord, 2 King. 23. 6. It is probable, that in this Idoll was pourtraied the forme and similitude of a groue, and thence was called a groue, as those siluer similitudes of Dianaes Tem­ple, made by Demetrius, were termed Temples of Diana, Act. 19. 24.

CHAP. V.
Their cities of Refuge.

THese places of Refuge, appointed by God, differed from those of Hercules, and Romulus, and other Heathens; be­cause God allowed safety onely to those, who were guiltlesse in respect of their intention: but the others were common sanctuaries, as well for the guilty as the guiltlesse. If any man did fortuitously, or by chance kill another man, in such a case liberty was granted vnto the offender to fly; at first vnto the Altar, for refuge, as is implied by that text of Scripture, If any man come presumptuously vpon his neighbour, to slay him with guile, thou shalt take him from mine Altar, Exod. 21. 14. Yea we may coniecture this custome of refuge, to haue continued in force alwaies by the pra­ctise of Ioab, 1 Kings 2. 28. Notwithstanding, least the Altar might be too farre distant from the place, where the fact might be committed, it is probable, that therefore God ordeined cer­taine Asyla, or cities of refuge, which for the same reason, are thought to haue beene R. Salom. Iarch [...] Deut. 19. 3. equal­ly distant one from the other in Canaan. These cities were in number six; Bezer of the Reube­nites countrey; Ramoth in Gilead of the Gadites; and Golan in Bashan, of the Manassites: These three Moses separated beyond Iordan, Deut. 4. [Page 96] 41. 43. The other three appointed by Ioshua, in the land of Canaan, were Cadesh in Galile in mount Naphtali; Shechem in Ephraim; and Ki­rath-arba (which is Hebron) in the mountaine of Iudah, Iosh. 20. 7. Three other cities of like nature, God promised the Israelites, vpon con­dition of their obedience, after their coasts were enlarged, but it seemeth their disobedi­ence hindred the accomplishment thereof, for Scripture mentioneth not the fulfilling of it.

Concerning these cities, the Hebrews note from these words, Thou shalt prepare the way, Deut. 19. 3. That the Senate, or Magistrates in Is­rael, were bound to prepare the waies to the cities of Refuge, and Maimon. in Rot­sach. c. 8. §. 5. to make them fit, and broad, and to remoue out of them all stum­bling blocks and obstacles; and they suffered not any hill or dale to be in the way, nor wa­ter-streames, but they made a bridge ouer it, that nothing might hinder him that fled thi­ther. And the breadth of the way to the cities of Refuge, was not lesse than thirty two Cubits, and at the partitions of the waies, they set vp in writing, Refuge, Refuge: that the manslayer might know and turne thitherward. On the fifteenth of the moneth Adar, or February, eue­ry yeare, the Magistrates sent out messengers to prepare the waies.

Furthermore it was prouided, that two or three wise men should bee imploied, to per­swade the Auenger of bloud, if haply he did per­sue [Page 97] the manslayer on the way, that he should offer no violence, vntill the cause were heard and examined. The manner of examination was thus, the consistory or bench of Iustices who liued in that quarter, where the murder was commited, Paul. Fag. Num. 35. 6. placed the party being brought backe from the citie of Refuge, in the court or iudgement Hall, and diligently en­quired and examined the cause, who if he were found guilty of voluntary murder, then was he punished with death, but if otherwise, the fact were found casuall, then did they safely con­duct the party backe againe to the citie of Re­fuge, where hee enioyed his liberty, not onely within the walls of the city, but within certaine territories and bounds of the city, being con­fined to such and such limits, vntil the death of the high Priest, that was in those daies, at what time it was lawfull for the offender to returne and come vnto his owne city, and vnto his owne house, euen vnto the citie from whence he fled, Iosh. 20. 6. By this meanes the offen­der, though hee was not punished with death, yet he liued for the time a kinde of exile for his owne humiliation, and for the abatement of his wrath, who was the Auenger of bloud. Masius in Ios. cap. 20. The Areopagitae had a proceeding against ca­suall manslaughter, not much vnlike, puni­shing the offender [...], with an yeares bannishment: why the time of this exilement was limited to the death of the high Priest at that time, is not agreed vpon by expositors. [Page 98] But it is most probably thought, that the of­fender was therefore confined within that ci­tie, as within a prison, during the high Priests life, Masius ibid. because the offence did most di­rectly strike against him, as being amongst men [...], ac princeps sanctitatis, the chiefe God on earth.

CHAP. I.
Their Daies, Houres, Weekes, and Yeares.

BEfore wee treat of their feasts, it will be needfull by way of Preface, to vn­derstand somewhat con­cerning the diuisions of their dayes, houres, weekes, &c.

Their day was two-fold: Naturall, conteining day and night, and consisting of twenty foure houres: or Artifi­ciall, beginning at Sunne rising, and ending at Sunne set. Of this is that, Are there not twelue houres in the day? Ioh. 11. 9.

[Page 100] The Naturall day was againe twofold. Ci­uill, a working day, which was destined for ci­uill businesses and works: this began at Sunne rising, and held till the next Sunne rising, Matt. 28. 1. or Sacred, a festiuall or holiday, destined for holy exercises: this began at Sunne set, and continued till the next Sunne set.

Their night was diuided into foure quar­ters, or greater houres, termed foure watches, each watch containing three lesser houres. The first they called Caput vigiliarum, the beginning of the watches, Lament. 2. 19. The second, was the middle watch, Iudges 7. 19. not so termed, because there were onely three watches, as Drus. Iudic. 7. 19. Drusius would perswade, but because it du­red till midnight: The third watch began at mid­night, and held till three of the clocke in the morning. If he come in the second, or third Watch, Luke 12. 38. The last, called the morning Watch, Exod. 14. 24. beganne at three of the clocke, and ended at six in the morning. In the fourth Watch of the night, Iesus went out vnto them, Matt. 14. 25. These watches also were called by other names, according to that part of the night which closed each watch. The first was termed [...], The Enen. The second [...], Midnight. The third, [...], Cock-Crowing. And the fourth, [...], The Daw­ning. Yee know not when the Master of the house will come, at Euen, or at Midnight, or at Cock­crowing, or at the Dawning, Mark. 13. 35.

The day was likewise diuided into foure [Page 101] quarters, as appeareth by the parable of the La­bourers hired into the vineyard, Mat. 20. The first quarter began at six of the clocke in the morning, and held till nine. The second quarter ended at twelue of the clocke. The third quar­ter at three in the afternoone. The fourth quar­ter at six of the night. The first quarter was cal­led the third houre, vers. 3. The second quarter the sixth houre, verse 5. The third quarter the ninth houre, vers. 5. The last quarter the eleuenth houre, vers. 6.

Where note, that the three first quarters, had their names from that houre of the day, which closed the quarter (for they began the count of their lesser houres, from six a clocke in the morning, and our 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6. was their 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12.) onely the last was called the eleuenth houre by our Sauiour Christ; whereas among the common people, it either was called, or should haue beene called by proportion with the rest, the twelfth houre; to intimate vnto vs, that though God in his mercy accept labourers into his vineyard eleuen houres of the day, yet he seldome calleth any at the twelfth, for that is rather an houre to discharge seruants than to admit new.

Some expositors finding mention of the dawning of the day in this parable, verse 1. Erat autem pri­mus ternarius à prima vsque ad ter­tiam, & dicebatur prima hora, secun­dus erat a tertia vsque ad Sextam, & dicebatur hora tertia, tertius erat à sexta vsque ad nonam, & diceba­tur sexta; quartus à nona vsque ad v [...]imani quae [...], & di­ceb tui nona. Re­sellit hanc opinio­nem Tol. tus, recep­tam licet a multis recentiorum (vt ipse ait; quoniam de vndecima cuiua memi [...]t parabola, altum apud hos si­l [...]n [...]um. Iure va­pu [...]a [...]t à te Tol [...]te qui excludunt vn­decimam, constan­ter tamen asseren­da est contra te q [...]adripartita dici diuisio, in hoc potis­simum illorum er­ror consista, quod horam primam fa­ciunt, non inueni­unt, horam vndeci­mam inueniunt, excludunt tamen, nihil à mente E­uangelistarum ma­gis alienum, quàm vt [...], verteretur hora prima diei, quae in illerum scriptis sonat quartam noctis vigiliam. vid. Tolet. in Ioan. cap. 19. Annotat. 8. They reckon the foure quarters of the day [Page 102] after this manner. Hora prima, Hora tertia, Hora sexta, Hora nona. Where first they erre, in ta­king the Dawning of the day, for the first houre of the day; for [...], the Dawning, sygnifieth the last quarter of the night, called the Morning watch. Secondly, they erre, in making the last quarter of the day to be the ninth houre, for what then shall become of the eleuenth houre mentioned in the same parable?

By this diuision of the day into these foure quarters, or greater houres, the Euangelists are re­conciled touching our Sauiours passion. He was crucified at the third houre, Mark. 15. 25. Saint Iohn intimateth his examination before Pilat, to haue beene Hora quasi sexta: About six a clocke, Iohn 19. 14. In the first place vnder­stand by his crucifying, not his hanging on the crosse, which was not till the sixth houre, Luke 23. 44. nor his expiration, which was not till the ninth houre, Marke 15. 34. but his examination vnder Pilat, at which time the people cried out, Crucifie him, Crucifie him; and then the third and sixth houre will easily bee reconciled, for these two houres immediatly following one another, what was done on the third houre, might truly bee said to bee done about the sixth.

Lastly, this sheweth that the houres among the Iewes were of two sorts: some lesser, of which the day contained twelue: others grea­ter, of which the day contained 4. as hath been aboue shewen: the lesser are termed houres of [Page 103] the day, are there not twelue houres in the day? Iohn 11. 9. The greater some terme houres of the Temple, or houres of praier: Peter and Iohn went vp into the Temple, at the ninth houre of praier, Act. 3. 1. But in truth there are but three houres of praier, the third, the, sixth, and the ninth. Drusius in praete­rit. Act. 3. 1. Non fuisse vltra tres horas precationis in die apud Iudaeos clare testatur Da­u [...]d. Kimchi. The third instituted by Abraham, the sixth by Isaack, and the ninth by Iacob. The third houre the Ho­ly Ghost descended vpon the Apostles, Acts 2. 15. About the sixth, Peter went vp to the house top to pray, Act. 10. 9. At the ninth, Peter and Iohn went into the Temple, Act. 3. 1.

From these greater houres of the day and night, the Canonicall houres in vse in the Roman church, had their beginning; Vid. Bellarmin. de bonis oper. in part. c. l. 1. c. 10. each Canonicall houre containeth three lesser houres, so that in the whole night and day, there are eight Cano­nicall houres. At six of the clocke in the euening began the first, and that is termed Hora vesper­tina, or vespertinum simply ( officium being vn­derstood) their Vespertine. At nine of the clocke at night began the second, and that is termed Completorium, their Completory. At midnight began the third, Nocturnum, their Nocturne. At three of the clocke in the morning, being their Matutinum, their Matines. The Ca [...]nicall houres for their day-seruice were named, Hora prima, tertia, sexta, nona. Their first houre began from six of the clocke in the morning, and held till nine; the third from nine till twelue; the sixth from twelue till three; the ninth from three till six at night.

[Page 104] The diall in vse among the ancient Iewes, dif­fered from that in vse among vs: theirs was a kinde of staires, the time of the day was distin­guished not by lines, but by steps, or degrees, the shade of the Sunne euery halfe houre moued forward to a new degree. In the diall of Ahaz, the Sunne went backe ten [...], Magnoloth, degrees, or steps, not lines, Isa. 38. 8.

Their weekes were twofold: the one was or­dinary, consisting of seuen daies: the other ex­traordinary and Propheticall, consisting of seuen yeares, Dan. 9. 24. The first is termed Hebdomas diaria, a weeke of daies: the second, Hebdomas annalis, A weeke of yeares.

The Hebrews at first measured their moneths according to the course of the Sunne, whence they are called Menses Solares: and then euery moneth consisted of thirty daies. The waters preuailed from the seuenteenth day of the se­cond moneth, Gen. 7. 11. vnto the 17. day of the seuenth moneth, Gen. 8. 4. that is, full fiue moneths. If wee will number the daies, they were an hundred and fifty, Gen. 7. 24. Where­by it appeareth, that euery moneth contained full thirty daies. After the Israelites departure out of Egypt, then they measured their months by the course of the Moone; they are termed Menses Lunares: they contained either thirty daies, and then they were called Menses pleni, Full moneths: or twenty nine daies, and then they were called Menses caui, Deficient moneths.

The Sunne exceedeth the Moone, in hir course [Page 105] eleuen dayes, Vid. Kalendari­um Hebraicum Munsteri pag. 62. hence euery third or second yeare, one moneth was inserted. Now because the twelfth moneth in the Hebrew kalender was called Adar, hence when a moneth was inserted, the last was called Veadar, the second Adar.

Before their captiuity in Babylon, they coun­ted their moneths without any name, accor­ding to the number. The First, Second, Third moneth, &c. After their returne from Babylon, they called them by these names:

Before their comming out of Egypt they [...]. Io­seph. Antiq. lib. 1. cap. 4. Mendose po­nitur [...] pro [...], qui mensis erat o­lim secundus apud Hebraeos, sicui & Dius apud Mace­dones. began their yeare in the moneth Tisri, and thus they continued it alwaies after for ciuill affaires, for their date of buying, selling; their Sabbaticall yeares, yeares of Iubile, &c. After their comming out of Egypt, they began their yeare in the moneth Nisan, and so continu­ed it for the computation of their greater feasts.

CHAP. II.
Of their Feasts.

BEfore wee descend to their particular feasts, first we will see the manner of fea­sting in generall. Their ordinary meales as they were not many in a day, so neither were they costly. They were called ab [...] Iter facere, significat viaticum. Aruchoth, which [Page 107] word signifieth properly, such fare as trauel­lers and waifaring men vse on their iourneys. The word is vsed, Ierem. 40. 5. So the chiefe ste­ward gaue him vittailes, and a reward, and let him goe, likewise, Prou. 15. 17. Better is a dinner of greene hearbs, where loue is. The extraordinary and more liberall kinde of entertainment by way of feasting, was commonly called [...] Con­uiuium, Compota­tio Dicitur a po­tando, siue bi [...]endo vt Graecè [...], ab altera eius parte. Mischte, from their liberall drinking at such meetings. There was also another kinde of fea­sting, wherein they made merry together, ea­ting the remainders of their sacrifices; this they termed [...], Festum, ce­lebris solennitas à radice [...], Fe­stum celebrauit. Chag. From this custome of ha­uing a feast at the end of their sacrifices, the Christians of the Primitiue Church instituted their loue feasts to Chrysostom. 1 Cor. 11. Hoc autem praecipio. succeed the Lords Supper: In both these greater and more solemne feasts, there were some Ceremonies vsed by them as preparatory to the feast; others in their giuing thanks; others in their gesture at Table.

The ceremonies preparatory were principally these three. 1 Salutation. 2 Washing the feete of the guestes. 3 pouring oyle on them.

Their Salutations were testified, either by words, or some humble gesture of the body. By words, and then these were the vsuall formes. The Lord be with you, or the Lord blesse you, Ruth 2. 4. From the last of these, blessing is often ta­ken in scripture for saluting. If thou meete any Tertul. lib. 4. adu. Marc [...]. blesse him not, and if any blesse thee, answer him not againe, saith Elisha to Gehazi, 2 King. 4. 29. The sense is as our English renders it, Salute [Page 108] him not. Sometimes they said, Peace be vnto thee; Peace be vpon thee; Goe in peace, and such like: When yee come into an house, salute the same; and if the house be worthy, let you peace come vpon it, but if it be not worthy, let your peace returne to you, Matt. 10, 12, 13. By gesture; their salutations were signified sometimes by prostrating the whole body; sometimes by kissing the feet, Luke 7. 38. commonly by an Xenophon. de in­stitut. Cyr. lib. 1. p. 17. It. lib. 5. p. 113. ordinary kisse. Moses went out to meet his father in law, and did o­beysance and kissed him, Exod. 18. 7. Moreo­uer Ioseph kissed all his brethren, and wept vp­on them, Gen. 45. 15. This Saint Paul calleth, an holy kisse, 1 Cor. 16. 20. Saint Peter, A kisse of charity, 1 Pet. 5. 14. Tertul. de orat. c. 14. Tertullian calleth it, oscu­lumpacis, A kisse of peace. These were kisses which a Cato might giue, and a Vestall receiue: Of this sort the Iewes, had Vid. Drusium ad difficiliora loca, Exod. c. 12. 1 [...], Neshikoth pharu­kim, Oscula propin­quorum. 2 [...] Ne­shikath pharishuth, Oscula separati [...]is. 3 [...] Neshi­koth gedola, Oscu­la magnitudinis. three kindes. 1. A kisse of saluation, which hath beene specified by some of those former instances. 2. A kisse of valedi­ction; Wherefore hast thou not suffered mee to kisse my sons and my daughters, Gen. 31. 28. 3. A kisse of homage; the word signifieth a kisse of state or dignity, but it was to testifie their ho­mage, and acknowledgment of their Kings so­uereignty. Then Samuel tooke a viall of oyle, and powred it vpon Sauls head, and kissed him, 1 Sam. 10. 1. And vnto this they referre that in the second Psalme, Kisse the sonne lest he be an­gry. These salutations, howsoeuer they were such as were vsed mutually, sometimes in their meetings abroad vpon the way, yet were they [Page 109] such as were vsed also in their entertainment, as clearly appeareth by many of those fore­quoted examples.

The second Ceremony preparatory was Lotio pedum ante d [...]scubit [...]m non s [...] ­lum Iudaeis, sed & gentibus ipsis erat vsita [...]a: lucus hic Iuus est, hic accum­be, ferte aquam pe­ [...]bus. P [...]au [...]us Per [...]. wash­ing their feet. And the man brought the men vnto Iosephs house, and gaue them water, and they did wash their feet, Gen. 43. 24. The office was commonly performed by seruants, and the meanest of the family, as appeareth by our Sauiour Christ, who to leaue an example of hu­mility behind him, washed his Disciples feet, Ioh. 13. 5. And Abigail, when Dauid tooke her to wife, said, Behold let thine handmaid bee a ser­uant, to wash the feet of the seruants of my Lord, 1 Sam. 25. 41. For this purpose had they cer­taine vessels in readinesse, for such imploi­ments: that which our Sauiour vsed, we trans­late a Bason, Ioh. 13. 5. He powred out water in­to a Bason. The word [...] there vsed, signifieth in generall a washpot, and is there vsed for that which in strict propriety of speech, the Greci­ans termed [...], (i.) A washpot for our feet: Some may heere make the question, whence this water was powred? I see no in­conuenience, if we say that there were vsual­ly in their dining roomes, greater vessels, from which they powred out into lesser, according as they needed, of which sort it is not impro­bably Stukins lib. con­uiu. thought, that those water-pots were mentioned, Iohn 2. 6. There were set there six waterpots of stone, after the manner of the pu­rifying of the Iewes. By purifying there, vnder­stand [Page 110] this complementall washing of which we treat: Now if we consider the washing of their hands, vsuall and commendable in it selfe, though superstitiously abused by Scribes and Pharises; and the washing of their feet before, and after meale (for our Sauiour washed his Disciples feet after supper) which second wash­ing, the Hebrews say it was in vse onely at the Passeouer, there must needs be vse of great store of water in their greater feasts, and therefore no maruell, if many and capacious vessells stood in readinesse. Farther, we are to note that as the office was seruile and base, so the vessell: which obseruation giueth light to that, Psal. 60. 8. Moab is my Wash-pot; that is, the Moabites shall be basely subiect vnto me, as the pot in which I wash my feet.

The third Ceremony preparatory, was powring out of oyle. A woman in the city brought an A­labaster box of ointment, and stood at his feet behind him weeping, and began to wash his feet with teares, and did wipe them with the haires of her head, and kissed his feet, and an­nointed them with the ointment, Luke 7. 37, 38. It was also powred vpon the head, whence in the same place Christ challengeth the Pharisee which entertained him. Mine head with oyle thou diddest not annoint, vers. 46. Psal. 23. 5. Thou annointest my head with oyle.

After these ceremonies of preparation had beene performed, then they proceeded to gi­uing thankes. The master of the house sitting [Page 111] downe together with his guestes, tooke a cup full of wine in his right hand, and therewith began his consecration, after this manner. [...] Benedictus sis tu Domine Deus no­ster rex mundi, qui creas [...]ctum vi­tis. Bles­sed be thou O Lord our God, the King of the world, which createst the fruit of the vine. Hauing said thus, he first lightly tasted of the wine, and from him it past round the table. Th [...]s grace or thanksgiuing, they call [...] Bircath haiaijn, the blessing of the cup. With this Christ himselfe see­meth to haue begun his supper; He tooke the cup, and gaue thankes, and said. Take this, and di­uide it among yourselues, for I say vnto you; I will not drinke of the fruit of the vine, vntill the king­dome of God shall come, Luk. 22. 17. 18. After the blessing of the cuppe, the master of the house tooke the bread, which they did Scindere, but not Abscindere, lightly cut for the easier brea­king thereof, but not cut in sunder, & holding this in both his hands, he consecrated it with these words. Blessed be thou, O Lord our God, the King of the world, which bringest forth bread out of the earth. This consecration of bread, they ter­med, [...] Bene­dictionem panis. Drusius in N. T. part altera, p. 78. Bircath halechem. After the consecration, he broake the bread, (whence the master of the house, or he who performed these blessings in his stead, was termed [...] Habotseang (i) the breaker; the bread being broken, he distrbuted to euery one that sate at the table a morsell, which be­ing done, then they began to feede vpon the other dishes that were prouided. This rite of blessing both the cup & the bread, they obser­ued only in their solemne festiualls, otherwise [Page 112] they consecrated the bread alone, and not the cup. In their feast time, they seasoned their meat with good conference, such as might either yeeld matter of instruction, or exercise their wits; which practise was also obserued in their Christian loue Non tam coenam coenant quàm disci­plinam. Tertul. Apo­log. c. 39. feasts. Of the first sort, was that parable proposed by our blessed Sauiour at a feast, Luk. 14. 7. Of the second, was Sampsons riddle, which he proposed vnto his companions, Iud. 14. 12. At the end of the feast, they againe gaue thankes, which was perfor­med in this manner, either by the master of the house himselfe, or by some guest, if there were any of better note at the table: he taking a cup of wine in both his hands, began thus, Let vs blesse him who hath fed vs with his owne, and of whose goodnesse we liue: then all the guests an­swered, Blessed bee hee, of whose meat wee haue eaten, and of whose goodnesse wee liue. This grace they call [...] Bircath Hamazon. Vid. P. Fag. in praec. Hebr. And this is thought to bee the cup wherewith Christ after Supper commended the mysterie of his bloud to his disciples: after this, he which began the thanksgiuing proceedeth; Blessed be he, and blessed be his name, &c. annexing a long prai­er, in which he gaue thanks. First, for their pre­sent food; 2. For their deliuerance from the Egyptian seruitude. 3. For the couenant of cir­cumcision. 4. For the law giuen by the mini­stery of Moses. Then he praied that God would haue mercy, 1. On his people Israel, 2. On his owne city Ierusalem, 3. On Sion the tabernacle [Page 113] of his glory, 4. On the Kingdome of the house of Dauid his anointed, 5. That hee would send Elias the Prophet; Lastly, that he would make them worthy of the daies of the Messiah, and of the life of the world to come.

This praier being ended, then all the guests which sate at the table, with a soft and low voice, said vnto themselues in this manner; Feare the Lord all yee his holy ones, because there is no penury to those that feare him; the young Lions doe want and suffer hunger, but those that seeke the Lord want no good thing. Afterward hee which began the thanksgiuing, blessed the cup in the same forme of words as he vsed at the first sit­ting downe; saying, Blessed be thou O Lord God, the King of the world, which createst the fruit of the Vine: And therewith hee dranke a little of the wine, and so the cup passed round the ta­ble. Thus they began and ended their feasts, with the blessing of a cup: this cup they ter­med, [...] Cos hillel. Poculum [...], A cup of thankesgiuing: and both these cups are mentioned by Saint Luke, and which is worth our obseruation, the words of consecration, whereby it was instituted, as part of the blessed sacrament in the New Testament, were added only to the last cup. This cup is the New Testa­ment in my bloud, which is shed for you. After all this, they sung Scaliger. de e­mend. temp. l. 6. p. 273. Hymnes and Psalmes, which also was practised by our most blessed Sauiour, Marke 14. 26. So that howsoeuer hee vsed not any superstitions, either then practised, or since added by after Iewes (as the drinking of [Page 114] Moses Kotsensis fol. 118. col. 1. 4. cups of wine, Sebastian. Mun­ster. Matt. 26. or the breaking of the bread with all ten fingers, in allusion to the ten commandements, &c.) yet in the begin­ning, and ending, wee see his practise sutable with theirs. If any desire a larger discourse of these blessings, noted out of the Rabbines, let him reade It. prec. Hebr. per Fagium editas P. Fagius his comment on Deut. 8. 10. From whom I haue borrowed a great part of what I haue herein deliuered. If any shall here obiect, that I seeme to make the bles­sed Sacrament of our Lords body and bloud, a Iewish ceremonie, I answer no; For as a kinde of initiatory purification by water, was vsed before by the Iewes of old, and no Proselyte was admitted into the Church of the Iewes, with­out this purification: yet it was no more a Sa­crament to them, then Circumcision was to Turkes and Saracens. Thus neither was breaking the bread sacramentall to the Iew, but then it became a Sacrament when Christ said of it, This is my body. This cup is the New-Testament in my bloud, &c. Luke 22. 19. The Iewes could not say, The cup of blessing which we blesse, is it not the Communion of the bloud of Christ? 1 Cor. 10. 16.

The last thing considerable in their feasts, is their gesture. In the daies of our Sauiour, it is Voces quibus vsi sunt Euangelistae sonant accubitum non sessionem. [...], Luc. 22. [...], Matt. 26. [...], Luc. 14. [...], Mat. 14. apparent that the gesture of the Iewes was such as the Romanes vsed. The table being pla­ced in the middest, round about the table were certaine beds, sometimes two, sometimes three, sometimes more, according to the num­ber of the guests; vpon these they laid downe [Page 115] in manner as followeth. Each bed contained three persons, sometimes foure, seldome or neuer more. If one lay vpon the bed, then hee rested the vpper part of his body vpon his left elbow, the lower part lying at length vpon the bed: but if many lay on the bed, then the vp­permost did lie at the beds head, laying his feet behind the seconds backe: in like manner, the third or fourth did lie, each resting his head in the others bosome. Thus Iohn leaned on Iesus bosome, Ioh. 13. 23. This, first, is an argument of speciall loue towards him, whom the Master of the house shall take into his owne bosome, Iohn he was the beloued disciple. Secondly, an ar­gument of parity amongst others, resting in one anothers bosome. Many shall come from the East and West, and shall sit downe with Abraham and Isaack and Iacob, Matth. 8. 11. And where shall they sit? In Abrahams bosome, Luke 16. 22. That is, they shall all sit at the same table, bee partakers of the same glory. Thus Christ hee was in the bosome of his Father, Iohn 1. 18. that is, in the Apostles phrase, He thought it no robbery to bee equall with his father. Their tables were perfectly circular or round, whence their man­ner of sitting was termed [...] Discubitus cuius ra­dix est [...], cir­cumiuit, Ambiuit. Mesibah, a sitting round; and their phrase of inuiting their guests to sit downe, was, sit round: Wee will not sit round vntill he come hither, 1 Sam. 16. 11. A­gaine, Thy children shall be like oliue plants, round about thy table, Psalm. 128. 3. This cu­stome of lying along vpon a bed, when they [Page 116] tooke their meat, was also in vse in Ezekiels time; Thou satest vpon a stately bed, and a ta­ble prepared before it, Ezek. 23. 41. Philo. Iud. p. 388. And whe­ther this were the custome of the ancient He­brewes, I leaue to bee discussed by others. But vnto this also doth Amos allude; They lay themselues downe vpon cloaths laid to pledge by euery Altar, Amos 2. 8. That is, the Vetustissimus mos erat super lanatis pellibus discum­bere. Qui poterat pelles addere, diues erat. Ouid. gar­ments taken to pledge they vse in stead of beds, when at their Altars they eat things sacrificed to Idolls: Yea, the plucking off their shooes when they went to table, implieth this cu­stome of lying at the table, to haue beene very ancient. The plucking off their shooes seemeth to haue beene generally receiued, when they were in Egypt, for this cause is it, that they had a strict charge in eating the Passeouer, to haue their shooes on their feet for greater expediti­on. The reason why they vsually pluckt them off, was, for the cleane keeping of their beds, on which they lay. Here seeing the rule of ob­seruing the Passeouer requireth that it should be eaten with their shooes on their feet, which argueth rather standing than lying vpon a bed: it may be demanded whether Christ transgressed not against the first institution thereof, in the manner of his sitting at the table? Tremelius answereth thus, and in my minde fully: Tremel. in Matt. 26. 20. We must know, saith he, that Exod. 12. it was com­manded after what manner, they ready to de­part out of Egypt, should eat the Passeouer at that time, for the necessity of that time so re­quired, [Page 117] namely, an hastie eating thereof: But afterward in the law, where it is commanded that this ceremonie of the Paschal should be re­nued euery yeare, those words are not added. Wherefore all the Hebrew Doctors, both anci­ent and moderne, doe teach with one ioynt consent, that the commandement of sprinkling the doore-posts with bloud, of hauing on their shooes, of girding their loines, of taking staues in their hands, and eating the Lambe in haste; did not extend it selfe to the generations following, but onely to haue concerned that very night, wherein they departed out of Egypt: Talmud. tract. de Paschate. vid. Tre­mel. loco superius citato. Yea, it was an ancient tradition amongst them, that when they did in after times eat the Passeouer, they would sit downe or leane vpon a bed as our Sauiour and his Disciples did, in token of their deliuerance obtained.

The parties that gaue entertainment at their feasts, were two. 1. Vid. Casaubon. exercit. p. 274. the master of the house. 2. the master of the feast; They differed thus, the master of the house was termed [...] Baal habeth [...] Pater familias. The master of the feast was termed, [...] Baal mischte, [...], Triclinij Praefectus; The master of the feast was the chiefe seruant attending the ma­ster of the house in time of the feast. Others adde a Gaudentius Erixtanus. vid. Casauban. ibid. third sort whom they would haue to be Praefectimorum; in Greeke they were termed [...]. Their office was thought to haue beene the inspection of the guests, that none should disorder themselues by drinking too much, [Page 118] whence they were called [...], the eies of the feast. Such kinde of officers were in vse in Ahasuerosh his court, Ester 1. 8. and likewise a­mongst the Athenaeus l. 10. Athenians, but whether any such belonged vnto the Iewes is iustly doubted.

The ancient Iewes, they were both hospitall, ready to entertaine, and also liberall in their entertainment; their hospitality is commen­ded throughout the Scripture, though now it be growne out of vse amongst them, as appea­reth by that prouerbiall speech concerning the entertainment of a friend: [...] Hospes [...] Onus [...] Profugus Buxtorf. Synag. cap. 32. p. 493. That the first day he is Oreach, a guest: the second Toreach, a burden: the third, Bariach, a runnagate. Their liberality appeared by remembring the poore at their feasts, by sending them portions. Send porti­ons vnto them for whom nothing is prepared, Nehem. 8. 10. This was afterward practised by Heathens, who in their solemne feasts did not onely entertaine their guests for the pre­sent, Moris erat vete­ribus in conuiuijs [...] mittere absentibus amicis. Theophrastus cap. [...]. Idem testatur Plut. in Agesilao. [...]. Eun­dem morem Iudaeis in vsu fuisse te­stantur sacrae lite­rae, Nehem. 8. 10. [...]. but did also allow them certaine iun­kets to carry away with them. These they ter­med [...]: and likewise vnto their friends who were absent, they sent portions, which they termed [...]. This obseruation giueth light to that Canon in the Laodicean councell, which forbiddeth Christians in their loue feasts [...] to send portions, the reason of which prohibition, I conceiue to be threefold. First, That Christians might not symbolize with Heathen people. Secondly, That none presu­ming that their portions should be sent them, [Page 119] might absent themselues. Thirdly, That those present (especially the poorer sort as it often falleth out) might not bee iniured, by hauing the best of their prouision sent away in such portions.

Here wee may note for conclusion, that as the time of their supper was toward the eue­ning, and then they gaue greatest entertain­ment; So the time of their dinner was about the sixth houre of the day, that is, as we count, about noone. Kill meat and make ready, for the men shall eat with me at noone, Gen. 43. 16. Peter went vp vpon the house to pray about the sixth houre, then waxed he an hungred, and would haue eaten, but whiles they made some­thing ready, hee fell into a trance, Acts 10. 9, 10.

Moreouer wee may here note the diffe­rence betweene those three cups mentioned in Scripture, [...], 1 Corinth. 10. 16. The cup of blessing, and this is applied to those seuerall cups vsed in their solemne feasts, be­cause of those blessings or thanksgiuings an­nexed. Secondly, [...], Ier. 16. 7. The cup of consolation, this was so called be­cause it was sent by speciall friends in time of mourning, as intending by this drinking to put away sorrow and griefe from the mourner. Thirdly, [...], Psal. 116. 13. The cup of saluation, this was vsed commonly after their peace-offrings, which were vowed in way of thankfulnesse for benefits obtained. Whence [Page 120] the Seuenty Elders commonly translate a peace-offring [...], a sacrifice of saluation, or saluati­on is it selfe.

CHAP. III.
Of their Sabbath.

THE word [...], Schabbath, from whence our English word Sabbath is deriued, signifieth rest, and is applied to all so­lemne festiualls. They polluted my Sabbaths, E­zek. 20. 21. That is, my feasts. Sometimes it is applied to the whole weeke. Ieiuno bis in Sab­bato, I fast twice in the weeke. Sometimes, and that most frequently, it is vsed for that seuenth day which God had set apart for his owne ser­uice. This last was holy, either by a simple ho­linesse which belonged vnto it, as was the se­uenth day; or else by a double holinesse occa­sioned by some solemne feast vpon the same day, and then it was called, Sabbatum magnum, A great Sabbath, Iohn 19. 36. For on that Sab­bath day of which Saint Iohn speaketh, the Feast of the Passeouer happened that yeere.

The weeke daies are termed by the He­brews [...], Cholim, prophane daies, by the Greeks [...], Working daies: but when they speake of them all together, [...], the space of time betweene the two Sabbaths. Scaliger de emend. temp. lib. 6. p. 26 1. Item Beza in hunc locum. This was the time vpon which the Gentiles [Page 121] desired to heare Paul, Act. 13. 42. In respect of the different degrees of holinesse on dayes, the Sabbath day is not vnfitly compared to a Queene, or rather to those whom they ter­med Primary wiues; other feast-dayes to concu­bines, or halfe-wiues; working dayes to hand­maids.

The Sabbath began at Scaliger. de e­mend. temp. l. 6. p. 269. six a clocke the night before, this the Grecians called [...], the Hebrews [...] Biath haschabbath, the entrance of the Sabbath.

The preparation to the Sabbath beganne at Ioseph. Antiq. l. 16. c. 10. three of the clocke in the after noone, the Hebrews called this [...], Gnereb has­chabbath, the Sabbath-eue. By the ancient Fa­thers it was called In ritibus Paga­norum coena pura appellabatur coena illis apponi solita, qui in casto erant quod Graeci dicunt [...], vel [...]. Isa­ac. Casaubon. Ex­ercit. 16. p. 662. coena pura, the phrase is borrowed from Pagans, whose Religion taught them in their sacrifices to certaine of their Gods and Goddesses, to prepare themselues by a strict kinde of holinesse, at which time of their preparation they did partake of a certaine sup­per, which as it consisted of choise meats, such as those Heathens deemed more holy than o­thers: so it was eaten with the obseruation of holy rites and ceremonies; hence they them­selues were said at this time of their prepara­tion, to be In casto, and their preparatory sup­per, termed Coena pura. Thus we see the reason why the Fathers called the Sabbath-eue, Coenam puram. By the Euangelists it was called [...], A preparation, Mark. 15. 42. For distinction sake, we may call that fore-time of the day [...], [Page 122] A fore preparation. For the whole day was a kinde of preparation, as will appeare by the particulars then forbidden. First, on this day they might goe no more than three Parsath; now a Parsa contained so much ground as an ordinary man might goe ten of them in a day. Secondly, Iudges might not then sit in iudge­ment vpon life and death, as is shewen in the chapter of Translation of Feasts. Casaubon. Exer­cit. 16. pag. 477. ex Michlol Kimchi. Thirdly, all sorts of artificers were forbidden to worke, onely three accepted, Shoomakers, Taylors, and Scribes, the two former for repairing of appa­rell, the other for fitting themselues by study to expound the law the next day, and these were permitted but halfe the preparation time to worke.

The best and wealthiest of them Buxtorf. Syna­gog. Iud. cap. 10. ex Talmud. euen those that had many seruants, did with their owne hands further the preparation; so that sometimes the masters themselues would chop herbes, sweepe the house, cleaue wood, kindle the fire, and such like.

In old Buxtorf. Synaegog. Iudaic. Ibid. time, they proclaimed the prepara­tion with noyse of trumpets, or hornes; but now the moderne Iews proclayme it by the Sexton, or some vnder officer of the church, whom they call [...], Scheliach isibbur, The messenger of the Congregation.

Concerning the sanctification of the Sab­bath day it selfe, in corrupter times some things the Iewes added ouer and aboue that which God commanded. In other things they [Page 123] tooke liberty where God granted none. In the first, they were superstitious; in the second, sa­crilegious.

They tooke liberty. There were two thou­sand cubits betweene the Arke and the campe, when they marched, Iosh. 3. 4. and in probabi­lity, the same proportion was obserued when they rested: this distance of ground some in­terpret to be one mile, some two: some mea­suring it according to a lesser, others accor­ding to a longer cubit, which they terme a Ge­ometricall cubit: but all agree in this, that these two thousand cubits were a Sabbath daies iour­ney, though none, as I know, haue obserued the reason why it was so called, which I take to be this; On the Sabbath day they were all to re­paire to the place of Gods publique worship, which was two thousand cubits distant from those who camped nearest: Hence follow foure propositions. 1. That two thousand cubits any where, by proportion might bee called a Sab­bath daies iourney. Secondly, that to those who dwelt in the Campes more remote from the Arke, a Sabbath daies iourney was more than two thousand cubits. Thirdly, That it is now lawfull on the Sabbath day, to ioyne with the congre­gation in the place of Gods publique worship. Fourthly, That it was vnlawfull for the Iewes, hereupon to take liberty to walke idly whither they would, if it were not more than two thousand cubits, pretending it to bee but a Sabbath daies iourney.

[Page 124] They added vnto that which God comman­ded 1. God said, Remember to keepe holy a seuenth day: In which words God sanctified one day to be Sabbathum, Hospinian. de O­rig. fest. cap. 3. they added Sabba­tulum, so they termed that additament of time which they annexed to the Sabbath. This addi­tion of time was twofold: some began the Sab­bath sooner than others; this was done by the Iewes dwelling at Tyberias, because they dwel­ling in a valley, the Sunne appeared not to them, so soone as it did to others. Some a­gaine continued the Sabbath longer than o­thers, this was done by those dwelling at Tsep­phore, a citie placed vpon the top of a moun­taine, so that the Sunne shined longer to them than it did vnto others; thus both of these did Addere de profano ad sacrum; Adde somwhat of the working-day immediatly going before, or immediatly following after: none dimini­shed of the Sabbath. Buxtorf. com­ment. Masoret. c. 4. ex Musar. Hence R. Iose wished that his portion might be with those that began the Sab­bath with those of Tyberias, and ended it with those of Tsepphore.

2. God said, to morrow is the rest of the holy Sabbath vnto the Lord, bake that yee will bake, and seeth that yee will seeth, Exod. 16. 23. This command was proper to the time of Manna, Iun. & Tremel. in Exod. 16. the reason is there alleaged, why they should prepare that day for the morrow, be­cause vpon the Sabbath day they should not finde it in the field. The Iewes extend this com­mand to all ages, and therfore they dressed no [Page 125] meat this day; this haply was the reason, that the heathen people thought they Sueton. August. c. 76. de [...]eiun. sab­bat. vid. Martial. l. 4. Epig. 4. fasted on the Sabbath; though I deny not but this error might be occasioned in part from that phrase, Ieiunobis in Sabbato.

3. God said, ye shall kindle no fire through­out your habitations on the Sabbath day, Exod. 35. 3. This commandement was only concer­ning fire for the furtherance of the worke of the Tabernacle, Vatablus in hunc lo [...]um. Item Tre­mel. & Iunius. for therefore is the Sabbath mentioned in that chapter, to shew that the worke of the Tabernacle ought to giue place to the Sabbath. The Iewes hence gather that it is vnlawfull to kindle any fire at all on this day.

4. God said, In it thou shalt doe no manner of worke. This the Iewes vnderstood without any manner of exception. Hospinian. de Orig. fest c. de Sab­bato. Hence they held it vnlawfull, to roste an apple, to tucke an herbe, to climbe a tree, to kill or catch a flea. Hence they thought it vnlawfull, to defend themselues be­ing assaulted by their enemies on the Sabbath day, by this meanes twice they became a prey vnto the enemie. Ioseph. l. 12. c. 8. First, vnto Antiochus, where­upon Mattathias made a decree, that it should be lawfull vpon the Sabbath to resist their ene­mies, which decree againe they vnderstanding strictly, as if it did onely giue leaue to resist, when they were actually assaulted, and not by any labour that day to preuent the enemies raising of rams, setling of engines, vndermi­nings, &c. they became a prey the second time to Pompey. For the right vnderstanding [Page 126] therefore of this command, wee are to know that three sorts of seruile workes were al­lowed.

1. Workes of charity. God that allowed them to leade their oxe and asse to water on the Sab­bath, Luke 13. 15. to make their liues more com­fortable, much more allowed man liberty to dresse conuenient food for himselfe, and his fa­mily, that they might the more comfortably performe holy duties. Christ healed on the Sab­bath; therefore visiting the sicke, and the vse of the Physitian, was both then, and now lawfull.

2. Workes directly tending to Gods Worship, not onely killing of sacrifices, and circumcising of children on that day was allowed, but the Priests might lawfully blow their trumpets and hornes on the Sabbath day, for the assembling of the people, Numb. 10. 2. And the people might warrantably goe from their houses, to the place of Gods publique worship. By pro­portion it is now warrantable for Christians, to ring bells to assemble the people together on the Lords day, and to take iourneys to ioyne with the publique congregation, or to preach the word. Of these we may say, though they are in their owne natures bodily labours, yet the Temple which was sanctified did change the nature of them, and make them holy, Matth. 23. 17. Or as the Iewes say concer­ning the ouerthrow of Iericho, which accor­ding to their writings fell on the Sabbath day: [Page 127] [...], K. D. K [...]chi in Iosh. 6. He which commanded the Sabbath to bee sanctifi­ed, commanded it also to be prophaned.

3. Workes of absolute necessity, as the defen­ding ones selfe against his enemie, and others of like nature: concerning which the Iewes haue a saying, [...]. Perill of life driues away the Sabbath. And the Christians with a little change of a more common prouerb, say, Necessitas non habet ferias; Necessitie hath no holidaies.

CHAP. IIII.
Of their Passeouer and their feast of vnlea­uened bread.

SOme of the Fathers haue deriued the word Tertullian adu. Iud. cap. 10. It. Ambros lib. de My­ster. pasch. cap. 1. Pascha, from a Greeke verbe signifying to suffer, because the sufferings and passion of our Sauiour are celebrated about that time. August. in titul. Ps. 68. This opinion Augustine iustly confuteth, for the word is originally an Hebrew word, signifi­ing to passe by, to leape, or passe ouer. The Etymo­logy is Gods owne. It is the sacrifice of the Lords Passeouer, which passed ouer, &c. Exod. 12. 27.

The word Passeouer in scripture hath three acceptions. First, it is taken for that yearely so­lemnity, which was celebrated vpon the E [...] Theologis non pauci, omnia quae ad 14 [...] nectiem pertinent 15ae [...]; quem errorem hauserunt ex turbidis Rabbi­norum lacunis, qui hodie eundem erro­rem errant, teste Scalig. de emend. temp. l. 6. p. 270. fourteenth day of Nisan, otherwise called A­bib; you may call it the Passeouer of the Lambe, because on that day toward the euening, the Israelites were commanded according to [Page 128] their families to roste a Lambe, and eat it in their priuate houses. Secondly, it signifieth that yearely festiuitie which was celebrated on the fifteenth of Nisan, it may bee called the Passeouer of sheepe and Bullocks, Deut. 16. 2. O­therwise we may call it the Feast of the Passeo­uer; as the foureteenth of Nisan, was called simply the Passeouer. In the foureteenth day of the first moneth, is the Passeouer of the Lord, and in the fifteenth day of this moneth, is the Feast, Num. 28. 16, 17. Toward this Feast wee are to vnderstand that Iosiah gaue vnto the people such a multitude of sheepe, lambs, kiddes, and bullocks. Thirdly, It is taken for the whole solemnity, beginning the fourteenth of Nisan, and ending the one and twentieth of the same moneth. Now the Feast of vnleaue­ned bread drew nigh, which is called the Passeouer. Luke 22. 1. So that in this acception it con­tained the Feast of vnleauened bread also, not­withstanding, in proper speaking, the Feast of vnleauened bread, was a distinct Feast from the Passeouer.

First, the Passeouer was to bee kept on the fourteenth day of the first moneth, at Euen: This was their second sacrament, in which, al­though they were enioyned to eat vnleauened bread with the lambe, yet the feast of vnleaue­ned bread began not till the morrow follow­ing, being the fifteenth day of the same moneth, and lasted seuen daies, of which onely the first and last were holy conuocations, where­in [Page 129] in they might doe no seruile worke, Leuit. 23. 5, 6, 7, 8.

Secondly, the Passeouer, in the ages follow­ing its first institution, might not be killed and eaten in any other place, saue onely where the Lord did chuse to place his name, which afterward was at Ierusalem: but the feast of vn­leauened bread, the Hebrews thought themselues bound to keepe in euery place wheresoeuer they dwelt, if they could not bee at Ierusalem; and the [...] Maimon. de fer­mento & Azymo. c. 6. §. 1. eating of it, they say, depended not vp­on the eating of the Passeouer, but it was a com­mandement by it selfe.

The rites and ceremonies obserued by the Iewes in the eating of this sacrament their Pas­chal Lambe, agreed with those generall ceremo­nies vsed in their solemne feasts. They blessed the cup, and blessed the bread, and diuided it amongst the guests, and washed the feet of those that sate at the table, as is shewen in the chapter of feasts. The particulars in which it differed from other feasts, are deliuered in those interrogato­ries, or questions proposed in way of Cate­chisme, by some childe at the time of eating their Passeouer, or rather in the answer made vnto the childe by him that blessed the table. The question was thus, What meaneth this seruice? The forme of the answer was, Scalig. de emend. temp. l. 5. p. 270. How different is this night from all other nights? for all other nights wee wash but once, in this twice; (thus Christ when supper was ended, washed his disciples feet) in all other nights we [Page 130] eat either leauened or vnleauened bread, in this onely vnleauened; in other nights, we eat any sort of herbs, in this night bitter herbs: in all other nights wee eat and drinke either sit­ting or lying, but in this we lie along. Then he proceedeth to declare, that the Passeouer was in respect that the Lord passed ouer the houses of their fathers in Egypt. Secondly, hee held vp the bitter herbs in his hand and said, These bit­ter herbs which wee eat, are in respect that the Egyptians made the liues of our Fathers bitter in Egypt. Thirdly, hee held vp the vnleauened bread in his hand, and said, This vnleauened bread which wee eat, is in respect that the dough of our fathers had not time to bee leauened, when the Lord appeared vnto them, and redeemed them out of the hand of the e­nemie. This kinde of Catechising they say is commanded, Exod. 12. 26. They called it [...] Haggada, (i.) Annunciatio, the declaration, or shewing forth of the Passeouer. Hence the A­postle borroweth his phrase; As often as ye shal eat this bread, and drinke this cup, yee shall declare, or shew forth, the Lords death, 1 Cor. 11. 26.

Concerning this Lambe they are charged thus, Vpon the tenth of Abib euery one shall take a Lambe for an house, a male of the first yeare, without blemish, and this he kept vntill the fourteenth day of the same moneth, Exod. 12. 3, &c. The Lambe: it was either of sheepe, or goats. For an house: the whole body of the [Page 131] Israelites was diuided into twelue tribes, the tribes into families, the families into houses; if the house were too few for the eating of the Lambe, then the next neighbour ioyned with them in the eating thereof. The whole company was termed [...], in the same sense Saint Marke vseth [...], and [...], Marke the 6 ^th. All these words signifie a societie, or company of guests, so many as can sit at the same table: the lat­ter word properly signifieth, a bed in a garden, and thus in the Gospell, the whole multitude sit­ting on the grasse, seeme to be compared vnto a Garden, and their seuerall societies or compa­nies, vnto so many beds in the garden. The num­ber of communicants in this Paschall society Ioseph. de bello Iud. lib. 7. c. 17. was neuer lesse than ten, nor more than twenty. It followeth in the text, A male, to note the masculine and peirlesse vertue of our Sauiour, whom it did typically shadow forth. He [...]ra [...]cè [...] Filium an­ni. Sunt qui di­stinguilit inter Fili­um anni & Filium anni sut, Filium an­ni interpretan­tur, qui annum v­num agit, nec mi­nor, nec maior. Fi­lium vero anni sui, qui est in anno pri­mo, licet eum non­dum absob erit. Sed Aben Esra negat absque Cabala posse [...] quis sit fili [...] anni sui, nam fieri potest, inquit, vt sit Vau adduitium si­ue paragogitum, quale in [...] & similibus. Of the first yeare; which phrase they inter­pret thus, That the Lambe, after it was eight daies old and forward, was allowable to be offered for the Passeouer, but not before; be­cause it is said, When a Bullocke, or a Sheepe, or a Goat is brought forth, then it shall bee seuen daies vnder the damme, and from the eighth day and thenceforth, it shall be accepted for an offring made by fire vnto the Lord, Leuit. 22. 27. And the reason of this law, some of the Hebrews haue thought to be, Vid. Munster. ad Leuit. 22. because in their opinion no­thing in the world was absolutely perfect, vn­till a Sabbath had past ouer it: Moreouer, if it [Page 132] were an houre elder than an yeare, it was vn­lawfull, because it is said, A male of the first yeare. Without blemish; as well to admonish the Israelites of their owne personall integrity, as to signifie the absolute perfection of him who was in truth the Lambe of God. And this hee kept till the fourteenth day of the same moneth. The Rabbines Hospinian. de O­rig. fest. cap. 5. affirme foure causes of this: First, because otherwise through the multitude of businesses, at the time of their departure, they might forget the Paschall Lambe. Second­ly, that in this foure daies space they might haue the more certaine knowledge of the Lambes perfection. Thirdly, that by behol­ding the Lambe so long before their eies, they might haue the better occasion in that space both to recount with themselues, Gods mercy in their deliuerance from Egypt, and also to in­struct and Catechise their children in that point; for which respect it was a receiued tra­dition amongst the Iewes, that during the space of these foure daies, the lambe was tied to their bed-posts. Lastly, that in this time of preparation, they might throughly fit and ad­dresse themselues for the oblation.

The time when the Paschall lambe was to be slaine, was at the Euening, Exod. 12. 6. or as the originall reades, betweene the two euenings. Here Diuines moue the question what part of the day should bee vnderstood by this phrase. Some distinguish the two Euenings thus; That there was Aben Esra Ex­od. 12. Vespera Solis, the Euening of the [Page 133] Sunne, namely, when the body of the Sunne setteth; And Vespera luminis, the Euening of the light, when the beames and shining of the Sunne is also gone from off the earth: The space or interim betweene these two Euenings, is thought to be one houre, and the third part of an houre; in which space of time, they say, the Paschall Lambe was slaine. R. Dauid. in ra­dic. Hoc etiam col­ligi potest ex Pi [...]ke Aboth. cap. 5. Others admit a greater latitude, and distinguish thus; There is, say they, Vespera declinationis, the Euening of the Sunne declining; and Vespera occasus, the Eue­ning of the Sunne setting; and their meaning is, that the Passeouer was offered in this inter-me­diat time, betweene noone and night. This latter answer seemeth most agreeable to the truth. First, because by this speech wee must vnder­stand a latitude of time, wherein might bee of­fered not only the Passeouer, but the daily Eue­ning sacrifice also, for euen that likewise was commanded Inter duas Vesperas, Betweene the two Euenings, Numb. 28. 4. Now this might be offered in the former part of the afternoone. Talmud. tract. de paschate cap. 5. in initio. The manner of their sacrificing in regard of the time we finde thus registred, if wee count the houres according to our vsuall computati­on; the daily sacrifice of the Euening Lambe, was vsually slaine between two and three, it was offered betweene three and foure: vpon the Passeouer-eue it was slaine betweene one and two, it was offered about halfe an houre be­fore three: But if their Passeouer-eue hapned to be the same with their Sabbath-eue, then the dai­ly [Page 134] Euening Sacrifice was slaine betweene twelue and one, it was offered halfe an houre before two; and afterward the Passeouer. Secondly, this agreeth with the oblation of the true Pas­chall Lambe, for as the time of his crucifying began in the third houre of the day, with the daily morning sacrifice, Marke 15. 25. So it ended at the ninth houre, Marke 15. 34. which was the time of their ordinary euening sacrifice; but vpon their Passeouer-eue it was the time when their Paschall Lambe was slaine.

Furthermore, the Lambe was to bee eaten with bitter herbs: the reason of this command, is, that thereby they might bee moued to thanke­fulnesse towards God, for their deliuerance from the Egyptian bondage, in which their liues were made bitter vnto them, Exod. 1. 14.

These bitter herbs they did dip in a certaine sauce, thicke like mustard, called [...] Charoseth, Moses K [...]sensis fol. 118. which thicke sauce (say they) was a memori­all of the clay, wherein they wrought in Egypt. Scaliger. de e­mend. ten p. lib. 6. p. 272. This is thought of some to be that wherein Christ dipped the sop, which he gaue to Iudas. Of this sauce the Hebrewes write thus; Maimon. de fer­mento. c. 8. §. 7. They vsed to dip the vnleauened bread in that sauce Charoseth, and to eat, then they dipped the bitter herbs in the Charoseth, and did eat them. Maimon. in [...] c. 7. §. 11. It was made of the palme tree branches, or of dry figges, or of raysens, which they stam­ped and put vineger thereto, and seasoned it, and made it like clay, and brought it vnto the table in the night of the Passeouer.

[Page 135] The other seuen dayes following the four­teenth of Nisan, were in strictnesse of speech, a distinct feast, as is aboue shewed, namely, the feast of vnleauened bread, because in that space of time, Huius moris ve­stigia quaedam sunt reperta in Roman. Flamine Diali. A. Gell. noct. A [...]c. l. 10. c. 15. no leauened bread ought to be found in their houses. Buxtorf. Synagog. Iudaic. cap. 12. p. 317. Their degrees of preparation to this feast are foure. 1. Expurgatio fermenti, the cleansing of all their housholdstuffe and vessels vnto which leauen might haply cleaue; and this was done two or three dayes before the Passeouer. 2. Inquisitio fermenti, the searching af­ter leauen throughout all the roomes of their houses euen to the mouse-holes: this they did with a waxen candle, and as Buxtorfius no­teth, vpon the night before the Passeouer; and Scalig. de emend. temp. ia proleg [...]m. Scaliger deliuereth it in other words to the same purpose, namely, that this search was made, Ineunte quartadecima vsque ad quartam horam post ortum Solis (i.) At the beginning of the fourteenth day vntill the fourth houre after the ri­sing of the Sun. Now the beginning of the four­teenth day was the night going before, for the Iewes in the computation of their holydayes, counted their day from euen to euen. 3. There was Exterminatio, or, Conflagratio fermenti, A burning of the leauen, and this was done from the fourth to the sixth houre, about dinner time; at which time followed the last degree, which Scaliger hath omitted, namely, Execra­tio fermenti, the cursing of the leauen, in this forme: Buxtorf. Synagog. c. 12. p. 325. Let all that leauen, or whatsoeuer leaue­ned thing is in my power, whether it were seene of [Page 136] me, or not seene, whether cleansed by mee, or not cleansed, let all that be scattered, destroyed, and ac­counted as the dust of the earth.

In case any did eat leauened bread those se­uen daies, the penalty was, that such a soule should bee cut off from Israel, Exod. 12. 15. Which penalty hath amongst expositors a Vid. P. Fag. in Exod. 12. threefold interpretation. Some vnderstand thereby such a man to bee cut off from his hea­uenly inheritance: others, that God would cut off such from the liuing by an vntimely death: O­thers, that hee should die without children, lea­uing no posteritie behinde him: to this pur­pose their prouerbe is, Vid. P. Fag. ibid. A man childlesse, is lifelesse.

Of these three the first is most probable in this place, though the same Text may admit the second interpretation in other places of Scripture, as is declared in the chapter of cir­cumcision. Notwithstanding here let the iu­dicious reader determine, whether these words doe not imply besides the secret action of God touching the soule of such a delin­quent, a direction vnto the Church, how to deale with parties thus offending, by censu­ring them with excommunication, which kinde of censure elsewhere the Scripture cal­leth A casting out of the Synagogue, Iohn 16. 2. A speech much like this, A cutting off from Israel.

Three things may be here demanded. First, who killed the Paschall Lambe. Maimon. in Kor­ban Pesach. c. 1. §. 6. Secondly, [Page 137] Where it was killed? Thirdly, Where it was eaten? First, It was killed by the Priests, 2 Chron. 35. 6. Secondly, it was killed after the first time in the Court of the Temple, the place which God had chosen, Deut. 16. 6. Maimon. in Kor­ban Pesach. c. 1. §. 6. Thirdly, The owner of the Lambe tooke it of the Priest and did eat it in his owne house at Ieru­salem. Christ with his disciples kept the Passeouer in an vpper chamber at Ierusalem.

It may further be demanded, Whether the Passeouer consisted of two suppers, one imme­diatly succeeding the other? Some affirme it, and their reasons are these: First, say they, the Passeouer was eaten standing, but Christ vsed a­nother gesture. This argument of all other is the weakest, for Christ vsed the gesture of lying on his body, as well in the eating of the Passe­ouer, as at the consecration of the sacrament, and the Iewes generally after the first instituti­on, in all their Passeouers, vsed rather this posi­ture of their body, than the other of standing, in token of rest and security, as appeareth in the Chapter of feasts. Secondly, they say, the Paschall lambe was wont to be rosted, but in the last Passeouer, which our Sauiour celebrated, there was Ius cui intingebatur panis, Brothint o which hee dipped the bread. This reason is as weake as the former, because though there was a command to eat the Paschall Lambe rosted, yet there was no prohibition to ioyne their ordi­nary supper with the eating thereof, and that might admit broth: but as it is shewen aboue, [Page 138] the matter into which the sop was dipped, was thought to bee the sauce Charoseth. Thirdly, they vrge, Iohn 13. 2. That the first supper was done, when Christ arose and washed his disci­ples feet, and after that he gaue Iudas the sop, which must argue a second sitting downe. This foretelling his Disciples, that one of them should betray him, is likewise by Saint Luke re­cited after the consecration of the sacrament. This is the strongest argument, and yet not of sufficient validity, because by a kinde of prolep­sis or anticipation of time, it is not vnusuall in the scripture to relate that first, which, accor­ding to the truth of the history, should be last. Thus Iohn 11. mention is made of Mary which anointed the Lord, yet her anointing of him followeth in the next chapter. And this same history of betraying Christ, Saint Matthew and Saint Marke recited before the consecration of the Sacrament. Whence the Iewes haue a pro­uerbe, [...] Salom. Iarchi in Gen. 6. 3. Non esse prius aut posterius in scriptura. That first and last, must not be strictly vrged in scripture. Together with these answers, consi­der how improbable it is, that ten persons (for sometimes they were so few) should eat a second supper, after they had eaten A Lambe of the first yeare; which might bee an yeare old. It is euident also, by that of Barabas, that it was a receiued custome on the Passeo­uer to let loose and inlarge one prisoner or o­ther. Concerning the reason hereof the conie­cture is threefold. Some thinke this custome [Page 139] to haue beene vsed in memory of Ionathan the sonne of Saul, when the people rescued him from the hands of his Father: Others say that the reason hereof was, that the feast might be celebrated with the greater ioy and gladnesse: Others more probably thinke, it was done in remembrance of their deliuerance from the E­gyptian bondage.

Againe, here is to be obserued, that the Iews speaking of their Passeouer, did sometimes speake according to their ciuill computation, wherein they measured their daies from sun-rising, to sun-rising; sometimes according to their sacred computation, which was from sun-set to sun-set. This serueth for the reconciliation of that, Numb. 12. 18. which seemeth to make the fourteenth day of the first moneth, the first day of vnleauened bread. Ioseph. Antiq. l. 2. c. 5. p. 65. And Iosephus tel­leth vs that they numbred eight daies for that feast. In like manner the disciples are said to come vnto Christ the first day of vnleauened bread, saying vnto him, Where wilt thou that we prepare for thee to eat the Passeouer? Matt. 26. 17. as if the first day of vnleauened bread, were before the Passeouer. All these are true ac­cording to the computation of their ciuill daies, though according to the computation of their holy-daies, the feast of vnleauened bread be­gan the fifteenth day, and continued seuen daies onely, and the Passeouer was before the feast of vnleauened bread.

In the last place wee must know, that there [Page 140] was permitted a second Passeouer to those who could not bee partakers of the first, by reason either of their vncleannesse by a dead body, or of their farre distance from the place where it was to be offered. This was to bee obserued in the second moneth, the fourteenth day thereof, according to all the ordinances of the first Passeouer, Numb. 9. Touching that permis­sion of a second Passeouer, to those that were in a iourney farre off: The Hebrew of this word farre off, hath extraordinary prickes ouer it, for speciall consideration. Hereby the Lord might intimate that wee Gentiles which were vncleane, euen dead in trespasses and sinnes, and farre off, Eph. 2. 13. should bee made nigh by the bloud of Christ, and so partakers of him the second Passeouer. Of this legall ordinance the Hebrews say; Maimon. in Kor­ban Pesach. c. 5. §. 8, 9. What is this iourney farre off? fifteene miles without the walls of Ieru­salem, who so is distant from Ierusalem on the fourteenth day of the first moneth, fifteene miles or more, when the Sunne riseth: loe, this is a iourney farre off; if lesse than this, hee is not in a iourney farre off; if lesse than this, hee is not in a iourney farre off, for he may come to Ierusalem by after midday, though he goe on foot, easily. The agreement betweene the Pas­call lambe and Christ standeth thus.

CHAP. V.
Of their Pentecost.

THis Feast was called [...], the Pen­tecost; which word signifieth the fif­tieth day; because it was obserued vp­on the fiftieth day after the second of the Passeouer, which was the sixteenth of Nisan. Here in the first place we must note, that the fourteenth of Nisan was [...], the Passeour, the fifteenth [...], the Feast of the Passeouer, or Seniores appel­lant hunc diem, [...], Leuit. 23. 11. [...], the first of the Passeouer: the sixteenth was [...], the second of the Passeouer, or the morrow after the Passeouer, Leuit. 23. 11. Which is all one, as if it had beene sayd, the morrow after the feast of the Passeouer; for in those feasts which consisted of many dayes, the first and the last were termed Sabbaths. Now these fiftie daies were in truth the appointed time of their haruest, their haruest being bounded, as it were, with two remarkable dayes, the one being the beginning, the other the end thereof: the begin­ning was [...], the second of the Passe­ouer; the end was [...], the fiftieth day after, called the Pentecost. Vpon the [...], then they offered a Scalig. de emend. temp. lib. 6. sheafe of the first fruits of their haruest, Leuit. 23. 10. Vpon the Pentecost, then they offered two waue-loaues, Leuit. 23. 17. the sheafe being an oblation offered in the name of the whole Congregation, whereby all the after [Page 143] fruits thorowout the land were sanctified, [...], Ioseph. Antiq. lib. 3. cap. 10. it being from thence afterward lawfull, and not before, to reape the corne, the two loaues being not onely an Eucharisticall oblation, but also a token of the haruest finished and ended. In the second place wee are to know, that they did count these 50. dayes, by numbring the weekes from the [...], whence it was called a feast of weekes. The manner how they counted the weekes was according to the number of the Sabbaths following the [...]. Thus the first Sabbath following, they called [...], the second [...], the third [...], &c. So that Scalig. lib. 6. de emend. temp. pag. 260. all the weeks and Sabbaths, during the time of the Pentecost, as the first, second, third, and fourth, &c. tooke their denomination from the [...]; which obseruation giueth light to that of S ^t. Luke 6. 1. where there is mention of a Sabbath termed [...], that is, the second-first Sabbath, and by it is meant the Sabbath next after the sixteenth of Nisan, which was the [...]. Seeing that these fiftie dayes did measure out the time of their haruest, it will not be amisse to obserue the difference betwixt their haruest and ours, which chiefly consisted in their anticipation of time; for both the Canaanites and the Egyptians began their haruest about the Plin. lib. 18. cap. 18. Illud ipsum confirmat Leo Aser testis [...], De­script. Afric. lib. 8. cap. 4. first of Aprill, and it was quite finished in May.

CHAP. VI.
The Feast of Tabernacles.

THe Iansen. Concord. cap. 73. Item Tol­let in Ioan. 7. [...], non [...]. Greeke word vsed to expresse this festiuitie, properly signifieth the making of Tabernacles. The [...] Chag hasuccoth. Hebrew word a feast of Tabernacles. The reason of both is, because all the time of this feast, which was full seuen dayes (from the fifteenth of Tisri vntill the one and twentieth thereof) the people remained in tabernacles, and boothes made of boughes, in manner of arbours or bowers, yet so that the first day of those seuen, and the last, were after a more speciall manner to be obserued as holy conuocations.

Concerning these boothes, the Iewes write thus: Munster. Leuit. 23. They ought to bee made in the open aire, not within doores, or vnder the shelter of a tree, they ought not to be couered with clothes, nor to be made too close with the thicknesse of the boughes, but with such holes that the Sun and the Starres might be seene thorow them, and the raine likewise descend thorow them. In these they ought to dwell those seuen daies, as in their houses; they ought to furnish them with houshold stuffe, to lay vnder them and sleepe vnder them; only in rainie weather then they had libertie to eat and sleepe in their hou­ses, vntill the raine was ouerpast. Feeble per­sons also, which could not endure the smell of [Page 145] the earth, were permitted to stay at home. In Nehemiahs time they made their boothes, some vpon the roofe of their houses (for their houses were made flat aboue,) Deut. 22. 8. Some in their courts, some in their streets, Nehem. 8. 15.

Plutarch making mention of this festiuitie, saith, that Plutarch. Sym­pos. 4. problem. 5. these boothes were made principal­ly of iuie boughes, but the Scripture reckoneth vp foure distinct kindes, Leu. 23. 40. which are thought to bee, 1. The Citrine tree. 2. The Palme tree. 3. The Myrtle tree. 4. The Willow of the brooke. P. Fag. Leuit. 23. The Rabbines teach, that euerie man brought euerie morning his burden of the boughes of these foure trees, otherwise he fasted that day. And this burden they termed Elias Thisbit. Hosanna: in allusion vnto this the people cut­ting downe branches from the trees, and strew­ing them in the way when our Sauiour did ride into Ierusalem, cried, saying, Hosanna to the Sonne of Dauid, Mat. 21. 9. Plutarch scoffing the Iewes, compares this feast with that drun­ken festiuall in the honour of Bacchus, in which the Bacchides ran vp and downe with certaine iauelins in their hands, wrapped about with iuie, called [...], and in this respect he termeth this feast of the Iewes [...], A bearing about of these Thyrsi. That feast which the Athenians terme [...], was not much vnlike.

Moreouer, on the next day after this feast, they compassed the altar Hospinian. de o­rig. fest. cap. 7 It. Munster. in Calen­dar. p. 150. seuen times with Palme boughes in their hands, in the remem­brance of the ouerthrow of Iericho: for which [Page 146] reason, or else because that Palme branches were the chiefe in the bundle, it was called Dies palmarum, Palme feast.

Concerning the reason of this feast: Some are of opinion, that it was instituted in memo­rie of that protection, which the Lord vouch­safed the Israelites by the cloud, when they tra­uelled thorow the wildernesse, vnder the sha­dow of which they trauelled, as vnder a safe boothe or tent. Onkelos in his Chaldee Paraphrase, seemeth to incline to this opinion. Where the Hebrew readeth; That your posteritie may know, that I haue made the children of Israel to dwell in boothes, Leuit. 23. 43. The Chaldee rendreth it, That your posteritie may know, that I haue made the children of Israel to dwell [...] in the shadow of clouds. Theophylact. Io­han. 7. Others thinke it was instituted as a solemne thanksgiuing vnto God for their vin­tage, which was gathered in at that time of the yeere, thence is it that they conceiue those Psalms of Dauid, which are intituled [...], pro torcularibus, to haue beene composed for this Feast. Others speake more probably, who assigne the cause to bee in memorie of their forefathers dwelling in tents and tabernacles; the text is cleere, Leuit. 23. 43.

The sacrifices which were offered these se­uen dayes, are prescribed Numb. 29. from the thirteenth verse to the thirtie fourth, where we shall reade euerie day the like sacrifice, but onely with this difference, that vpon the first day they offered thirteen young bullocks, vpon [Page 147] the second twelue, vpon the third eleuen, and so forward, euer diminishing the number by one. Hospinian. [...] de [...]rig. huius fest. The reason of which diminution, the Iewes deliuer to bee thus: the whole number of bul­locks to bee offered at this solemnitie was se­uentie, according to the languages of the se­uentie Nations, (for whom, as they teach, these sacrifices were performed) signifying thereby, that there would be a diminution of those Na­tions, vntill all things were brought vnder the gouernment of the Messias, who was the Ex­pectation and Hope of the Gentiles.

The two and twentieth of the month Tisri, was in truth a distinct feast, as appeareth, Ne­hem. 8. 18. but yet because this immediatly followed the feast of Tabernacles, it hath beene alwaies counted the last day of that Feast. And not onely the boughes, but the Talmud. tractat. de festo Tabernacu­lorum, cap. [...] Vid. Tr [...]m [...]l. Ioh. 7 37. dayes of this whole feast of Tabernacles were termed Ho­sannoth, from the vsuall acclamations of the people, whiles they caried the boughes vp and downe. And this eighth day was called Ho­sanna Rabba, the great Hosanna, or the great day of the feast, Ioh. 7. 37. Buxtorf. in ab­breuiatur, p. 253. Vpon this day they did reade the last Section of the Law, and likewise began the first, lest they might otherwise seeme more ioyfull in ending their sections, than willing to begin them. Tremel. Ioh. 7. 37. ex Talmud. Vpon this day also, by the institution of the Prophet Haggaeus, and Zacharie, and such like Propheti­call men, they did with great solemnitie and ioy, bring great store of water from the riuer [Page 148] Shiloah to the Temple, where it being deliuered vnto the Priests, it was powred vpon the Altar together with wine, and all the people sung that of the Prophet Es. 12. 3. With ioy shall yee draw waters out of the wells of saluation. Our Sa­uiour is thought to haue alluded vnto this, in that speech which hee vsed on this verie day, Ioh. 7. 38. He that beleeueth in me, out of his belly shall flow riuers of waters of life.

It is worth our noting also, that whereas God commanded the obseruation of this feast on the fifteenth of the seuenth month Tisri; Ieroboam, that hee might worke in the people a forgetfulnesse of the true worship of God, ap­pointeth the celebration of a feast in the eighth month on the fifteenth day thereof, Hospinian. de o­rig. huius fest. p. 24. which is thought to be this verie feast of Tabernacles.

CHAP. VII.
Of the Feast of Trumpets and their New-Moones.

FOr the vnderstanding of the time when this Feast was to bee obserued, wee must note the month Tisri was the seuenth month, according to their sacred Computation, and therefor it is commanded to be celebrated the first day of the seuenth month, Leuit. 23. 24. But according to their ciuill Computation, it was [Page 149] their first moneth, so that this feast may be ter­med their New-yeares day.

The first day of euery moneth had its so­lemnities. First, they then repaired to the Pro­phets for the hearing of the word as on other Sabbaths. Wherefore wilt thou goe to him to day? It is neither new Moone nor Sabbath day, 2 Kings 4. 23. Secondly, it was then vnlawfull to buy and sell: When will the new Moone bee gone that we may sell corne? Amos 8. 5. Third­ly, they had then speciall sacrifices ouer and a­boue their daily sacrifices.

Notwithstanding, this feast of Trumpets dif­fered from other New moones. First, in respect of their sacrifices; in their ordinary New moones, they offered (besides the daily sacrifice) two bullocks, one ram, seuen lambs for burnt offerings; with their meat and drinke offerings, and a goat for a sinne offering, Num. 28. 11. 15. But at this New Moone which was the beginning of their yeare, they offered all the foresaid sacrifi­ces, and ouer and besides them, one bullocke, one ram, and seuen lambs for burnt offerings, and a goat for a sin-offering, Numb. 29. 1. 6. Secondly, in other new Moones they blowed no Trumpets: In this they blowed Sheindler. invo­ce [...] from the Sunne rising till night: Whence we learne what new Moone it is that Dauid speaketh of, Psalm. 81. 3. Blow the Trumpet in the new Moone, in the time appointed at our feast day.

The reason in generall of this blowing and great noise of Trumpets, I take to haue beene, [Page 150] to make their New yeares day the more remark­able, because from it all their deeds and con­tracts bore date, and their Sabbaticall yeares and Iubiles were counted thence: but why it should be made remarkable by the sound of Trum­pets or Cornets, there are three coniectures.

First, the P. Fag. Leuit. 23. Hebrews thinke it was done in memory of Isaak his deliuerance, and that they did therefore sound rams hornes, because a ram was sacrificed in stead of him. Secondly, Bas. l. in Psalm. [...]0. Ba­sil is of opinion that the people were hereby put in minde of that day, wherein they recei­ued the law in mount Sinai with blowing of Trumpets. Thirdly, others thinke it was to put them in remembrance of the resurrection, which shall be with the sound of Trumpets, Hee shall send his Angells with a great sound of a Trum­pet, Matt. 24. 31.

There are Scalig. de emend. temp. pag. 26. It. pag. 105. three things considerable in new Moones. First, [...], the coniunction of the Moone with the Sunne. Secondly, [...], the waxing of the Moone. Thirdly, [...], the prime of the Moone. In the first it was quite darke: in the second it did open it selfe to receiue the Sunne-beames: In the last it did appeare corni­culata, horned.

Because in all these three degrees of the change there was a kinde of mutuall participa­tion both of the old and new Moone; Hospin. de Orig. [...] 4. p. 15. [...]. Hence the Iewes obserue two daies, namely, the last of euery moneth, and the first day of the next follow­ing. Now because the thirtieth was the last in [Page 151] their longest moneths; Hence Horace calleth these last daies, Tricesima Sabbata: The first daies they termed Neomenias, New Moones.

For certaine reasons the Iewes vsed a kinde of change or translation of daies, which trans­lation though it were of vse in other moneths also, yet the greatest care was had in transla­ting the beginning of their yeare, or their first day in their moneth Tisri, and he that shall di­ligently calculate these changes, shall finde that all other translations depended on this first.

Translation of daies was [...] temp. l. 2. p. 85. threefold. First, Lunary: Secondly, Politicke: Thirdly, Mixt.

The reason of Lunary translation, was, that they might not obserue the feast of the new Moone, vntill the old were quite ouerpast. For the vnderstanding of this, note these three rules.

First, the Hebrews counted their holy daies from night to night, beginning at six of the clocke; so that from six of the clocke the first night, till the next noone, were iust eigh­teene houres.

Secondly, alwaies before the new Moone there is a coniunction betweene the Sunne and the Moone, during this coniunction she is called Luna silens, by reason of her darknesse, and all this time there is a participation of the old Moone.

Thirdly, when the coniunction was ouer­past before noone-tide, namely, in any of those [Page 152] first eighteene houres, then the new Moone was celebrated the same day. Munster. Calend. Heb. p. 46. But if it continu­ed but one minute after twelue of the clocke at noone, then the feast was translated to the day following, because otherwise they should be­ginne their holy day in time of the old Moone. And this translation they noted with this ab­breuiation [...], that is 18. because of those 18. houres which occasioned it.

The reason of Politicke translation, was, that two Sabbaths or feast daies might not immedi­atly follow each other, Munster. Calend. p. 139. because, say they, it was vnlawfull those two daies, to dresse meat, or bury the dead, and it was likewise inconue­nient to keepe meat dressed, or the dead vnbu­ried two daies. Yet here two exceptions must be remembred, when the meeting of two Sab­baths could not be auoided.

First, when the Passeouer, or the fifteenth day of Nisan fell on Satturday, for then the Pentecost must needs fall on Sunday.

Secondly, when the Passeouer fell on Sunday, for then their Passeouer immediatly followed their weekely Sabbath.

The first Hospinian. de O­rig. fest. p. 6. Author of this Politicke translati­on, was a certaine chiefe man amongst them named Eleazar, three hundred and fifty yeares before Christ his Natiuity.

The seuerall species or kindes of Politicke translation were fiue. The first, [...] Adu. The second, [...] Badu. The third, [...] Gahaz. The fourth, [...] Zabad. The fift, [...] Agu.

[Page 153] For the vnderstanding of these abbreuia­tures, we must know that in these made words the letters only stand for numbers, and are ap­plied to the seuen daies of the weeke thus, [...] 1. Sunday. [...] 2. Munday. [...] 3. Tuesday. [...] 4. Wednesday. [...] 5. Thursday. [...] 6. Friday. [...] 7. Sa­turday: which was the Iewes Sabbath.

Their rules touching Politicke translation stood thus. Adu. First, that neither their New­yeares day which was the first of the moneth Tisri; neither their feast of Tabernacles which was the fifteenth day of the same moneth, should be celebrated on Adu; that is, on Sun­day, or Wednesday, or Friday. Not on Sunday or Friday, because then the weekely Sabbath must needs concurre with it, either going immedi­atly before, or following after: not on Wed­nesday, because then the feast of Expiation, which is the tenth of that moneth, would fall on Fri­day, the day going immediatly before their Weekely Sabbath. This instance is onely concer­ning the first of Tisri which is called the feast of Trumpets: but it holdeth also by way of con­sequence in the fifteenth day, which is the feast of Tabernacles, because the fifteenth must al­waies necessarily be the same day of the weeke that the first is. Therefore if the first be not A­du, the fifteenth cannot be Adu.

The Badu. second rule, was, that the Passeouer should not bee obserued on Badu; that is, on Munday, Wednesday, or Friday.

The Gahaz. third rule is, that Pentecost was not ob­serued [Page 154] on Gahaz; that is, on Tuesday, Thursday, or Saturday.

The Zabad. fourth rule, is, that the feast of Pu­rim, or casting lots was not obserued on Zabad; that is, on Munday, Wednesday, or Sa­turday.

The Agu. fifth rule, is, that the feast of Expiati­on was not obserued on Agu; that is, on Sun­day, Tuesday or Friday.

Mixt translation, is, when both the Lunary and the Politick meet in the changing of daies. And the translation occasioned by this mixture or meeting of both these two, is twofold. First, Simple: And secondly, Double.

Simple translation, is, when the feast is transla­ted to the next day following. For examples sake; If the Moone changed after noonetide on Sunday, here the feast must be translated for two reasons: the first is Lunary, because the point of the change was after eighteene houres; the second, Politicke, because the rule Adu for­bids Sunday to be kept; notwithstanding in as much as the very next day, namely, Munday, was obserued; I terme this translation simple. Of this sort was that translation which they called Batu takphat.

[...] Batu takphat. Batu takphat, is a word inuen­ted for helpe of memory, each letter is a nu­merall, and may bee thus resolued, [...] 2. [...] 15. [...] 589. The meaning is, that in the yeare following Annum Embolymaeum (wherein one whole moneth was engrafted) if the point of [Page 155] the change hapned vpon the second day of the weeke, that is, Munday, not before the fifteenth houre and the 589. moment, the feast of the new Moone was translated vnto Tuesday. How both the Lunary and the Politicke translation worke in this change, reade Scaliger de emend. lib. 2. p. 87.

Double translation, is, when the feast is trans­lated not to the next, but to some farther day: as if the first day of the moneth Tisri should happen vpon Saturday, here if the Moone hath not ouerpast her coniunction before the after­noone, Lunary translation remooueth this feast till Sunday, because of [...] that is, the eighteene houres: Politicke translation remooueth it till Munday, as appeareth by the rule Adu, forbid­ding Sunday. Of this sort is Gatrad.

[...] Gatrad, is a made word, each letter is a numerall, and it may bee thus resolued, [...] 3. [...] 9. [...] 204. The meaning thereof is thus: In their common yeare (when an whole moneth is not inserted) if the point of the change happen vpon the third day of the weeke, that is, Tuesday, not before the ninth houre, and the 204. moment of an houre, then the new Moone shall be translated to Thursday.

Note in the last place, Munster. Ca­lend. p. 45. that 1080. moments make an houre.

The feast of Tabernacles was obserued in the moneth Tisri, and therefore that could not be obserued the morrow after the Sabbath, as ap­peareth by the rule Adu. The Passeouer was ob­serued [Page 156] in the moneth Nisan, and therefore that might be obserued the morrow after the Sab­bath, as appeareth by the rule Badu. If any aske the reason why the Passeouer might bee obser­ued the next day after the Sabbath seeing the feast of Tabernacles might not? I take it to be thus; All the after translations depended vpon the first translation of the first new Moone in Tisri, but that could not bee so changed as to preuent all concurrence of two feasts, and thus to haue their Passeouer sometimes to fol­low their Sabbath, they thought the most con­uenientest ordering of the yeare, because though not all meetings of two Sabbaths, yet most were hereby preuented.

This tract of translation of feasts, it serueth partly to open the customes of the Iewes: partly to giue light for the vnderstanding of that great dispute among Diuines, whether our Sauiour did anticipate the Passeouer. The Greeke Church Epiphan. l. 2. Tom. 1. cap. 51. p. 147. holds, that he kept a Passeouer by him­selfe with his Disciples, on the thirteenth day of the month, when vnleauened bread was not yet to bee vsed; and hence they doe both vse and vrge a necessitie Vsum fermenta­ti panis in coena Dominica Ecclesia Romana olim non damnauit. Casau­bon. exercit. 16. p. 465. of leauened bread in the Lords Supper: But this opinion we reiect; First, because it accordeth not with the truth of Euangelicall historie. Secondly, because it plainly maketh Christ to be a transgressor, not a fulfiller of the Law. Munster in Matt. c. 26. Others say, that be­cause that yeere their Passeouer fell on Friday, hence the feast was translated vnto Saturday by [Page 157] the rule Badu. Their inference is, that Christ kept the fourteenth day of the month, which was Friday, and the Iewes kept Saturday. Hee kept Gods command, they the tradition of their Elders. Ioseph. Scaliger. de emend. temp. lib. 6. p. 266. Lastly, others more probably hold, that both Christ and the Iewes did eat the Passe­ouer the same day and houre, namely on Fri­day, or the fourteenth day of the month, if wee count the beginning of Friday according to the manner of the Iewes; from six a clocke at night on Thursday. Friday morning hee was iudged, and crucified; and in the after-noone, about three of the clocke, when the preparation of the Sabbath began, hee was buried. There layed they Iesus, because of the Iewes preparation, Ioh. 19. 24.

For reconciling the Euangelists in this point, we must note these particulars, which are more at large proued in the chapter of the Passeouer. 1. The fourteenth day of the month, on which the Paschall Lambe was eaten, was called the first day of vnleauened bread, the feast of vnlea­uened bread drew neere, which is called the Passeouer, Luke 22. 1.

The fourteenth day was not holy, but the fif­teenth was. In the fourteenth day of the first month is the Passeouer of the Lord, and in the fifteenth day of this month is the feast, Numb. 28. 16, 17. Some of them thought, because Iudas had the bag, that Iesus had said vnto him, Buy those things that we haue need of against the feast, Ioh. 13. 29.

[Page 158] The sheepe and bullocks offered vpon this day are called the Passeouer, Deut. 16. 2. And of this we are to vnderstand S ^t. Iohn 18. 28. They themselues went not into the common hall, lest they should be defiled, but that they might eat the Passeouer. So that this eating of the Passeouer is not vnderstood of the Paschall Lambe. But some may question, how they should haue beene defiled by entring into the common hall? The answer is, that vpon [...] Moses ben Ma [...] ­mon. lib. vlt. Iad. c. Sanedrin. §. 11. Ho­ly day eues, which they terme dayes of preparation, they held it vnlawfull for their Iudges to sit on life and death. Hence it is, that they brought Iesus to Pilat the Roman Deputie. Secondly, they withdrew themselues out of the common hall. Thirdly, for this reason they said, It is not law­full for vs to put any man to death, Ioh. 18. 31. August. Tract. 114. in Ioann. Ita hunc locum expo­nunt etiam Cyrill. lib. 12. in Ioan. cap. 6. Chrysostom. homil. 82. in Ioan. Beda in cap. 18. Ioan. that is, vpon this, or such like day; for though their high Court of Sanedri [...] were put downe at this time, yet all power in cases of life and death was not taken from them, as is implied in the words following. It was that the word of Iesus might be fulfilled, which hee spake, signifying what death hee should die, vers. 32. Which text intimateth, that that vn­lawfulnesse was vrged by the speciall proui­dence of God, that he might be crucified, being iudged by Pilat: for if the Iewes had iudged, they vsed no such kinde of death towards ma­lefactors. Againe, Steuen was condemned by them to be stoned, Acts 7. And they complai­ned before Felix, that when they were about to [Page 159] proceed against Paul according to their owne Law, the chiefe Captaine Lysias with violence tooke him out of their hands, Acts 24. Which argueth, that all power in causes capitall was not taken from them: But of this see the Chap­ter of their capitall punishments.

CHAP. VIII.
The feast of Expiation.

VPon the tenth day of the month Tisri, answering to September with vs, the feast of Expiation was commanded to be celebrated, Leuit. 13. It was called the feast of Expiation, because the High Priest did then confesse vnto God, both his owne sinnes and the sinnes of the people, and by the perfor­mance of certaine rites and ceremonies expi­ate them, and make an attonement vnto God for them.

The Ceremonies at this time to bee perfor­med, concerned either the people and the Priest, or the Priest alone. Those which concerned the people and the Priest, consisted in the afflicting of their soules by fasting. Whence this feast was also called Iosephus de bell. Iud. p. 43. Dies ieiunij; The fasting day, Ier. 36. 6. Which serueth for the vnderstan­ding of that, Acts 27. 9. Sayling was now dan­gerous because the Feast was already past; that is, the feast of Expiation was now past, and win­ter was at hand.

[Page 160] Those Ceremonies which concerned the Priest alone were two. First, then the high-Priest entred into the Holiest of Holies, which was pe­culiar vnto this day. Secondly, he being about to sacrifice for himselfe and his house, he tooke vnto him a young bullocke for a sinne offering, and a ram for a burnt offering, putting on his Priestly robes: after he had washed himselfe in water, he tooke of the Congregation two he-goats for a sinne-offering, and a ram for a burnt offering. The two he-goats hee presented before the Lord at the doore of the Tabernacle, casting lots which of them should be sacrificed, which let scape aliue. This last was termed the [...] Gnazazal, ex [...] Gnez, capra, & [...] Azal, ab [...]j [...]. K. D. Kim­chi, in radic. Scape-goat, because the other being slaine, this was sent aliue into the wildernesse. The Greeke Inter­preters call this goat [...], Malorum depul­sorem, A defender from euils; which name the Heathens applied to their Tutelar Gods. They intimated, that when this Scape-goat ca­ried away the sinnes of the people into the wil­dernesse, hee likewise caried away all those euills, which belonged vnto those sinnes. And for the securing the people in this point, the Lord commanded the High Priest to confesse in the name of all the people, and to disburden the sins of the whole Congregation vpon the head of the Scape-goat. The forme of Confession, according to the relation of the Hebrew Doctors, was this: P. Fag. Leuit. 16. O Lord, thy people, the house of Israel, they haue sinned, they haue done wickedly, they haue transgressed before thee, I beseech thee now, ô Lord, [Page 161] pardon the sinnes, iniquities, and transgressions, with which the people, the house of Israel haue sin­ned, done wickedly, and transgressed before thee, as it is written in the Law of thy seruant Moses: That in that day he shall make attonement for you, that he might cleanse you, and that you might bee cleane from all your iniquities before the Lord.

The moderne Iewes now (because there can be no proper sacrifice, the Temple of Ierusalem being destroyed) the men they take a white cocke on this day, the women an hen. Buxtorf. Syna­gog. c. 20. This cocke they swing three times about the Priests head, saying; Gallus Gallinaceus hic commutatio erit pro me; That is, This cock shall be a propitiation for me. After that they kill the cocke, acknow­ledging themselues worthie of death; and then they cast the intralls vpon the top of the house, that some Rauen or Crow might carrie both them, and together with them, their sinnes in­to the wildernesse. And lest they might seeme to bee mad without reason, they assigne the cause why they make choyce of a cocke, at this time, to be this. This word [...] Gebher in the holy language signifieth a man, in their Talmud it signifieth a cocke. Now, say they, the iustice of God requires, that as Gebher sinned, so Gebher should make satisfaction. From this feast of Expiation it is probable, that the Grecians vsed an yeerely Expiation of their cities, which was performed on this manner: Certaine con­demned persons were brought forth with gar­lands vpon their heads, in manner of sacrifices, [Page 162] these they would tumble from some steepe place into the sea, offering them vp to Neptune, Suidas in voce [...]. vsing this forme of words, [...], Sis pro nobis peripsema: As if they had sayd, Be­thou a reconciliation or propitiation for vs. The like kinde of expiation was vsed among them in time of any pestilence, or contagious infe­ction; for the remouall of such diseases, they then sacrificed certaine men vnto their Gods, [...], Vetus Scho­liast. in Aristophan. Plut. pag. 48. such men they termed [...]. These two words are vsed by the Apostle, 1 Cor. 4. 13. and they are translated filth & off-scouring: we are made as the filth of the world, and as the off-scou­ring of all things. The words signifie properly the filth or dirt scraped off mens shooes, or from the pauement of the ground: But in Budaeus annot. reliq. in Pandect. De poenis, p. 334. Budaeus his opinion, the Apostle had allusion vnto those kindes of expiations in vse among the Hea­thens. As if he had said; We are as despicable and as odious in the sight of the people, as much loaded with the reuilings and cursings of the multitude, as those condemned persons, who were offered vp by way of publique ex­piation.

Now seeing at this feast principally the High Priest was a type of Christ, it will not bee amisse to note the agreement betweene the type and the truth.

• [Page 163]1. The high-Priest went into the Holiest of all, Leuit. 16. 3.
• 2. Hee went once a yeare, Exod. 30. 10.
• 3. Hee with the bloud of goats and calues, Heb. 9. 12.
• 4. He alone, Heb. 9.
• 5. Hee cloathed with his Priestly robes, Leu. 16. 4.
• 6. He tooke two goats, Leu. 16.
• 7. The goat did beare the peoples iniqui­ties.

• 1. Christ our High-Priest went into the holy place, namely, the heauens, Hebr. 9. 12.
• 2. Hee entred once, Heb. 9. 12.
• 3. Hee by his owne bloud, Heb. 9. 12.
• 4. He alone hath trod­den the wine-presse, Is. 63. 3.
• 5. Hee ordained and sealed to this of­fice, by his father from all eternitie.
• 6. He tooke two na­tures: the impassibi­litie of his Godhead was shadowed by the Scape-goat: his sufferings in his man­hood, by the goat that was sacrificed, Theo­doret. Quaest. 22. in Leuit.
• Christ was made sin for vs, 2 Cor. 5. 22.

CHAP. IX.
The Sabbaticall yeare, or Seuenth yeares rest.

AS euery seuenth day was a Sabbath day, so euery seuenth yeare was a Sabbaticall yeare, Leuit. 25. And as the Sabbath day signified that they themselues were the Lords, and therefore they abstained from their owne worke to doe the Lords: So the Sabbaticall yeare was to signifie, that both they and their land was the Lords.

The obseruation of this feast consisted chief­ly in two things. First, in the not tilling or ma­nuring of their ground, whence it was called [...]. Schabath Haarets, the Sabbath of the land, Leuit. 25. 6. Secondly, in the Creditors discharging their debtors, and releasing their debts, and thence it was called [...] Schemita laihoua, The Lords release, Deut. 15. 2.

Seeing they were that yeare forbid to till their ground, here question might bee made what they should eat then in the time of this intermission?

Answ. I will command my blessing vpon you in the sixth yeare, and it shall bring forth fruit for three yeares, Leu. 25. 20, 21. saith the Lord.

Seeing euery seuenth yeare, debts accor­ding to Gods command were to bee remitted, [Page 165] some might demand, whether this might not much endamage their estates if they did lend? or, harden their hearts not to lend?

Answ. It could not endamage their estates, for it is a most infallible Maxime: No man is a loser by seruing God. Whence the Hebrewes themselues interpret this to be rather Manda­tum probationis, A command of triall, such as A­brahams offering vp of Isaak was, which God commanded, not intending that he should be sacrificed, but that Abrahams loue might bee tried; rather than Mandatum obedientiae, A com­mand of obedience. To this purpose speaketh Aben Esra, interpreting these words; Saue when there shall be no poore among you, Deut. 15. 4. Aben Esra. Deut. 15. 4. That is, saith he, as if the Lord had said, Know that that which I haue commanded thee, that thou shouldest not exact of thy brother, will be needlesse. If all Israel, or the greater part obey the voice of God; then there shall bee no poore amongst you, to whom it shall be needfull for thee to lend: yea all of you shall be able to lend to many nations.

The reasons why this feast was instituted, are thought to be, First, to teach the people to depend vpon Gods prouidence by faith; for though the owner of the field might gather euen on that yeare for the maintenance of himselfe and his family, Leuit. 25. 6. yet he was neither to sow his field thereby to make his haruest the greater; nor to hedge his field, or locke vp his cornyard, thereby to enioy the proprietie, but to let all be common, and eue­ry [Page 166] mans hand equall in euery place. Secondly, they were hereby put in minde of that happy estate, which Adam enioyed in his innocency, when the earth brought forth her increase without manuring. Lastly, it shadowed forth that euerlasting Sabbath which we expect in the heauens. Vid. Hospinian. de Orig. huius festi. And some coniecture this to be the ground of Rabbi Elias his opinion, Talmud in Sane­drin. c. Helec. that the world should continue for six thousand yeares, but the seuenth thousand should be the great Sabbati­call yeare. The six thousand yeares answered the six working daies of the weeke, the seuenth answered our Sabbath, according to that, A thousand yeares are but as one day with the Lord, 2 Pet. 3. 8. Elias his words are these; Six thousand yeares the world shall bee, and againe it shall be destroied: [...]. Duo millia inam­tatis, duo millia le­gis, duo millia di­erum Messiae. Tal­mud in Sanedrin. c. Helec. Two thousand shall bee void, two thousand vnder the law, and two thousand vn­der the Messias. The substance of this prophe­cy howsoeuer we reiect as too curious, yet see­ing that a Iew spake it, it may serue to proue a­gainst them, First, That the Messias is already come: Secondly, That Moses his law ceased at his comming.

CHAP. X.
Of their Iubile.

THis is the last festiuall which God com­manded the Iewes; it was celebrated e­uery fiftieth yeare. It is commanded, [Page 167] Leuit. 25. 8. Thou shalt number seuen Sabbaths of yeares vnto thee, &c. The English word Iu­bile is deriued from the Hebrew [...] Iobel, sig­nifying a ram; it signifieth also a rams horne. Se­uen Priests shall beare before the Arke seuen Trumpets of rams hornes, Iosh. 6. 4. where the word Iobelim is vsed, and is expounded by the Chaldee Paraphrast, rams hornes. Marbachius is of opinion, that this yeare was called their Iubile, Marbach. in Le­uit. 25. from Iubal, the first inuenter of musicall in­struments, of whom we reade, Gen. 4. 21. Iubal was the Father of all such as handle the Harpe and Organ: Other Authors deliuer other reasons of the name; but it is most probable, that this yeare was termed the yeare of Iubile, from Io­belim, the rams hornes then sounded. There were fiue maine vses of this feast.

First, for the generall release of seruants. Se­condly, for the restoring of lands and tenements vnto their first owners, who formerly sold them. Thirdly, hereby a true distinction of their Tribes was preserued, because lands returned vnto their owners in their proper Tribe, and seruants to their owne Families. Hospinian. de O­rig. fest. c. 9. Fourthly, Some are of opinion, that as the Grecians did compute their times by the number of Olym­piads; the Romans by their lustra; the Christi­ans by their Indictions: So the Iewes by their Iubiles. Lastly, it did mystically shadow forth that spirituall Iubile, which Christians enioy vn­der Christ, by whose bloud wee haue not onely a reentry into the Kingdome of heauen, which [Page 168] we had formerly forfeited by our sinnes (and this was haply signified by the Israelites reen­try vpon their lands formerly sold) but also the sound of the Gospell which was in this feast typed out vnto vs by the noise of Trumpets, is gone throughout the world. And thus the Lord God hath blowen the Trumpet, as Zacharies phrase is, Zach. 9. 14. But neither this release of seruants, nor restoring of lands, was Moses Aegyptius in Halacha Sche­mita Veiobel. c. 10. vn­till the tenth day of the first moneth Tisri, at which time it was proclaimed by the sound of Trumpets, or rams hornes; the nine first daies of this moneth the seruants feasted and made merry, and wore garlands in token of their li­berty approaching.

CHAP. XI.
The Feast of Purim and the feast of conse­cration or Dedication.

PVr is a Persian word, and signifieth a lot, whence this feast of lots is called Purim, (i.) [...], A lottery: it began on the fourteenth of Adar, and continued till the end of the fifteenth, Ester 9. 21. It was instituted by Mordecay, in remembrance of the Iewes de­liuery from Haman, before whom lots were cast day by day, and moneth by moneth, for the destruction of them. In these two daies they [Page 169] reade the history of Esther in their Synagogues, and as often as they heare mention of Haman, Hospinian. de fest. fol. 33. ex Antonio Margarita in lib. de ceremoniis Iu­daeorum. they doe with their fists and hammers beat vpon the benches and boords, as if they did knocke vpon Hamans head.

The feast of Dedication, is termed in the N. T. [...], [...]. Sui­das. a feast wherein something is renew­ed; because those things onely are reputed consecrated, which are separated from their common vse, and dedicated to some new and holy vse. We shall reade of many things con­secrated in the old Testament; the Tabernacle, the Temple, Priests, Altars, Vessels, and Garments: but there was no anniuersary or yearely solem­nity appointed, to bee obserued in remem­brance of their consecration. The consecration therefore which wee now speake of, being an yearely festiuall, was the consecration of the Al­tar appointed by Iudas Maccabaeus to be obserued from yeare to yeare, for the space of eight daies, from the fiue and twentieth of the moneth Caslew, which answereth in part to our December, 1 Macab. 4. 59. Of this Saint Iohn spea­keth, and as he mentioneth our Sauiours pre­sence there, so he intimateth the time to bee a­bout December. It was at Ierusalem, the feast of the Dedication, and it was winter, Iohn 10. 22, &c.

The reason of this feast, was in remem­brance of that great mercy which God shewed vnto his people, in deliuering them from the tyranny of Antiochus, and the Idolatry which [Page 170] he had forced vpon them, setting vp the Idol of Iupiter in the Temple of God, and abolishing the true worship of God.

These two feasts are of humane institution, and others might be added vnto them, but lit­tle is to bee added or nothing at all to that which is deliuered concer­ning them, in the places of Scripture where they are mentioned.

CHAP. I.
The beginnings of Idolatry.

THe infinitenesse of Gods maie­sty farre transcendeth the capacity of created natures, and if wee consult not with Gods owne Oracles, though the sense of a Deitie may be imprinted euen in an Atheists heart, yet so far shall he be from all right vnderstanding of God, that hee will adore the creature in stead of the Creator, and when he hath multiplied the num­ber of his gods, according to the number of the starres in heauen, and creeping things on earth, yet still his heart will be doubtfull, whe­ther hee hath worshipped the true God, nay whether the true God be not vtterly vnknowne. [Page 172] For this reason the mariners in [...] ship cried euery man vnto his god, [...] 1. 5. Euery man to his owne god, and lest they might all mistake the true God, they awaken Ionah to call vpon his God. This Seru. in Georgic. lib. 1. vncertainty attending I­dolatry, caused the Heathens to close their peti­tions with that generall, Dij deae (que), omnes. Gyrald. Syntagm. 17. The Arabians perceiuing the vnsufficiency of their knowne gods, dedicated their altars, Ignoto Deo, To the vnknowne God. At Athens, Saint Paul found an Altar with the same inscription, Act. 17. 23. Hence other neighbour countries were wont to sweare [...]. Lucian. in Philo­patride. by him that was vnknowne at Athens. From this doubt and distrust among the Athenians, what God was? and who he was? sprang another vncertainty amongst them, as dangerous as the other, diuiding and sharing that vndiuidable vnity of the Godhead, be­tweene I know not what comp [...]irs and equalls, so that they had other altars mentioning a plu­ralitie of gods: Pausanias in Atticis. the inscription being [...], The altar of the vnknowne Gods; yea the compleat and entire inscription of that altar which Saint Paul saw, is thought to haue beene thus, [...]. The­ophyl. in Act. A­post. 17. 23. It. Hieronym. Tit. 1. 12. To the Gods of Asia, Europe, and Africa, to the vnknowne and strane God. Which obseruation implieth their practise to haue symbolised with other Heathens in that forementioned closure, Dij Deaeque omnes; O all ye Gods and Goddesses helpe. This distrust I thinke to be the chiefe reason why they wor­shipped the vnknowne God; though I deny not [Page 173] but the altars might beare this title, to con­ceale the name of their Tutelar god, vnto whose protection they had committed themselues, Alex. ab Alex. lib. 6. cap. 4. Tyraquell. in illu [...]. locum. because the Heathen people generally concei­ted, that if the gods name, to whom they dedi­cated a citie, were knowne, then the enemies might by some magicall incantation or charme, call him forth, and cause him to for­sake the citie: For the better preuenting of which manner of euocations, the Tyrians, the Lacedemonians, and other Macrob. Saturn. lib. 3. cap. 9. Nations, fettered and chained their gods, that they might not de­part. Againe, it might be done in imitation of the Iewes, who about the time of our Sauiour his incarnation, held it vnlawfull to pronounce that essentiall name of God, Iehoua, and in stead thereof would reade Adonai. The occasion of this concealement of the name Iehoua, I take to haue beene originally, to preuent the bla­spheming of that holy name among the Hea­thens, who had learned from that name to de­nominate their Idols, Vid. Macrob. Sa­tur. lib. 1. cap. 18. It. Irenaeum, lib. 2. cap. vlt. Item Ori­gen. contra Cels. lib. 6. fol. 76. col. 3. loue, [...], Iaoth, [...], &c. Hence afterward the forbearing the name be­came superstitious, and so farre preuailed, that they corrupted the text for the defense thereof, Exod. 3. 15. This is my name [...], legno­lam, for euer: Vid. P. Galatin. lib. 2. cap. 10. they reade [...], legnalam, to be concealed. Though I deny not but that name was alwaies in some sense ineffable; namely, as Plin. in Prooem. lib. 5. hist. natur. Pliny saith, the names of the Affrican people and townes were ineffable, that is, such as other languages could not expresse without circum­locutions.

[Page 174] As those forementioned Idolatrous names, were nothing else but so many deprauations of the name Iehoua: so the Originall of many other ensuing kindes of Idolatrie, proceeded at first from a misconstruction of Scripture. They hauing learned by tradition, that the Sun, Moone, & Stars, had a kinde of Lordship and rule ouer day and night, times and sea­sons: Hence the superstitious ignorance of those people deified those lights of Heauen, and worshipt them as gods. Afterward cor­ruption preuailing, their Apotheosis, or god­making Ceremonies, were extended to subluna­rie creatures, partly as Symbola, or representa­tiue signes of those greater and more glorious lights; for this reason the Chaldeans worshipt fire: [...], and Vr of the Chaldeans, mentioned Gen. 11. which signifieth fire or light, is thought to be the verie god of the Chaldeans, though in that place the name Vr, be applied to some chief citie, from the name of the Idoll. Yea, the god of Nabor, Gen. 31. 53. is thought to be no other; partly also the inferiour creatures were cano­nized for gods, in way of thankfulnesse for the benefits receiued from them; for which rea­son the sea; the windes, the aire, the earth, and fruits of the earth became deified. At last, well-deseruing men, nay Crocodiles, Serpents, Rats, Cats, Dogs, Garlicke, and Onions, were reputed gods.

CHAP. II.
Of Moloch, Adram-Melech, Anam-Melech, Baal, The Tabernacle of Molech, Chiun, Remphan, Horses consecrated to the Sunne, Thamuz.

OF the Idoll Moloch wee reade in diuers places of Scripture, 1 King. 11. 2 King. 23. 10. Leuit. 18. 21. He is sometimes called Moloch, sometimes Molech, sometimes Milcom. He was the reputed god, not onely of the Ammonites, but of the Lorinus in [...] ex Oecumenio. Moabites also. Hee had his name from [...] Malac, signifying to rule or reigne. The seuentie Elders translate him, [...], a Prince, or King. Such King-Idols were Adram-Melech, and Anam-Melech, the Gods of Shephernaim, vnto whom that peo­ple burnt their children in fire.

I take Moloch and Baal to be one and the same Idol; they were both names of supremacy and rule; [...] Baal signifieth a Lord or Master: And [...] Molech, a King or Prince. They had both the same manner of sacrifice, they burnt their sonnes for burnt offerings vnto Baal like­wise, Ier. 19. 5. yea they built the high places of Baal, which are in the vally of Benhinnom, to cause their sonnes and their daughters to passe thorow the fire vnto Molech, Ier. 32. 35. In which text, the place of sacrifice is noted to be one and the same, common to both Idols, and [Page 176] Molech put in the end of the verse, to explaine Baal in the beginning thereof.

Some thinke them to be different, because the Augustin. super Iudic. quaest. 16. Vide sis Eusebium de praepar. lib. 1. cap. 7. planet Iupiter was worshipped vnder the name of Baal; but the planet Saturne is probably thought to haue beene worshipped vnder the name of Moloch. If wee diligently obserue hi­stories, we shall finde such a confusion of the pla­nets, that the Sunne, as it was sometime called Baal, somtimes Moloch: so it was somtimes cal­led Plato apud Ma­crob. Satur. lib. 1. cap. 23. vbi men­dosè citatur è Ti­maeo Platonis, quod est in Phaedro. Iupiter, sometimes Assyrios Satur­num (quem & So­lem dicunt) Iuno­nemq, coluisse con­stat. Seruius in Ae­n [...]id. 1. Saturne; and concer­ning Baal, this is euident: hence Iupiter was cal­led by the Phenicians, Baal-samen, which name is deriued from the Hebrew, and soundeth as much as Iupiter Olympicus, the Lord of Heauen: For Baal signifieth Lord, and Shamaim, Heauen. And what is this Lord of Heauen in the theolo­gie of the Heathens, other than the Sunne? who may as well be stiled the King of Heauen, as the Moone the Queene. Yea Sanchoniatho, as Euse­bius in the forequoted place relates him, taketh all these three for one, namely the Sunne, Iupi­ter, and Baal-samen.

Concerning Saturne, it is apparent that the Sunne was worshipped vnder his name; but I finde some Expositors, to interpret Moloch to be [...], Molech dici volunt quasi [...] Malach. (i.) Angelus, Nun­cius. Proindè in­terpretantur Mo­lech Mercurium Deorum nuncium. Mercurie, others R. Leui. Leuit. 18. 21. Mars: these are but few, and the grounds weake. It is therefore more generally and more probably thought, that he was Saturne, because as to Moloch, so to Sa­turne, the Heathen people did sacrifice their Macrob. Saturn. lib. 1. c. 7. Sonnes and Daughters. Secondly, Saturnes [Page 177] Image differed not much from Molochs. Of Sa­turnes thus we reade; Euseb. de prae­par. lib. 4. cap. 7. It was made of brasse, wonderfull for its greatnesse, whose hands reaching towards the earth, were so hollow (readie to claspe) that the youths which were compelled to come vnto him, did fall as it were into a mightie ditch full of fire. You shall reade in a manner the same de­scription of Moloch. Ialkut commenting on Ieremie writeth thus; Ialkut Ierem. 7. fol. 97. column. 1. Though all other houses of Idolatrie were in Ierusalem, yet Moloch was with­out Ierusalem, in a place apart. How was he made? He was an image of brasse: He had seuen chappels, and he was placed before them, hauing the face of a bullocke, and hands spread abroad, like a man that openeth his hands to receiue somewhat from some other: and they set it on fire within, for it was hol­low; and euerie man seuerally entred, according to his offering. After what manner? whosoeuer offe­red a fowle, went into the first chappell; he that of­fered a sheepe, into the second; a lambe, into the third; a calfe, into the fourth; a bullocke, into the fifth; an oxe, into the sixth; and whosoeuer offe­red his sonne, into the seuenth. Thus Moloch and Saturne agree: First, in their sacrifice: Second­ly, in the forme of their Images. Now these seuen chappells built for Moloch, may well resem­ble those Orig. contra Cel­sum, lib. 6. fol. 74. col. 4. It. Gy­rald. in Deorum Syntagm. 7. p. 223. seuen gates with which the Persians honoured the Sunne; and as the seuen gates did, so might the seuen chappels mystically expresse the seuen planets, whereof the Sunne was Mo­lech, (i.) the King and Prince. When they sacri­ficed their sonnes vnto this Idoll, they did beat [Page 178] vpon tabrets and drums, that the cry of the childe might not bee heard by the father. Thereupon was the place called [...] Tophet, from [...] Toph, signifying a drumme, as likewise from the cry of the children it was called Ge­henna, [...] signifying a valley, and [...] roa­ring or crying. Some may make the question, whether that the phrase, The fire of Gehenna, Matth. 5. 22. had its originall from this fire, wherewith the children were burnt vnto Mo­loch? I answer, that in this phrase there was not respect onely vnto this fire; though by the bitter cries and eiulations of poore infants, the restlesse torments of hell might be shadowed, yet the perpetuitie and euerlastingnesse of hel­lish paines, I take to be signified herein, by al­lusion vnto that D. Kimchi, Psal. 27. 13. other fire kept continually burning, for the consuming of dead carcasses, and the filth brought out of Ierusalem. For Ge­henna was reputed a contemptible place with­out the Citie, in the which they burnt, by meanes of a fire continually preserued there, the carcasses, filth, and garbidge of the Citie. The Cap [...]io de Kaba­la, p. 644. Kabbalists treating of Gehenna in this me­taphoricall sense, as it is applied to the paines of hell, doe distinguish of it, saying; That there is Gehenna superior, and inferior: By the first they vnderstand bodily torments inflicted vpon the bodies of sinners in this world: By the se­cond they vnderstand the paines of the soule in the world to come. P. Galatinus lib. 12. c. 6. They say likewise, that there are Septem Gehennae mansiones: Seuen de­grees [Page 179] or mansion places in Gehenna. 1. Infernus. 2. Perditio. 3. Profundum. 4. Taciturnitas. 5. Vm­bra mortis. 6. Terra inferior. 7. Terra sitiens. Of these seuen receptacles, he that will mis-spend his time may reade according to the quo­tation.

It is much controuersed among expositors, whether the children in this sacrifice were burnt in the fire, or onely initiated and consecra­ted to Moloch, passing in the middest of two fires in signe of their consecration? It is probable, that both were in vse. First, the scripture speaketh of both. Secondly, the Hebrew Doctors shew the manner of both. That they were burnt, Ialkut expresly teacheth, and with him Aben Esra. Leu. 18. 21. others ac­cord, saying, That Molech is the name of an image, and the wise men of blessed memory interpret Mo­lech to be an vniuersall name, denoting any whom they haue made to rule ouer them; and it is agreed vpon, that this is the abomination of the sonnes of Ammon, and this phrase to cause to passe through, is as much as to burne. Others say, This Idolls name was Molech, and Rabbi Solomon Leuit. 18. 21. this was his worship: That he, (namely the Father) deliuered his sonne vnto the Priests, and they made two great fires, and they made his sonne passe on his feet betweene both these fires.

Notwithstanding, wee must not thinke that there were no other oblations vnto Molech be­sides sacrificing of children: For what vse then serued those other six chappells? No, I take this oblation of children,not to haue beene [Page 180] forced on them by any superstitious law or tradition, binding them thereunto: but to haue beene reputed a worke more meritori­ous, because it was meerely voluntary. This I note, because otherwise there were an ap­parent difference betweene Baal and Mo­lech. For the Baalites offered vnto their fan­cied deity a bullocke in that contention be­tweene them and Eliah, 1 King. 18. Bullockes, and Calues, and Lambes, were their ordinary sacrifices, the sacrificing of their children ex­traordinary. Yet their ordinary sacrifices, were not alwaies altogether void of mans bloud, but sometimes the Priests would lance and cut their owne flesh: which custome, whence it had its originall, I finde not; onely we finde the like to haue beene practised by the Heathenish Priests in their sacrifices to Bellona: Tertul. Apolog. c. 9. Tertullian toucheth it; but Lactantius p. 40. Lactantius treating of Bello­na and her Priests, speaketh more clearely, say­ing, They sacrificed not with any other mans bloud, but with their owne, their shoulders being lanced, and with both hands brandishing naked swords, they ran and leaped vp and downe like madde men. Who would not take these Bellonites to be the very Baalites spoken of, 1 Kings 18. They leapt vpon the Altar which was made—and cut themselues as their manner was with kniues and launcers, till the bloud gushed out vpon them.

That the opinion of pleasing God by sacrifi­cing their children sprang from Abrahams of­fering of Isaak, seemeth very probable, and is [Page 181] intimated by R. Salomon, who bringeth in God speaking concerning Molech after this manner. I neuer commanded that they should offer vp their sonnes for an oblation, and I neuer spake it vnto any of my Prophets, Solomon Iar [...]h [...]. Ier. 7. 31. and when I spake to Abraham to sacrifice his sonne, it entred not into my heart that he should sacrifice him, but to make knowne his righteousnesse. Yea Euseb. praepar Euang. l. 1. c. 7 p. 27. Porphyry treating of Sa­turne, (who seemeth to haue beene this very Molech) saith that the Phoenicians called him Israel, and that he had by Anobreth one onely sonne, called Ieud in the Phoenician language (no doubt from the Hebrew Iechid, signifying an onely begotten, and applied to Isaak, Gen. 22. 2.) which he offered vpon an altar purposely pre­pared. Who seeth not the historie of Abra­ham and Sarah vnder the names of Israel and Anobreth? and the immolation of Isaak, vnder the name of Ieud? and the originall of this Sonne-sacrificing diuinity, to haue beene the vnwarrantable imitation of Abraham?

But what! was the Sunne worshipped Idola­trously, no otherwise? Yes, except I am decei­ued, we finde another manner of worship de­scribed by Amos, chap. 5. 26. But yee haue borne the tabernacle of your Moloch, and Chiun your images the starre of your God which yee made to your selues. This translation I preferre be­fore others. First, because the [...] Hebrew word signifieth a Tabernacle. Secondly, it is rendred the tabernacle of Moloch, not Siccuth your King, [...]. by the seuenty. Thirdly, it is so repea­ted [Page 182] by Saint Steuen, Act. 7. 43. Ye tooke vp the Tabernacle of Moloch, and the starre of your God Remphan, figures which yee made to worship them.

Three things are to be enquired for the vn­derstanding of this parallel. First, what the bearing or taking vp of this Tabernacle is. Second­ly, what Idoll was pointed out by these names of Chiun and Remphan. Thirdly, what is meant by the starre of this God.

The taking vp of this Tabernacle denoteth their worship which they exhibited vnto their Idoll, by carying him vp and downe in Tabernacles and Pageants, after a solemne manner of pro­cession; by the Romans, this solemnity was ter­med Pompa; and the tent or Pageant in which the Idoll was carried, Theusa, according to that, Theusa Deorum vehiculum. This kinde of Idola­try may seeme to haue had its originall among the Heathens, from an vnwarrantable imitation of Moses his Tabernacle, which was nothing else but a [...] Ioseph. antiq. l. 3. c. 5. portable Temple, to bee caried from place to place as need required. For it cannot be denied, but that many superstitions were deriued vnto the Heathens from the true wor­ship of God, which he himselfe had prescribed vnto his people. Thus as God had his Taberna­cle, Priests, Altars and Sacrifices, so the Deuill had his Tabernacles, Priess, Altars, and Sacrifices. As God had his fire euer burning vpon the Altar, Leuit. 6. 3. So had the Deuill his fire preserued burning by those Vestall Votaries. As God had his [Page 183] propitiatory or mercy seat: So had the Deuill his Sacros tripodas, his Oracles from which hee would speake vnto them that serued him. This solemne procession was performed by the Romans, in the honour of the Solis honore [...] grati specta [...]ula C [...]r­ci. Antiqui d [...] ­re patres. Corip. A­fric. lib. 1. num. 17. vid. Demps [...]er. Sunne: It was performed by the Israelites in honour of their Moloch who formerly was interpreted the Sunne. To adde vnto the pompe and state of this solemnity, both the Romans, and the Israe­lites caused great horses and chariots to be lead vp and downe. Alex. ab Alex. l. 3. c. 12. Horses were consecrated to the Sunne by the Romans, and their Cirque-place was sometimes called [...], and [...], An Horse-race. And that chariots were com­monly vsed in those pompous shewes is —Hic illius ar­ma, Hic currus s [...] ­it. Virgil. Aeneid. 1. eui­dent. Concerning the people of Iudah, doth not the like practise plainly appeare? 2 King. 23. Iosiah did put downe the Horses giuen to the Sunne, and the chariots of the Sunne. This kinde of idolatrous worshipping the Sunne see­meth to haue had its beginning from the Per­sians; who also accounted horses holy to the Sunne, Coel. Rhodigin. antiq. l. 8. c. 2. and the Persian King when he would shew himselfe in great state, caused an excee­ding great horse to be lead vp and downe, the which was called Equus Solis.

The second enquiry is, what Idoll was meant by Chiun, and Remphan, otherwise in ancient copies called Repham. Not to trouble the Rea­der with the various interpretations of exposi­tors, much lesse with the bold aduentures of others in correcting the text: By Chiun wee are [Page 184] to vnderstand Hercules, who in the Egyptian lan­guage was called Chon: by Repham wee are to vnderstand the same Hercules, for [...] Re­phaim, in the holy tongue signifieth Giants. By Hercules wee may vnderstand the planet of the Sunne: there are Etymologists which deriue Her­cules his name from the Hebrew [...] Heir­col, Illuminauit omnia: the Greeke Heracles quid ali­ud est quam [...] (i.) aeris gloria: quae porro a­lia est aeris nisi so­lis illuminatio? Macrob. Satur. l. 1. c. 20. Etymologie, holds correspondency with the Hebrew, and both signifie that vniuersall light which flow­eth from the Sunne, as water from a fountaine. Adde hereunto, that Euseb. de praep. l. 3. c. 4. p. 71. Porphyry interpreteth Hercules his twelue labours so often mentioned by the Poets, to be nothing else but the twelue signes of the Zodiak, through which the Sunne passeth yearely. But some may question whe­ther the name of Hercules was euer knowne to the Iewes? It is probable the name was, for Hercules was the god of the Tyrians, from whom the Iewes learned much Idolatry, as being their neere neighbours: Yea it is apparant that in the time of the Macchabees the name was com­monly knowne vnto them: for Iason the High Priest sent three hundred drachmes of siluer to the sacrifice of Hercules, 2 Maccab. 4. 19.

Thirdly, it followeth that we should enquire what this starre of Remphan was; It is proba­bly Oecumenius, Act. 7. 43. thought that it was a certaine starre pain­ted in the forehead of Molech: Neither was it vn­usuall for the Heathen people to paint their Idolls with such Symbolica additamenta. Sueton. in Iul. c. 88. It. Plin. hist. l. 2. c. 25. Horat. l. 1. Ode 12. Iulius [Page 185] Caesar his image had a starre depicted on the Crowne of his head.

The Sunne was also worshipped by the house of Iuda, vnder the name Tamuz; for Hieronym. com­ment. 3. in Ezek. Ta­muz, saith Hierome, was Adonis, and Pier. hierogl. l. 9. p. 68. Adonis is generally interpreted the Sunne, from the He­brew Adon, signifying Dominus, the same as Ba­al, or Moloch formerly did, namely, the Lord, or Prince of the Planets. The moneth which wee call Iune, was by the Hebrews called Tamuz, and the entrance of the Sunne into the signe Cancer, was, in the Iewes Astronomy, termed Te­kupha Tamuz, the reuolution of Tamuz. Con­cerning Adonis, whom sometimes ancient Au­thors call Osiris, there are two things remark­able, [...], the death or losse of Adonis: and [...], the finding of him againe. As there was great Nunquamque satis quaesitus Osi­ris. Semper enim per­dunt, semper & inueniunt. Lucan. lamentation at his losse, especially a­mongst the Plutarch. in Alcibiade. women: so was there great ioy at his finding. By the death or losse of Adonis, we are to vnderstand the departure of the Sunne; by his finding againe, we are to vnderstand his returne. Now hee seemeth to depart twice in the yeare: First, when hee is in the Tropicke of Cancer, in the farthest degree northward. Se­condly, when he is in the Tropicke of Capricorne, in the farthest degree southward: answerable vnto these two departures which may bee ter­med [...], disparitions, or losses of the Sunne, there are two returnes immediatly succee­ding, which may be termed likewise [...], the findings or new appearings of the Sunne. Hence [Page 186] we may note, that though the Egyptians cele­brated their Adonia in the moneth of Nouem­ber, when the Sunne began to be farthest South­ward; and the house of Iuda theirs, in the moneth of Iune, when the Sunne was farthest Northward; yet both were for the same rea­sons, and in substance they agreed. And of this, the Prophet Ezekiel is thought to haue spoken, Ezek. 8. 14. There sate women weeping for Tamuz.

Th [...]se solemnities were chiefly obserued, be­tweene the Byblienses and the Alexandrini, Procopius in Isai­am ad c 18. It. Cy­rillus l. 2. Tom. 2. in Isaiam. the manner was thus: When the Byblienses solemnised the death or losse of Adonis, at that time the Alexandrini wrote a letter, this letter was inclosed in an Arke of bulrushes, therein they signified that Adonis, whom they lamen­ted was found againe, this arke being after the performance of certaine rites and ceremo­nies committed to the sea, forthwith it was caried by the streame to Byblus, vpon the re­ceipt whereof, the lamentation of the women was turned into ioy. Iulius Maternus Firmicus. l. de er­rore profan. reli­gion. Others say that this la­mentation was performed ouer an Image in the night season, and when they had sufficient­ly lamented, a candle was brought into the roome (which ceremony might mystically sig­nifie the returne of the Sunne) then the Priest with a soft voice muttered this forme of words. [...] Firmicus ibid. Trust yee in God, for out of paines salua­tion is come vnto vs. [...] R. Dan. Kimchi in radic. There are likewise of the Iewes, that say their Tamuz was an image [Page 187] whose eies they filled with Lead, which Lead being molted by the meanes of fire vnder it, the image it selfe seemed to weepe.

There Procop. in Isai. 18. are, that thinke the Prophet alludeth vnto those letters inclosed in those fore-men­tioned bulrush arkes, Is. 18. 2. when he speaketh of Embassadours sent by the sea euen in vessels of reeds vpon the waters. But I rather approue the literall sense, for by reason of the shelfes, and dangerous rockes in the riuer Nilus, it was not vnusuall for men to saile in hulkes and ves­sels made of a kinde of great bulrush, which by the Egyptians was termed Papyrus, and these kinde of ships Plin. hist. lib. 6. c. 22. Papyraceae naues.

CHAP. III.
Of Baal-Peor, Baal-Tsephon, Baal-Zebub Baal-Berith, Bel, and the Dragon.

WHom the Hebrews called Baal, the Babylonians called Bel, and al­though the Planet of the Sunne onely at first might be worshipped vnder that name, yet at last it became a common name to many other Idolls, according to that, There are many gods, many Baalims or Lords, 1 Cor. 8. 5. As the same Idoll Iupiter had different names, and different rites of worship, occasioned [Page 188] sometimes from the different places, as Iupiter Olympius, from the hill Olympus; Iupiter Capitoli­nus, from the Capitoll hill; Iupiter Latialis, from that part of Italy which is called Latium. Some­times from the different benefits which he was supposed to bestow on men, as Iupiter Pluuius, because he gaue raine; Iupiter Lucetius, because he gaue Light; Iupiter Altitonans, from thun­dring: So Baal had his distinctiue titles, and different rites of worship, sometimes occasio­ned by the place, as Baal-Peor, Numb. 25. 3. sometimes from the benefit obtained, as Baal-Tsephon, Exod. 14. 1. and Baal-Zebub, 2 King. 1. 2. sometimes for some other reason, as Baal-Be­rith, Iudg. 8. 33.

Baal-Peor is thought to be that Hieronym. ad Hos. c. 9. Idem pro­didit Isidor. Orig. lib. 8. Priapus, that obscene Idoll, so famous in prophane authors. He was called Peor, from the hill Peor, mentio­ned, Num. 23. 28. as likewise his Temple wherein he was worshipped, standing vpon the same hill, was called Beth-Peor, Deut. 3. 29. He was worshipped by the Moabites, and Midia­nites: the Idoll Chemosh, Ier. 48. 7. is thought to be the Hieronym. in Isai. l. 5. c. 15. same, and I take it to be applied to Baal-Peor, by way of contempt, as if one should say, their blinde god, according to that in the Psalme, They haue eies, and see not. For the first letter Philo Iud. l. 2. Allegoriar. p. 79. Caph, signifieth, quasi; and [...] Musch, palpare, to groape or feele about in manner of blinde men.

Baal-Tsephon is thought by the [...]. Fag. Exod. [...]. Hebrews, to haue beene an Idoll made by the Egyptian Ma­gicians, [Page 189] and placed in the wildernesse, to ob­serue, and stoppe the Israelites in their depar­ture from Egypt, whence it was termed [...] Tsephon, from [...] Tsapha, signifying to watch, and obserue in manner of a watchman: wee may call him Baal speculator, as among the Romans, because Iupiter stayed the Romans when they were flying, he was called Rosin. lib. 2. antiq. Rom. cap. 5. Iupiter stator.

Baal-zebub, soundeth as much as the Lord of the flies, or a [...]. Gregor. Nazianz. orat. 2. contr. Iu­lian. p. 102. Master-flie, which hath power and authority ouer the rest, in which respect the Prince of the Deuils in the Gospell is termed Beelzebub, [...] Zebub signifieth a flie. Plin. lib. 10. cap. 28. This Idoll was worshipped by the Cyrenians, but principally by the Ekronites, because whensoe­uer they sacrificed vnto him, the swarmes of flies, which at that time molested the country, dyed. But it is certaine, that this was not the alone reason, for they were wont to repaire to him, as to an Oracle, 2 King. 1. 2. wee may call him Iupiter muscarius, or Hercules muscarius, Clemens Alexan­dr. in protreptic. for the inhabitants of the city Elis, sacrificed to Iupiter vnder the name of [...] (i.) A dri­uer away of flies; and the Romans to Hercules, vnder the same name. Some Greeke copies in the Gospell read [...], Beelzebul, which change is interpreted to bee, for to shew the greater contempt of the Idoll, as if they should say, Iupiter stercoreus, [...] Zebel signifieth stercus, and Beel or Baal signifieth Dominus.

Baal-Berith was the Idoll of the Shechemites, of his Temple we reade, Iudg. 9. 4. [...] Berith [Page 190] signifieth a couenant, so that Baal-Berith may be translated Iupiter foederatus. (i.) [...]. Septuaginta in­terpr. Iud. 8. 33. The God vnto whom they bound themselues by couenant. Concer­ning Bel and the Dragon, little is spoken, be­sides what we reade in that of the Apocrypha, where the History is described.

CHAP. IV.
Of Dagon.

THe R. Dauid. 1 Sam. 5 Hebrew Doctors say, that this Idoll Dagon was made from the nauill downeward in forme of a fish, but from the nauill vpward, in forme of a man. This they col­lect from the 1 Sam. 5. 4. The two palmes of his hands were cut off vpon the threshold. And fur­thermore they say, the Idoll Dagon had his name from the Hebrew [...] Dag, signifying in the holy language, a fish, according to which description we may english him the Philistims Neptune or Triton non absi­milem habuisse figuram singitur. Frons hominem praefert, in pristim desinit aluus. Pier. Hierogl. lib. 31. pag. 218. Triton. Others deriue the name from [...] Dagan, signifying corne, and they Philo Byblius apud Euseb. de praepar. lib. 1. cap. 7. say, that he first inuented the vse of the plough and corne, whence they translate him Iupiter aratrius. In this respect wee may call him the Philistims Saturne, because antiquity makes Pier hieroglyph. lib. 32. p. 228. idem lib. 56. Saturne the first inuentor of husbandry, and therefore paints him with an hooke or sithe in his hand, as being the fittest hieroglyphick for husbandry. Both opinions haue their Authors, [Page 191] and no sufficient proofe hath beene produced to ouerthrow either. R. Leui. 1 Sam. 5. Yea their are not wan­ting among the Iewes themselues, that say this image of Dagon was made in the forme of a man. Notwithstanding Scaliger his coniecture is not improbable, that those who interpret Dagon, Iupiter aratrius, or [...], might mistake and reade [...] Shadai signifying Ager, A field; for [...] Schaddai being the very name of God, signifying Omnipotens, Almighty.

CHAP. V.
Of the molten calfe.

THe history of the molten calfe is at large set downe, Exod. 32. where wee reade, that by reason of Moses his long absence, the people desired of Aaron, Gods to be made, whereupon Aaron made for them the molten calfe. The reason why they worshipped God rather in the similitude of a calfe, then of any other creature, is generally by expositors conceiued to be, from the corruptions learned among the Egyptians who worshippped their Idol Plin. nat. hist. l. 8. c. 46. Herodot. l. 2. Solin. c. 35. aut aliorum distinctio­ne 45. Apis, otherwise called Alex. Genial. dier. lib. 6. c. 2. Serapis, in a li­uing Oxe, and likewise in an image made in the forme and similitude of an Oxe with a bu­shell on his head. This Oxe was remarkable for certaine notes and markes, whereby it was differenced from all others. It was black bodied, [Page 192] it had a white forehead, a white spot behinde, and a knot vnder his tongue; for the more cu­rious fashioning and polishing of these markes in the molten calfe, Aaron may seeme to haue made vse of his [...] stylo sculptorio. grauing toole. Plin. hist. lib. 8. c. 46. It. Alex. G [...]ni­al. dier. l. 6. c. 2. The Egyptians repaired vnto this Oxe for the resolution of matters doubtfull, as to an Oracle, and the man­ner of consulting with him was thus. The party that repayred vnto him, tendred a bottle of hay or grasse, which if he receiued, then it be­tokened a good and happy euent; if otherwise he refused it, then it did portend some euill to come. Thus they turned their glory into an Oxe that eateth grasse, Psal. 106. 20. The Hebrew word in the Psalme, translated an Oxe, is, [...] shor, which I note, because, in my opinion, it giueth light to one of the names by which this Idoll was denoted. Sometimes it was called Apis, from the Hebrew word vultus, Facies [...] Ap, signifying a face: sometimes Serapis, quasi Shor-apis, which is no­thing else but Bouis caput, an Oxe head, the very name vsed by the Cyprian. de bono patient. p. 318. vid. etiam August. p. 73. It. Tertullian. adu. Iud. cap. 1. Fathers to expresse this Idolatry. It is commonly knowne, that this Ido­latry was deriued to Israel from the Egyptians, but whence the Egyptians first learned it, few haue taught: They doe not coniecture amisse, who interpret the first institution hereof to haue beene in the memory of Ioseph, who by his prouidence relieued both Egypt, and other neighbour countries in the seuen yeares of fa­mine. Beside the testimony of no slight Suidas in [...]. Ruffinus lib. 2. hist. Eccles. c. 23. Pier. hierogl. lib. 3. p. 25. Au­tors, there are strong inducements to per­swade [Page 193] it. First, both the yeares of plenty and famine were foresignified by the apparition of Oxen. Secondly, what fitter embleme, (if it had not afterward proued an Idol) to conti­nue the remembrance of a Ioseph, (by whose alone care and industry, corne and victuall was prouided in an extreme famine,) than an Oxe, the true and liuely hieroglyphick of an indu­strious husbandman? Thirdly, in this, Suidas a­greeth with others, that this Oxe was pourtrayed with a bushell on his head, though others doe more clearely expresse the reason of this por­traiture, namely, because of the great quantity of corne measured out by Ioseph in that ex­treme dearth. Concerning the sinne of the Israelites in making this calfe or Oxe, the mo­derne Iewes doe transfer the fault vpon cer­taine proselyte Egyptians who came forth with them; and they say, that when Aaron cast their iewells into the fire, these Egyptians, contrary to his expectation, by their art Magick produ­ced a calfe, to which purpose they vrge Aa­rons owne words, Exod. 32. 34. I did cast the gold into the fire, and thereof came this calfe; as if his art or will went not with the making thereof, but of it selfe it made it selfe. But this an­swer of his sheweth rather, how vaine the wit of man is in the excuse of sinne; and as his en­grauing instrument writes downe Aarons sin: so the confession of other more ingenuous Iewes, proclaimes the Israelites, saying that [...] Moses Gerund. vid. Munster. Exod. 32. no punishment befalleth thee Israel, in which [Page 194] there is not an ownce of this calfe. I conclude this, with the analogy betweene the Egyptian Apis, and the molten calfe: and this consisted in three things. First, as there were some speciall markes in the Egyptian Oxe: so is it probable that Aa­ron, with his engrauing toole, made the like. Se­condly, as the Egyptians in honour of their Oxe Suidas in voce [...]. celebrated a solemne feast, with much singing and mirth: so the Israelites proclaimed a feast in honour of their calfe. The people sate downe to eat, and drinke, and rose vp to play. Thirdly, as the Egyptians Oxe was at last drowned in the riuer: so Moses burnt the molten calfe, and beat it to pouder, and cast it vpon the face of the water, Exod. 32. 20. Deut. 9. 21. Ieroboam afterward, though vpon other inducements, committed the same sinne; hee thought in his heart, that if the people did goe vp to Ie­rusalem and doe sacrifice in the house of the Lord, they would reuolt from him, and returne to the King of Iudah: whereupon he set vp two calues of gold, the one in Bethel, the other in Dan; saying vnto the people, It is too much for you to goe vp to Ierusalem, 1 King. 12. 28.

CHAP. VI.
Of Astaroth, Ammonia, Iuno, the Queene of heauen, Diana of the Ephesians.

AS the Sunne was worshipped vnder many names: So likewise the Moone. Astaroth was the Idoll chiefly of the Zi­donians, 1 King. 11. 5. 2 King. 23. 13. she had her Temple called the house of Astaroth, in which the Philistims hanged vp Sauls Horum Anathe­matum oblationem primò didicerunt ab Israelitis. Num. 7. 1 Sam. 21. armour after his death, 1 Sam. 31. 10. That the Moone was worshipped vnder this name needes not [...]. Astar­ten lunam esse opi­nor. Lucian. de Dea Syria. proofe: onely August. super Iudic. quaest. 16. some say that Astarte was Iu­no: and why may we not say that Iuno is often vsed to expresse the Moone? Astarte Vrunia idem omnino valet apud Phaenicas, quod Iuno Lu [...]na apud Latinos. De­ducitur Vrania ab Hebraeo [...] Nun in sine ad [...]ctie aut persesolum, aut cum Iod quod pas­sim fit à S [...]ris, qua [...] [...] vel [...] in foeminino verò [...] (i.) Lucidus & Lucida, aut Lucinus & Lucina. Et hinc Graeci suum [...] mutuatisunt. Both the Moone and Iuno are often called by the name of Vra­nia. And as the Moone in respect of her light is called Vrania: so in regard of the lesser lights in the heauen, she is called Astroarche, that is, the [...] dicitur, [...], ab imperio quod in aftra exercet. vid. Herodian. lib. 5. Queene of the planets; or as Horace spea­keth of the Moone; Siderum regina, The Queene of the starres; or lastly, as Virgil speaketh of Iuno; Diuûm incedo regina, The Queene of the gods. It seemeth very probable, that this is that Queene of Heauen, of which the Prophet speaketh, Ier. 7. 18. Ier. 44. 17. Againe vnto [Page 196] whom may wee imagine those ancient hea­thens to haue performed that solemne wor­ship, which they did on the Calends, or first day of euery moneth? was it not to the Moone? And yet notwithstanding it is ascribed to Iu­no, Macr [...]b. Sat. lib. 1. c. 15. whence she is called Iuno Calendaris. Lastly, as Iupiter Macrob. Sat. lib. 1. c. 21. Ammon was no other than the Sun, and worshipped in forme of a ramme: so for ought I see, the Moone might be called Iuno Cael. Rhodigin l. 18. c. 38. Ammonia, and worshipped in the forme of a sheepe. Sure I am, that the Hebrew Doctors de­scribe the images of D. Kimchi. 1 Sam. 31. 10. It. Iud. 2. 13. Astaroth, to haue beene made in the forme of sheepe, and the word Astaroth in the originall signifieth a flock of sheepe, and the Moone might as well bee called Ammonia, as the Sunne Ammon, both being so called from their heat, which in the holy tongue is called [...] Calor, Sol. Hammah, and from thence likewise those images (of which we reade, Leuit. 26. 30. Isay 17. 8. Isay 27. 9.) are called R. Solomon in Leuit. 26. 30. Hammanim, because they were certaine Idolls placed vpon the house-top, and so alwaies ex­posed to the Sunne. Furthermore, as Iupiter —stat corni­ger illic Iupiter. Lucan. l. 9. vers. 514. Ammon was painted with hornes, so likewise was the Syderum regina bicornis audi. Luna puellas. Horat. car. saecular. Moone: why they should bee thus painted, many reasons might bee produced, but chiefly three; the first peculiar to the Sun, the other common both to Sunne and Moone. First, the Sunne was painted with rammes hornes, because with the Astronomers the signe Aries in the Zodiak is the Pier. hieroglyph. l. 10. beginning of the yeare. Secondly, because as the strength of [Page 197] horned beasts consist in their hornes: so the ver­tue and influence of the Sun and Moone, is deri­ued vnto sublunary creatures by their beames. Thirdly, because the light of the Sunne, and Moone, makes the reflection cornute or horne­like. When Moses came downe from God, Aa­ron and the people saw that his face shined, Exod. 34. the Latine reades it, Facies eius erat cornuta: and hence it is, that Moses is painted with hornes, which some of the Rabbines haue interpreted [...] cornud magnifi­cantie. R. Solem. poriò Hebraicum [...] (vnde [...] & co [...]nuemana­runt) significat in morem cornuum splendorem radiose [...] emittere. hornes of magnificence: The error grew from the doubtfull signification of the Hebrew word, signifying splendor or brightnesse, and also hornes.

Macrob. Satur­nal. lib. 1. c. 15. The Moone was also worshipped vnder the name of Diana, who although shee were worshipped throughout all Asia, yet shee was had in principall esteeme among the Ephesi­ans, whence arose that cry, Great is Diana of the Ephesians, Act. 19. 28. Her greatnesse among the Ephesians appeareth partly by her Temple, which in Plin. lib. 36. 14. one place Pliny saith was two hundred and twenty yeeres building, but Plin. 16. 40. elsewhere hee saith foure hundred yeeres: partly from the great gaine procured vnto the siluer Smiths in making and selling siluer Tem­ples of Diana, Act. 19. 24. It is much disputed what those siluer temples were; some thinke them to bee little housen, or shrines (such as were for their smalnesse portable) in forme re­presenting the Temple of Diana, and within ha­uing the image of Diana inclosed, and in this [Page 198] sense [...] is sometimes vsed, to signifie closets, or shrines wherein images were kept: others thinke certaine coynes or peeces of money, to be called by the name of Dianaes Temple, from the similitude of Dianaes Temple, engrauen or stamped vpon those coynes: as in England we call some peeces of gold the George, others the Angell, others the Thistle, from the impression which they beare. The like custome of naming coynes from their sculpture or impression, was not vnusuall among the Simili prorsus ra­tione. Atheniensi­um numos quos­dam, boues: eorun­dem Atheniensium alios quosdam, [...] (i.) puellas: alios Corinthiorum [...], pullos: alios Peloponnesio­ram, [...], testudines: alios Romanorum naues vocabant. ancients; nei­ther were such coynes vnusuall on which the Temple of Diana was engrauen, & these capitall letters added, DIAN EPHE. Theodorus Beza, in his maior annotations vpon the Acts, repor­teth, that he hath seene two of these himselfe.

Wee reade of another kinde of idolatrous worship towards the Moone, to haue beene Macrob. Satur­nal. lib. 3. cap. 8. Non absimilem idololatriam in cultu Veneris pro­didit Iulius Firmi­cus de errore pro­fan. religion. cap. 4. that men sacrificed to her in womens appa­rell, and women in mens apparell, because they thought the Moone to be both male and female, whence the Moone is called by old Authors as well Lunus, as Luna: And Venus, whom Philo­chorus affirmes to be the Moone, is termed Deus Venus, as well as Dea Venus. Maimonid. in more Nebochim part. 3. cap. 38. Some haue thought that God had respect vnto this kinde of Idolatry, Deut. 22. 5. where men are forbid­den to weare womens apparell, & è contrà, but it is more generally and vpon better grounds thought that the promiscuous vse of apparell (whereby the distinction of sex is taken away) is there forbidden.

CHAP. VII.
Of other Gods mentioned in Scripture.

THe Sunne and Moone, which are the greater lights in the Heauen, I take to haue beene the chiefest Idols worship­ped by the Heathen people. Notwithstanding, their blinde deuotion deified also the other Planets, and that numberlesse number of lesser lights, called in Scripture Militia cael [...], The hoste of heauen, whose seuerall natures, pro­perties, and influences, are not distinctly knowen. In like manner there is an hoste of Idols mentioned in holy writ, of whom little or nothing is spoken to the purpose by Au­tors, more than their very names. Of this na­ture are those chambers of imagery, wherein all formes of creeping things were pourtrayed on the walls, Ezek. 8. It may be termed their Pan­theon.

In those Colonies which the King of Ashur transplanted into Samaria, euery one wor­shipped the god of his owne Nation. The men of Babel made Succoth Benoth, the men of Cuth made Nergal, the men of Hamath made Ashima, the Auims made Nibhaz and Tartak, the She­pharuims burnt their children in the fire to [Page 200] Adrammelech and Anammelech the gods of She­pharuaim, 2 Kin. 17. 30. 31. R. Iarchi. 2 King. 17. R. Dauid non dis­sentit. The Hebrew Doctors say that Succoth Benoth was the picture of an hen with her chicken; Nergal they interpret Gallum syluestrem; Asima a Goat; Nibhaz a dog; Tartak an asse; Adrammelech a mule; Anammelech an horse: that such bruit beasts should bee worshipped as gods may seeme ridiculous; but the like to haue beene practised among the Heathens, profane Authors abundantly testifie. The Lucian. lib. 16. de Syr. Dea. cocke was worshipped as a God among the Syrians; Herodotus in Euterp. A goat by the Mendesij; Cic. de legib. lib. 1. vid. Traquell. in Alex. ab Alex. lib. 6. It. Diodor. Sicul. lib. 1. 18. A dog by others: yea they haue adopted into the num­ber of their gods, Alex. Neopolit. lib. 6. cap. 26. Oxen, Lions, Eagles, Wolues, Crocodiles, Cats, Rats, &c. Nay they haue digged their gods out of their gardens, Porrum & cepe, nefas violare & srangere morsu. O sanctas gentes, quibus baec nascun­tur in hortis Numina. Iuuenal. satyr. 15. Garlick, leekes, onions, &c. To these may bee added Nisroch which was the god of the Assyrians, and as it seemeth had his Temple at Nineue, 2 King. 19. vlt. and Esay 37. vlt. Secondly, [...] Rimmon, the word signifieth a Pomegranat. Concerning this Idol it is much controuersed, whether Naaman sinned not in saying, The Lord be mer­cifull vnto thy seruant, that when my Master goeth into the house of Rimmon, &c. 2 King. 5 18. Reade the words in the Praeter tense: When my Ma­ster went into the house of Rimmon, the sense appeares to be a pardon craued for sinnes past, not afterward to bee committed. The same word [...] Bebho, in going, is put to expresse the time past, in the titles of the Psalmes 52. and Psal. 54. Thirdly, Nebo, otherwise called [Page 201] Nabo, an Idoll of the Assyrians, Ier. 48. 1. Hee had his name from prophecie, [...] Nabhi signi­fying a Prophet, he seemeth not much to differ from [...], or [...], so often men­tioned in Homer. Diodor. Sicul. l. 5. 72. Diodorus Siculus maketh them both one, and we may render Nebo, the Assyrians Ammon, or Iupiter Vaticinus: the god of their Oracles.

CHAP. VIII.
The seuerall manners of diuine Reuelation.

AS Idolatrie originally sprang from mi­staking of Scripture: so witchcraft and sorcery, (which holdeth neare affinity with Idolatry) seemeth to haue had its first be­ginning from an imitation of Gods Oracles. God spake in diuers manners, Heb. 1. 1. By dreames, by Vrim, by Prophets, 1 Sam. 28. 6, 7. when the Lord would by none of these answer King Saul, then he sought to a Witch. To these might be added Gods speaking from betweene the Cherubims, his answering by Visions, Angells and voices: but the chiefe manners of reuealing himselfe, ob­serued by the Hebrew writers, are foure, which they terme P. Fagius in Ex­od. 28. foure degrees of prophecie, or diuine reuelation: somewhat therefore being spoken of these, I purpose to explaine the seuerall sorts of vnlawfull diuinations mentioned in Scrip­ture.

[Page 202] The first degree was [...] Nebuah, Prophe­cy. This was, when God did by certaine visions and apparitions reueale his will.

The second, was [...] Ruach Hakodesch, The inspiration of the Holy Ghost, whereby the party was inabled, without visions or apparitions, to prophecy: some shewing the difference be­tweene these two, D. Kimchi prae­fut. in Ps. adde that the gift of prophe­cie did cast a man into a trance or extrasie, all his senses being taken from him: but the inspirati­on of the Holy Ghost was without any such ex­tasie, or abolition of the senses, as appeareth in Iob, Dauid, Daniel. Both these degrees, as likewise Vrim and Thummim, ceased in the se­cond Temple, whence their ancient Doctors say, Talmud in San­hedrin. c. 1. that after the latter Prophets Haggai, Zacharie, and Malachie were dead, the holy Ghost went vp, or departed from Israel. Howbeit they had the vse of a voice or Eccho from heauen. In which speech we are not to vnderstand that the Holy Ghost wrought not at all vpon the creatures, or that it wrought not then in the sanctificati­on of men as in former times, but that this ex­traordinary enabling men to prophesie by the inspi­ration of the Holy Ghost then ceased; and in this sense, the Holy Ghost was said to haue departed from Israel. Vnto this common receiued opi­nion, that passage might haue reference, Acts 19. We haue not so much as heard whether there hath beene an holy Ghost or no. That they did not doubt the distinction of persons, appeareth cleare, if that be true which P. Fagius in Exod. 28. some haue noted, [Page 203] that the ancient Iewes before Christ were so ca­techised in that point, that they obserued the mystery of the Tranity in the name [...] Iehouah, for though the name consisted of foure letters in number, whence it was called [...], Quadriliterum, yet there were but three sorts of letters in the name, [...] Iod signified the Father, who was the beginning of all things: [...] Vau, is a con­iunction copulatiue, and denoted the third per­son in Trinity, which proceedeth from the Fa­ther and the Sonne. [...] He signified the Sonne of God. The Rabbines haue a saying, that God made all things, In litera [...] He. They may al­lude to this, that hee made all things by his word: he said, Let there be thus, and thus, and it was so: but they may also allude to the second person in Trinity. And furthermore they note that [...] He, is doubled in this name, to demonstrate both natures of our blessed Sauiour.

The third degree, was Vrim and Thummim. Vrim signifieth light, and Thummim perfection. That they were two ornaments in the high-Priests brest-plate, is generally agreed vpon: but what manner of ornaments, or how they gaue answer, is hard to resolue. Ioseph. antiq. l. 3. cap. 9. Some thinke them to bee the foure rowes of stones in the brest-plate, the splendor and brightnesse of which foreshewed victory, and by the rule of contra­ries, we may gather, that the darknesse of the stones not shining presaged euill. R. Solomon quē ­admodum refort D. Kimchi in ra­dic. Others say it was the name Iehouah, put in the doubling of [Page 204] the brest-plate, for that was double, Exod. 28. 16. Talmud in Io­nah cap. 6. vid. P. Fagium in Ex­od. 28. Others declare the manner of consul­ting with Vrim and Thummim thus. First, they say that onely the King, or else the Abbeth din. Father of the Consistory had power to consult, or to pro­pose the matter vnto the Priest, and the Priest onely had power to resolue. Secondly, that the matter proposed must not be triuiall, but of moment and great difficulty. Thirdly, that this holy writing, termed Vrim and Thummim, con­sisted of all the Tribes names, and likewise of the Patriarchs, Abraham, Isaak, and Iacob, so that no letter of the Alphabet was wanting. The que­stion being proposed; Some say that the let­ters which gaue the answer were [...] (i.) they did arise and eminently appeare aboue the o­thers. An example they take from the 2 Sam. 2. 1. When Dauid asked the Lord, Shall I goe vp into any of the cities of Iudah? The Lord answered [...] gnaleh, goe vp. Here, say they, [...] appeared out of the name of [...] Schi­meon, [...] out of the name of [...] Leui, [...] out of the name of [...], Iehudah. Others say, that the letters which represented the Oracle were [...] (i.) that they did after a strange manner ioyne themselues into perfect syl­lables and intire words, and made the answer compleat. Many other opinions might bee reckoned vp, but R. Dauid in ra­dic. he spoke best, who ingenu­ously confessed that hee knew not what Vrim and Thummim was.

The fourth degree was [...] Bath Kol, Fi­lia [Page 205] vocis, the daughter of a voice, or an Eccho; by it, is meant a voice from heauen, declaring the will of God; it tooke place in the second Temple, when the three former degrees of prophecy ceased: it gaue testimony of our Sauiour; Loe a voice from heauen, saying, That is my beloued sonne in whom I am well pleased, Matth. 3. 17. It was in truth the prolegue, preface, or type of that true voice of the Father, that eternall word which re­uealed his Fathers will vnto mankinde.

These were the extraordinary meanes by which God reuealed himselfe to his people of old: ordinarily, hee reuealed himselfe by his written word. Notwithstanding the Hebrews say, that the law, euen from the first time of its deliuery vnto Moses, was twofold: the one com­mitted to writing, which they call [...] Thora Schebictab, the written law: the other de­liuered by tradition, [...] Thora beg­nal pe, it was also termed their Kabbala, from [...] Kibbel, signifying Accipere, To receiue or learne. They say both were deliuered by God vn­to Moses in mount Sinai; but this latter was de­liuered from Moses to Ioshua, from Ioshua to the Elders, from the Elders to the Prophets, from the Prophets to those of the great Synagogue, and so successiuely to after-ages, till at last it was digested into one booke, containing principally precepts, and directions for those Israelites, which inhabited the Holy Land. It is called Talmud Ierosolymitanum. It was composed in the yeare of our Lord 230. This because it containeth but a few constitu­tions, [Page 206] is but of little vse. About 500 yeares af­ter Christ, then was there a more full and ex­act collection of their constitutions, for dire­ction of those Iewes which dwelt in Babylon, and other forraigne places; this is termed Talmud Babylonicum, and is of greatest vse among Au­thors, it containeth the body of their ciuill and canon law. This traditionall law, they hold to be as authentique, as their written word, and that Moses receiued it from God, when he receiued the law, for, say they, were it not for this expo­sition, the Decalogue it selfe might haue beene deliuered [...] Moses Kot­sens. in praefat. In hora veloci, In lesse than an houre.

Here we must know that the word Kabbala, when it is applied to the Kabbalists, to diffe­rence them from the Talmudists, is taken in a stricter sense, and signifieth these subtilties, or mysteries, which are obserued from the diffe­rent writing of some letters in the Scripture, from the transposing of them, from a mysticall kinde of Arithmetique, &c. This was neuer wholly committed to writing. Some instances we haue, Gen. 23. 2. Abraham came [...] to weepe for Sara. Here Baal Turim. because the letter Caph is lesse than the rest, they note that Abraham wept but a little for Sara, because shee was old. Againe the letter Aleph is found six times in the first verse of Genesis; hence R. Elias colle­cted, that the world should endure but six thousand yeares; because Aleph in the Hebrews computation standeth for a thousand. From the [Page 207] transposition of letters they conclude after this manner; [...] Cherem signifieth an Anathema or excommunication; by a Metathesis or transpo­sition of the letters, it is made [...] Rachem sig­nifying mercy; by another transposition it is made [...] Ramach, which letters in the Iewes computation make 248. which in their anato­mie, they finde to be the iust number of mem­bers in a mans body. Their conclusion hence is, that if an excommunicated person doe truly re­pent, then his Cherem is turned into Rachem; his curse turned into a blessing: if hee doe not repent, then his Cherem entereth into Ramach, the curse en­tereth into all his members, to the vtter destroy­ing of the whole man. Againe, [...] Isch, sig­nifieth a man, [...] Escha, A woman. Hence they note, that in the name of the man there is [...] Iod, which is not in the name of the woman; in the name of the woman there is [...] He, which is not in the name of the man: both these make [...] Iah, one of the names of God: these being ta­ken away, in both names there remaine [...] Esch, signifying fire, to shew, that as long as man and wife agree, God is with them, but when they disagree, fire is betweene them. Thus we see what vaine mysteries their Kabbalists obserue.

CHAP. IX.
Their Teraphim.

COncerning the Teraphim, two things are especially to bee enquired. First, what they were? Secondly, for what vse? The word [...] Taraph, signifieth in generall the compleat Image of a man Michal tooke an image, (a Teraphim) and laid it in the bed, 1 Sam. 19. 13. More particularly, it signifieth an Idol, or image made for mens priuate vse in their owne houses, so that these images seeme to haue beene their Penates or Lares, their household Gods; wherefore hast thou stollen my Gods? my Teraphim? Gen. 31. 30. And this man Mi­cah had an house of Gods, and made an Ephod and Teraphim, Iud. 17. 5. Because of the wor­ship exhibited to these Idolls, hence from the Hebrew Taraph, or as some reade it Tharaph, commeth the Greeke — [...]. Hesiod. [...]. [...], To worship. The manner how these Images were made, is fond­ly conceited thus among the Rabbies; They R. Eliezer. vid. Eliam Thisbit. kil­led a man that was a first borne sonne, and wrung off his head, and seasoned it with salt and spices, and wrote vpon a plate of gold, the name of an vn­cleane spirit, and put it vnder the head vpon a wall, and lighted candles before it, and worshipped it. With such Laban spake, say they. But without controuersie, the Teraphim which Michal put in [Page 209] the bed, was a compleat statue or image of a man. The vse of these Images, was to consult with them as with Oracles, concerning things for the present vnknowne, or future to come. To this purpose they were made by Astrolo­gers Aben Esra. Gen. 31. vnder certaine constellations, capable of heauenly influences, whereby they were en­abled to speake. The Teraphims haue spoken va­nity, Zach. 10. 2. And among other reasons, why Rahel stole away her Fathers Images, this is thought to be one, That Laban might not by consulting with these Images discouer what way Iacob tooke in his flight.

CHAP. X.
The seuerall sorts of Diuination forbidden.

WEE shall finde, Deut. 18. 10, 11. those Diuiners, which are by the Law forbidden, distinguished into seuen kindes, not because there were no other, but they were the most vsuall. 1. An ob­seruer of times. 2. An Inchanter. 3. A Witch. 4. A Charmer. 5. A consulter with familiar spi­rits. 6. A Wizard. 7. A Necromancer. To these we may adde an eight out of Hos. 4. 12. consul­ting with the staffe. And a ninth out of Ezek. 21. 21. A consulter with intrals. 1. The first is [...], An obseruer of times, Iarchi Leuit. 19. 26. one that distinguisheth [Page 210] times and seasons, saying, such a day is good, or such a day is naught, such an houre, such a weeke, such a moneth is luckie, and such and such vnluckie, for such and such businesses: D. Kimchi in rad. whence those that deriue the word from [...] Gnaijn, signifying an eye (as if hereby were meant a Iugler, or Impostor who deceiueth the eyes of his spectators, by casting a mist before them) vtterly mistake: more per­tinently they speake, who deriue it from [...] Gnona, signifying Time. But of all I approue those, who deriue it Aben Esra Leuit. 19. 26. from [...] Gnanan, A Cloud, as if the originall signified properly a Planeta­ry, or Starre-gazer. Hereby he is distinguished from the second sort of vnlawfull Diuiners, for hee also was an obseruer of times; the first drawing his conclusions from the colour or motion of the clouds: the second, from his owne superstitious obseruation of good and euill euents, happening vpon such and such dayes, such and such times: the first seemeth to haue drawne his conclusions à priori, from the clouds or Pla­nets, causing good and bad euents: the second, a posteriori, from the euents themselues, happening vpon such and such times. This Planetary, when he obserued the clouds, seemeth to haue stood with his face Eastward, his backe Westward, his right hand towards the South, and his left hand towards the North: except it were from this po­siture of the Starre-gazers body in time of ob­seruing, I finde no reason why the Hebrewes should tearme the Easterne part of the world [...] Kadim (i.) The former part of the World; [Page 211] the Westerne part [...] (i.) The backe part; the South part [...] Iamin (i.) The right hand: The North part [...] Shemol (i.) The left hand: that the reason of these denominations is, be­cause Adam was created with his face toward the East, is as vaine, as hard to proue.

2. The second is [...] Menachesch, ren­dred an Inchanter; it importeth rather an Au­gur, or Soothsayer. The originall signifieth such a one who out of his owne experience draweth ob­seruations, to foretell good or euill to come, as Sooth­sayers doe by obseruing such and such euents, by such and such flyings of Birds, screechings, or kawings. The Rabbines speake in this wise: D. Kimchi in ra­dic. He is Menachesch a Soothsayer, who will say, be­cause a morsell of Bread is fallen out of his mouth, or his staffe out of his hand, or his sonne called him backe, or a Crow kawed vnto him, or a Goat passed by him, or a Serpent was on his right hand, or a Fox on his left hand, therefore hee will say, doe not this or that to day. The word is vsed, Gen. 30. 27. I haue learned by experience, saith Laban, that the Lord hath blessed mee for thy sake. Againe, Gen. 44. 5. Is not this the Cup in which my Lord drinketh? and whereby indeed hee diui­neth? That is, proueth and maketh triall or expe­rience what manner of men yee are: the Heathen people were very superstitious in these obser­uations: some dayes were Atri, others Albi, some vnluckie, others luckie; on some dayes they counted it vnfortunate to begin battaile, on some moneths vnfortunate to marry.

And as they were superstitious in obseruing vnluckie signes, so likewise in the meanes vsed to auert the euill portended: the meanes were either words or deeds. Plura istiusmodi [...] vid. apud Theo­phrastum Character. [...]. Deeds; thus, if an vn­luckie bird, or such like came in their way, they would fling stones at it: and of this sort is the scratching of a suspected Witch, which amongst the simpler sort of people is thought to bee a meanes to cure Witchcraft. By words, they thought to elude the euill, signified by such signes, when they said, [...], In caput tuum recidat hoc omen; This euill light on thine owne head.

The third is [...] Mecascheph, A Witch, pro­perly a Iugler. The originall signifieth such a kinde of Sorcerer who bewitcheth the senses and mindes of men, by changing the formes of things, making them appeare otherwise than indeed they are. The same word is applied to the Sorcerers in Egypt, who resisted Moses, Exod. 7. 11. Then Pharoh also called Mecaschphim, the Sorcerers. Now the Magicians in Egypt, they also did in like manner with their inchantments. This lat­ter part of the text explaineth what those Sor­cerers were. In that they are called Magicians, it implieth their learning, that they were wise men, and great Philosophers: the word inchant­ments declareth the manner of the delusion, and it hath the signification of such a slight, where­by the eyes are deluded, for [...] Lahatim, [Page 213] there translated inchantments, importeth the glistering flame of a fire, or sword, wherewith the eyes of men are dazeled. The Greeke version doth not vnfitly terme them [...], Vnguentarios, se­plasiarios, compounders of medicines, or if you please [...]. Suidas. complexion-makers, such artisens who maskemen and womens-faces with paintings and false complexions. Hence it is, that the Apostle compareth such false teachers, who vnder a forme and shew of godlinesse, lead captiue silly women, to the Egyptian sorcerers Iannes and Iambres, who resisted Moses, 2 Tim. 3. 8. These two were of chiefe note. In the Talmud tract. Menachoth cap. 9. Talmud they are called Io­hanne and Mamre; by Oxigen. contrà Celsum lib. 4. Numenius a Pythagore­an, Iannes and Mambres; by Plun. nat. hist. lib. 30. cap. 1. Plinie, Iamnes and Iotape.

The fourth is [...] Chober, A Charmer. The Hebrew word signifieth coniyning, or consocia­ting; either from the league & fellowship which such persons haue with the Deuill, or as Bodine thinketh, Bodin. Mag. dae­mon. lib. 1. cap. 6. because such kinde of Witches haue fre­quent meetings, in which they dance and make mer­rie together. Onkelos translateth such a charmer [...] Raten, A mutterer, intimating the man­ner of these witcheries, to be by the muttering, or soft speaking of some spell or charme. The description of a charmer is thus deliuered: Maimon. tract. Idolol. cap. 11. §. 10. 12. He is a charmer who speaketh words of a strange lan­guage, and without sense, and he in his foolishnesse thinketh that these words are profitable: that if one say so, or so, vnto a Serpent, or Scorpion, it cannot hurt a man, and he that saith so or so vnto a man, [Page 214] he cannot be hurt, &c. Hee that whispereth ouer a wound, or readeth a verse out of the Bible, likewise he that readeth ouer an Infant, that it may not bee frighted, or that layeth the Booke of the Law, or the Phylacteries vpon a childe that it may sleepe, such are not onely among Inchanters, or Charmers, but of those that generally deny the Law of God, because they make the words of the Scripture medicine for the body, whereas they are not, but medicine for the soule. As it is written, Prou. 3. 22. They shall be life vnto thy soule. Of this sort was that, whereof Bodin. Mag. dae­mon. lib. 2. cap. 1. Bodinus speaketh, That a childe by saying a cer­taine verse out of the Psalmes, hindred a woman that she could not make her butter; by reciting the same verse backward, hee made her Butter come presently.

The fifth is, [...] Schoel Ob, a consulter with Ob, or with familiar spirits. Ob signifieth properly a Bottle, and is applied in diuers pla­ces of Scripture to Magicians, because they be­ing possessed with an euill spirit, speake with a soft & hollow voice, as out of a Bottle. The Greek calleth them [...], Chrysostom. 1 Cor. 12. Tertullian. adu. Marcion. lib. 4. cap. 25. Ventriloquos, such whose voice seemeth to proceed out of their belly. Such a Diuiner was the Damosell Acts 16. 16. in August. 2. de doctr. Christ. ca. 23. Saint Augustins iudgement, and is probably thought so by most Expositors, who are of o­pinion, that the spirit of Python, with which this Damosell was possessed, is the same which the spirit Ob was amongst the Hebrews. Hence the Witch of Endor, whom Saul requested to raise vp Samuel, is said in Hebrew to haue con­sulted [Page 215] with Ob; but among the Latine Exposi­tors, she is commonly translated Pythonissa, one possessed with the spirit of Python.

The sixth is [...] liddegnoni, A wizard; in the Greeke, hee is translated sometimes [...], a cunning man. In both languages hee had his name from knowledge, which either the wizard professed himselfe to haue, or the common people thought him to haue. The Rabbies say he was so called in Hebrew, from a certaine beast named by them P. Fag. Leuit. 19. Verum Athenaeus bestiam hanc vocat [...]. vid. Bodin. Mag. daemon. lib. 1. cap. 6. p. 89. Iadua, in shape resembling a man, because these wizards when they did vtter their prophecies, held a bone of this beast betweene their teeth: This haply might bee some diabolicall Sacrament or ceremonie, vsed for the confirma­tion of the league betweene Satan and the wi­zard. Perer. de Mag. p. 57. Profane history mentioneth diuinati­ons of the like kinde, as that Magicians were wont to eat the principall parts and mem­bers of such beasts, which they deemed pro­pheticall, thinking thereby that by a kinde of [...], the soule of such beasts would bee conueyed into their bodies, whereby they might be enabled for prophecy.

The seuenth is [...] Doresch el hammethim, the Greeke answereth word for word, [...], An inquirer of the dead, a Necromancer. Such diuiners consulted with Sa­tan in the shape of a dead man. A memorable ex­ample wee finde recorded, 1 Sam. 28. There King Saul about to warre with the Philistims, ( God denying to answer him either by dreames, [Page 216] or by Vrim, or by Prophets) vpon the fame of the Witch of Endor, he repaired to her, deman­ding that Samuel might bee raised vp from the dead, to tell him the issue of the warre. Now that this was not in truth Samuel, is easily euinced, both by testimonies of the learned, and reasons. First, it is improbable, that God who had denied to answer him by any ordinary meanes, should now deigne him an answer so extraordinary. Secondly, no Witch or Deuill can disturbe the bodies or soules of such as die in the Lord, because they rest from their la­bours, Reu. 14. 14. Thirdly, if it had beene Sa­muel, he would doubtlesse haue reproued Saul for consulting with Witches.

The eighth is, [...] Scoel maklo, A consulter with his staffe, Hos. 4. 12. Ierome saith the manner of this diuination was thus: That if the doubt were betweene two or three cities, which first should be assaulted; to determine this they wrote the names of the cities vpon certaine staues, or ar­rowes, which being shaked in a quiuer together, the first that was pulled out, determined the citie. Vid. Drus. in Deut. pag. 592. Others deliuer the manner of this consulta­tion to haue beene thus: The consulter measured his staffe by spans, or by the length of his finger, say­ing as he measured, I will goe, I will not goe: I will doe such a thing, I will not doe it, and as the last spanne fell out, so he determined: This was ter­med by the Heathens [...], or [...], Diuination by rods, or arrowes.

The ninth was [...] Roebaccabed, a diui­ner [Page 217] by intralls, Ezek. 21. 21. Nebucadnezar being to make warre both with the Iewes and the Am­monites, and doubting in the way against whe­ther of these he should make his first onset; First, he consulted with his arrowes & staues, of which hath beene spoken immediately before: Secondly, he consulted with the intralls of beasts. This practise was generally receiued among the Heathens, and because the liuer was the principall member obserued, it was called [...], Consultation with the liuer. Three things were obserued in this kinde of diuinati­on. First, the colour of the intralls, whether they were all well coloured. Secondly, their place, whether none were displaced. Thirdly, the num­ber, whether none were wanting; among those that were wanting, the want of the liuer or the heart chiefly presaged ill. That day when Iulius Caesar was slaine, it is storied, that in two fat Oxen then sacrificed, the heart was wanting in them both.

CHA. 1.
Their courts of iudgement, especially their Ecclesiasticall Consistory.

THere were in Israel distinct courts, consisting of distinct persons, the one principally for Church businesses, the other for affaires in the common wealth, the one an Iunius analyt. expos. Deut. 17. Ecclesiasticall Consistory, the other a Ciuill iudicatory: of these, and their seuerall censures, and punishments, it remai­neth now to be spoken.

These different Consistories or Courts o iustice, we finde first distinguisht, Deut. 17. 12. He which will not hearken vnto the Priest or vnto the Iudge. Where the people of Israel are di­rected, [Page 220] in what cases, and to what persons they should make their appeales from inferior courts; Namely to the Priest in matters spirituall, or ceremoniall; and to the Iudge in matters ciuill, or criminall. These two Courts are more plaine­ly distinguished, 2 Chron 19. where Iehosaphat reforming many abuses in Church and Common-Wealth, first appointed throughout all the fen­ced cities of Iudah, secular Iudges, to determine criminall causes, vers. 5. And at Ierusalem he appointed a spiritual Court consisting of Leuits, Priests, and the chiefe Fathers of Israel, vers. 8. And in causes spirituall for the Lord, Amariah the high Priest was chiefe: in causes criminall for the King, Zebediah was chiefe, vers. 11. like­wise the Prophet Ieremiah is condemned to die, by the consistory of Priests, Ier. 26. 8. But by the consistory of the Princes, or secular Iudges, sitting in the gate, he was absoluted and dischar­ged, vers. 16. yea although the tyranny of An­tiochus, and the troublesome times ensuing, had bred such a confusion in matters of go­uernment among the Iewes, that an euident distinction can hardly be found in the new Te­stament: yet some footsteps and imperfect to­kens of both courts are there obseruable. Principally, Matth. 21. 23. It Matth. 26. 3. The chiefe Priests, and the Elders of the people, are named as two distinct Consistories: and each Consistory seemeth to bee differenced by its proper name; the secular Consistorie termed [...], A councell: the spirituall termed [...] [Page 221] a Synagogue. They will deliuer you vp to the coun­cells, and they will scourge you in their Synagogues. Mat. 10. 17. Hence that great assembly of Pro­phets and holy men, called together by Esra for the reformation of the Church, after their re­turne from Babylon, is called Synagoga magna, Their great Synagogue.

The office of the Ecclesiasticall Court, was to put a difference betweene things holy and vn­holy, and betweene cleane and vncleane, Leuit. 10. 10. and to determine appeales in controuersies of difficulty. It was a representatiue Church. Hence is that, Dic Ecclesiae, Mat. 18. 16. Tell the Church, because vnto them belonged the pow­er of Excommunication, the seuerall sorts of which censure follow in the next Chapter.

Onely here take notice, that as in the ciuill Consistories, consisting of seuentie Iudges, which was the supreme Court, there were two sate as chiefe, namely one whom they termed Nasi, the Lord chiefe Iustice; and the other, whom they termed, Ab beth din, the Father of the Se­nate: so in the Ecclesiasticall Consistory, the high Priest and his Sagan, or second high Priest, sate chiefe there, 2 King 23. 4. Moses Kotsens. in Sanhedrin. That the high Priest sate in the Sanhedrim necessarily is an er­ror, for he was not elected into that company, except he were a man of extraordinary wise­dome. Againe, note that sometimes both Con­sistories assembled together, as often as the matters to be determined, were partly Ceremo­niall, partly Ciuill, partly belonging to the [Page 222] Church, partly to the Common-wealth: which being not noted, causeth the Courts not to bee distinguished by many Expositors. This mee­ting and ioyning of both Consistories often ap­peareth in the Gospell. The chiefe Priests and the Elders meet together.

CHAP. II.
Of their Excommunication.

THey had three degrees of excommunica­tion. The first was called in the N. T. a casting out of the Synagogue, Ioh. 9. 22. by the Iewes [...] Significat haec vox Separatio­nem, Elongatio­nem, deducitur à verbo [...] Separauit, Hinc etiam proscriptus, profligatus, aut separatus quispiam dicitur [...]. Niddui (i.) a separation, or putting away. Buxtorf. ex Rab­binis Epistol. Hebr. p. 55. It signified a separation from all com­merce or society with any man or woman, for the distance of foure cubits; also from eating or drin­king with any; from the vse of the mariage bed; from shauing, washing, or the like, according to the pleasure of the Iudge, and the quality of the offence: It was offorce thirty dayes, yet so that they might bee shortened vpon repen­tance. Hee that was thus excommunicated had power to bee present at Diuine seruice, to teach others, and learne of others; he hired seruants, and was hired himselfe, but alwaies on condition of the foresaid separation. If hee remained im­penitent, according to the pleasure of the Iudge, his punishment was increased, either to [Page 223] the doubling or the tripling of the time, or to the extending of it to his liues end; his male children were not circumcised; if he died with­out repentance, then by the sentence of the Iudge, a stone was cast vpon his coffin, or beire, to shew that he was worthy to be stoned. They mourned not for such a one with solemne la­mentation, they followed him not vnto the graue, nor buried him with common bu­riall.

The second was called in the N. T. a giuing one ouer to Satan, 1 Cor. 5. 5. By the Iewes [...] cherem. For the better vnderstanding of this word, we must know, that it is not vsed in this sense in the Old Test. There we shall finde it ap­plyed to persons, or to things; if to persons, then it signifieth a deuoting of them to God by their death, Leuit. 27. 29. If to things, then it signifieth a deuoting of them vnto God, by separating them from ordinary vse: hence it is, that Achan is punisht for stealing the deuoted thing, Iosh. 7. Budaeus [...] dicitradit, homines sacros, Persons thus deuoted were termed by the Greekes [...], and deuoted things [...]. Notwithstanding, in the Apostles time, both Cherem, and [...], signified a second degree of excommunication, differing from the former, First, because it was not done in a priuate court, but published in the audienee of the whole Church, Secondly, maledictions, and curses were added out of the law of Moses. At the publi­shing hereof candles were tinned, and when the curses were ended, they put out the can­dles, [Page 224] in token that the excommunicate person was depriued the light of heauen. This kinde of excommunication was exercised against the in­cestuous person, 1 Cor. 5. 5. And against Hymenae­us and Alexander, 1 Tim. 1. 20.

The third was called in the N. Test. by the Syriake name Maranatha, 1 Cor. 16. That is, the Lord commeth. Maran signifieth the Lord; and Atha, commeth, and this they say was institu­ted by Enoch, Iudg. 14. The Iewes called it Schammatha, the etymology of which word I finde to be twofold. Some say it soundeth as much as Maran-atha, the Lord commeth, [...] Dominus, [...] venit. Schem signifying the Lord; and Atha, commeth: Elias Thisbites in radice [...]. o­thers say it soundeth, There is death, Scham sig­nifying there; and Mitha, death. Hence we may render it an excommunication to death. Bertram de Politia Iudaic. cap. 2. p. 21. And this is thought to be the reason of that phrase, 1 Ioh. 5. 16. There is a sinne vnto death, (i.) which deserueth excommunication to death. Buxtorf. Epist. Hebr. p. 59. in dorso epistolae subjici so­lebat haec abbreuia­tura [...] i. prohibitum est per an. ithema K. Ger­som luminis capiti­uitatis (scil. resigna­re has literas.) R. Gersom forbad the breaking open of letters, vnder the penalty of all three sorts of excommunication. And this was termed Excommunication in secrete nominis tetragrammati: see the forme hereof in the Chapter of the Sadduces.

In the Greeke Church there were Vid. Iustelli notas in cod [...]cem cano­num Eccles. vni­uers ad canon. 25. Bellarminus de poenit. l. 1. c. 22. & Casubon. Exercit. p. 552. obseruant qumtum gradum, quem ille [...], alter [...] ap­pellat. foure de­grees of this censure. 1. [...]. Those were cen­sured with this degree, who were onely barred the Lords Table: as for entrance into the Church, hearing the Word, praying with the congregations, they enioyed equall liberty with other Christians, they might stand by and [Page 225] behold others receiue the sacrament, but them­selues did not partake thereof, whence they were called Stantes. 2. [...], concerning this censure, all that I reade of it is thus; That hee, that is thus censured, hath admittance into the Church, Vid. Iustel. loco citato. but his place must be behinde the pul­pit, and he must depart with the Catechumeni, (that is, such Pagans who were gained to the Christian faith, but not fully admitted into the Church, because they wanted baptisme) and therefore, that they might not pray promiscu­ously with other Christians, there was a place behinde the quire of the Church, in manner of cloysters, allotted to them, and was from them called Hospin. de Tem­plis p. 88. Catechumenium: This I take to be the place for this second degree of excommunication, so that the force of this censure I thinke to consist in these three things. First, they were barred the Lords Table. Secondly, they might not stand by at the administration of the Lords sup­per, (which was allowed in the first degree) and this appeareth clearely, because the Cate­chumeni departed alwaies at the celebration of the communion; for to them principally, it was said, Ite missa est. Thirdly, though they might [...], fall downe on their knees and pray, and were thence called Succumbentes, yet this they might not doe in the congregation, but only in that place behinde the quire or pulpit, which was allotted to the Catechumeni, and in this al­so this second degree differeth from the first. The third sort of censure was [...], the party thus [Page 226] censured was permitted to come no farther than the Church porch, where it was lawfull for him to heare the Scriptures read, but not to ioyne in praier, nor to approach the Lords Ta­ble, whence such were termed Audientes. The fourth and last sort was [...]; persons vn­der this censure, stood quite without the Church, requesting those that entred in, with teares and weeping to petition the Lord for mercy toward them, whence they were called Plo­rantes.